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EOLLIN'S 
 
 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
Digitized by the Intatnet Archive 
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Fac^Pa^e' m£ . Vol. R. 
 
 SI NAIL .5 BT YmMo 
 
CHAEJLEi mOLILIMo 
 
 ?^OCLEA BROUGHT BEFORE ALEXANDER THE GREAT 
 
 BLACKIE ^ SO]^^, 
 
THE 
 
 ANCIENT HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 EGYrriAJfS, CARTHAGIOTANS, ASSYRIANS, BABYLONIANS, MEDES AND rEItb'IANS, 
 GRECIANS AND JVIACEDONIANS ; 
 
 BY M. ROLL IN, 
 
 t.ATE PniNCTPAI. OF THE UNIVERSITY OF PARIS, PROFESSOR OF KI.OQUFNCE IN THE ROTAf OOI.f.EGB, 
 Arm JIH.MBEK Of THE ROVAL ACADEMV OF 1N8C«IP1 IONS AND BELLES I.ETTHES. 
 
 GEOGRAPITTCAL, TOPOGRAPHICAL, HISTORICAL, AND CRITICAL 
 
 NOTES, 
 
 AND A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR, BY JAMES BELL, 
 
 AUTHOR or CRtrroAr. riiseakches in oeogkapuv. 
 
 niiistratclf tD((Jj mngrabfngs, (nrliiUtng a complete set of if^aps. 
 
 VOL. IL 
 
 BLACKIE & SON: 
 
 FREDERICK STREET, GLASGOW; SOUTH COLLEGE STREET, EDINBURGH; 
 AND WARWICK SQUARE, LONDON. 
 
 MDCCCLVXI. 
 
GL A SCOTT: 
 •W. e. BLACHIE AND CO., PBlDITKrc 
 VlLLAtlKLD. 
 
?6 5V\f 
 
 2. 
 
 CONTENTS OF VOL. 11. 
 
 i 
 
 BOOK XII. 
 
 TSIE HISTOllY OF THE PERSIANS AND GRECIANS, 
 
 > Chap. I. 
 
 j Sect. I. State of Greece from the time of the 
 
 I treaty of Antalcidas. The Lacedaemonians de- 
 
 i clare war against the city of Olynthus. They 
 
 I seize by fraud and violence upon the citadel of 
 
 i Thebes. Olynthus surrenders, I. 
 
 1 Sect. II. Sparta's prosperity. Character of 
 
 ! two illustrious Thebans, Epaniinondas and Pe- 
 
 I lopidas. The latter forms the design of restor- 
 
 j ing the liberty of his country. Conspiracy 
 
 ' against the tyrants wisely conducted and happily 
 
 executed. The citadel is retaken, 3. 
 I Sect. III. Sphodrias, the Lacedaemonian, 
 i forms a design against the Pirseeus without suc- 
 I cess. The Athenians declare for the Thebans. 
 I Skirmishes between the latter and the Lacedse- 
 [ monians, 6. 
 
 Sect. IV. New troubles in Greece. The 
 Lacedaemonians declare war against Thebes. 
 They are defeated and put to flight in the battle 
 of Leuctra. Epaminondas i-avages Laconia, and 
 marches to the gates of Sparta, 8. 
 
 Sect. V. The two Theban generals, at their 
 return, are accused, and acquitted. Sparta im- 
 plores aid of the Athenians. The Greeks send 
 ambassadors to Artaxerxes. Influence of Pelo- 
 pidas at the court of Persia, 12. 
 
 Sect. VI. Pelopidas marches against Alexan- 
 der tyrant of Pherse, and reduces him to reason. 
 He goes to Macedonia, to appease the troubles 
 of that court, and brings Philip to Thebes as a 
 hostage. He returns into Thessaly, is seized by 
 treachery, and made a prisoner. Epaminondas 
 delivers him. Pelopidas gains a victory against 
 the tyrant, and is killed in the battle. Extraor- 
 dinary honours paid to his memory. Tragical 
 end of Alexander, 14. 
 
 Sect. VII. Epaminondas is chosen general of 
 the Thebans. His second attempt against Spar- 
 ta. His celebrated victory at Man tinea. His 
 death and eulogy, 18. 
 
 Sect. VIII. Death of Evagoras, king of Sa- 
 lamis. Nicocles his son succeeds him. Admi- 
 rable character of that prince, 22. 
 
 Sect. IX. Artaxerxes Mnemon undertakes 
 the reduction of Egypt. Iphicrates the Athenian 
 is appointed general of the Athenian troops. 
 1'he enterprise miscarries by the ill conduct of 
 Pharnabazus the Persian general, 23. 
 
 Sect. X. The Lacedaemonians send Agesilaus 
 to the aid of Tachos, who had revolted from the 
 Pei sians. The king of Sparta's actions in Egypt. 
 His death. The greatest part of the provinces 
 revolt against Artaxerxes, 24-. 
 
 Sect. XL Troubles at the court of Artaxer- 
 xes concerning his successor. Death of that 
 prince, 26. 
 
 Sect. XII. Causes of the frequent insurrec- 
 tions and revolts in the Persian empire, 27. 
 
 I BOOK XIII. 
 
 ! the history of the PERSIANS AND GRECIANS, 
 
 I Sect. I Ochus ascends the throne of Persia, 
 His cruelties. Revolt of several nations, 29. 
 
 Sect. II. "War of the allies against the Athe- 
 nians, 30. 
 
 Sect. III. Demosthenes encourages the Athe- 
 nians, alarmed by the preparations made by Ar- 
 taxerxes for war. He harangues them in favour 
 of the Megalopolitans, and afterwards of the 
 Rhodians. Death of Mausolus. Extraordinary 
 grief of Artemisia his wife, 32. 
 
 Sect. IV. Successful expedition of Ochus 
 against Phoenicia and Cyprus, and afterwards 
 against Egypt, 35. 
 
 Sect. V. Death of Ochus. Arses succeeds 
 him, and is succeeded by Darius Codomannus, 
 37. 
 
 Sect. VI. Abridgment of the life of Demos- 
 thenes till the time of his appearance with honour 
 and applause in the public assemblies against 
 Philip of Macedon, 38. 
 
 Sect. VII. Digression upon the manner of 
 fitting out fleets by the Athenians, and the ex- 
 emptions and other marks of honour granted by 
 that city to such as had rendered it great servi- 
 ces, 40. 
 
 BOOK XIV. 
 
 THE HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 Sect. I. The birth and infancy of Philip. 
 Beginning of his reign. His first conquests. 
 The birth of Alexander, 44. 
 
 Sect. II. The sacred war. Sequel of the his- 
 tory of Philip. He endeavours in vain to possess 
 himself of the pass of Thermopylae, 60. 
 
 Sect. III. Demosthenes, upon Philip's at- 
 tempting Thermopylae, harangues the Athe- 
 nians, and animates them against that prince. 
 Little regard is paid to his advice. Olynthus, 
 upon the point of being besieged by Philip, ad- 
 dresses the Athenians for succour. Demosthe- 
 nes endeavours by his orations to rouse them 
 from their lethargy. They send but a very weak 
 succour, and Philip at length takes the place, 
 52. 
 
 Sect. IV. Philip declares in favour of Thebes 
 against the Phocaeans, and thereby engages in 
 the sacred war. He lulls the Athenians, not- 
 withstanding the remonstrances of Demosthe- 
 nes, into security, by a pretended peace and false 
 promises. He seizes on Thermopylae, subjects 
 the Phocaeans, and puts an end to the sacred 
 war. He is admitted into the council of the 
 Amphictyons, 55. 
 
 Sect, V, Philip being returned to Macedonia, 
 extends his conquests into Illyria and Thrace. 
 He projects a league with the Thebans, the 
 Messenians, and the Argives, to invade Pelo- 
 ponnesus in concert with them. Athens having 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 (^ecldicd in favour of the Lacedsemonians, this 
 league is dissolved. He again makes an attempt 
 upon Euboea, but Phocion drives him out of it. 
 Character of that celebrated Athenian. Philip 
 besieges Pej-inthus and Byzantium. The Athe- 
 nians, animated by the orations of Demosthe- 
 nes, send succours to those two cities, under the 
 command of Phocion, who forces Philip to raise 
 the siege of those places, 58. 
 
 Sect. YI. Philip, by his intrigues, succeeds 
 in getting himself appointed generalissimo of the 
 Greeks, in the council of the Amphictyons. He 
 possesses himself of Elatsea. The Athenians and 
 Thebans, alarmed by the conquest of this city, 
 unite against Philip. He makes overtui'es of 
 peace, which, upon the remonstrances of De- 
 mosthenes, are rejected. A battle is fought at 
 Cheronsea, where Philip gains a signal victory. 
 Demosthenes is accused and brought to a trial 
 by jEschines. The latter is banished and goes 
 to Rhodes, 64). 
 I Sect. VII. Philip, in the assembly of the 
 i Amphictyons, is declared general of the Greeks 
 against the Persians, and prepares for that im- 
 portant expedition. Domestic troubles in his 
 household. He divorces Olympias, and marries 
 another wife. He solemnizes the marriage of 
 Cleopatra his daughter with Alexander king of 
 E])!rus, and is killed at the nuptials, 70. 
 
 Sect. VIII. Memorable actions and sayings 
 of Philip. Good and bad qualities of that prince, 
 71. 
 
 BOOK XV. 
 
 THE HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 Sect. 1. Alexander's birth. The temple of 
 Ephesus is burnt tlie same day. The happy 
 ' natural inclinations of that prince. Aristotle is 
 1 appointed his preceptor, who inspires him with 
 j a surprising taste for learning. He breaks Bu- 
 cephalus, 76. 
 
 Sect. II. Alexander after the death of Philip, 
 ascends the throne at twenty years of age. He 
 subjects and reduces the nations contiguous to 
 Macedon who had revolted. Pie goes into Greece 
 to dissolve the alliance formed against him. Pie 
 captures and destroys Thebes, and i>ardons the 
 Athenians. He procures himself to be nomi- 
 nated, in the diet or assembly at Corinth, gene- 
 ralissimo of the Greeks against Persia. He re- 
 turns to Macedon, and makes preparations for 
 carrying his arms into Asia, 79. 
 
 Sect. III. Alexander sets out from Macedon 
 upon his expedition against the Persians. He 
 arrives at llion, and pays great honour to the 
 tomb of Achilles. He fights the first battle 
 against the Persians at the river Granicus, and 
 obtains a famous victory, 83. 
 
 Sect. IV. Alexander conquers the greatest 
 part of Asia Minor. He is seized with a dan- 
 gerous disease, occasioned by bathing in the river 
 Cydnus. Philip the physician cures him in a 
 few days. Alexander passes the defiles of Cili- 
 4-ia. Darius advances at the same time. The 
 bold and free answer of Charidemus to that 
 prince, which costs him his life. Description of 
 Darius's march, 86. 
 
 Sect. V. Alexander gains a famous victory 
 over Darius, near the city of Issus. The conse- 
 quences of that victory, 95. 
 
 Sect. VI. Alexander marches victorious into 
 Syria. The treasures deposited in Damascus are 
 delivered to him. Darius writes a letter to 
 Alexander in the most haughty terms, which 
 he answers in the same style. The gates of the 
 
 city of Sidon are oj)ened to him. Abdolonymua 
 is placed upon the throne against his will. Alex- 
 ander lays siege to Tyre, which, after having 
 made a vigorous defence for seven months, is 
 taken by storm. The fulfilling of different pro- 
 phecies relating to Tyre, 102. 
 
 Sect. VII. Darius writes a second letter to 
 Alexander. Journey of the latter to Jerusalem. 
 The honour which be pays to Jaddus thf high- 
 priest. He is shown those prophecies of Daniel 
 which relate to himself. The king grants great 
 privileges to the Jews, but refuses them to the 
 Samaritans. He besieges and takes Gaza, enters 
 Egypt, and subdues that country. He there lays 
 the foundation of Alexandria, then goes i»to 
 Libya, where he visits the temple of Jupiter 
 Ammon, and causes himself to he declared the 
 son of that god. His return into Egypt, 112. [ 
 
 Sect. VIII. Alexander, after his return from 
 Egypt, resolves to go in pursuit of Darius. At 
 his setting out be hears of the death of that 
 monarch's queen. He causes to be paid her the 
 honours which were due to her rank. He passes 
 the Euphrates and Tigris, and comes up with 
 Dai'ius. The famous battle of Arbela, 119. 
 
 Sect. IX. Alexander possesses himself of 
 Arbela, Babylon, Susa, Persepolis; and finds 
 immense riches in those cities. At a banquet he 
 sets fire to the palace of Persepolis, 127. 
 
 Sect. X. Darius leaves Ecbatana. He is be- 
 trayed and put in chains by Bessus governor of 
 Bactria. The latter, upon Alexander's advanc- j 
 ing towards him, flies, after having covered Da- i 
 rius with wounds, who expires a few moments 
 before Alexander's arrival. Pie sends his corpse I 
 to Sysigambis, 138. | 
 
 Sect. XI. Vices which first caused the de- 
 cline, and at last the ruin, of the Persian em- | 
 pire, 147. | 
 
 Sect. XII. Lacedgemon revolts from the Ma- | 
 cedonians, with almost all Peloponnesus. An- 
 tipater marches thither, and defeats the enemy 
 in a battle, in which Agis is killed. Alexander 
 marches against Bessus. Thalestris, queen of 
 the Amazons, comes to visit him from a very 
 remote country. Alexander, at his return fi om i 
 Parthia, abandons himself to pleasure and ex- i 
 cess. He continues his march against Bessus. \ 
 A pretended conspiracy of Philotas against the 
 king. He and Parmenio his father are put to j 
 death. Alexander subdues several nations. He | 
 at last arrives in Bactriana, whither Bessus is j 
 brought to him, 149. | 
 
 Sect. XIII. Alexander, after taking a great 
 many cities in Bactriana, builds one near the 
 river laxartes, which he calls by his own name, i 
 The Scythians, alarmed at the building of this i 
 city, as it would be a check upon them, send 
 ambassadors to the king, who address themselves 
 to him with uncommon freedom. After having 
 dismissed them, he passes the laxartes, gains a 
 signal victory over the Scythians, and behaves 
 with humanity to the vanquished. He checks | 
 and punishes the insurrection of the Sogdians, 
 sends Bessus to Ecbatana to be put to death, 
 and takes the city of Petra, which was thought 
 impregnable, 163. 
 
 Sect. XIV. The death of Clitus. Several ex- 
 peditions of Alexander. He endeavours to pro- 
 cure worship to be paid to himself, after tlie 
 manner of the Persians. Discontents arise 
 among the Macedonians. Death of Callisthenes 
 the philosopher, 1G8. 
 
 Sect. XV. Alexander sets out for India. A 
 digression with regard to that country. He be- 
 sieges and takes i.everal cities which appeared in - 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 pregnable, and is often in danger of his life. He 
 ; crosses the river Indus, and afterwards the Hy- 
 daspes, and gains a signal victory over Porus, 
 wliom he restores, to his throne, 172. 
 
 Sect. XVT. Alexander advances into India. 
 A digression relating to the Brachmaus. That 
 prijiee resolves to march as far as the Ganges, 
 which raises a genei-al discontent in his army. 
 Ilemonsti»ances being made to him on that ac- 
 ! count, he lays aside his design, and is contented 
 with going no farther than the ocean. He sub- 
 dues all obstacles in his way thithei', and is ex- 
 posed to great danger at the siege of the city of the 
 OxydracJB ; and arriving at last at the ocean, he 
 afterwards prepares for his return into Europe, 
 ; 185. 
 
 I Sect. XVII. Alexander, in his march through 
 deserts, is grievously distressed by famine. £le 
 arrives at Fasargada, where Cyrus's monument 
 I stood. Orsines, a powerful satrap, is put to 
 death through the clandestine intrigues of Bagoas 
 the eunuch. Calanus voluntarily meets his 
 death. Alexander marries Statira, the daughter 
 of Darius. Harpalus arrives at Athens; De- 
 mosthenes is banished. The Macedonian sol- 
 diers make an insurrection, which Alexander 
 I appeases. He recalls Antipater from Macedonia, 
 j and sends Craterus in his room. The king's 
 sorrow for the death of Hephsestion, 201. 
 
 Sect. XVI 1 1. Alexander enters Babylon, in 
 spite of the sinister predictions of the Magi and 
 other soothsayers. He there forms the plans of 
 several voyages and conquests. He sets about 
 repairing the breaches made in the embankments 
 of the Tigris and Euphrates, and reb^iilding the 
 temples of Belus. He abandons himself to im- 
 moderate drinking, which brings him to his end. 
 The universal grief spread over the whole em- 
 j pire upon that account. Sysigambis is not able 
 : to survive him. Preparations are made to con- 
 i vey Alexander's corpse to the temple of Jupiter 
 i Ammon in Libya, 216. 
 
 Sect. XIX. The judgment which we are to 
 form of Alexander, 223. 
 
 Sect. XX. Reflexions on the Persians, 
 Greeks, and Macedonians, by Monsieur Bossuet, 
 bishop of Meaux, 230. 
 
 BOOK XVI. 
 the history of Alexander's successors. 
 
 Sect. I. Troubles which followed the death 
 of Alexander. The partition of the provinces 
 among the generals. Aridseus elected king. 
 Perdiccas aitpointed his guardian, and regent of 
 the empire, 233. 
 
 Sect. II. The revolt of the Greeks in Upper 
 Asia. The impressions occasioned by the news 
 of Alexander's death at Athens. The expedi- 
 tion of Antipater into Greece. He is first de- 
 feated, and afterwards victorious. Makes him- 
 self master of Athens, and leaves a garrison 
 there. The flight and death of Demosthenes, 
 
 Sect. III. Procession at the funeral of Alex- 
 ander. His body is conveyed to Alexandria. 
 Eumenes is put into possession of Cappadocia by 
 Perdiccas. Ptolemy, Craterus, Antipater, and 
 Antigonus, form a confederacy against each of 
 them. The death of Craterus. The unfortunate 
 expedition of Perdiccas into Egvpt. He is slain 
 th.-re, 241. 
 
 Sect. IV. The regency is transferred to Anti- 
 pater. Eumenes desieged by Antigonus in Nora. 
 Jerusalem besieged and taken by Ptolemy. De- 
 mades put to death by Cassandcr. Antipater 
 
 on his death-bed nominates Polysperchon for h's 
 successor in the regency. The latter recalls 
 Olympias. Antigonus becomes very powerful, 
 244. 
 
 Sect. V. The Athenians condemn Phocion to 
 die. Cassander makes himself master of Athens, 
 where he establishes Demetrius Phalereus in the 
 government of that republic. His prudent ad- 
 jninistration. Eumenes quits Nora. Various 
 expeditions of Antigonus, Selcucus, Ptolemy, I 
 and other generals against him. Olympias cans- I 
 es Aridseus to be slain, and is murdered in her 
 turn by the orders of Cassander. The war be- 
 tween him and Polysperchon. The re-establish- | 
 ment of Thebes. Eumenes is betrayed by his 
 own troops, delivered up to Antigonus, and put 
 to death, 247. 
 
 Sect. VI. Seleucus, Ptolemy, Lysimachus, 
 and Cassander, form a confederacy against An- t 
 tigonus. He deprives Ptolemy of Syria and 
 Phoenicia, and makes himself master of Tyre, 
 after a long siege. Demetrius, the son of Anti- 
 gonus, begins to distinguish himself in Asia Mi- 
 nor. He loses a first battle, and gains a second. 
 Seleucus takes Babylon. A treaty of peace be- 
 tween the princes is immediately broken. Cas- 
 sander causes the young king Alexander and his 
 mother Roxana, to be put to death. Hercules, 
 another son of Alexander the Great, is likewise 
 slain, with his mother Barsina, by Polyspei'- 
 chon. Antigonus causes Cleopatra, the sister of 
 the same Alexander to be put to death. The 
 revolt of Ophelias in Libya, 269. 
 
 Sect. VII. Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, 
 besieges and takes Athens, and establishes a de- 
 mocracy in that city. Demetrius Phalereus, 
 who commanded there, retires to Thebes. He 
 is condemned to suffer death, and his statues are 
 thrown down. He retires into Egypt. The 
 excessive honours paid by the Athenians to An- 
 tigonus and his son Demetrius. This latter ob- 
 tains a great naval victory over Ptolemy, takes 
 Salamina, and makes himself master of all the 
 island of Cyprus. Antigonus and Demetrius 
 assume the title of kings after this victory, and 
 their example is followed by the other princes. 
 Antigonus forms an enterprise against Egypt, 
 which proves unsuccessful, 265. 
 
 Sect. VIII. Demetrius forms the siege of 
 Rhodes, which he raises a year after, by con- 
 cluding a treaty much to the honour of the city. 
 Helepolis, a famous machine. The Colossus of 
 Rhodes. Protogenes, a celebrated painter, spared 
 during the siege, 270. 
 
 Sect. IX. The expedition of Seleucus into 
 India. Demetrius compels Cassander to raise 
 the siege of Athens. The excessive honours 
 paid him in that city. A league between Pto- 
 lemy, Seleucus, Cassander, and Lysimachus, 
 against Antigonus, and Demetrius. The battle 
 of Ipsus, a city of Phrygia, wherein Antigonus 
 is slain, and Demetrius put to flight, 276. 
 
 BOOK XVIL 
 
 THE HISTORY OF ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS, 
 
 Chap. I. 
 
 Sect. I. The four victorious princes divide 
 the empire of Alexander the Great into as many 
 kingdoms. Seleucus builds several cities. Athens 
 shuts her gates against Demetrius. He recon- 
 ciles himself with Seleucus, and afterwards 
 with Ptolemy. The death of Cassander. The 
 first exploits of Pyrrhus. Athens taken by De- 
 metrius. He loses almost at the same time, all 
 he possessed, 279. i 
 
CONTENIS. 
 
 Sect. II. Dilute benvecn the two sons ot 
 Cassander for the crown of Macedonia, Deme- 
 trius being invited to the assistance of Alexan- 
 di^r, finds means to destroy him, and is pro- 
 claimed king by the Macedonians. He makes 
 great preparations for the conquest of Asia. A 
 powerful confederacy is formed against him. 
 Pvrrhus and l.vsimachus deprive him of Mace- 
 donia, and divide it between themselves. Pyi-- 
 rhus is soon obliged to quit those territories, bad 
 end of Demetrius who dies in prison, 293. 
 
 Se'^t. III. Ftolemv Soter resigns his kingdom 
 to his son Ptolemy 'Philadelphus. The tower 
 of Pharos built. The image of Serapis conveyed 
 to Alexandria. The celebrated library founded 
 in that citv, with an academy of learned men. 
 Demetrius' Phalereus presides over both. Death 
 of Ptolemy Soter, 300. 
 
 Sect. IV. The magnificent solemnity at the 
 inauguration of Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of 
 Egypt, 305. . ^ , . ^ 
 
 Sect. V. The first transactions of the reign of 
 Ptolemy Philadelphus. The death of Demetrius 
 Phalereus. Seleucus resigns his queen and part 
 of his empire to his son Antiochus. The war 
 between Seleucus and Lysimachus; the latter ot 
 whom is sLiin in a battle. Seleucus is assassi- 
 nated by Ptolemy Ceraunus, on whom he had 
 conferred a multitude of obligations. The two 
 sons of Arsinoe are murdered by their uncle 
 Ceraunus, who also banishes that princess. 
 Ceraunus is soon punislicd for those crimes by 
 the irruption of the Gauls, by whom he is slam 
 in a battle. The attempt of that people against 
 the temple of Delphos. Antigouus establishes 
 him-self in Macedonia, 309.. 
 
 Sect VI. Ptolemy Philadelphus causes the 
 books of the Holy Scripture, preserved by the 
 Jews with the utmost care, to be translated into 
 the Greek language, as an ornament to his lib- 
 rary. This is called the version of the Septua- 
 gint, 321. . „ 
 
 Sect. VII. The various expeditions ot Pyr- 
 rhus : first, into Italy; where he fights two bat- 
 tles with the Romans. The character and con- 
 duct of Cineas; secondly, into Sicily; and then 
 into Italy again. His third engagement with 
 the Romans; Avherein he is defeated, iais ex- 
 pedition into Macedonia; of which he makes 
 himself master for some time, after having over- 
 thrown Antioonus. His expedition into Pelo- 
 ponnesus. He forms the siege of Sparta, but 
 without success. Is slain at that of Argos. 
 The deputation from Philadelphus to the Ro- 
 mans, and li-om the Romans to Philadelphus, 
 32"? 
 
 Sect. VIII. Athens besieged and taken by 
 Antigonus. The just punishment inflicted on 
 Sotades, a satiric poet. The revolt ot Magas 
 from Philadelphus. The death of Philetoerus, 
 founder of the kingdom of Pergamus. Ihe 
 death of Antiochus Soter. Pie is succeeded by 
 his son Antiochus, surnamed Theos. Ihe wise 
 measures taken by Ptolemy for the improve- 
 ment of commerce. An accommodation ebected 
 between Magas and Philadelphus. Ihe death 
 of the former. The war between Antiochus and 
 Ptolemy. The revolt of the East against An- 
 tiochus. Peace restored between the two kings. 
 
 'Ihe death of Ptolemy Philadelphus, 336. 
 
 Sect. IX. Character and qualities of Ptolemy 
 
 Philadelphus, 348. 
 
 Chap. II. 
 
 Sect. I. Antiochus Theos is poisoned by his 
 (lueeii Laodice, who causes Seleucus Callinicus 
 
 to be declared king. She also destroys Berenice 
 and her son. Ptolemy Euergetes avenges their 
 death, by that of Laodice, and seizes part of 
 Asia. Antiochus Hierax, and Seleucus his bro- 
 ther, unite against Ptolemy. The death of An- 
 tigonus Gonatas, king of Macedonia. He is 
 succeeded by his son Demetrius. The war be- 
 tween the two brothers, Antiochus, and Seleu- 
 cus. The death of Eumenes, king of Perga- 
 mus. Attalus succeeds him. The establishment 
 of the Parthian empire by Arsaces. Antiochus 
 is slain by robbers. Seleucus is taken prisoner 
 by the Parthians, Credit of Joseph, the nephew 
 of Onias, with Ptolemy. The death of Deme- 
 trius, king of Macedonia, Antigonus seizes the 
 throne of that prince. The death of Seleucus. 
 S49. 
 
 Sect. II. The establishment of the republic 
 of the Achijeans. Aratus delivers Sicyon from 
 tyranny. The character of that young Grecian. 
 He is enabled by the liberalities of Ptolemy 
 Euergetes, to check a sedition ready to break out 
 in Sicyon. Takes Corinth from Antigonus, king 
 of Macedonia. Prevails on the cities of Megara, 
 Trcozene, Epidaurus, and Megalopolis, to accede 
 to the Achajan league ; but is not successful 
 with respect to Argos, 858. 
 
 Sect. III. Agis king of Sparta, attempts to 
 reform the state, and endeavours to revive the 
 ancient institutions of Lycurgus, in Avhich he 
 partly succeeds; but finds an entire change in 
 Soarta at his return from a campaign in which 
 he had joined Aratus against the ^tolians. He 
 is at last condemned to die, and executed accord- 
 inelv, 364. 
 
 ^ect. IV. Cleomenes ascends the throne of 
 Sparta, and engages in a war against the Achte- 
 ans, over whom he obtains several advantages. 
 Pie reforms the government of Sparta, and re- 
 establishes the ancient discipline. Acquires new 
 advantages over Aratus and the Achaeans. Ara- 
 tus applies for succour to Antigonus, king of 
 Macedonia, by whose aid the Achaians obtain 
 repeated victories, and take several places from 
 the enemy, 370. 
 
 Sect. 'V. The celebrated battle of Silasia, 
 wherein Antigonus defeats Cleomenes, who re- 
 tires to E^ypt. Antigonus makes himself mas- 
 ter of Sparta, and treats that city with great 
 humanity. The death of that lu-ince who is 
 succeeded by Philip, the son of Demetrius. The 
 death of Ptolemy Euergetes, to whose throne 
 Ptolemy Philopator succeeds. A great earth- 
 quake at Rhodes. The noble generosity of those 
 princes and cities who contributed to the repa- 
 ration of the losses which the Rhodiwns had sus- 
 tained by that calamity. The fate of the taiiious 
 Colossus, 377. 
 
 BOOK XVIII. 
 
 THE HISTORY OF ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 Sect. I. Ptolemy Philopator reigns in Egypt. 
 The short reign of Seleucus Ceraunus. He is 
 succeeded by his brother Antiochus, surnamed 
 the Great. Acha'us's fidelity to him. Her- 
 mias, his chief minister, first removes Epigenes, 
 the ablest of all his generals, and afterwards 
 puts him to death, 381. _ 
 
 Sect. II. The iEtolians declare against the 
 Achffians. Battle of Caplya; lost by Aratus. The 
 Ach£eans have recourse to Philip, who under- 
 takes their defence. Troubles break out m Lace- 
 di^monia. T)ie luihappy death ot Cleomenes in 
 E^ypt. Two kings are elected in Eacedremonia. 
 That republic joins with the iEtolians, 393. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Sect. HI. Various expeditions of Philip 
 against the enemies of the Achieans. Apelles, 
 his pi'ime minister abuses his contidence iti an 
 extraordinary manner. Philip makes an inroad 
 into JEtoUa. Therrnee taken without opposition. 
 Excesses of Philip's soldiers in that city. Pru- 
 dent retreat of that prince. Tumults in the 
 camp. Punishment of those who had occasioned 
 them. Inroad of Philip into Laconia. The 
 conspirators form new cabals. Punishment in- 
 flicted on them. A peace is proposed between 
 Philip and the Achaeans on the one side, and the 
 iEtolians on the other, which is at last con- 
 cluded, S96. 
 
 Sect. IV. Philip concludes a treaty with 
 Flannibal. The Romans gain a considerable 
 victory over him at Apollonia. He changes his 
 conduct. His breach of faith and irregularities. 
 He causes Aratus to be poisoned. The ^tolians 
 conclude an alliance with the Romans. Attains 
 king of Pergaraus, and the Lacedaemonians ac- 
 cede to it. Machanidas usurps a tyrannical 
 power at Sparta. Various expeditions of Philip 
 and Sulpitius the Roman praetor, in one of 
 which Philoposmen signalizes himself, 405. 
 
 Sect. V. Education and great qualities of 
 Philopoemen, 409. 
 
 Sect. VI. Various expeditions of Philip and 
 Sulpitius. A digression of Polybius upon sig- 
 jlals made by fire, 412. 
 
 Sect. VII. Philopoemen gains a famous vic- 
 tory near Mantinea over Machanidas, tyrant of 
 Sparta. The high esteem in which that general 
 is held. Nabis succeeds Machanidas, some in- 
 stances of his avarice and cruelty. A general 
 peace concluded between Philip and the Ro- 
 mans, in which the allies on both sides are in- 
 cluded, 417. 
 
 Sect. VIII. The glorious expeditions of An- 
 tiochus into Media, Parthia, Hyrcania, and as 
 far as India. At his return to Antioch, he re- 
 ceives advice of Ptolemy Philopatoi"'s death, 420. 
 
 BOOK XIX. 
 
 SEQUEL OF THE HISTORY OF ALEXANDER'S 
 SUCCESSORS. 
 
 Chap. I. 
 
 Sect. I. Ptolemy Epiphanes succeeds Philo- 
 pator his father in the kingdom of Egypt. An- 
 tiochus and Philip enter into an alliance to in- 
 vade his dominions. The Romans become guar- 
 dians of the young king. Antiochus subdues 
 Palestine and Ccele-syria. The war of Philip 
 against the Athenians, Attains, and the Rho-- 
 dians. Pie besieges Abydos. The unhappy fate 
 of that city. The Romans declare war against 
 Philip. Sulpitius the consul is sent into Mace- 
 donia. 425. 
 
 Sect. II. Expeditions of the consul Sulpitius 
 in Macedonia. The ^Etolians wait for the event, 
 in order to declare themselves. Philip loses a 
 battle. Villius succeeds Sulpitius. No consider- 
 able transaction happens during his government. 
 Flamininus succeeds him. Antiochus recovers 
 Ccele-syria, of which he had been dispossessed 
 by Aristomenes, the pi-ime minister of Egypt. 
 Various expeditions of the consul into Phocis. 
 The Achaeans, after long debates, declare for the 
 J?omans, 429. 
 
 Sect. III. Flamininus is continued in the 
 command as proconsul. He has a fruitless in- 
 terview with Philip about concluding a peace. 
 The iEtolians, and Nabis, tyrant of Sparta, de- 
 clare for the Romans. Sickness and death of 
 Attains. Flamininus defeats Philip in a battle 
 Gear Scotussa and Cynoscephale isi Thessaly. A 
 
 peace concluded with Philip, vvjbjch puts nn end 
 to the Macedonian war. 1 he extraordinary joy 
 of the Greeks at the Isthmian games, when 
 proclamation is made that they are restored to 
 their ancient liberty by the Romans, 437. 
 
 Sect. IV. Complaints being made, and suspi- 
 cions arising concerning Antiochus, the Romans 
 send an embassy to him, which has no other 
 effect than to dispose both parties for an open 
 rupture. A conspiracy is formed by Scopas the 
 ^tolian against Ptolemy. He and his accom- 
 plices are put to death. Hannibal retires to An- 
 tiochus, War of Flamininus against Nabis, 
 whom he besieges in Sparta. He obliges him to 
 sue lor peace, and grants it to him. He enters 
 Rome in triumph, 444. 
 
 Sect. V. Universal preparations for the war 
 between Antiochus and the Romans. Mutual 
 embassies and interviews on both sides, which 
 come to nothing. The Romans send troops against 
 Nabis, who had infringed the treaty. Philopoe- 
 men gains a victory over him. The iEtolians 
 implore the assistance of Antiochus. Nabis is 
 killed. Antiochus goes at last to Greece, 453. 
 
 Sect. VI. Antiochus endeavours to bring 
 over the Achaeans to his interest, but in vain. 
 He possesses himself of Chalcis and all Eubcea. 
 The Romans proclaim war against him, and 
 send Manius Acilius, the consul, into Greece. 
 Antiochus makes an ill use of Hannibal's coun- 
 sel. He is defeated near Thermopylae. The 
 jEtolians submit to the Ronnans, 461. 
 
 Sect. VII. Polyxenides, admiral of Antio- 
 chus's fleet, is defeated by Livius. L. Scipio, 
 the new consul, is appointed to carry on the war 
 against Antiochus. Scipio Africanus, his bro- 
 ther, serves under him. The Rhodians defeaS 
 Hannibal in a sea fight. The consul marchers 
 against Antiochus and crosses into Asia. He 
 gains a signal victory over him near Magnesia. 
 The king obtains a peace, and gives up, by 
 treaty, all Asia on this side of Mount Taurus, 
 Dispute between Eumenes and the Rhodians, 
 in presence of the Roman senate, relating to the 
 Grecian cities of Asia, 466,-— Reflections on the 
 coiiduct of the Romans with regard to the Gre- 
 cian states, and the kings both of Europe and 
 Asia, 481. 
 
 Sect. VIII. Fulvius the consul subdues the 
 /Etolians. The Spartans are cruelly treated by 
 their exiles. Manlius, the other consul, con- 
 quers the Asiatic Gauls. Antiochus, in order 
 to pay the tribute due to the Romans, plunders 
 a temple in Elymais. That monarch is killed. 
 Explication of Daniel's prophecy concerning 
 Antiochus, 483. 
 
 Sect. IX. Seleucus Philopator succeeds to the 
 throne of Antiochus his father. The first occur- 
 rences of the reign of Ptolemy Epiphanes in 
 Egypt. Various embassies sent to the Achfeans 
 and Romans. Complaints made against Philip. 
 Commissioners are sent from Rome to inquire 
 into those complaints ; .and at the same time to 
 take cognizance of the ill treatment of Sparta by 
 the Achaeans. Sequel of that affair, 492. 
 
 Sect. X. Philopfemen besieges Messene. He 
 is taken prisoner, and put to death by the Mes- 
 senians. Messene surrendered to the Achseans. 
 The splendid funeral procession of Philopoemen, 
 whose ashes are carried to Megalopolis. Sequel 
 of the affair relating to the Spartan exiles. The 
 death of Ptolemy Epiphanes, who is succeeded 
 by Philometer his son, 498. 
 
 Chap. II. 
 
 Sect. T. Complaints made at Rome against 
 Philio. Demetrius his son, who was in that 
 
CONTENTS, 
 
 city, is sent back to his father, accompanied hy 
 some ambassadors. A secret conspiracy of Per- 
 seus aeainst his brother Demetrius with regard to 
 the succession of the throne. He accuses him be- 
 fore Philip. Speeches of both those princes, i hihp, 
 upon a new impeachment, causes Demetrius to 
 be put to death ; but afterward disc<)vers his in- 
 nocence and Perseus's guilt. Whilst thilip is 
 meditating to punish the latter, he dies, and 
 Perseus succeeds him, 503. 
 
 Sect. II. The death of Selcucus Philopator, 
 whose reign was short and obscure. He is suc- 
 ceeded by his brother Antiochus, surnamed ±.pi- 
 phanes. Causes of the war which afterward 
 broke out between the kings of Egypt and bjn-ia. 
 Antiochus gains a victory over Ptolemy. Ihe 
 conqueror possesses himself of Egypt, and takes 
 the king prisoner. A report prevailing ot a gene- 
 ral revolt, he goes into Palestine; besieges and 
 takes Jerusalem, where he exercises the most 
 horrid cruelties. The Alexandrians, in the room 
 of Philometer who was Antiochus's prisoner, 
 raise to the throne his younger brother Pti)lemy 
 Euergetes, surnamed also Physcon. Antiochus 
 renews the war with Egypt. The two brothers 
 are reconciled. Pie marches towards Alexan- 
 dria, in order to lay siege to it. Popilius, one ot 
 the Roman ambassadors, obliges him to quit 
 Egypt, and not to molest the two brothers, 516. 
 
 Sect. III. Antiochus, enraged at what had 
 happened to him in Egypt, wreaks his vengeance 
 on the Jews. He endeavours to abohsh the 
 worship of the true God in Jerusalem. He ex- 
 ercises the most horrid cruelties in that city. 
 The generous resistance made by Mattathias, 
 who, in his expiring moments, exhorts his sons 
 to fight in defence of the law of God. Judas 
 Maccabseus gains several victories over the gene- 
 rals and armies of Antiochus. That prince, who 
 had marched into Persia, in order to amass 
 treasures there, attempts to plunder a rich tem- 
 ple in Elymais, but is shametuUy repulsed. 
 Hearing that his armies had been defeated m 
 Judea, he sets out on a sudden to extirpate all 
 the Jews. In his march he is struck by the 
 hand of Heaven, and dies in the greatest tor 
 ments, after having reigned eleven years, 62-i. 
 
 Sect. IV. Prophecies of Daniel relating i 
 Antiochus Epiphanes, 527. 
 
 BOOK XX. 
 
 THE HISTORY OF ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS 
 CONTINUED. 
 
 Article I. 
 Sect. I. Perseus prepares secretly for a war 
 
 against the Romans. He endeavours a reconci 
 liation with the Achseans in vain. His secret 
 measures not unknown at Rome. Eumenes 
 arrives there, and informs the senate of them. 
 Perseus attempts to rid himself of that prince, 
 first by assassination, and afterwards by poison. 
 The Romans break with Perseus. Different 
 opinions and dispositions of the kings and states, 
 in regard to the Macedonian war. After several 
 embassies on both sides, the war is declared in 
 form, 646. 
 
 Sect. II. The consul Licinius and king Per- 
 seus take the field. They both encamp near the 
 river Peneus, at some distance from each other. 
 Engagement of the cavalry, in which Perseus 
 has considerably the advantage, and makes an ill 
 use of it. He endeavours to make a peace, but 
 ineffectually. The armies on both sides go into 
 winter-quarters, 652. 
 
 Sect. III. The senate pass a wise decree to 
 put a stop to the avarice of the generals and ma- 
 
 gistrates, who oppressed the allies. The consul 
 Marcius, after sustaining great fatigue, enters 
 Macedonia. Perseus takes the alarm, and leaves 
 the passes open: heresmnes courage afterwards. 
 Insolent embassy of the llhodians to Rome, 557. 
 
 Sect. IV. Paulus Jimilius chosen consul. 
 He sets out for Macedonia with the prsetor Cn. 
 Octavius, who commanded the fleet. Perseus 
 solicits aid on all sides. His avarice is the cause 
 of his losing considerable allies. The prsstor 
 Anicius's victories in Illyria. Paulus iEmilius s 
 celebrated victory over Perseus near the city of 
 Pydna. Perseus taken with all his children. 
 The command of Paulus iEmilius, in Macedo- 
 nia prolonged. Decree of the senate granting 
 liberty to the Macedonians and lllyrians. Pau- 
 lus iEmilius, during the winter-quarters, visits 
 the most celebrated cities of Greece. Upon his 
 return to Amphipolis he gives a great fe^st. 
 He marches for Rome. On his way he suffei-s 
 his army to plunder all the cities of Epirus. He 
 enters Rome in triumph. Death of Perseus. 
 Cn. Octavius and L. Anicius have aleo the ho- 
 nour of a triumph decreed them, 661. 
 
 Article II. 
 Sect. I. Attains comes to Rome to congratu- 
 late the Romans upon their success in Macedo- 
 nia. The deputies of the Rhodians present 
 themselves before the senate and endeavour to 
 appease their wrath. After long and warm so- 
 licitations, they succeed in being admitted into 
 the alliance of the Roman people. Severity ex- 
 ercised against the ^tolians. Ail of them, in 
 general, who had favoured Perseus, are cited to 
 Rome, to answer for their conduct. A thousand 
 Achgeans carried thither: Polybius one of the 
 number. The senate banishes them into several ij 
 towns of Italy. After seventeen years of ban- 
 ishment, they are sent back into their own 
 country; when only three hundred of them re- 
 mained, 682. , . i 
 Sect. II. Mean flattery of Prusias, king of 
 Bithynia, in the senate. Eumenes, becomes 
 suspected by the Romans, is not suffered to en- 
 ter Rome. Ariarathes,kingof Cappadocia, dies, 
 and is succeeded by a son of the same name. 
 Death of Eumenes. Attalus, his brother, suc- 
 ceeds him, as guardian to his son then very 
 young. War between Attalus and Prusias. 
 The fatter having formed the design of putting 
 his son Nicomedesto death, is killed by him. 
 Embassy of three celebrated Athenian philoso- 
 phers to Rome. Another from the people of 
 Marseilles. Digression upon the city of Mar- 
 seilles, 689. ^ , . . 
 
 Sect. HI. Andriscus who gave himself out 
 for the son of Perseus, makes himself master of 
 Macedonia, and causes himself to be proclaimed 
 king. The pra;tor Juventius attacks him, and 
 is killed in the battle with part of his army. 
 Metellus, who succeeds him, retrieves that loss. 
 The usurper is overthrown, taken, and sent to 
 Rome. A second and third usurper are also de- 
 feated, 595. ^ , . , . , ^ , 
 
 Sect, IV. Troubles in Achaia; which declares 
 war against the Lacedemonians. Metellus sends 
 deputfes to Corinth to appease those troubles ; 
 they are ill used and insulted, Thebes and 
 Chalcis \o\n the Achffians. Metellus, after hav- 
 ing inefiectually exhorted them to peace, gives 
 them battle, and defeats them. The consul 
 Mummius succeeds him, and after having gained 
 a battle, takes Corinth, sets it on fire, and en- 
 tirely demolishes it. Greece is reduced into a 
 Roman province. Various actions and death ot 
 Polybius. Triumphs of Metellus and Mum- 
 mius- 59B. ^ 
 
CONTENTS, 
 
 Sect. V. lleflectiona upon the causes of the 
 grandeur, declension and ruin of Gi'eece, 600. 
 
 Article III. 
 
 Sect. T. A chronological abridgment of the 
 history of the kings of Egypt and Syria, who 
 are mentioned in the third article, 604. 
 
 Sect. 11. Antiochus Eupator, at the age of 
 nine years, succeeds his father Antiochus Epi- 
 phanes in the kingdom of S3'ria. Demetrius, 
 j who had been long a hostage at Rome, demands 
 I in vain permission to return to Syria. Cele- 
 i brated victories of Judas Maccabseus against the 
 i generals of the king of Syria, and the king him- 
 I self in person. Long differences between the 
 two brothers, the Ptolemies, kings of Egypt, 
 j terminated at length by a happy peace, 606. 
 I Sect. 111. Octavius, ambassador of the Ro- 
 mans in Syria, is killed there. Demetrius es- 
 capes from Rome, puts Eupator to death, as- 
 I cends the throne of Syria, and assumes the sur- 
 i name of Soter. He makes war against the Jews. 
 Repeated victories of Judas Maccabasus ; death 
 of that great man. Demetrius is acknowledged 
 king by the Romans. He abandons himself to 
 drunkenness and debauchery. Alexander Bala 
 forms a conspiracy against him. Demetrius is 
 killed in a battle. Alexander espouses the 
 daughter of Ptolemy Philometer. Temple built 
 by the Jews in Egypt. Demetrius, son of the 
 first of that name, sets up his claim to the throne 
 of Syria. Alexander is destroyed. Ptolemy 
 Philometer dies at the same time, 612. 
 
 Sect. IV. Physcon espouses Cleopatra, and 
 ascends the throne of Egypt. Demetrius in 
 Syria abandons himself to all manner of exces- 
 1 ses. Diodotus, surnamed Tryphon, causes An- 
 tiochus, the son of Alexander BaJa, to be pro- 
 claimed king of Syria ; then kills him, and takes 
 his place. He seizes Jonathan by treachery, and 
 puts him to death. Demetrius undertakes an ex- 
 pedition against the Parthians, who take him pri- 
 soner. Cleopatra his wife espouses Antiochus Si- 
 detes, brother of Demetrius, and places him upon 
 the throne of Syria. Physcon's excessive follies 
 and enormities. Attalus Philometer succeeds At- 
 tains his uncle, whom he causes to be regretted, 
 by his vices. He dies himself, after having reign- 
 ed five years, and by his will leaves the Roman 
 } people heirs to his dominions. A ristonicus seizes 
 them. He is overthrown, led in triumph, and 
 put to death, 620. 
 
 Sect. V. Antiochus Sidetes besieges John 
 Hyrcanus in Jerusalem. That city surrenders 
 by capitulation. He makes war against the Par- 
 thians, and perishes in it. Phraates, king of the 
 Parthians, defeated in his turn by the Scythians. 
 Physcon commits more horrid cruelties in 
 Egypt. A general revolt obliges him to quit it. 
 Cleopatra, his first wife, is replaced upon the 
 throne. She implores aid of Demetrius, and is 
 soon reduced to leave Egypt. Physcon returns 
 thither, and re-ascends the throne. By his 
 means Zebina dethrones Demetrius, who is soon 
 after killed. The kingdom is divided between 
 Cleopatra, the wife of Demetrius, and Zebina. 
 The latter is defeated and killed. Antiochus 
 Grypus ascends the throne of Syria. The famous 
 Mithridates begins to reign in Pontus. Phys- 
 con's death, 628, 
 
 Sect. VI. Ptolemy Lathyrus succeeds Phys- 
 3on. War between Grypus and his brother An- 
 tiochus of Cyzicum, for the kingdom of Syria. 
 Hyrcanus fortifies himself in Judea. His death. 
 Aristobulus succeeds him, and assumes the title 
 rtfking. He is succeeded by Alexander Jannaeus. 
 
 Cleopati-a drives Lathyrus out of Egypt, and | 
 places Alexander his youngest brother, on tlie | 
 throne in his stead. War between that princcKS !, 
 and her sons. Death of Grypus. Ptolemy Apioii I 
 leaves the kingdom of Cyrenai(;a to the Romans, j j 
 Continuation of the wars in Syria and Egypt, | 
 The Syrians choose Tigranes king. Lathyrus is i 
 re-established upon the throne of Egypt. He 
 dies, Alexandei- his nephew succeeds him. Ni- 
 comedes, king of Bithynia, makes the Roman 
 people his heirs, 632. 
 
 Sect. VII. Selene, sister of Lathyrus, con- 
 ceives hopes of the crown of Egypt; she sends 
 two of her sons to Rome for that purpose. The 
 eldest, CFilled Antiochus, on his return passes 
 through Sicily. Verres, praetor of that island, i 
 takes from him a golden candelabrum, designed I 
 for the Capitol. Antiochus, surnamed Asiaticus, 
 after having reigned four years over part of 
 Syria, is dispossessed of part of his dominions 
 by Pompey, who reduces Syria into a province 
 of the Roman empire. Troubles in Judea and 
 Egypt. The Alexandrians expel Alexander their 
 king, and set Ptolemy Auletes on the throne in 
 his stead. Alexander, at his death, makes the 
 Roman people his heirs. In consequence, some 
 years after, they order Ptolemy, king of Cyprus, 
 brother of Auletes, to be deposed, confiscate his 
 property, and seize that island. The celebrated 
 Cato is charged with this commission, 639. 
 
 BOOK XXL 
 the histort of Alexander's succEssoas 
 
 CONTINUED. i 
 
 Article L 
 
 Abridgment of the history of the Jews froni 
 Aristobulus, son of Hyrcanus, who first assumed 
 the title of king, to the reign of Herod the Great, 
 the Idumsean, 645. 
 
 Sect. I. Reign of Aristobulus the First, 
 which lasted two years, 645. 
 
 Sect. II. Reign of Alexander Jannteus, 
 which continued twenty-seven years, 646. 
 
 Sect. III. Reign of Alexandra, the wife of 
 Alexander Jannaeus which continued nine years. 
 Llyrcanus, her eldest son, is high-priest during 
 that time, 647. 
 
 Sect. IV. Reign of Aristobulus II. which 
 continued six years, 64.3, 
 
 Sect. V. Reign of Hyrcanus II. which con- 
 tinued twenty-four years, 650. 
 
 Sect. VI. Reign of Antigonus, of only two 
 years' duration, 651. 
 
 Art. II. Abridgment ofthe history of the Par- 
 thians, from the establishment of that empire to 
 the defeat of Crassus, which is related at large, 
 653. 
 
 Art. III. Abridgment of the history of the 
 kings of Cappadocia, from the foundation of that 
 kingdom to the time when it became a province 
 of the Roman empire, 665. 
 
 BOOK XXII. 
 
 IHE HISTORY OF SYRACUSE. 
 
 Article I. 
 
 Sect. 1. Hiero the second chosen captain- 
 general by the Syracusans, and soon after ap- 
 pointed king. He makes an alliance with the 
 Romans in the beginning of the first Punic war, 
 671. 
 
 Sect. II. Hiero's pacific reign. He particu- 
 larly favours agriculture. He applies the abili- 
 ties of Archimedes his relation to the service o( 
 the public, and causes him to make an infinite 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 number of machines for the defence of a besieged 
 place. He dies very old, and much regretted by 
 the people, 673. 
 
 Article 1 1. 
 Sect. I. Hieronymus, grandson of Hiero, 
 succeeds him, and causes him to be much re- 
 gretted by his vices and cruelty. He is killed 
 in a conspiracy. Barbarous murder of the 
 princesses. Hippocrates and Epicydes possess 
 themselves of the government of S3a-acuse, and 
 declare for the Carthaginians, as Hieronymus 
 had done, 678. . 
 
 Sect. 11. The consul Marcellus besieges Sy- 
 racuse. The considerable losses of men and 
 ships, occasioned by the dreadful machines of 
 Archimedes, oblige Marcellus to change the 
 siege into a blockade. He takes the city at 
 length by means of his intelligence within it. 
 Death of Archimedes, killed by a soldier, who 
 did not know him, 682. 
 
 Article III. 
 
 Sfxt. I. Tomb of Archimedes discovered by 
 Cicero, e87. 
 
 Sect. II. Summary of the history ot Syra- 
 cuse, GS8. 
 
 Sect. III. Reflections tipon the government 
 and character of the Syracusans, 689. 
 
 BOOK XXIII. 
 the history of pontus. 
 Sect. I. Mithridates, at twelve years of age, 
 ascends the throne of Pontus. He seizes Cap- 
 padocia and Bithynia, having first expelled 
 their kings. The Romans re-establish them. 
 He causes all the Romans and Italians in Asia 
 Minor to be put to death in one day. First 
 war of the Romans with Mithridates, who had 
 made made himself master of Asia Minor and 
 Greece, and had taken Athens. Sylla is charged 
 with this war. He besieges and retakes Athens. 
 He gains three great battles against the generals 
 of Mithridates. He grants that prince peace in 
 the fourth year of the war. Library of Athens, 
 in which were the works of Aristotle. Sylla 
 causes it to be carried to Rome, 692. 
 
 Sect. II. Second war against Mithridates, 
 under Murena, of only three years' duration. 
 Mithridates prepares to renew the war. He 
 concludes a treaty with Sertorius. Third war 
 with Mithridates. Lucullus the consul sent 
 against him. He obliges him to raise the siege 
 of Cyzicum, and defeats his troops. He gains 
 a complete victory over him, and reduces him 
 to fly into Pontus. Tragical end of the sisters 
 and wives of Mithridates. He endeavours to 
 retire to Tigranes, his son-in-law. Lucullus 
 regulates the affairs of Asia, 706. 
 
 Sect. III. Lucullus causes war to be de- 
 clared with Tigranes, and marches against him. 
 Vanity and ridiculous self-sufficiency of that 
 prince. He loses a great battle. Lucullus takes 
 Tigranocerta, the capital of Armenia. He gains 
 a second victory over the joint forces of Tigra- 
 nes and Mithridates. Mutiny and revolt in 
 the army of Lucullus, 712. 
 
 Sect. IV. Mithridates, taking advantage of 
 the discord which had arisen in the Roman 
 army, recovers all his dominions. Pompey is 
 chosen to succeed Lucullus. He overthrows 
 Mithridates in several battles. The latter flies 
 in vain to Tigranes his son-in-law, for refuge, 
 who is. engaged in a war with his own son. 
 Pompey marches into Armenia against Tigra- 
 nes, who comes to him and surrenders himsell. 
 
 Weary of pursuing Mithridates to no purpose, 
 he returns into Syria, makes himself master of 
 that kingdom, and puts an end to the empire of 
 the Seleucidee. He marches back to Pontus. 
 Pharnaces makes the army revolt against his 
 father Mithridates, who kills himself. That 
 prince's character. Pompey's expeditions into 
 Arabia and Judea, where he takes Jerusalem. 
 After having reduced all the cities ot Pontus, 
 he returns to Rome, and receives the honour ot 
 a triumph, 724-. 
 
 BOOK XXIV. 
 
 the history of EGYPT. 
 
 • Sect. I. Ptolemseus Auletes having been 
 placed upon the throne of Egypt in the room of 
 Alexander, is declared the friend and ally of the 
 Roman people, by the influence of Ca;sar and 
 Pompey, which he purchases at a very great 
 price. Jn consequence, he loads his subjects 
 with taxes. He is expelled the throne. The 
 Alexandrians make his daughter Berenice 
 queen. He goes to Rome, and, by money, ob- 
 tains the voices of the heads of the commoiir 
 wealth for his re-establishment. He is opposed 
 by an oracle of the Sibyl's ; notwithstanding 
 which, Gabinius sets him upon the throne by 
 force of arms, where he remains till his death. 
 The famous Cleopatra, and her brother, very 
 young, succeed him, 735. 
 
 Sect. II. Pothinus and Achillas, ministers of 
 the young king, expel Cleopatra. She raises 
 troops to re-establish herself. Pompey, after 
 having been overthrown at Pharsalia, retires 
 into Egypt. He is assassinated there. Cajsar, 
 who pursued him, arrives at Alexandria, where 
 he is informed of his death, which he seems to 
 lament. He endeavours to reconcile the brother 
 and sister, and for thai purpose sends for Cleo- 
 patra, of whom he soon becomes enamoured. 
 Great commotions arise at Alexandria, and 
 several battles are fought between the Egyptians 
 and Cajsar's troops, wherein the latter have 
 almost always the advantage. I'he king having 
 been drowned in flying, after a sea-fight, all 
 Egypt submits to Caesar. He sets Cleopatra, 
 with her younger brother, upon the throne, 
 and returns to Rome, 739. 
 
 Sect. 111. Cleopatra causes her younger 
 brother to be put to death, and reigns alone. 
 The death of Julius CaJsar having made way 
 foi the triumvirate formed between Antony, 
 Lepidus, and young Caesar, called also Octavius, 
 Cleopatra declares herself for the triumvirs. 
 She goes to Antony at Tarsus, gains an absolute 
 ascendant over him, and brings him with her 
 to Alexandria. Antony goes to Rome, where 
 he espouses Octavia. He abandons himself ; 
 again to Cleopatra, and after some expeditions I 
 returns to Alexandria, which he enters in tri- 
 umph. He there celebrates the coronation of j 
 Cleopatra and her children. Open rupture [ 
 between Cffisar and Antony. The latter repu- j 
 diates Octavia. The two fleets put to sea. Cle- 
 opatra determines to follow Antony. Battle of 
 Actium. Cleopatra files, and draws Antony , 
 after her. Caesar's victory is complete. He \ 
 advances some time after against Alexandria, i 
 which makes no long resistance. Tragical i 
 death of Antony and Cleopatra. Egypt i.s re- | 
 duced into a province of the Roman empire, 743. 
 Conclusion of the Ancient History, 763. 
 The Chronological Table, 754. 
 Geographical Table, 771. 
 Index, 783. 
 
THE HISTOKY 
 
 OP THE 
 
 PERSIANS AND GRECIANS, 
 
 BOOK XII. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 SECT. I. 
 
 State of Greece from the time of the treaty of Antalcidas. 
 The Lacedsemonians declare war against the city of 
 Olynthus. They seize by fraud and violence upon the 
 city of Thebes. Olynthus surrenders. 
 
 THE peace of Antalcidas,* of which mention 
 has been made in the third chapter of the 
 ninth book, had plentifully 
 A. M. 3617. scattered among the Grecian 
 Ant. J. C. 387. states the seeds of discontent 
 and division. In consequence 
 of that treaty, the Thebans had been obliged to 
 abandon the cities of Bceotia, and suffer them to 
 enjoy their liberty ; and the Corinthians to 
 withdraw their garrison from Argos, which by 
 that means became free and independent. The 
 Lacedaemonians, who were the authors and ex- 
 ecutors of this treaty, saw their pow«r extreme- 
 ly augmented by it, and strove to luake farther 
 additions to it. They compelled the Mantinae- 
 ans, against whom they pretended to have many 
 causes of complaint in the last war, to demolish 
 the walls of their city, and to inhabit four dif- 
 ferent places, as they had done before. 
 
 The two kings of Sparta,** Agesipolis and 
 Agesilaus, were of quite different characters, 
 and entertained equally different opinions upon 
 the present state of affairs. The first, who was 
 naturally inclined to peace, and a strict observer 
 of justice, was anxious that Sparta, who was al- 
 ready much exclaimed against for the treaty of 
 Antalcidas, should suffer the Grecian cities to 
 enjoy their liberties, according to the tenor of 
 that treaty, and not disturb their tranquillity 
 through an unjust desire of extending her do- 
 minions. The other, on the contrary, restless, 
 
 active, and full of great views of ambition and 
 conquest, breathed nothing but war. 
 
 ^ _ At the same time, deputies 
 
 A. M. 3621. arrived at Sparta from Acan- 
 Ant. J. C. 383. thus and Apollonia, two very 
 considerable cities of Mace- 
 donia, on the subject of Olynthus, a city of 
 Thrace, inhabited by Greeks, originally from 
 Chalcis in Euboea. Athens,^ after the victories 
 of Salamis and Marathon, had conquered many 
 places on the side of Thrace, and even in Thrace 
 itself. Those cities threw off the yoke as soon 
 as Sparta, at the conclusion of the Peloponnesian 
 war, had ruined the power of Athens. Olyn- 
 thus was of this number. The deputies of 
 Acanthus and Apollonia represented, in the 
 general assembly of the allies, that Olynthus, 
 situate in their neighbourhood, daily impi-oved 
 in strength in an extraordinary manner ; that it 
 perpetually extended its dominions by new con- 
 quests; that it obliged all the cities round about 
 to submit to it, and to enter into its measures ; 
 and was upon the point of concluding an alliance 
 with the Athenians and the Thebans. The af- 
 fair being taken into consideration, it was 
 unanimously resolved that it was necessary to 
 declare war against the Olynthians. It was agreed 
 that the allied cities should furnish 10,000 troops, 
 with liberty to such as desired it, to substitute 
 money, at the rate of three oboli a day for each 
 foot soldier,* and four times as much for the 
 horse. The Lacedaemonians, to lose no time, 
 made their troops march directly, under the 
 command of Eudamidas, who prevailed with 
 the Ephori, that Phoebidas, his brother, might 
 have the leading of those which were to follow, 
 and to join him soon after. "When he arrived 
 in that part of Macedonia which is also called 
 Thrace, he garrisoned such places as applied to 
 him for that purpose, seized upon Potidsea, a 
 
 1 Xcnoph. Hist. GrEcc. 1. v. p. 550. 553. 
 2 Died 1. XV. p. 341. 
 
 U 
 
 S Diod. 1. XV. p. 554. .556. 4 Five-pence. 
 A 
 
2 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 city in alliance with the Olynthians, which sur- 
 rendered without making any defence ; and be- 
 gan the war against Olynthus, though slowly, 
 as was incumbent upon a general whose troops 
 were not all assembled. 
 
 Phoebidas began his march 
 A.M. 8622. soon after,' and being arrived 
 Ant. J. C. 382. near Thebes, encamped with- 
 out the walls, near the Gym- 
 nasium or public place of exercise. Ismenius 
 and Leontides, both polemarchs, that is, generals 
 of the army, and supreme magistrates of Thebes, 
 were at the head of two different factions. The 
 first, who had engaged Pelopidas on his side, 
 was no friend to the Lacedaemonians, nor they 
 to him ; because he publicly declared for popular 
 government and liberty. The other, on the con- 
 trary, favoured an oligarchy, and was supported 
 by the Lacedaemonians with their whole mterest. 
 I am obliged to enter into this detail, because 
 the event I am going to relate, and which was a 
 consequence of it, was the occasion of the im- 
 portant war between the Thebans and the Lace- 
 daemonians. „ ,v. . rr., 1 T 
 
 This being the state of affairs at 1 hebes, Le- 
 ontides applied to Phoebidas, and proposed to 
 him to seize the citadel called Cadmsea, to expel 
 the adherents of Ismenius, and to give the Lace- 
 demonians possession of it. He represented to 
 him, that nothing could be more glorious for 
 him than to make himself master of i hebes, 
 whilst his brother was endeavouring to reduce 
 Olynthus : that he would thereby facilitate the 
 success of his brother's enterprise: and that the 
 Thebans, who had prohibited their citizens by 
 decree to bear arms against the Olynthians, 
 would not fail, upon his making himself master 
 of the citadel, to supply him with whatever 
 number of horse and foot he should think pro- 
 per, for tne reinforcement of Eudamidas. 
 
 Phoebidas, who had much ambition and little 
 prudence, and who sought only for an oppor- 
 tunity of signalizing himself by some extraordi- 
 nary action, without examining the consequen- 
 ces, suffered himself to be easily persuaded.— 
 Whilst the Thebans, in entire security and full 
 reliance on the treaty of peace lately concluded 
 bv the Grecian states, were celebrating the feasts 
 of Ceres, and expected nothing less than such 
 an act of hostility, Phoebidas, conducted by Le- 
 ontides, took possession of the citadel. Ihe se- 
 nate was then sitting. Leontides went to them, 
 and declared, that there was nothing to be feared 
 from the Lacedaemonians who had just entered 
 the citadel ; that they were only the enemies of 
 those who wished to disturb the public tranquil- 
 lity • that as for himself, by the power his oflice 
 of polemarch gave him, of confining whoever 
 caballed against the state, he should put Isme- 
 nius into a place of security, who factiously en- 
 deavoured to break the peace. He was seized 
 accordingly, and carried to the citadel. The 
 party of Ismenius, seeing their chief a prisoner, 
 and apprehending the utmost violence for them- 
 selves, quitted the city with precipitation, and 
 retired to Athens, to the number of 400 and up- 
 wards. They were ?oon after banished by a 
 public decree. Pelopidas was of the number ; 
 but Epaminondas remained at Thebes unmo- 
 lested, being disregarded, as a man entirely de- 
 voted to the study of philosophy, who did not 
 
 1 Xenoph. p. 556—558. Pint, in Agesil. p. 608, 609. Id. 
 m Pelop. p. 280. Diod. 1. xv. p. 341, 342. 
 
 intermeddle in affairs of state ; and also on ac- 
 count of his poverty, which left no room to fear 
 any thing from him. A new polemarch was 
 nominated in the room of Ismenius, and Leon- 
 tides went to Lacedaemon. 
 
 The news of Phcebidas's enterprise, who at a 
 time of general peace had taken possession of a 
 citadel by force, upon which he had no claim 
 nor right, had occasioned great murmurings and 
 complaints. Such especially as opposed Agesi- 
 laus, who was suspected of having shared in the 
 scheme, demanded by whose orders Phoebidas 
 had committed so strange a breach of public 
 faith. Agesilaus, who well knew that those 
 warm reproaches were aimed at him, made no 
 difficulty of justifying Phoebidas, and declaring 
 openly, and before all the world, " That the 
 action ought to be considered in itself, in order 
 to understand whether it were useful or not ; 
 that whatever was expedient fbr Sparta, he was 
 not only permitted, but commanded to act, upon 
 his own authority, and without waiting the or- 
 ders of any body :" strange principles to be ad- 
 vanced by a person who upon other occasions 
 had maintained, " That justice was the first of 
 all virtues ; and that without it, valour itself, 
 and every other great quality, were useless and 
 unavailing." It is the same man that made 
 answer, when somebody in his presence magni- 
 fied the king of Persia's grandeur : " He, whom 
 you call the great king, in what is he greater 
 than I, unless he be more just?" A truly noble 
 and admirable maxim. That justice must be 
 
 THE RULE OF WHATEVER IS EXCELLENT AND 
 
 GREAT ! but a maxim that he had only in his 
 mouth, and which aU his actions contradicted ; 
 conformably to the principle of the generality of 
 politicians, who imagine that a statesman ought 
 always to have justice in his mouth, but should 
 never lose an occasion of violating it for the ad- 
 vantage of his country. 
 
 But let us now hear the sentence which the 
 august assembly of Sparta, so renowned for the 
 wisdom of its counsels and the equity of its de- 
 crees, is about to pronounce. The affair being 
 maturely considered, the arguments discussed at 
 large, and set in their full light, the assembly 
 resolved, that Phoebidas should be deprived of 
 his command, and fined 100,000 drachmas but 
 that they should continue to hold the citadel, 
 and keep a strong garrison in it. What a 
 strange contradiction was this ! says Polybius f 
 what a disregard of all justice and reason! to 
 punish the criminal, and approve the crime; 
 and not only to approve the crime tacitly, and 
 without having any share in it, but to ratify it 
 by public authority, and continue it in the name 
 of the state, in order to reap the advantages 
 arising from it.^ But this was not all : com- 
 missioners, appointed by all the cities in alliance 
 with Sparta, were despatched to the citadel of 
 Thebes, to try Ismenius, upon whom they pass- 
 ed sentence of death, which was immediately 
 executed. Such flagrant injustice seldom re- 
 mains unpunished. To act in such a manner, 
 says Polybius again, is neither for one's coun- 
 try's interest, nor one's own. 
 
 Teleutias,* Agesilaus's brother, had been sub- 
 stituted in the place of Phoebidas to command 
 the rest of the troops of the allies designed 
 against Olynthus ; whither he marched with all 
 
 2 About 22,000/. sterling. 3 Lib. iv. p. 296. 
 
 4 Xenoph. 1. v. p. 559—565. Died 1. xv. 342, S43. 
 
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. 
 
 3 
 
 I expedition. The city was strong, and furnished 
 j with every thing necessary to a good defence. 
 I Several sallies were made with great success, in 
 I one of which Teleutias was killed. The next 
 I year king- Agesipolis had the command of the 
 army. The campaign passed in skirmishing, 
 without any thing decisive. Agesipolis died 
 soon after of a disease, and was succeeded by his 
 brother Cleombrotus, who reigned nine years. 
 
 About that time began the 
 A. M. 3624. hundredth Olympiad. Sparta 
 Ant. J. C. 380. made fresh efforts to termi- 
 nate the war with the Olyn- 
 f hians. Polybidas their general pressed the siege 
 with vigour. The place being in want of pro- 
 visions was at last obliged to surrender, and was 
 J received by the Spartans into the number of 
 (heir allies. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 Sparta's prosperity. Character of two illustrious Thebans, 
 Epaminondas and Pelopidas. 1 he latter forms the de- 
 sign of restoring the liberty of his country. Conspiracy 
 against the tyrants wisely conducted, and happily exe- 
 cuted. The citadel is retaken. 
 
 The fortune of the Lacedaemonians never ap- 
 peared with greater splendour,^ nor their power 
 more strongly established. All Greece was sub- 
 jected to them, either by force or alliance. They 
 were in possession of Thebes, a most powerful 
 city, and with that of all Bceotia. They had 
 found means to humble Argos, and to hold it in 
 dependence. Corinth was entirely at their de- 
 votion, and obeyed their orders in every thing. 
 The Athenians, abandoned by their allies and 
 [ reduced almost to their own strength, were in 
 no condition to make head against them. If 
 any city or people in their alliance attempted to 
 withdraw themselves from their power, an im- 
 mediate punishment reduced them to their for- 
 mer obedience, and terrified all othei's fi-om fol- 
 lowing their example. Thus, masters by sea 
 and land, all trembled before them ; and the most 
 formidable princes, as the king of Persia and the 
 tyrant of Syracuse, seemed to emulate each other 
 in courting their friendship and alliance. 
 
 A prosperity founded in injustice can be of no 
 long duration. The blow that was to shake the 
 Spartan power, came from the very quarter 
 where they exercised the most unjust violence, 
 and from whence they did not seem to have any 
 thing to fear ; that is to say, from Thebes. Two 
 illustrious citizens of that state will make a glo- 
 rious appearance upon the theatre of Greece, 
 and for that reason deserve our notice in this 
 place. 
 
 These are Pelopidas and Epaminondas,^ both 
 descended from the noblest families of Thebes. 
 Pelopidas, nurtured in the greatest affluence, 
 and having become, whilst young, sole heir of a 
 very rich and flourishing family, employed his 
 wealth, from the first possession of it, in the re- 
 lief of such as had occasion for it and merited 
 his favour; showing in that wise use of his 
 riches, that he was really their master, and not 
 their slave. For according to Aristotle's re- 
 mark, repeated by Plutarch,' most men make 
 
 6 Xenoph. p. 565. Diod. p. 334. 
 6 Plut. in Pelop. p. 279. 
 
 no use at all of their fortunes out of avarice, or 
 abuse them in bad or trifling expenses. As for 
 Epaminondas, poverty was all his inheritance, 
 in which his honour, and one might almost say, 
 his joy and delight, consisted. He was born of 
 poor parents, and consequently familiarized from 
 his infancy with poverty, which he made more 
 grateful and easy to him by his taste for philoso- 
 phy. ^ Pelopidas, who supported a great number 
 of citizens, never having been able to prevail on 
 him to accept his offers and to make use of his 
 fortune, resolved to share in the poverty of his 
 friend by making him his example, and became 
 the model as well as admiration of the whole 
 city, from the modesty of his dress and the fru- 
 gality of his table. 
 
 If Epaminondas was poor with respect to the 
 goods of fortune," he was amply recompensed in 
 those of the head and heart : modest, prudent, 
 grave, skilful in taking advantage of favourable 
 opportunities, possessing in a supreme degree the 
 science of war, equally valiant and wise, easy 
 and complaisant in his intercourse with the 
 world, suffering with incredible patience the ill 
 treatment of the people, and even of his friends, 
 uniting with his ardour for military exercises a 
 wonderful taste for study and the sciences, 
 piquing himself especially so much upon truth 
 and sincerity, that he made a scruple of telling a 
 lie even in jest or for diversion. Aded verilatis 
 diligens, ut nejoco quidem mentiretur. 
 
 They were both equally inclined to virtue.9 
 But Pelopidas was best pleased with the exer- 
 cises of the body, and Epaminondas with the 
 cultivation of the mind. For which reason, 
 they employed their leisure, the one in the 
 palaesti^a and the chase, and the other in conver- 
 sation and the study of philosophy. 
 
 But what persons of sense and judgment must 
 principally admire in them, and which is rai'ely 
 found amongst those of their high rank, is the 
 perfect union and friendship that always sub- 
 sisted between them, during the whole time 
 they were employed together in the administra- 
 tion of the public affairs, whether in war or 
 peace. If we examine the government of Aris- 
 tides and Themistocles, that of Cimon and Peri- 
 cles, of Nicias and Alcibiades, we shall find them 
 full of trouble, dissension, and debate. The two 
 friends we speak of held the first ofllices in the 
 state ; all great affairs passed thi'ough their hands ; 
 every thing was confided to their care and au- 
 thority. In such delicate conjunctures, what 
 occasions of pique and jealousy generally arise ! 
 But neither difference of sentiment, diversity of 
 interest, nor the least emotion of envy, ever 
 altered their union and good understanding. 
 The reason of which was, their being founded 
 upon an unalterable principle, that is, upon vir- 
 tue ; which in all other actions, says Plutarch, 
 occasioned their having neither glory nor riches, 
 those fatal sources of strife and division, in view, 
 but solely the public good, and made them de- 
 sire, not the advancement or honour of their 
 own families, but to render their country more 
 powerful and flourishing. Such were the two 
 illustrious men who are about to make their 
 appearance, and to giA-^e a new face to the affairs 
 of Greece, by the great events in which they 
 will have a principal share. 
 
 8 Corn. Nep. in Epam. c. iii. 
 9 Plut. in Pelop. p, 279. 
 
 A •! 
 
4 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Leontides being apprised 
 A. M. S626. tliat the exiles had retired 
 Ant. J. C. 378. to Athens,' where they had 
 been well received by the 
 people, and much respected by all people of 
 worth and honour, laid a plot for secretly cut- 
 ting them oflF, by means of certain unknown 
 persons, whom he sent thither to assassinate the 
 most considerable of them. Only Androclides 
 was killed, and Leontides failed in his designs 
 against all the rest. 
 
 At the same time, the Athenians received let- 
 ters from Sparta, to prohibit their receiving or 
 assisting the exiles, and with orders to expel 
 them their city, as persons declared to be the 
 common enemies of Greece by all the allies. 
 Humanity, a virtue peculiar and natural to the 
 Athenians, made them reject so infamous a pro- 
 posal with horror. They were transported with 
 the opportunity of expressing their gratitude to 
 the Thebans for a previous obligation of the 
 same nature. For the Thebans had contributed 
 , the most to the re-establishment of the popular 
 government at Athens, having declared in their 
 favour by a public decree, contrary to the pro- 
 hibition of Sparta ; and it was from Thebes, 
 that Thrasybulus had set out to deliver Athens 
 from the tyranny of the Thirty. 
 
 Pelopidas, though at that time very young, 
 went to all the exiles one after another, of whom 
 Melon was the most considerable. He repre- 
 sented to them, " That it was neither becoming 
 nor just to content themselves with having saved 
 their own lives, and to look with indifference 
 i upon their country, enslaved and miserable; 
 i that whatever good-will the people of Athens 
 i might express for them, it was not fit that they 
 I should suffer their fate to depend upon the de- 
 I crees of a people, which their natural inconstan- 
 ' cy, or the malignity of the orators that turned 
 I them any way at will, might soon alter : that it 
 I was necessary to hazard every thing, after the 
 I example of Thrasybulus, and to set before them- 
 i selves his intrepid valour and generous fortitude 
 ! as a model : that as he set out from Thebes to 
 i suppress and destroy the tyrants of Athens, so 
 j they ought to go from Athens to restore to 
 i Thebes its ancient liberty." 
 1 This discourse made all the impression upon 
 j the exiles that could be expected. They sent 
 I privately to inform their friends at Thebes of 
 I their resolution, who extremely approved 
 their design. Charon, one of the principal per- 
 sons in the city, offered to receive the conspira- 
 tors into his house. Philidas found means to 
 get himself made secretary to Archias and 
 Philip, who were then polemarchs or supreme 
 magistrates of the city. As for Epaminondas, 
 he had for some time. diligently endeavoured to 
 inspire the younger Thebans by his discourse 
 with a passionate desire to throw off the Spar- 
 tan yoke. He was ignorant of nothing that had 
 been projected,^ but he believed that he ought 
 not to have any share in it, because, as he said, 
 he could not resolve to imbrue his hands in the 
 blood of his countrymen; foreseeing that his 
 friends would not keep within the due bounds 
 of the enterprise, however lawful in itself, and 
 that the tyrants would not perish alone; and 
 oonvinced besides, that a citizen, who should 
 
 1 Xenoph. Hist. Gr. 1. v. p. 566-568. Plut. in Pelop. 
 280—284. Id. tie Socrat. Gen. p. 586—688. et 594—598. 
 liod. 1. XV. p. 34^^— 34a Cor. Nep. in Pelop. c. i— iv. 
 2 Plut, de Gen. Socrat. p. 594. 
 
 appear not to have taken either side, would have 
 it in his power to make a more powerful im- 
 pression upon the minds of the people. 
 
 The day for the execution of the project being 
 fixed, the exiles thought proper that Pherenicus, 
 having assembled all the conspirators, should 
 stop at Thriasium, a little town not far from 
 Thebes, and that a small number of the young- 
 est of them should venture into the city. Twelve 
 persons of the best families of Thebes,' all united 
 by a strict and faithful friendship with each 
 other, though competitors for glory and honour, 
 offered themselves for this bold enterprise. Pe- 
 lopidas was of this number. After having 
 embraced their companions, and despatched a 
 messenger to Charon, to give him notice of their 
 coming, they set out dressed in mean habits, 
 carrying hounds with them, and poles in their 
 hands for pitching of tents ; that such as they 
 met on the way might have no suspicion ol 
 them, and take them only for hunters that had 
 wandered after their game. 
 
 Their messenger being arrived at Thebes, and 
 having informed Charon that they were set out, 
 the approach of danger did not alter his senti- 
 ments ; and as he wanted neither courage nor 
 honour, he prepared his house for their recep- 
 tion. 
 
 One of the conspirators, who was not a bad 
 man, who even loved his country, and would 
 have served the exiles with all his power, but 
 had neither the resolution nor constancy neces- 
 sary for such an enterprise, and could think ol 
 nothing but the difficulties and obstacles that 
 presented themselves in crowds to his imagina- 
 tion, appalled with the prospect of danger, re- 
 tired to his house without saying any thing, and 
 despatched one of his friends to Melon and Pe- 
 lopidas, to desire them to defer their enterprise, 
 and return to Athens, there to await a more 
 favourable opportunity. Happily, that friend, 
 not finding his horse's bridle, and losing a great 
 deal of time in quarrelling with his wife, was 
 prevented from going. 
 
 Pelopidas and his companions, disguised like 
 peasants, having separated from each other, en- 
 tered the city at different gates towards the close 
 of day. As it was then early in the winter, the 
 north wind blew, and the snow fell ; which 
 served the better to conceal them, every body 
 keeping within doors on account of the cold 
 weather; which gave them likewise a pretext 
 for covering their faces. Some who were in 
 the secret, received and conducted them to Cha- 
 ron's house ; where, of exiles and others, their 
 whole number amounted to forty -eight. 
 
 Philidas, secretary to the Boeotarchs,' who 
 was in the plot, had some time before invited 
 Archias and his companions to supper on that 
 very day, promising them an exquisite repast, 
 and the company of some of the finest women in 
 the city. The guests being met at the appointed 
 time, they sat down to table. They had cir- 
 culated the glass, and were almost drunk, when 
 it was whispered about, but not known where 
 the report began, that the exiles were in the 
 city. Philidas, without showing any concern, 
 did his utmost to change the discourse. Archias, 
 however, sent one of his officers to Charon, with 
 orders to come to him immediately. It was now 
 late, and Pelopidas and the conspirators were 
 
 3 'I he magi-trates and generals who were charged with 
 the governiuenl of Thebes, were called Boeotarchs, that if 
 to say, commanders or governors of Bceotia. 
 
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. 
 
 5 
 
 preparing to set out, and had put on their ar- 
 mour and swords, when, on a sudden, they heard 
 a knocking at the door. Somebody went to it, 
 and being told by the officers, that he was come 
 from the magistrates with orders for Charon to 
 attend them immediately, he ran to him half out 
 of his wits to acquaint him with that terrible 
 message. They all concluded that the conspi- 
 racy was discovered, and believed themselves 
 i lost, before it would be possible to execute any 
 thing worthy their cause and valour. However, 
 they were all of opinion that Charon should 
 obey the order, and present himself before the 
 magistrates with an air of assurance, as void of 
 fear, and unconscious of offence. 
 
 Charon was a man of intrepid courage in 
 -dangers which, threatened only himself: but at 
 that time, terrified for his friends, and appre- 
 hending also that he should be suspected of some 
 treachery, if so many brave citizens, whom he 
 had received into his house, should be destroyed, 
 he went to his wife's apartment, and fetched his 
 only son of fifteen years old at most, who in 
 beauty and strength excelled all the youths of 
 his age, and put him into the hands of Pelopi- 
 das, saying at the same time, " If you discover 
 that I have betrayed you, and have been guilty 
 of treachery upon this occasion, revenge your- 
 selves on me in this my only son, whom, dear 
 as he is to me, I abandon to you, and let him 
 fall a victim without mercy to his father's per- 
 fidy." 
 
 These expressions wounded them to the heart ; 
 but what gave them the most sensible pain, was 
 his imagining there was any one amongst them 
 80 mean and ungrateful as to form to himself 
 the least suspicion in regard to him. They con- 
 jured him unanimously, not to leave his son 
 with them, but to put him into some place of 
 safety ; that his friends and country might not 
 want an avenger, if he should not be so fortu- 
 nate as to escape the tyrants. " No," replied 
 the father, " he shall stay with you, and share 
 your fate. If he must perish, what nobler end 
 can he make, than to perish with his father and 
 best friends? For you, my son, exert yoursell ' 
 beyond your years, and show a courage worthy 
 of you and me. You see here the most excellent 
 of the Thebans. Make under such masters a 
 noble essay of glory, and learn to fight ; or, if it 
 must be so, to die, like them, for liberty. For 
 the rest, I am not without hopes, for I believe 
 that the justice of our cause will draw down the 
 favour and protection of the gods upon us." He 
 concluded with a prayer for them, and after 
 embracing the conspirators, went out. 
 
 He took pains on his way to recover himself, 
 and to compose his looks and voice, that he 
 might not appear under any concern. When 
 he came to the door of the house where the feast 
 was kept, Archias and Philidas came out to 
 him, and asked the meaning of a report, that 
 disaffected people were arrived in the city, and 
 were concealed in some house. He seemed as- 
 tonished ; and finding by their answers to his 
 questions, that they had no precise information 
 on the subject, he assumed a bolder tone, and 
 said, " It is very likely the report you speak of 
 i3 only a false alarm, intended to interrupt your 
 mirth : however, as it ought not to be neglected, 
 I'll go immediately, and make the strictest in- 
 quiry possible into it." Philidas praised his 
 prudence and zeal ; and carrying Archias back 
 into the company, again engaged him in the de- 
 bauch, and continued the entertainment, by 
 
 keeping the guests in perpetual expectation of 
 the women he had promised them. 
 
 Charon, on his return home, found his friends 
 all prepared, not to conquer nor to save then 
 lives, but to die gloriously, and to sell themselves 
 as dear as they could. The serenity and joy of 
 his looks explained beforehand, that they had 
 nothing to fear. He repeated all that had 
 passed; after which they had no thoughts but 
 of putting into instant execution a design, to 
 which the least delay might occasion a thousand 
 obstacles. 
 
 In fact, at that very instant happened a second 
 storm, far more violent and more dangerous than 
 the first, and which seemed as if it could not 
 possibly fail of making the enterprise miscarry. 
 A courier from Athens arrived in great haste 
 with a packet, which contained a circumstantial 
 account of the whole conspiracy, as was after- 
 wards discovered. The courier was brought 
 first to Archias, who was already overcome 
 with wine, and thought of nothing but pleasure. 
 In giving him his despatches, he said, " My 
 lord, the person who writes you these letters, 
 conjures you to read them immediately, being 
 serious affairs." Archias replied, laughing,"* 
 "Serious affairs to-morrow;" which words 
 were afterwards used by the Greeks as a pro- 
 verb ; and taking the letters, he put them under 
 his bolster,^ and continued the conversation and 
 banquet. 
 
 The conspirators were at that time in the 
 streets, divided into two parties ; the one, with 
 Pelopidas at their head, marched against Leon- 
 tides, who was not at the feaibt ; the other against 
 Archias, under the command of Charon. The 
 latter had put on women's habits over their ar- 
 mour, and crowned themselves with pine and 
 poplar wreaths, which entirely covered their 
 faces. When they came to the door of the apart- 
 ment where the feast was kept, the guests made 
 a gi'eat noise, and set up loud shouts of joy. But 
 they were told, that the women would not come 
 in till the servants were all dismissed, which 
 was done immediately. They were sent to 
 neighbouring houses, where there was no want 
 of wine for their entertainment. The conspira- 
 tors, by this stratagem, having made themselves 
 masters of the field of battle, entered sword in 
 hand, and showing themselves in their true 
 colours, put all the guests to the sword, and 
 with them the magistrates, who were full of 
 wine, and in no condition to defend themselves. 
 Pelopidas met with more resistance. Leontides, 
 who was asleep in bed, awaked with the noise 
 that was made, and rising immediately, armed 
 himself with his sword, and laid some of th« 
 conspirators at his feet, but was at last killed 
 himself. 
 
 This grand affair being executed in this man- 
 ner with so much despatch and success, couriers 
 were immediately despatched to the exiles who 
 had remained at Thriasium. The dooi's of the 
 prisons were broken open, and 500 prisoners let 
 out. The Thebans were called upon to I'esume 
 their liberty, and arms were given to all they 
 met, the spoils affixed to the porticos being taken 
 down, and the armourers and cutlers' shops, 
 broken open for that purpose. Epaminondas 
 and Georgidas came in arms to join them, ac- 
 
 4 OvKOvv It a.'v^i6v, t^ifi, TO, a';roui»7a» 
 5 The Greeks ate lying on couches 
 
6 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 companied with a numerous band of young 
 men, and with some old persons of great worth, 
 whom they had got together. 
 
 The Avhole city was in great terror and con- 
 fusion ; the houses all illuminated with torches, 
 and the streets thronged with the multitude 
 passing to and fi'o. The people, in a consterna- 
 tion at what had happened, and for want of suf- 
 ficient information, waited impatiently for the 
 day to know their destiny. The Lacedaemoni- 
 an captains were therefore thought guilty o^ a 
 very great error in not having fallen upon them 
 during their disorder ; for the garrison consisted 
 of 1500 men, besides 3000 who had taken refuge 
 in the citadel. Alarmed by the cries they heard, 
 the illuminations they saw in the houses, and 
 the tumult of the multitude running backwards 
 and forwards, they lay still, and contented 
 themselves with guarding the citadel, after hav- 
 ing sent couriers to Sparta with the news of 
 what had happened, and to demand an immedi- 
 ate reinforcement. 
 
 The next day at sun-rise the exiles arrived 
 with their arms, and an assembly of the people 
 was convened. Epaminondas and Georgidas 
 conducted Pelopidas and his company thithei', 
 surrounded with all their sacrificers, carrying 
 in their hands the sacred fillets, and exhorting 
 the citizens to assist their country, and to join 
 with their gods. At this sight, the whole as- 
 sembly rose up with loud acclamations and clap- 
 ping of hands, and received the conspirators as 
 their benefactors and deliverers. The same day, 
 Pelopidas, Melon, and Charon, were elected 
 Boeotarchs. 
 
 The arrival of the exiles was followed by that 
 of 5000 foot and 500 horse, sent by the Atheni- 
 ans to Pelopidas, under the command of Demo- 
 phoon. Those troops, with others which joined 
 them shortly after from all the cities of Bceotia, 
 composed an army of 12,000 foot and 2000 horse, 
 and without loss of time besieged the citadel, 
 that it might be taken before relief could come 
 from Sparta. 
 
 The besieged made a vigorous defence in hopes 
 of a speedy succour, and seemed resolved rather 
 to die than surrender the place ; at least the La- 
 cedaemonians were of that opinion. But they 
 were not the greatest number of the garrison. 
 When provisions began to fall short, and famine 
 to press them, the rest of the troops obliged the 
 Spartans to surrender. The garrison had their 
 lives granted them, and were permitted to retire 
 whither they thought fit. They were scarce 
 marched out, when the aid arrived. The Lace- 
 daemonians found Cleombrotus at Megara, at 
 the head of a powerful army, which, with a 
 little more expedition, might have saved the 
 citadel. But this was not the first time that 
 the natural slowness of the Lacedaemonians had 
 occasioned the miscarriage of their most impor- 
 tant enterprises. The three commanders who 
 had capitulated were tried. Two of them were 
 punished with death ; and the third had so 
 great a fine laid upon him, that not being able 
 to pay it, he banished himself from Pelopon- 
 nesus. 
 
 Pelopidas had all the honour of this great ex- 
 ploit, the most memorable of any that were ever 
 executed by surprise and stratagem. Plutarch, 
 with reason, compares it to that of Thrasybulus. 
 Both exiles, destitute in themselves of all re- 
 source, and compelled to implore a foreign sup- 
 port, form the bold design of attacking a formi- 
 dable power with a handful of men ; and having 
 overcome all obstacles to their entei'prise solely 
 
 by their valour, had each of them the good for- 
 tune to deliver their country, and to change the 
 face of affairs entirely. For the Athenians were 
 indebted to Thrasybulus for that sudden and 
 happy change, which, fi'eeing them from the 
 oppression under which they groaned, not only 
 restored their liberty, but with it their ancient 
 splendour, and put them into a condition to hum- 
 ble, and make Sparta, their ancient and constant 
 rival, tremble in her turn. We shall see in like 
 manner, that the war which is to reduce the 
 pride of Spai'ta, and deprive her of empire over 
 both sea and land, was the work of this single 
 night, in which Pelopidas, without taking either 
 citadel or fortress, but entering only one of 
 twelve into a private house,' unloosed and broke 
 the chains imposed by the Lacedaemonians on 
 all the other states of Greece, though they ap- 
 peared to be so firmly rivetted as never to be 
 broken or unloosed. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 Sphodrias the Lacedjemonian forms a design against the 
 Pirajeus without success. The Athenians declare for the 
 Thebans. Skirmishes between the latter and the Lace- 
 daemonians. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians,^ af- 
 A. M. 3627. ter the injury they pretend- 
 Ant. J. C. S77. ed to have received by the 
 enterprise of Pelopidas, did 
 not continue quiet, but applied themselves in 
 earnest to take their revenge. Agesilaus, right- 
 ly judging that an expedition of that kind, the 
 end of which was to support tyrants, would not 
 reflect much honour upon him, left it to Cleom- 
 brotus, who had lately succeeded king Agesi- 
 polls ; under pretence that his great age dis- 
 pensed with his undertaking it. Cleombrotus 
 entered Bceotia with his army. The first cam- 
 paign was not vigorous, and terminated in com- 
 mitting some ravages in the country ; after 
 which the king retired ; and detaching part of 
 his troops to Sphodrias, who commanded at 
 Thespiae, returned to Sparta. 
 
 The Athenians, who did not think themselves 
 in a condition to make head against the Lace- 
 daemonians, and were afraid of the consequences 
 of the war in which the league with the The- 
 bans was likely to engage them, repented their 
 having entered into it, and renounced it. Of 
 those who persisted to adhere to the Theban 
 party, some were imprisoned, some put to death, 
 others banished, and the rich severely fined. The 
 Theban affairs seemed almost desperate ; as no 
 one came forward to support them. Pelopidas 
 and Georgidas were then in office, and were con- 
 certing together means to embroil the Athenians 
 with the Lacedaemonians ; and this was the 
 stratagem they contrived. 
 
 Sphodrias the Spartan had been left at Thes- 
 piae with a body of troops, to receive and protect 
 such of the Bceotians as should revolt against 
 Thebes. He had acquired some reputation 
 amongst the soldiery, and wanted neither cour- 
 age nor ambition ; but he was rash, superficial, 
 self- conceited, and consequently apt to entertain 
 
 2/£;»^l^|/E Tovf 'Sio-fjLoh; r5j? A.a,y.ila.ifx.ov'i«v r,yif^ovia.s, «Xy- 
 
 2 Xcnoph. Hist. Gr. 1. v. p. 568—572. Plut. in Ages, 
 p. C09, 610. Id. in Pelop. p. 28}, 285. 
 
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. 
 
 vain hopes. Pelopidas and Gorgidas sent pri- 
 vately a merchant of his own acquaintance to 
 him, with the offer, as from himself, of a con- 
 siderable sum of money, and with insinuations 
 better calculated to persuade him than money, 
 since they flattered his vanity. " After having 
 represented to him that a person of his merit 
 and reputation ought to form some great enter- 
 prise which might immortalize his name, he 
 proposed to him the seizing of the Piraeeus, by 
 attacking the Athenians by surprise, and when 
 they could have no expectation of such an at- 
 tempt. He added, that nothing could be more 
 gi-ateful to the Lacedaemonians, than to see them- 
 selves masters of Athens ; and that the Thebans, 
 enraged at the Athenians, whom they considered 
 as traitors and deserters, would lend them no 
 assistance." 
 
 Sphodrias, anxious to acquire a great name, 
 and envying the glory of Phoebidas, who, in his 
 opinion, had rendered himself renowned and 
 illustrious by his unjust attempt upon Thebes, 
 conceived it would be a much more brilliant and 
 glorious exploit to seize the Pireeeus of his own 
 accord, and deprive the Athenians of their great 
 power at sea, by an unforeseen attack by land. 
 He undertook therefore with great joy an enter- 
 prise, which was neither less unjust nor less 
 horrid than that of the Cadmea, but executed 
 neither with the same boldness nor with the 
 same success. For having set out in the night 
 from Thespiae, with the view of surprising the 
 Pirteeus before light, the day-break overtook 
 him in the plain of Thriasium near Eleusis, and 
 finding himself discovered, he returned shame- 
 fully to Thespiae with some booty which he had 
 taken. 
 
 The Athenians immediately sent ambassadors 
 with their complaints to Sparta. Those am- 
 bassadors found that the Lacedaemonians had 
 not waited their arrival to accuse Sphodrias, 
 but had already cited him before the council to 
 answer for his conduct. He was afraid to obey 
 that summons, having just reason to apprehend 
 the issue of a trial, and the resentment of his 
 country. He had a son, who had contracted a 
 strict and tender friendship with the son of 
 Agesilaus. The latter solicited his father so 
 earnestly, or rather tormented him with such 
 extreme importunity and perseverance, that he 
 could not refuse Sphodrias his protection, and 
 got him fully acquitted. Agesilaus had little 
 delicacy, as we have seen already, with respect 
 to the duties of justice, when the service of his 
 friends was in question. He was besides, of all 
 mankind, the most tender and indulgent father 
 to his children. It is reported of him, that 
 when they were little he would play with them, 
 and divert himself with riding upon a stick 
 amongst them, and that having been one day 
 surprised by a friend in that action, he desired 
 him not to tell any body of it till himself was a 
 father. 
 
 The unjust sentence passed in favour of Spho- 
 drias by the Spartans exceedingly incensed the 
 Athenians,^ and determined them to renew their 
 alliance with Thebes immediately, and to assist 
 them with all their power. They fitted out a 
 fleet of sixty sail, and gave the command of it to 
 Timotheus, son of the illustrious Conou, whose 
 reputation he well sustained by his own valour 
 
 and exploits. It was he whom his enemies 
 through envy of the glory he had acquired by his 
 
 f-eat success, painted sleeping, with the goddess 
 ortune at his feet, taking towns in nets for 
 him ;* but upon this occasion he proved that he 
 was not asleep. After having ravaged the coast 
 of Laconia, he attacked the isle of Corcyra,* 
 which he took. He treated the inhabitants witii 
 great humanity, and made no alterations in their 
 liberty or laws, which very much inclined the 
 neighbouring cities in favour of Athens, The 
 Spartans on their side made powerful prepara- 
 tions for the war, and were principally intent 
 upon retaking Corcyra. Its happy situation 
 between Sicily and Greece rendered that island 
 very important. They therefore engaged Dio- 
 nysius the tyrant in this expedition, and de- 
 rtianded aid of him. In the mean time they 
 despatched their fleet under the command of 
 Mnasippus. The Athenians sent sixty sail 
 against them to the relief of Corcyra, under the 
 command of Timotheus at first ; but soon after, 
 upon his seeming to act too slowly, Iphicrates 
 was substituted in his place. Mnasippus hay- 
 ing made himself odious to his troops by his 
 haughtiness, rigour, and avarice, was very ill 
 obeyed by them, and lost his life in an engage- 
 ment. Iphicrates did not arrive till after his 
 death, when he received advice that the Syra- 
 cusan squadron of ten galleys was approaching, 
 which he attacked so successfully that not one 
 of them escaped. He had demanded, that the 
 orator Callistratus, and Chabrias, one of the 
 most renowned captains of his time, should be 
 joined in commission with him. Xenophon ad- 
 mires his wisdom and greatness of soul upon 
 that account, in being not unwilling to appear 
 to have occasion for advice, and not apprehend- 
 ing that others might share the glory of his vic- 
 tories with himself. 
 
 Agesilaus had been prevailed upon to take the 
 command of the troops against Thebes. He 
 entered Bceotia, where he did abundance of 
 damage to the Thebans, not without consider- 
 able loss on his own side. The two armies came 
 every day to blows, and were perpetually en- 
 gaged, though not in formal battle, yet in skir- 
 mishes, which served to instruct the Thebans in 
 the art of war, and to inspire them with valour, 
 boldness, and experience. It is reported that 
 the Spartan Antalcidas told Agesilaus very justly 
 upon this head one day, when he was brought 
 back fi'om Bceotia much wounded, " My lord 
 Agesilaus, you have a fine reward from the les- 
 sons you have given the Thebans in the art of 
 war, which, before you taught it them, they 
 never would nor could learn." It was to pre- 
 vent this inconvenience, that Lycurgus, in one 
 of the three laws which he calls Rketrce, forbade 
 the Lacedaemonians to make war often upon the 
 same enemy, lest they should make them good 
 soldiers, by obliging them too frequently to de- 
 fend themselves. 
 
 Several campaigns passed in this manner with- 
 out any thing decisive on either side. It was 
 prudent in the Theban generals not to hazard a 
 battle hitherto, and to give their soldiers time to 
 inure and embolden themselves. When the oc- 
 casion was favourable, they let them seasonably 
 loose like generous hounds, and after having 
 given them a taste of victory by way of reward, 
 they called them off, contented with their cour- 
 
 3 Xenoph. 1. v. p. 584—589. I'lut. in Ages. p. 610, 611. 
 Id. in Felop. p. 28.5— '.'88. 
 
 4 riut. in Syl. p. 454. 
 
 5 Corfu. 
 
8 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 age and alacrity. The principal glory of their 
 success and this wise conduct was due to Pe- 
 lopidas. 
 
 The engagement at Tegyra, which was a kind 
 of prelude to the battle of Leuctra, added much 
 to his reputation. Having failed in his enter- 
 prise against Orchoraenos, which had joined the 
 Lacedaemonians, at his return he found the ene- 
 my posted to intercept him near Tegyra. As 
 soon as the Thehans perceived them from the 
 defiles, somebody ran in all haste to Pelopidas, 
 and told him, " We are fallen into the enemy's 
 hands." " Why so," replied he : " Why should 
 we not rather say, that they are fallen into 
 ours?" At the same time he ordered his cavalry, 
 which were his rear guard, to advance to the 
 front, that they might begin the fight. He was 
 assured that his foot, which were only 300, and 
 were called the sacred battalion, wherever they 
 charged, would break through the enemy, though 
 superior in number, as they were by at least 
 two-thirds. The assault began where the gen- 
 erals of each party were posted, and was very 
 fierce. The two generals of the Lacedaemo- 
 nians, who had charged Pelopidas, were pre- 
 sently killed; all that were with them bemg 
 either slain or dispersed. The rest of the Lace- 
 daemonian troops were so daunted, that they 
 opened a passage for the Thebans, who might 
 have marched on and saved themselves if they 
 had thought fit : but Pelopidas, disdaining to 
 make use of that opening for his retreat, ad- 
 vanced against those who were still drawn up 
 in battle, and made so great a slaughter of them, 
 that the rest were all dismayed, and fled in dis- 
 order. The Thebans did not pursue them far, 
 lest they should be surprised. They contented 
 themselves with having broken them, and with 
 making a glorious retreat, not inferior to a vic- 
 tory, because it was made through an enemy 
 dispersed and defeated. 
 
 This little encounter, for it can be called no 
 more, was in a manner the source of the great 
 actions and events we shall soon relate. It had 
 never happened till then in any war, either 
 against the Barbai-ians or Greeks, that the La- 
 cedaemonians had been defeated with the supe- 
 riority of number on their side, nor even with 
 equal' forces in a pitched battle. For which 
 reason they were insupportably proud, and their 
 reputation alone kept their enemies in awe, who 
 never durst show themselves in the field before 
 them, unless superior in number. They now 
 lost that glory ; and the Thebans in their turn 
 are to become the terror and dread even of those 
 who had hitherto rendered themselves so univer- 
 sally formidable. 
 
 The enterprise of Artaxer- 
 xes Mnemon against Egypt, 
 and the death of Evagoras 
 king of Cyprus, should na- 
 turally come in here. But 
 I shall defer those articles, 
 to avoid breaking in upon the Theban affairs. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 A. M. 3627. 
 Ant. J. C. 377. 
 
 A. M. 3630. 
 Ant. J. C. 374. 
 
 New troubles in Greece. The Lacediemonians declare 
 war against Thebes, They are defeated and put to flight 
 in the battle of Leuctra. Epaniinondas ravages Laconia, 
 and marches to the gates of Sparta. 
 
 that interval the Thebans, having taken Pla- 
 taeae,^ and afterwards Thespiae, entirely demol- 
 ished those two cities, and expelled the inhabi- 
 tants. The Platseans retired to Athens with 
 their wives and children, where they were re- 
 ceived with the utmost kindness, and adopted 
 into the number of the citizens. 
 
 Artaxerxes,^ being inform- 
 A. M. 3633. ed of the state of the Grecian 
 Ant. J. C. 371. affairs, sent a new embassy 
 thither, to persuade the sev- 
 eral cities and republics at war, to lay down 
 their arms, and accommodate their differences 
 upon the plan of the treaty of Antalcidas. By 
 that peace, as has been observed in its place, it 
 was concluded, that all the cities of Greece 
 should enjoy their liberty, and be governed by 
 their own laws. In virtue of this article, the 
 Lacedaemonians pressed the Thebans to restore 
 liberty to all the cities of Boeotia, to rebuild 
 Plataeae and Thespiae which they had demol- 
 ished, and to restore them with the territories 
 dependent on them to their ancient inhabitants. 
 The Thebans on their side insisted also, that the 
 Lacedaemonians should give liberty to all those 
 of Laconia, and that the city of Messene should 
 be restored to its ancient possessors. This was 
 what equity required ; but the Lacedaemonians, 
 believing themselves much superior to the The- 
 bans, were for imposing a law upon them, to 
 which they would not submit themselves. 
 
 All Greece being weary of a war which had 
 already lasted several campaigns, and had no 
 other origin than the ambition and injustice of 
 Sparta, nor any other end than the aggrandizing 
 of that state, was seriously intent upon effecting 
 a general peace, and with that view had sent 
 deputies to Lacedaemon, to concert together the 
 means of attaining so desirable an event. Amongst 
 those deputies,* Epaminondas was of the first 
 rank. He was at that time celebrated for his 
 great erudition and profound knowledge in phi- 
 losophy ; but he had not yet had an opportunity 
 of giving any very distinguished jproofs^ of his 
 great capacity for the command of armies and 
 the administration of public affairs. Seeing that 
 all the deputies, out of respect for Agesilaus, 
 who declared openly for the war, were afraid to 
 contradict him, or to differ from his opinion in 
 any thing, a very common effect of too impe- 
 rious a power on one side, and too servile a sub- 
 mission on the other ; he was the only one that 
 spoke with a wise and noble boldness, as became 
 a statesman who had no other view than the 
 public good. He made a speech, not for the 
 Thebans alone, but for Greece in general; in 
 which he proved, that the war augmented only 
 the power of Sparta, whilst the rest of Greece 
 was reduced and ruined by it. He insisted 
 principally upon the necessity of establishing the 
 peace upon the basis of equality and justice ; be- 
 cause no peace could be solid and of long dura- 
 tion, but that wherein all parties should find an 
 equal advantage. 
 
 A discourse like this, founded evidently upon 
 reason and justice, and pronounced with a grave 
 and serious tone, never fails of making an im- 
 pression. Agesilaus plainly perceived, from the 
 attention and silence with which it was heard, 
 that the deputies were extremely affected with 
 
 W^hilst the Persians were engaged in the Egyp- 
 tian war,' great troubles arose in Greece. In 
 
 1 Diod. 1. ii. p. 361, 36i5. 
 
 2 Plataeas, a city of Boeotia ; Thespiae of Achaia. 
 3 Xenoph. Hist. Grsec. 1. 6. p. 590—593. Diod. p. 36b, 
 366. 
 
 4 Plut. in Agesi). p. 611. 
 
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. 
 
 9 
 
 it, and would not fail to act conformably to his 
 opinion. To j)revent that effect, he demanded 
 of Epaminondaa, " Whether he thought it just 
 and reasonable that Boeotia should be free and 
 independent?" that is to say, Whether he 
 iv^-eed that the cities of Boeotia should depend 
 no longer upon Thebes ? Epaminondas imme- 
 diately asked in his turn, with great vivacity, 
 «* Whether he thought it just and reasonable 
 that Laconia should enjoy the same indepen- 
 dence and liberty?" Upon which, Agesilaus, 
 rising from his seat in great rage, insisted upon 
 his declaring plainly, " Whether he would con- 
 sent that Boeotia should be free?" Epaminon- 
 das retorted his question again, and asked, 
 " Whether on his side, he would consent that 
 Laconia should be free?" Agesilaus, who 
 wanted only a pretext for breaking with the 
 Thebans,. struck their name directly out of the 
 treaty of alliance which they were about to con- 
 clude. The rest of the allies signed it, less out 
 of inclination, than not to offend the Lacedse- 
 nionians, whose power they dreaded. 
 
 In consequence of this treaty,^ all the troops 
 in the field were to be disbanded. Cleombrotus, 
 one of the kings of Sparta, was then in Phocis, 
 at the head of the army. He wrote to the 
 Ephori to know the republic's resolutions. 
 Prothous, one of the principal senators, repre- 
 sented that there was no room for deliberation, 
 for that Sparta, by the late agreement, had 
 made the recall of the troops indispensable. 
 Agesilaus was of a different opinion. Angry 
 with the Thebans, and particularly with Epa- 
 minondas, he was absolutely bent on war for an 
 opportunity of revenge, and the present seemed 
 particularly favourable, when all Greece was 
 free and united, and only the Thebans excluded 
 from the treaty of peace. The advice of Prothous 
 was therefore rejected by the whole council, who 
 treated him as an honest well-meaning dotard,^ 
 that knew nothing of the matter ; the Divinity, 
 fi'om thenceforth, as Xenophon observes, pro- 
 moting their downfall. The Ephori wrote im- 
 mediately to Cleombrotus to march against the 
 Thebans with his troops, and sent orders at the 
 same time to all their allies, to assemble their 
 forces, who were very averse to this war, and 
 did not join in it but with great reluctance, and 
 out of fear of contradicting the Lacedaemonians, 
 whom they did not yet dare to disobey. Though 
 no happy consequences could be expected from a 
 war, visibly undertaken contrary to all reason 
 and justice, and from the sole motive of resent- 
 ment and revenge ; the Lacedaemonians, how- 
 ever, from the superiority of their numbers, as- 
 sured themselves of success, and imagined that 
 the Thebans, abandoned by their allies, were in 
 no condition to oppose them. 
 
 The Thebans were much 
 A. M. 3634;. alarmed at lirst. They saw 
 Ant. J. C. 370. themselves alone, without 
 allies or support, whilst all 
 Greece looked upon them as utterly lost, not 
 knowing that in a single man they had more 
 than an army. This man was Epaminondas. 
 He was appointed general, and had several col- 
 leagues joined in commission with him. He 
 immediately raised all the troops he could, and 
 
 5 Xenoph. 1. vi. p. 591—597. Diod. 1. xv. p. 365—371. 
 Plut. in Agesil. p. 611, 612. Id. in I'elop. p. 288, ^89. 
 
 6 'Kmlvov /jtXv ^Xvac^U)) yiyna-ocra, ui toixi, ro 
 icLi/MOvtov r,yiv. 
 
 began his march. His army did not amount to 
 6000 men, and the enemy had above four times 
 that number. As sevei-al bad omens were told 
 him to prevent his setting out, he replied only 
 by a verse of Homer's, of which the sense is, 
 " There is but one gooid omen,' which is, to 
 fight for one's country." However, to reassure 
 the soldiers, by nature superstitious, and whom 
 he observed to be discouraged, he instructed 
 several persons to come from different places, 
 and repoi't auguries and omens in his favour, 
 which revived the spirit and hopes of the 
 troops. 
 
 Pelopidas was not then in office, but com- 
 manded the sacred battalion. When he left his 
 house to go to the army, his wife, in taking her 
 last adieu, conjui'od him with a flood of tears, to 
 take care of himself : " That," said he, " should 
 be recommended to young people ; but for gene- 
 rals, they have no occasion for such advice; 
 they should only be exhorted to take care of 
 others." 
 
 Epaminondas had had the wise precaution to 
 secure a pass, by which Cleombrotus might 
 have shortened his march considerably. The 
 latter, after having taken a large compass, ar- 
 rived at Leuctra, a small town of Boeotia, 
 between Platsese and Thespiae. Both parties 
 consulted whether they should give battle ; 
 which Cleombrotus resolved by the advice of all 
 his officei's, who represented to him, that if, 
 with such a superiority of troops, he declined 
 fighting, it would confirm the report which was 
 secretly spread, that he covertly favoured the 
 Thebans. The latter had an essential reason 
 for hastening a battle, to anticipate the arrival 
 of the troops which the enemy daily expected. 
 However, the six generals, who formed the 
 council of war, differed in their sentiments. A 
 seventh, who came up very seasonably, joined 
 the three that were for fighting ; and his opinion, 
 which coincided also with that of Epaminondas, 
 carrying the question, the battle was resolved 
 upon. This was in the second year of the 102d 
 Olympiad. 
 
 The two armies were very unequal in num- 
 ber. That of the Lacedaemonians, as has been 
 said, consisted of 24,000 foot and 1600 horse. 
 The Thebans had only 6000 foot and 400 hor&e ; 
 but all of them choice troops, animated by their 
 success in former campaigns, and determined to 
 conquer or die. The Lacedaemonian cavalry, 
 composed of men picked up by chance, without 
 valour, and ill-disciplined, was as much inferior 
 to that of their enemies in courage as it was su- 
 perior in number. The infantry could not be 
 depended on, except the Lacedaemonians; the 
 allies, as it has been said, having engaged in the 
 war with reluctance, because they did not ap- 
 prove the motive of it, and were besides dissatis- 
 fied with the Lacedaemonians. 
 
 The ability of the generals on either side sup- 
 plied the place of numerous armies, especially 
 the Theban, who was the most accomplished 
 captain of his time. He was supported by Pe- 
 lopidas at the head of the sacred battalion, com- 
 posed of 300 young Thebans, united in a strict 
 friendship and affection, and engaged under a 
 particular oath never to fly, but to defend each 
 other to the last drop of their blood. 
 
 Upon the day of battle the two armies drew 
 
 Iliad, xi. V. 423, 
 
10 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ap on a plain. Cleombrotus was upon the rigbt, ! 
 consisting of Lacedaemonians, on whom he con- i 
 fided most, and whose files were twelve deep. ] 
 To take advantage of the superiority of his horse j 
 in an open country, he posted them in the front j 
 of his Lacedajmonians. Archidamus, Agesilaus's ! 
 son was at the head of the allies, who formed 
 the left wing. 
 
 Epaminondas, who resolved to charge with his 
 left, which he commanded in person, strength- 
 ened it with the choice of his heavy-armed troops, 
 whom he drew up fifty deep. The sacred bat- 
 talion was upon his left, and closed the wing. 
 The rest of his infantry were posted upon his 
 right in an oblique line, which, the fai'ther it 
 extended, was the more distant from the enemy. 
 By this uncommon disposition, his design was 
 to'cover his right flank, to refuse his right wing 
 and keep it as a kind of reserve, that he might 
 not hazard the event of the battle upon the weak- 
 est part of his army ; and to begin the action 
 with his left wing, where his best troops were 
 pasted, to turn the whole weight of the battle 
 upon king Cleombrotus and the Spartans. He 
 was assured, that if he could penetrate the La- 
 cednemonian phalanx, the rest of the army would 
 soon be put to the rout. As for his horse, he 
 disposed them (after the enemy's example) in 
 the front of his left. 
 
 The action began by the cavalry. As that of 
 the Thebans were better mounted and braver 
 troops than the Lacedaemonian horse, the latter 
 were not long before they were broken, and 
 driven upon the infantry, which they put into 
 some confusion. Epaminondas following his 
 horse close, marched swiftly up to Cleombrotus, 
 and fell upon his phalanx with all the weight of 
 his heavy battalion. The latter, to make a di- 
 version, detached a body of troops with orders 
 to take Epaminondas in flank, and to surround 
 him. Pelopidas, upon the sight of that move- 
 ment advanced with incredible speed and bold- 
 ness at the head of the sacred battalion to prevent 
 the enemy's design, and flanked Cleombrotus 
 himself, who, by that sudden and unexpected 
 attack, was put into disorder. The battle was 
 very fierce and obstinate; and whilst Cleom- 
 brotus could act, the victory continued in sus- 
 pense, and declared for neither party. When 
 he fell dead with his wounds, the Thebans, to 
 complete the victory, and the Lacedfemonians, 
 ! to avoid the shame of abandoning the body of 
 their king, redoubled their efforts, and a great 
 slaughter ensued on both sides. The Spai-tans 
 fought with so much fury about the body, that 
 at length they gained their point, and carried it 
 off. Animated by so glorious an advantage, 
 they prepared to return to the charge, which 
 would perhaps have proved successful, had the 
 allies seconded their ardour. But the left wing, 
 seeing the Lacedaemonian phalanx had been 
 broken, and believing all lost, especially when 
 they heard that the king was dead, took to flight, 
 and' drew off the rest of the army along with 
 them. Epaminondas followed them vigorously, 
 and killed a great number in the pursuit. The 
 Thebans remained masters of the field of battle, 
 but erected a trophy, and permitted the enemy 
 to bury their dead. 
 
 The'Lacedaemonians had never received such 
 a blow. The most bloody defeats till then had 
 scarce ever cost them more than 4> or 500 of 
 their citizens. They had been seen, however, 
 animated, or rather violently incensed, against 
 Athens, to ransom by a truce of thirty years, 
 SOO of their citizens, who had suffered them- 
 
 selves to be shut up in the little island of Sphac- 
 teria. Here they lost -iOOO men, of whom 1000 
 were Lacedsemonians, and 400 Spartans, out of 
 700 who were in the battle.' The Thebans had 
 only 300 men killed, among whom were but few 
 of their citizens. 
 
 The city of Spai-ta was at that time celebrat- 
 ing the gymnastic games, and was full of stran- 
 gers whom curiosity had brought thither, when 
 the couriers arrived from Leuctra with the ter- 
 I'ible news of their defeat. The Ephori, though 
 perfectly sensible of all the consequences, and 
 that the Spartan empire had received a mortal 
 wound, would not permit the representations of 
 the theatre to be suspended, nor any change tr 
 take place in the celebration of the festival. 
 They sent to every family the names of their 
 relations who were killed, and stayed in the 
 theatre to see that the dances and games were 
 continued without interruption to the end. 
 
 The next day in the morning, the loss of each 
 family being known, the fathers and relations 
 of those who had died in the battle met in the 
 public square, and saluted and embraced each 
 other with great joy and serenity in their looks; 
 whilst the others kept themselves close in their 
 houses, or, if necessity obliged them to go abroad, 
 it was with a sadness and dejection of aspect 
 Avhich sensibly expressed their profound anguish 
 and aflliction. Tliat difference was still more 
 remarkable in the women. Grief, silence, tears, 
 distinguished those who expected the return of 
 their sons ; but such as had lost their sons were 
 seen hurrying to the temples to thank the gods, 
 and congratulating each other upon their glory 
 and good fortune. It cannot be denied but such 
 sentiments evince great courage and resolution ; 
 but 1 would not have them entirely extinguish 
 natural tenderness, and should have been better 
 pleased had there been less of ferocity in them. 
 
 Sparta was under no small difficulty to know 
 how to act in regard to those who had fled fi-om 
 the battle. As they were numerous, and of the 
 most powerful families in the city, it was not j 
 safe to inflict upon them the punishments as- ! 
 signed by the laws, lest their despair should in- i 
 duce them to take some violent resolution that ) 
 might be fatal to the state. For such as fled 
 were not only excluded from all offices and em- 
 ployments, biit it was a disgrace to contract any 
 alliance with them by marriage. Any body that 
 met them in the streets might buffet them, which i 
 they were obliged to suffer. They were besides ; 
 to wear dirty and ragged habits, full of patches | 
 of different 'colours ; and, lastly, they were to i 
 shave half their beards, and to let the other half 
 grow. It would be a great loss to the Spartans j 
 to be deprived of so many of their soldiery, at a | 
 time when they had such pressing occasion for | 
 them. To remove this difficulty, they chose ' 
 Agesilaus legislator, with absolute power to 
 make such alterations in the laws as he should 
 think fit. Agesilaus, without adding, retrench- 
 ing, or changing, any thing, found means to 
 save the fugitives without prejudice to the state. 
 In a full assembly of the Lacedaemonians, he 
 decreed, " That for the present day, the laws 
 should be suspended, and of no effect ; but ever 
 after to remain in full force and authority." By 
 those few words he preserved the Spartan buvs 
 
 1 Those were pioj orly called Spartans, who inliabitcil 
 S[iaita ; the Laced£ciuoiiians were those settl.^d in llie 
 country. 
 
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. 
 
 11 
 
 ntire, and at the same time restored to the state 
 that great number of its members, by preventing 
 their being for ever degraded, and consequently 
 useless to the republic. 
 
 After the battle of Leuctra the two parties 
 were industriously employed, the one in re- 
 trieving their loss, and the other in improving 
 their victory.^ , 
 
 Agesilaus, to revive the courage of his troops, 
 marched them into Arcadia but with a full 
 resolution carefully to avoid a battle. He con- 
 fined himself to attacking some small towns of 
 the Mantinssans, which he took, and laid the 
 country waste. This gave Sparta some joy, and 
 they began to take courage from believing then- 
 con dition not entirely desperate. 
 
 The Thebans, immediately after their victory, 
 had sent an account of it to Athens, and to de- 
 mand aid at the same time against the common 
 enemy. The senate was then sitting, and re- 
 ceived the courier with great coldness, did not 
 make him the usual presents, and dismissed him 
 without taking any notice of aid. The Athe- 
 nians, alarmed at the considerable advantage 
 which the Thebans had gained over the Lace- 
 dsemonians, could not dissemble the umbrage 
 and dissatisfaction which so sudden and unex. 
 pected an increase of a neighbouring power gave 
 them, which might soon render itself formidable 
 to all Greece. 
 
 At Thebes, Epaminondas and Pelopidas had 
 been elected joint governors of Bceotia. ^ Having 
 assembled all the troops of the Boeotians and 
 their allies, whose number daily increased, they 
 entered Peloponnesus, and made abundance of 
 places and states revolt from the Lacedsemo 
 nians ; Elis, Argos, all Arcadia, and the great 
 est part of Laconia itself. It was then about 
 the winter solstice, and towards the end of the 
 last month of the year, so that in a few days 
 they were to quit their offices ; the first day of 
 the next month being assigned by law, for their 
 resigning them to the persons appointed to suc- 
 ceed them, upon pain of death, if they held them 
 beyond that term. Their colleagues, apprehend- 
 ing the badness of the seasons, and still more, 
 the dreadful consequences of infringing that law, 
 were for marching back the army immediately 
 to Thebes. Pelopidas was the first who, enter- 
 ing into the opinion of Epaminondas, animated 
 the citizens, and engaged them to take advan- 
 tage of the enemy's alarm, and to pursue their 
 enterprise without regard to a formality, from 
 the observance of which they might justly be- 
 lieve themselves dispensed by the state itself, as 
 the service of the state, when founded in justice, 
 is the sovereign law and rule of the people's 
 obedience. 
 
 They entered Laconia therefore at the head 
 of an army of 70,000 good soldiers, of which the 
 Thebans did not form a twelfth part. But the 
 great reputation of the two generals was the 
 cause, that all the allies, even without orders, or 
 a public decree, obeyed them with respectful 
 silence, and marched with entire confidence and 
 courage under their command. It was 600 years 
 since the Dorians had established themselves at 
 Eacedsemon, and in all that time they had never 
 seen, till now, an enemy upon their lands ; none 
 having hitherto dared to set foot in them, and 
 much less to attack their city, though without 
 
 walls. The Thebans and their allies, finding a 
 country hitherto untouched by an enemy, ran 
 
 2 Xerioph. 1. vi. p. 5')8. 
 > Piut. in Agesil. p. 6:3- 
 
 Diod. 1. XV. I). 575—378. 
 -615. Id. in Pelop. p. 290. 
 
 through it with fire and sword, destroying and 
 plundering as far as the river Eurotas, without 
 any opposition whatsoever. 
 
 Parties had been posted to defend some im- 
 portant passes. Ischolas the Spartan, who com- 
 manded one of these detachments, distinguished 
 himself in a peculiar manner. Finding it im- 
 possible, with his small body of troops, to sup- 
 port the enemy's attack, and thinking it dis- 
 graceful for a Spartan to abandon his post, he 
 sent back the young men who were of an age 
 and condition to serve their country effectually, 
 and kept none with him but such as were ad- 
 vanced in years. These, unanimously devoting 
 themselves, after the example of Leonidas, to 
 the public good, sold their lives very dear ; and 
 after having defended themselves a long time, 
 and made great slaughter of their enemies, they 
 all perished to a man. 
 
 Agesilaus acted upon this occasion with great 
 address and wisdom. He looked upon this ir- 
 ruption of the enemy as an impetuous torrent, 
 which it was not only in vain, but dangerous to 
 oppose, whose rapid course would be but of short 
 duration, and after some ravages subside of it- 
 self. He contented himself -with distributing 
 his best troops into the middle and all the most 
 important parts of the city, and with strongly 
 securing all the posts. He was determined not 
 to quit the town, nor to hazard a battle, and 
 persisted in that resolution, without regard to 
 all the raillery, insults, and menaces, of the 
 Thebans, who defied him by name, and called 
 upon him to come out and defend his counti;y, 
 him who had alone been the cause of all its 
 sufferings, by kindling the war. 
 
 But a subject of far greater afiliction to Age- 
 silaus were the commotions and disorders ex- 
 cited within the city, the murmurs and com- 
 plaints of the old men in the highest affliction 
 and despair from being witnesses of what they 
 saw, as well as of the women, who seemed quite 
 distracted with hearing the threatening cries of 
 the enemy, and seeing the neighbouring country 
 all on fire, whilst the flames and smoke, which 
 drove almost upon them, seemed to denounce a 
 like misfortune to themselves. Whatever cour- 
 age Agesilaus might express in his outward be- 
 haviour, he could not fail of being sensibly affect- 
 ed with so mournful an object, to which was 
 added the grief of sullying his reputation ; who, 
 having found the city in a most flourishing and 
 potent condition when he came to the govern- 
 ment, now saw it fallen to such a degree, and 
 all its ancient glory lost under him ! He was, 
 besides, secretly mortified at so mournful a con- 
 tradiction of a' boast he had often made, " that 
 no woman of Sparta had ever seen the smoke of 
 an enemy's camp." . 
 
 Whilst he was giving different orders in the 
 city, he was informed, that a certain number of 
 mutineers had seized an important post, with a 
 resolution to defend themselves in it. Agesilaus 
 ran immediately thither ; and, as if he had been 
 entirely unacquainted with their bad design, he 
 said to'them, " Comrades, it is not there I sent 
 you." At the same time he pointed to different 
 posts to divide them ; to which they went, be 
 lieving their enterprise had not been discovered. 
 This order, which he gave without emotion, 
 evinces a great presence of mind in Agesilaus, 
 and shows, that in times of trouble it is not pro- 
 per to see too much, that the culpable may no« 
 want time to reflect and reppnt. He thought it 
 
12 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 more advisable to suppose that small troop in- 
 nocent, than to urge them to a declared revolt 
 by a too rigorous inquiry. 
 
 ITje Eurotas was at that time very much 
 swollen by the melting of the snows, and the 
 Thebans found more difficulty in passing it than 
 they expected, as well from the extreme coldness 
 of the watei', as its rapidity. As Epamiuondas 
 passed at the head of his infantry, some of the 
 Spartans pointed him out to Agesilaus : who, 
 after having attentively considered and followed 
 him with his eyes a long time, said only, " Won- 
 derful man!"^ in admiration of the valour that 
 induced him to undertake such great things. 
 Epaminondas would have been glad to have 
 given battle in Sparta itself, and to have erected 
 a trophy in the midst of it. He did not how- 
 ever dare to attempt the forcing of the city; 
 and not being able to induce Agesilaus to quit it, 
 chose to retire. It would have been difficult for 
 Sparta, without aid, and unfortified, to have 
 defended itself long against a victorious army. 
 But the prudent captain who commanded it 
 was apprehensive of drawing upon his hands 
 the whole force of Peloponnesus, and still more, 
 of exciting the jealousy of the Greeks, who 
 would never have pardoned his destroying so 
 potent a republic, and pulling out, as Leptius 
 says, one of the eyes of Greece, as a proof of his 
 skill.^ He confined himself therefore to the 
 glory of having humbled the proud, whose la- 
 conic language added new haughtiness to their 
 commands, and of having reduced them to the 
 necessity, as he boasted himself, of lengthening 
 their monosyllables.^ On his return he again 
 wasted the country. 
 
 In this expedition the Thebans reinstated 
 Arcadia into one body,* and took Messenia 
 from the Spartans, who had been in possession 
 of it very long,^ after having expelled all its in- 
 habitants, it was a country equal in extent to 
 Laconia, and as fertile as the best soil in Greece. 
 Its ancient inhabitants, who were dispersed in 
 different i-egions of Greece, Italy, and Sicily, 
 on the first notice given them, returned witli 
 incredible joy ; animated by the love of their 
 country, natural to all men, and almost as much 
 by their hatred of the Spartans, which length of 
 time had only increased. They built themselves 
 a city, which, from the name of the old one, 
 was called Messene. Amongst the unhappy 
 events of this war, none gave the Lacedaemoni- 
 ans more sensible displeasure, or rather more 
 lively grief, than this ; because from time imme- 
 morial an irreconcilable enmity had subsisted 
 between Sparta and Messene, which seemed in- 
 capable of being extinguished but by the final 
 ruin of the one or the other. 
 
 Polybius points out an ancient error in the 
 conduct of the Messenians with regard to 
 Spartjv," which was the cause of all their mis- 
 fortunes. This was their too great solicitude 
 
 1 noZ lu.iyxXofT^Kyfjt.oves kvO^^Tov. The Greek ex. 
 pression is not easy lo be translated It signifies, Oh the 
 actor of great deeds. 
 
 2 Arist. Rhet. 1. iii. c. 10. 
 
 3 The LacedaDmonians answered the most iinportant 
 despatches by a single monosyllable. Philip having writ- 
 ten to them, " If 1 enter your country, I will put all to 
 fire and sword," they replied, " If;" to signify they would 
 take all possible care to put it out of his power. 
 
 4 Paus. 1. iv. p. 2o7, '-'6S. 
 
 5 The Messenians had been driven out of their country 
 287 years. 
 
 6 Foiyb. 1. iv. p. 299, 300. 
 
 for present tranquillity, and through an exces- 
 sive love of peace, their neglecting the means of 
 making it sure and lasting. Two of the most 
 powerful states of Greece were their neigh- 
 bours, the Arcadians and Lacedaemonians. The 
 latter, fi'om their first settlement in the country, 
 had declared open war against them: the others, 
 on the contrary, always joined with them, and 
 entered into all their interests. But the Mes- 
 senians had neither the courage to oppose their 
 violent and irreconcilable enemies with valour 
 and constancy, nor the prudence to treat with 
 due regard their faithful and affectionate allies. 
 When the two states were either at war with 
 each other, or caiTied their arms elsewhere, the 
 Messenians, with little foresight for the future, 
 and regarding only their present repose, made it 
 a rule never to engage in the quari'el on either 
 side, and to observe an exact neutrality. On 
 such conjunctures they congratulated them- 
 selves upon their wisdom and success in pre- 
 serving their tranquillity, whilst their neigh- 
 bours all around them were involved in trouble 
 and confusion. But this tranquillity was of 
 no long duration. The Lacedaemonians having 
 subdued their enemies, feU upon them with all 
 their forces ; and finding them unsupported by 
 allies, and incapable of defending themselves, 
 they reduced them to submit, either to the yoke 
 of a rigid slavery, or to banish themselves from 
 their country. And this was several times 
 their case. They ought to have reflected, saj s 
 Polybius,^ that as there is nothing more desir- 
 able or advantageous than peace, when founded 
 on justice and honour ; so there is nothing more 
 shameful, and at the same time more pernicious, 
 when attained by bad measures, and purchased 
 at the price of liberty. 
 
 SECT. V. 
 
 The two Theban generals, at their return, are accused 
 and acquitted. Sparta implores aid of the Athenians. 
 'I'he Greeks send ambassadors to Artaxerxes. Influence 
 of Pelopidas at the court of Persia. 
 
 It might be expected, that the two Theban 
 captains, on their return to their country after I 
 such memorable actions, should have been re- 
 ceived with general applause, and all the honours 
 that could be conferred upon them. Instead of 
 which, they were both summoned to answer as 
 criminals against the state; in having, contrary 
 to the law, whereby they were obliged to resign 
 their command to new officers, retained it four 
 months beyond the appointed term ; during 
 which they had executed in Messenia, Arcadia, 
 and Laconia, all those great exploits we have 
 related. 
 
 Such conduct is surprising, and the relation 
 of it cannot be read without a secret indigna- 
 tion : but it bad a very plausible foundation. 
 The zealous assertors of a liberty lately regained, 
 were apprehensive that the example might prove 
 very pernicious, in authorizing some future 
 magistrate to maintain himself in command be- 
 yond the established term, and in consequence to 
 turn his arms against his country. It is not to 
 be doubted, but the Romans would have acted 
 in the same manner ; and if they were so severe 
 
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. 
 
 13 
 
 as to put an officer to death, though victorious, 
 for having fought without his general's orders, 
 how would tljey have behaved to a general who 
 should have continued four months in the su- 
 l>reme command, contrary to the laws? 
 
 Telopidas was the first cited before the tri- 
 bunal.8 He defended himse.lf with less force 
 and greatness of mind than was expected from a 
 man of his character, for he was naturally warm 
 and fiery. That valour, haughty and intrepid 
 in fight, forsook him before the judges. His air 
 and discourse, which had something timid and 
 grovelling in it, denoted a man who was afraid 
 of death, and did not in the least incline the 
 judges in his favour, and it was not without 
 difficulty that they acquitted him. Epaminon- 
 das appeared, and spoke with a quite different 
 air and tone. He seemed, if I may be allowed 
 the expression, to charge danger in front with- 
 out emotion. Instead of justifying himself, he 
 made a panegyric upon his actions, and repeated 
 in a lofty style, in what manner he had ravaged 
 Laconia, re-established Messenia, and reunited 
 Arcadia in one body. He concluded with say- 
 ing, that he should die with pleasure, if the 
 Thebans would concede the sole glory of those 
 actions to him, and declare that he had done 
 them by his own authority, and without their 
 participation. All the voices were in his favour ; 
 and he returned from his trial, as he used to re- 
 turn from battle, with glory and universal ap- 
 plause. Such dignity has true valour, that it in 
 a manner seizes the admix-ation of mankind by 
 force. 
 
 He was by nature designed for great actions, 
 and gave an air of grandeur to every thing he 
 did. His enemies,^ jealous of his glory, and 
 with design to affront him, got him elected 
 Telearch ; an office very unworthy of a person 
 of his merit. He however thought it no dis- 
 honour to him, and said, that he would demon- 
 strate, that ** the office did not only show what 
 the man was, but also the man what the office 
 was."'" He accordingly raised that employ- 
 ment to very gi'eat dignity, which before con- 
 sisted in only taking care that the streets were 
 kept clean, the dirt can-ied away, and the drains 
 and common sewers in good order. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians," having every thing to 
 fear from an enemy, whom the late successes 
 had rendered still more haughty and enterpris- 
 ing than ever, and seeing themselves exposed 
 every moment to a new inroad, had recourse to 
 the Athenians, and sent deputies to them to im- 
 plore their aid. The person who spoke, began 
 with describing in the most pathetic terms, the 
 deplorable condition and extreme danger to 
 which Sparta was reduced. He enlarged upon 
 the insolent haughtiness of the Thebans, and 
 their ambitious views, which tended to nothing 
 less than the making themselves mastei's of all 
 Greece. He insinuated what Athens in parti- 
 cular had to fear from them, if they were suf- 
 fered to extend their power by the increase of 
 allies, who every day went over to their party, 
 and augmented their forces. He called to mind 
 the happy times in which the strict union be- 
 twixt Athens and Sparta had preserved Greece, 
 and contributed to the equal glory of both states ; 
 
 8 Plut. de sui laude, p. 540. 
 9 Flut. de Praecept. reip. ger. p. 811. 
 W Oi fji.o\ot ctiX*l avSfiJi iilxvtxrtv, atXA« xx] k^x^^ 
 
 il Xenoph. 1. vL p. 609— 6ia 
 
 and concluded with saying, how great an addi- 
 tion it would be to the Athenian name, to aid a 
 city, its ancient friend and ally, which more 
 than once had generously saciificed itself for the 
 common interest and safety. 
 
 The Athenians could not deny all that the 
 deputy advanced in his discourse, but at the 
 same time they had not forgotten the bad treat- 
 ment which they had suffered from the Spar- 
 tans on more than one occasion, and especially 
 after the defeat in Sicily. However, their 
 compassion of the present misfortunes of Sparta 
 prevailed over their resentment of former in- 
 jui'ies, and determined them to assist the Lace- 
 daemonians with all their forces. A short time 
 after,''' the deputies of several states being as- 
 sembled at Athens, a league and confederacy 
 was concluded against the Thebans, conformably 
 to the late treaty of Antalcidas, and the inten- 
 tion of the king of Persia, who was continually 
 urging its execution. 
 
 A slight advantage gained by the Spartans 
 over their enemies,'^ raised them from that de- 
 jection of spirits in which they had hitherto 
 remained; as it generally happens, that in a 
 mortal distemper the least glimpse of a recovery 
 enlivens hope and recalls joy. Archidamus, 
 son of Agesiiaus, having received a considerable 
 aid from Dionysius the Younger, tyrant of 
 Sicily, put himself at the head of his troops, 
 and defeated the Arcadians in a battle, called 
 the battle without tears,^* because he did not lose a 
 man, and killed a great number of the enemy. 
 The Spartans before had been so much accus- 
 tomed to conquer, that they had become almost 
 insensible to the pleasure of victory : but when 
 the news of this battle arrived, and they saw 
 Archidamus return victorious, they could not 
 contain their joy, nor keep within the city. His 
 father was the first that went out to meet him, 
 weeping with joy and tenderness. He was fol- 
 lowed by the officers and magistrates. The 
 crowd of old men and women came down as far 
 as the river, lifting up their hands to heaven, 
 and returning thanks to the gods, as if this ac- 
 tion had obliterated the shame of Sparta, and 
 they began to see those happy days again, in 
 which the Spartan glory and reputation had 
 risen so high. 
 
 Philiscus,'^ who had been sent by the king of 
 Persia to reconcile the Grecian states, was ar- 
 rived at Delphi, whither he summoned their 
 deputies to repair. The god was not at all con- 
 sulted in the affair which was discussed in the 
 assembly. The Spartans demanded, that Mes- 
 sene and its inhabitants should return to their 
 obedience to them. Upon the Thebans' refusal 
 to comply with that demand, the assembly broke 
 up, and Philiscus retired, after having left con- 
 siderable sums of money with the Lacedaemoni- 
 ans for levying troops and carrying on the war. 
 Sparta, reduced and humbled by its losses, was 
 no longer the object of the Persians' fear or 
 jealousy; but Thebes, victorious and trium- 
 phant, gave them just cause of inquietude. 
 
 To form a league against Thebes with greater 
 certainty,'" the allies had sent deputies to the 
 great king. The Thebans on their side deputed 
 
 12 Xenoph. 1. vii. p. 613—615. 
 13 Plut. in Agesil. p. 614, 615. Xenoph. I. vii. p. 619, 
 !0. 
 
 14 Diod. 1. XV. p. 383. 
 15 Xenoph. p. 619. Diod. p. 381. 
 16 Xenoph. 1. vii. p. 62U— 622. Plut. in Pelop. p. 294. 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Pelopidas ; an extremely wise choice, fi-om the 
 great reputation of the ambassadors, which is 
 no indifferent circumstance in respect to the 
 success of a negotiation. The battle of Leuctra 
 had spread his fame into the remotest provinces 
 of Asia. "When he arrived at the court, and 
 appeared amongst the princes and nobility, they 
 cried out in admiration of him, " This is he who 
 deprived the Lacedaemonians of their empire by 
 sea and land, and reduced Sparta, to confine it- 
 self between the Eurotus and Taygetus ; Sparta, 
 that not long since, under its king Agesilaus, 
 threatened no less to invade us in Susa and Ec- 
 batana." 
 
 Artaxerxes, extremely pleased with his ar- 
 rival, paid him extraordinary honours, and 
 piqued himself upon extolling him highly before 
 the lords of his court ; in esteem indeed of his 
 great merit, but much more out of vanity and 
 self-love, and to insinuate to his subjects, that the 
 greatest and most illustrious persons made their 
 court to him, and paid homage to his power and 
 good fortune. But after having admitted him 
 to audience, and heard his discourse, in his 
 opinion more nervous than that of the Athenian 
 ambassadoi's, and more simple than that of the 
 Lacedjemonians, which was saying a great deal, 
 he esteemed him more than ever ; and as it is 
 common with kings,* who are but little accus- 
 tomed to constraint, he did not dissemble his 
 extreme regard for him, and his preference of 
 him to all the rest of the Grecian deputies. 
 
 Pelopidas, as an able politician, had apprized 
 the king, how important it was to the interest 
 of his crown to protect an infant power, which 
 had never borne arms against the Persians, and 
 which, in forming a kind of balance between 
 Sparta and Athens, might be able to make a 
 useful diversion against those republics, the per- 
 petual and irreconcileable enemies of Persia, and 
 which had lately caused it so many losses and 
 inquietudes. Timagoras, the Athenian, was the 
 best received after him ; because being passion- 
 ately desirous of humbling Sparta, and at the 
 same time of pleasing the king, he did not ap- 
 pear averse to the views of Pelopidas. 
 
 The king having pressed Pelopidas to explain 
 what favours he had to ask of him, he demand- 
 ed, " That Messene should continue free and 
 exempt from the yoke of Sparta; that the Athe- 
 nian galleys, which had sailed to infest the coast 
 of Boeotia, should be recalled, or that war should 
 be declared against Athens ; that those who 
 would not come into the league, or march 
 against such as should oppose it, should be at- 
 tacked first." All which was decreed, and the 
 Thebans declared friends and allies of the king. 
 When tlws decree was read to the ambassadors, 
 Leon, Timagoras's colleague, said, loud enough 
 to be heard by Artaxerxes, " Athens has no- 
 thing now to do but to find some other ally than 
 the king." 
 
 Pelopidas, having obtained all he desired, left 
 the court, without accepting any more of the 
 king's many presents, than what was necessary 
 to carry home as a token of his favour and good 
 will ; and this aggravated the complaints which 
 were made against the other Grecian ambassa- 
 dors, who were not so reserved and delicate in 
 point of interest. One of them, the envoy from 
 the Arcadians, said, on his return home, that he 
 had seen many slaves at the king's court, but 
 
 no men. He added, that all his magnificence 
 was no more than vain ostentation, and that the 
 so-much-boasted plane-tree of gold,^ which was 
 valued at so high a price, had not shade enough 
 under it for a grasshopper. 
 
 Of all the deputies, Timagoras had received 
 the most presents. He did not only accept of 
 gold and silver, but of a magnificent bed, and 
 slaves to make it, the Greeks not seeming to 
 him expert enough in that office ; which shows 
 that sloth and luxury were little in fashion at 
 Athens. He received also twenty-four cows, 
 with slaves to take care of them ; as it was ne- 
 cessary for him to drink milk for some indispo- 
 sition. Lastly, at his departure, he was carried 
 in a chair to the sea-side at the king's expense, 
 who gave four talents ^ for that service. His 
 colleague, Leon, on their arrival at Athens, ac- 
 cused him of not having held any communica- 
 tion with him, and of having joined with Pe- 
 lopidas in every thing. He was brought to 
 trial in consequence, and condemned to suffer 
 death. 
 
 It does not appear that the acceptance of pre- 
 sents was what most incensed the Athenians 
 against Timagoras. For Epicrates, a simple 
 porter, who had been at the Persian court, and 
 had also received presents, having said, in a full 
 assembly, that he was of opinion a decree ought 
 to pass, by which, instead of the nine archona 
 annually elected, nine ambassadors should be 
 chosen out of the poorest of the people, to be sent 
 to the king, in order to their being enriched by the 
 voyage ; the assembly only laughed, and made a 
 jest of it. But what offended them more, was 
 the Thebans having obtained all they demanded. 
 In which, says Plutarch, they did not duly con- 
 sider the great reputation of Pelopidas, nor com- 
 prehend how much stronger and more efficacious 
 that was in persuading, than all the "harangues 
 and the rhetorical flourishes of the other am- 
 bassadors ; especially with a prince accustomed 
 to caress and comply with the strongest, as the 
 Thebans undoubtedly were at that time, and 
 who besides was not sorry to humble Sparta 
 and Athens, the ancient and mortal enemies of 
 his throne. 
 
 The esteem and regard of the Thebans for Pe- 
 lopidas were not a little augmented by the good 
 success of this embassy, which had procured the 
 freedom of Greece, and the re-establishment of 
 Messene ; and he was extremely applauded for 
 his conduct at his return. 
 
 But I'hessalia was the theatre where the 
 valour of Pelopidas made the greatest figure, in 
 the expedition with which he was commissioned 
 by the Thebans against Alexander, tyrant of 
 Pherse. I shall relate it entire, and unite under 
 one point of view all which relates to that great 
 event, without any other interruption than the 
 journey of Pelopidas into Macedonia, to appease 
 the troubles of that court. 
 
 SECT. VL 
 
 Pelopidas marches against Alexander, tyrant of Pheree, 
 and reduces him to reason. He goes to Macedonia, to 
 appease the troubles of that court, and brings Philip to 
 Thebes as a hostage. He mums into Thessaly, is seized 
 by treachery, and made a prisoner. Epaminondas de. 
 
 2 Tt was a tree of gold, of exquisite workmanship, an 
 'l eat value, which people went to see out of curiosity. 
 3 Four thousand crowns. 
 
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. 
 
 15 
 
 livers him. Pelopidas gains a victory against the ty- 
 rant, and is killed in the battle. Extraordinary honours 
 oald to his memory. Tragical end of Alexander. 
 
 The reduced condition of 
 A. M. S634. Sparta and Athens,* which 
 Ant. J. C. 370. for many years had domin- 
 ion over all Greece, either 
 in con i unction or separately, had inspired some 
 jf their neighbours with the desire of sup- 
 planting those cities, and given birth to the hope 
 of succeeding them in the pre-eminence. A 
 power had risen up in Thessaly, which began 
 to grow formidable. Jason, tyrant of Pherse, 
 had been declared generalissimo of the Thessali- 
 ans by the consent of all the people of that pro- 
 vince ; and it was to his merit, which was gen- 
 erally acknowledged, that he owed that dignity. 
 He was at the head of an army of above 8000 
 horse and 20,000 heavy-armed foot, without 
 reckoning the light-armed soldiers, and might 
 have undertaken any thing with such a body of 
 disciplined and intrepid troops, who had an en- 
 tire confidence in the valour and conduct of their 
 general. But death prevented his designs. He 
 was assassinated by persons who had conspired 
 his destruction. 
 
 His two brothers, Polydorus and Poli^phron, 
 were substituted in his place, the latter of whom 
 killed the other for the sake of reigning alone, 
 and was soon after killed himself by Alexander 
 of Pherse, who seized the 
 A. M. 8635. tyranny under the pretence 
 Ant. J. C. 369. of avenging the death of 
 Polydorus his father. A- 
 gainst him Pelopidas was sent. 
 
 As the tyrant made open war against several 
 states of Thessaly, and was secretly intriguing 
 to subject them all, the cities sent ambassadors 
 to Thebes to demand troops and a general. 
 Epaminondas being employed in Peloponnesus, 
 Pelopidas took upon himself the conduct of this 
 expedition. He set out for Thessaly with an 
 army, made himself master of Larissa, and 
 obliged Alexander to make his submission to 
 him. He there endeavoured, by mild usage 
 and friendship, to change his disposition, and 
 from a tyrant to make him become a just and 
 humane prince; but finding him incorrigible, 
 and of unexampled brutality, and hearing new 
 complaints every day of his cruelty, debauched 
 life, and insatiable avarice, he began to employ 
 warm reproofs and severe menaces. The ty- 
 rant, alarmed at such usage, withdrew secretly 
 with his guard; and Pelopidas, leaving the 
 Thessalians in security from any attempts of 
 the tyrant, and in good understanding with 
 each other, set out for Macedonia, where his 
 presence had been desired. 
 
 Amyntas II. was lately dead, and had left 
 three legitimate children, Alexander, Perdiccas, 
 and Philip, and one natural son, called Ptolemy. 
 Alexander reigned but one year, and was suc- 
 ceeded by Perdiccas,^ with whom his brother 
 Ptolemy disputed the crown. The two brothers 
 invited Pelopidas either to be the arbitrator and 
 
 4 Xenoph. 1. vi. p. 579—583, et 598—601. Diod. 1. xv. 
 p. 371—373. 
 
 5 Plutarch makes this quarrel between Alexander and 
 Ptolemy; which cannot agree with iEschines's account 
 (de Fals. Legat. p. 400.) of the affairs of Perdiccas after 
 Alexander's death, which I shall relate in the history of 
 Philip. AS ^schines was contemporary with them, I 
 thought it proper to substitute I'erdiccas in the place of 
 \lexaiider. 
 
 judgff of their quarrel, or to espouse the side on 
 which he should see the most right. 
 
 Pelopidas was no sooner ai'rived, than he put 
 an end to all their disputes, and recalled those 
 who had been banished by either party. Having 
 taken Philip, the brother of Perdiccas, and 
 thirty other children of the noblest families of 
 Macedonia for hostages, he carried them to 
 Thebes, to show the Greeks how far the autho- 
 rity of the Thebans extended from the reputa- 
 tion of their arms, and the entire confidence that 
 was placed in their justice and fidelity. It was 
 this Philip who was father of Alexander the 
 Great, and afterwards made war against the 
 Greeks, to subject them to his power. 
 
 The troubles and factions arose again in Ma- 
 cedonia some years after, occasioned by the 
 death of Perdiccas, who was killed in a battle. 
 The friends of the deceased called in Pelopidas. 
 Being desirous to arrive before Ptolemy, who 
 was making new efforts to establish himself 
 upon the throne, had time to execute his pro- 
 jects ; and not having an army, he raised some 
 mercenary troops in haste, with whom he 
 marched against Ptolemy. When they were 
 near each other, Ptolemy found means to cor- 
 rupt those mercenary soldiers by presents of 
 money, and to bring them over to his side. At 
 the same time, awed by the reputation and name 
 of Pelopidas, he went to meet him as his supe- 
 rior and master, had recourse to caresses and 
 entreaties, and promised in the most solemn 
 manner to hold the crown only as guardian to 
 the son of the deceased, to acknowledge as 
 friends and enemies all those who Avere so to the 
 Thebans ; and as security for his engagements, 
 he gave his son Philoxenus and fifty other 
 children, who were educated with him, as 
 hostages. These Pelopidas sent to Thebes. 
 
 The treachery of the mercenary soldiers ran 
 very much in his thoughts. He was informed 
 that they had sent the greatest part of their ef- 
 fects, with their wives and children, into the 
 city of Pharsalus," and conceived that to be a 
 fair opportunity for being revenged on them for 
 their perfidy. He therefore drew together some 
 Thessalian troops, and marched to Pharsalus, 
 where he was scarce arrived before Alexander 
 the tyrant came against him with a powerful 
 army. Pelopidas, who had been appointed am- 
 bassador to him, believing that he came to jus- 
 tify himself, and to answer the complaints of 
 the Thebans, went to him accompanied only by 
 Ismenias, without any precaution. He was 
 not ignorant of his being an impious wretch, as 
 void of faith as of honour; but he imagined, that 
 respect for Thebes, and regard to his dignity 
 and reputation, would prevent him from at- 
 tempting any thing against his person. He was 
 mistaken; for the tyrant, seeing them alone and 
 unarmed, made them both prisoners, and seized 
 Pharsalus. 
 
 Polybius exceedingly blames the imprudence of 
 Pelopidas upon this occasion.' There are, says 
 he, in the intercourse of society, certain assur- 
 ances, and, as it were, ties of sincerity, upon 
 which one may reasonably rely : such are the 
 sanctity of oaths, the pledge of wives and 
 children, delivered as hostages, and above all, 
 the consistency of the past corfduct of those with 
 whom one treats ; when, notwithstanding those 
 motives for our confidence, we are deceived, it 
 
 A city of Thessaly. 
 
 7 Lib. viii. p. 512. 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 1) 
 
 is a misfortune, but not a fault : but to trust 
 one's self to a notorious traitor and villain, is 
 certainly an instance of temerity for which 
 there is no excuse. 
 
 This heinous perfidy of Alexander filled the 
 minds of all his subjects with terror and dis- 
 trust,^ who very much suspected, that, after so 
 flagrant an injustice and so daring a crime, the 
 tyrant would spare nobody, and would behave 
 upon all occasions, and towards all sorts of peo- 
 ple, as a man in despair, that needed no farther 
 regard to his conduct and actions. When the 
 news was brought to Thebes, the Thebans, in- 
 censed at so base a deed, immediately sent an 
 army into Thessaly ; and as they were displeased 
 withEpaminondas, whom they suspected, though 
 without any good reason, of having been too 
 favourable to the Lacedaemonians upon a certain 
 occasion, they nominated other generals ; so that 
 he served in this expedition only as a private 
 man. The love of his country and of the public 
 good extinguished all resentment in the heart of 
 that great man, and would not permit him, as 
 is but too common, to abandon its service through 
 any pique of honour or personal discontent. 
 
 The tyrant in the mean time carried Pelopi- 
 das to Pherae, and made a show of him to all 
 the world at first, imagining that such a treat- 
 ment would humble his pride and abate his 
 courage. But Pelopidas, seeing the inhabitants 
 of Pherae in great consternation, perpetually 
 consoled them, advising them not to despair, 
 and assuring them that it would not be long 
 before the tyrant would be punished. He caused 
 him to be told, that it was very imprudent and 
 very unjust to torture and put to death every 
 day so many innocent citizens, that have never 
 done him any wrong, and to spare his life, who, 
 he knew, would no sooner be out of his hands, 
 than he would punish him as his crimes de- 
 served. The tyrant, astonished at his greatness 
 of soul, sent to ask him why he took so much 
 pains to meet death ? " It is," returned the 
 illustrious prisoner, "that thou mayest perish 
 the sooner, by becoming still more detestable to 
 the gods and men." 
 
 From that time the tyrant gave orders that 
 nobody should see or speak to him. But Thebe, 
 his wife, the daughter of Jason, who had also 
 been tyrant of Pherse, having heard of the con- 
 stancy and courage of Pelopidas from those who 
 guarded him, had a curiosity to see and converse 
 with him ; and Alexander could not refuse her 
 his permission.^ He loved her tenderly (if in- 
 deed a tyrant may be said to love any body) : 
 but notwithstanding that tenderness, he treated 
 her very cruelly, and was in perpetual distrust 
 even of her. He never went to her apart- 
 ment without a slave before him with a naked 
 sword in his hand, and having first sent some 
 of his guard to search every coffer for concealed 
 poniards. Wretched prince ! cries Cicero, who 
 could confide more in a slave and a barbarian, 
 than in his own wife ! 
 
 Thebe therefore desiring to see Pelopidas, 
 found him in a melancholy condition, dressed in 
 a poor habit, his hair and beard neglected, and 
 void of every thing that might console him in 
 his distress. Not being able to refrain from tears 
 at such a sight, /'Ah, unfortunate Pelopidas," 
 said she, *' how I pity your poor wife !" — " No 
 
 Theb&," replied he, *' it is you who are to be 
 pitied, who can endure such a monster as Alex- 
 ander, without being his prisoner." Those 
 words touched Thebe to the quick, for it was 
 with extreme reluctance she bore the tyrant's 
 cruelty, violence, and infamous excesses. Hence, 
 by going often to see Pelopidas, and openly be- 
 wailing before him the injuries she suffered, she 
 daily conceived new abhorrence for her husband, 
 whilst hatred and the desire of revenge grew 
 continually more strong in her heart. 
 
 The Theban generals, who had entered Thea- 
 saly, did nothing there of any importance, and 
 wej'e obliged, by their incapacity and ill con- 
 duct, to abandon the country. The tyrant 
 pursued them in their retreat, harassed them 
 shamefully, and killed abundance of their troops. 
 The whole army had been defeated, if the sol- 
 diers had not obliged Epaminondas, who served 
 as a private man amongst them, to take upon 
 him the command. Epaminondas, at the head 
 of the cavalry and light-armed foot, posted him- 
 self in the rear ; where, sometimes sustaining the 
 enemy's attacks and sometimes charging them 
 in his turn, he completed the retreat with suc- 
 cess, and preserved the Bceotians. The generals 
 upon their return were each of them fined 
 10,000 drachmas,' and Epaminondas substituted 
 in their place. As the public good was his sole 
 view, he overlooked the injurious treatment and 
 kind of affront which he had received, and was 
 amply recompensed by the glory that attended 
 so generous and disinterested a conduct. 
 
 Some days after, he marched at the head of 
 the army into Thessaly ; whither his reputation 
 had preceded him. It had spread already both 
 terror and joy through the whole country ; ter- 
 ror amongst the tyrant's friends, whom the 
 very name of Epaminondas dismayed, and joy 
 amongst the people, from the assurance they 
 entertained of being speedily delivered from the 
 yoke of the tyranny, and the tyrant punished 
 for all his crimes. But Epaminondas, prefer- 
 ring the safety of Pelopidas to his own glory, 
 instead of carrying on the war with vigour, as 
 he might have done, chose rather to protract it, 
 from the apprehension that the tyrant, if re- 
 duced to despair, like a wild beast, would turn 
 his whole rage upon his prisoner. For he knew 
 the violence and brutality of his nature, which 
 would hearken neither to reason nor justice ; 
 and that he took delight in burying men alive ; 
 that some he covered with the skins of bears 
 and wild boars, and setting his dogs upon them, 
 caused them to be torn in pieces, or shot them 
 to death with arrows. These were his frequent 
 sports and diversion. In the cities of Melibcea 
 and Scotusa,* which were in alliance with him, 
 he called an assembly of the citizens, and caus- 
 ing them to be surrounded by his guards, he 
 ordered the throats of all their young men to be 
 cut in his presence. 
 
 Hearing one day a famous actor perform a 
 part in the Troades of Euripedes, he suddenly 
 went out of the theatre, and sent to the actor to 
 tell him not to be under any apprehension upon 
 that account, for that his leaving the place was 
 not from being displeased with him, but because 
 he was ashamed to let the citizens see him weep 
 at the misfortunes of Hecuba and Andromache, 
 who had never felt any compassion for those 
 whom he had murdered. 
 
 1 Plut. in Pelop. p 292, 293. Diod 1. xv. p. 382, 
 2 Cic. de Offic. 1. ii. n. 23. 
 
 ^583. 
 
 3 About 225/. sterling. 
 
 4 Cities of Magnesia 
 
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. 
 
 17 
 
 I Though he was little susceptible of pity, he 
 j was much so of fear at this time. Amazed at 
 j the sudden arrival of Epaminondas, and dazzled 
 1 with the majesty that surrounded him, he made 
 j haste to despatch persons to him with apologies 
 j for his conduct. Epaminondas could not en- 
 j dure that the Thebans should make either peace 
 or alliance with so wicked a man. He only 
 granted him a truce for thirty days : and after 
 having got Pelopidas and Ismenias out of his 
 hands, he retired with his troops. 
 
 Fear is not a master whose lessons make any 
 deep and lasting impression upon the mind.^ 
 The tyrant of Pherai soon returned to his natu- 
 ral disposition. He ruined several cities of 
 Thessaly, and put garrisons into those of Pythia, 
 J Acbaea, and Magnesia. Those cities sent depu- 
 j ties to Thebes to demand a succour of troops, 
 i praying that the command of them might be 
 I given to Pelopidas; which was granted. He 
 i was upon the point of setting out, when there 
 I happened a sudden eclipse of the sun, by which 
 the city of Thebes was darkened at noon-day. 
 The dread and consternation were general. Pe- 
 lopidas knew very well what to think of this 
 accident, which was no more than was natural; 
 but he did not think it proper for him to expose 
 7000 Thebans against their will, nor to compel 
 them to march in the terror and apprehension 
 with which he perceived they were seized. He 
 therefore gave himself alone to the Thessalians; 
 and taking with him SOD horse of such U'hebans 
 and strangers as would follow him, he departed, 
 contrary to the prohibition of the soothsayers, 
 and the opinion of the most wise and judicious. 
 
 He was personally incensed against Alexan- 
 der, through resentment of the injuries he had 
 received from him. What Thebe his wife had 
 j said, and he himself knew, of the general dis- 
 I content in regard to the tyrant, gave him hopes 
 of finding great divisions in his court, and a 
 universal disposition to revolt. But his strong- 
 est motive was the beauty and grandeur of the 
 action in itself. For his sole desire and ambition 
 was to show all Greece, that at the same time 
 that the Lacedaemonians were sending generals 
 and officers to Dionysius the tyrant, and the 
 Athenians on their part were in a manner in 
 the pay of Alexander, to whom they had erected 
 a statue of brass, as to their benefactor, the 
 Thebans were the only people that declared open 
 war against tyranny, and endeavoured to exter- 
 niinate from amongst the Greeks all unjust and 
 violent government. 
 
 After having assembled his army at Pharsa- 
 lus, he marched against the tyrant ; who, being 
 apprized that Pelopidas had but few Thebans, 
 and knowing that his own infantry was twice 
 as strong as that of the Thessalians, advanced to 
 meet him. Pelopidas being told by somebody 
 that Alexander was approaching with a great 
 ftrmy ; So much the better," replied he, '< we 
 shall beat the greater number." 
 
 Near a place called Cynoscephalae, there were 
 very high and steep hills, which lay in the midst 
 of the plain. Both armies were in motion to 
 s=eize that post with their foot, when Pelopidas 
 ordered his cavalry to charge that of the enemy. 
 The horse of Pelopidas broke Alexander's; 
 and whilst they pursued them upon the 
 plain, Alexander appeared suddenly upon the 
 top of the hills, having outstripped the Thessa- 
 
 5 Plut. in Pelop. p. 295— m Xenoph. 1. vi. p 601. 
 
 lian infantry; and charging fiercely such as en- 
 deavoured to force those heights and intrench- 
 ments, he killed the foremost, and repulsed the 
 others, obliging them to give way. Pelopidas, 
 seeing this, recalled his horse, and giving them 
 orders to attack the enemy's foot, he took his 
 buckler, and ran to those who were fighting 
 upon the hills. 
 
 He presently made way through his infantry, 
 and passing in a moment from the rear to the 
 front, revived his soldiers' vigour and courage in 
 such a manner as made the enemies believe them- 
 selves attacked by fresh troops. They suppoited 
 two or three charges with great resolution ; but 
 finding Pelopidas's infantry continually gaining 
 ground, and that his cavalry, who were now re- 
 turned from the pursuit, came to support them, 
 they began to give way, and retired slowly, still 
 making head in their retreat. Pelopidas, seeing 
 from the top of the hills the whole army of the 
 enemy, which, though it was not yet actually 
 put to flight, began to break, and was in great 
 disorder, he stopped for some time, looking 
 about every where for Alexander. 
 
 As soon as he perceived him upon his right 
 wing, I'allying and encouraging his mercenary 
 soldiers, he could contain himself no longer, but, 
 fired with the sight, and abandoning to his sole 
 resentment the care of his life and the conduct 
 of the battle, he got a great way before his bat- 
 talions, and ran forwards with all his force, 
 calling upon and defying Alexander. The ty- 
 rant made no answer to his defiance, and not 
 daring to wait his coming up, withdrew to hide 
 himself amongst his guards. The battalion 
 standing firm for some time, Pelopidas broke 
 the first ranks, and killed the greatest part of 
 the guards upon the spot. The rest, continuing 
 the hght at a distance, pierced his arms and 
 breast at length with their javelins. The 
 Thessalians, alarmed at the danger in which 
 they saw him, made all the haste they could 
 from the tops of the hills to his assistance ; but 
 he was fallen dead when they arrived. The in- 
 fantry and the Theban horse, returning to fight 
 against the enemy's main body, put them to 
 flight, and pursued them a great way. The 
 plain was covered with the dead ; for more than 
 3000 of the tyrant's troops were killed. 
 
 This action of Pelopidas, though it appears 
 the effect of a consummate valour, is inexcus- 
 able, and has been generally condemned, because 
 there is no true valour without wisdom and 
 prudence. The greatest courage is cool and 
 sedate. It spares itself where it "ought, and ex- 
 poses itself when occasion makes it necessary. 
 A general ought to see every thing, and to have 
 every thing in his thoughts. To be in a condi- 
 tion to apply the proper remedy on all occasio 
 he must not precipitate himself where there is 
 the danger of his being cut off, and of causing 
 the loss of his army by his death. 
 
 Euripides,** after having said in one of his 
 pieces, that it is highly glorious for the general 
 of an army to obtain the victory while he pre- 
 serves his own life, adds, " that if it be neces- 
 sary for him to die, he ought to do so by resign- 
 ing his life into the hands of virtue ;" as if he 
 wished to imply, that virtue alone, not passion, 
 anger, or revenge, has a right over the life of a 
 general, and that the first duty of valour is to 
 preserve him who preserves others. 
 
 6 I'lut. in Pelop. S17. 
 B 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 It is in this sense that the saying of Timo- 
 theus is so just and amiable.' When Chares 
 was one day showing to the Athenians tlie 
 wounds he had received whilst he was their 
 general, and his shield pierced through with a 
 
 ?ike : " For my part," said Timotheus, " when 
 was besieging Samos, and a dart happened to 
 fall very near me, I was much ashamed, at 
 having exposed myself like a young man with- 
 out necessity, and more than was consistent for 
 the general of so great an army." Hannibal 
 certainly cannot be suspected of fear, and yet it 
 has been observed, that in the great number of 
 battles which he fought, he never received any 
 wound, except only at the siege of Saguntum. 
 
 It is therefore not without reason, that Pe- 
 lopidas is reproached with having sacrificed all 
 his other virtues to his valour, by thus throwing 
 away his life, and with having died rather for 
 himself than his country. 
 
 Never was a captain more lamented than he. 
 His death changed the victory so lately gained 
 into mourning. A profound silence and uni- 
 versal affliction reigned throughout the whole 
 army, as if it had been entirely defeated. When 
 his body was carried to Thebes, from every city 
 through which it passed, the people of all ages 
 and sexes, the magistrates and priests, came 
 out to meet the bier, and to march in proces- 
 sion before it, carrying crowns, trophies, and 
 armour, all of gold. The Thessalians, who 
 were at the same time highly afflicted for his 
 death, and equally sensible of their obligations 
 to him, made it their request, that they might 
 be permitted to celebrate at their sole expense 
 the obsequies of a general, who had devoted him- 
 self for their preservation ; and that honourable 
 privilege could not be refused to their grateful 
 zeal. 
 
 His funeral was magnificent, especially in 
 the sincere affliction of the Thebans and Thes- 
 salians. For, says Plutarch, the external pomp 
 of mourning, and those marks of sorrow, which 
 may be imposed by the public authority upon 
 the people, are not always certain proofs of their 
 real sentiments. The tears which flow in pri- 
 vate as well as public, the regret expressed 
 equally by great and small, the praises given by 
 the general and unanimous voice to a person 
 who is no more, and from whom nothing far- 
 I ther is expected, are an evidence not to be ques- 
 tioned, and a homage never paid but to virtue. 
 Such were the obsequies of Pelopidas, and, in 
 my opinion, nothing more great and magnificent 
 could be imagined. 
 
 Thebes was not contented with lamenting 
 Pelopidas, but resolved to avenge him. A small 
 army of 7000 foot and 700 horse were immedi- 
 ately sent against Alexander. The tyrant, who 
 had not yet recovered the terror of his defeat, 
 was in no condition to defend himself. He was 
 obliged to restore to the Thessalians the cities 
 he had taken from them, and to give the Mag- 
 nesians, Pythiots, and Achsens, their liberty; 
 to withdraw his garrisons from their country ; 
 and to swear that he would always obey the 
 Thebans, and march at their orders against all 
 their enemies. 
 
 Such a punishment was very gentle. Nor, 
 says Plutarch, did it appear suflbcient to the 
 gods, or proportioned to his crimes : they had 
 reserved one for him worthy of a tyrant. Tfaebe, 
 
 1 Plut. iu Pelop. p. 278 
 
 his wife, who saw with horror and detestation 
 the cruelty and perfidy of her husband, and had 
 not forgotten the lessons and advice which Pe- 
 lopidas had given her whilst in prison, entered 
 into a conspiracy with her three brothers to kiU 
 him. The tyrant's whole palace was full of 
 guards, who kept watch through the whole 
 night ; but he placed little confidence in them, 
 and as his life was in some sort in their hands, 
 be feared them the most of all men. He lay in 
 a high chamber, to which he ascended by a lad- 
 der that was drawn up after his entrance. Near 
 this chamber a great dog Wcis chained to guard 
 it. He was exceeding fierce, and knew nobody 
 but his master, Thebe, and the slave who fed 
 him. 
 
 The time pitched upon for the execution of 
 the plot being arrived, Thebe shut up her 
 brothers during the day-time, in an apartment 
 near the tyrant's. When he entered his own 
 chamber at night, as he was overcharged with 
 meat and wine, he fell into a deep sleep imme- 
 diately. Thebe went out presently after, and 
 ordered the slave to take away the dog, that he 
 might not disturb her husband's repose; and 
 lest the ladder should make a noise when her 
 brothers came up by it, she covered the steps of 
 it with wool. All things being thus prepared, 
 she made her brothers ascend softly, armed with 
 daggers : when they came to the door, they were 
 seized with terror, and would go no farther 
 Thebe, quite out of her wits, threatened to 
 awake the tyrant if they did not proceed imme- 
 diately, and to discover the plot to him. Shame 
 and fear re-animated them: she made them 
 enter, led them to the bed, and held the lamp 
 herself, whilst they killed him with repeated 
 wounds. The news of his death was imme- 
 diately spread through the city. His dead body 
 was exposed to all sorts of outrages, trampled j 
 under foot by the people, and given for a prey | 
 to the dogs and vultures; a just reward for his 
 violent oppressions and detestable cruelties. j 
 
 SECT. VII. I 
 
 Epaminondas is chosen general of the Thebans. His 
 second attempt against Sparta. His celebrated victory \ 
 at Mantinea. Uis death and eulogy. 
 
 The extraordinary pros- 
 A. M. 8641. perity of Thebes was no 
 Ant. J. C. 363. small subject of alarm to 
 the neighbouring states." 
 Every thing was at that time in motion in 
 Greece. A new war had sprung up between 
 the Arcadians and the Eleans, which had occa- 
 sioned another between the Arcadians themselves. 
 The people of Tegaea had called in the Thebans 
 to their aid, and those of Mantinea, the Spar- 
 tans and Athenians. There were besides several 
 other allies on each side. The former gave Epa- 
 minondeis the command of their troops, who 
 immediately entered Arcadia, and encamped at 
 Tegaea, with design to attack the Mantineans, 
 who had quitted their alliance with Thebes to 
 attach themselves to Sparta. 
 
 Being informed that Agesilaus had begun his 
 march with his army, and was advancing to- 
 wards Mantinea, he foniied an enterprise, which, 
 he believed, would immortalize his name, and 
 entirely reduce the power of the enemy. He 
 
 2 Xenoph. 1. vii. p. 642—644. Plut in Agesil. p. 615 
 Diod. p. 391, 392. 
 
I'KRSIANS AND GRECIANS. 
 
 19 
 
 left Tegsea in the night with his army, unknown 
 to the Mantineans, and marched directly to 
 Sparta by a different route from that of Agesi- 
 laus. He would undoubtedly have taken the 
 city by surprise, as it had neither walls, defence, 
 nor troops ; but happily for Sparta, a Cretan 
 having made all possible haste to apprise Age- 
 silaus of his design, he immediately despatched 
 one of his horse to advise the city of the danger 
 that threatened it, and arrived there soon after 
 in person. 
 
 He had scarce entered the town, when the 
 Thebans were seen passing the Eurotas, and 
 coming on against the city. Epaminondas, who 
 perceived that his design was discovered, thought 
 it incumbent on him not to retire without some 
 attempt. He therefore made his troops advance/ 
 and making use of valour instead of stratagem, 
 he attacked the city in several quarters, pene- 
 trated as far as the public square, and seized 
 that part of Sparta which lay upon the side of 
 the river. Agesilaus made head every where, 
 and defended himself v/ith much more valour 
 than could be expected from his years. He saw 
 well, that it was not now a time, as before, to 
 spare himself, and to act only upon the defen- 
 sive ; but that he had need of all his courage and 
 daring, and to fight with all the vigour of des- 
 pair ; means which he had never yet used, nor | 
 placed his confidence in before, but which he 
 employed with great success in the present dan- 
 gerous emergency. For by this happy despair 
 and prudent audacity, he in a manner snatched 
 the city out of the hands of Epaminondas. His 
 son Archidamus, at the head of the Spartan 
 youth, behaved with incredible valour wherever 
 the danger was greatest, and with his small 
 troop stopped the enemy, and made head against 
 them on all sides. 
 
 A young Spartan, named Isadas, distinguish- 
 ed himself particularly in this action. He was 
 very handsome, perfectly well-shaped, of an ad- 
 vantageous stature, and in the fiower of his 
 youth. He had neither armour nor clothes, his 
 body shone with oil, and he held a spear in one 
 hand, and a sword in the other. In this condi- 
 tion he rushed with impetuosity from his house, 
 and breaking through the throng of the Spartans 
 that were fighting, he threw himself upon the 
 enemy, gave mortal wounds at every blow, and 
 laid all at his feet who opposed him, without re- 
 ceiving any hurt himself, whether it were that 
 the enemy were dismayed at so astonishing a 
 sight, or whether, says Plutarch, the gods took 
 pleasure in preserving him upon account of his 
 extraordinary valour. It is said, the Ephori 
 decreed him a crown after the battle, in honour 
 of his exploits, but afterwards fined him a 1000 
 drachmas* for having exposed himself to so great 
 a danger without arms. 
 
 Epaminondas, having failed in his aim, and 
 foreseeing that the Arcadians would certainly 
 hasten to the relief of Sparta, and not being wil- 
 Ung to have them with all the Lacedaemonian 
 forces upon his hands at the same time, returned 
 with expedition to Tegsea. The Lacedaemonians 
 and Athenians, with their allies, followed him 
 close in the rear. 
 
 That general,^ considering his command was 
 upon the point of expiring, and that if he did not 
 fight, his reputation might suffer extremely, and 
 
 3 Polyb. 1. ix. p. 547. 
 4 about 25/. b Xenoph. L vii. p. 645—647. 
 
 that immediately after his retreat, the enemy 
 would fall upon the Theban allies, and entirely 
 ruin them, gave orders to his troops to hold 
 themselves in readiness for battle. 
 
 The Greeks had never fought amongst them- 
 selves with more numerous armies. That of the 
 Lacedaemonians consisted of more than 20,000 
 I foot and 2000 horse ; the Theban army of 30,000 
 foot and near 3000 horse. Upon the right wing 
 of the former, the Mantineans, Arcadians, and 
 Lacedaemonians, were posted in one line; the 
 Eleans and Achaeans, who were the weakest of 
 their troops, had the centre; and the Athenians 
 alone composed the left v»^ing. In the other army, 
 the Thebans and Arcadians were on the left, the 
 Argives on the right, and the other allies in the 
 centre. The cavalry on each side were disposed 
 in the wings. 
 
 The Theban general marched in the same or- 
 der of battle in which he intended to fight, that 
 he might not be obliged, when he came up with 
 the enemy, to lose, in the disposition of his army, 
 a time which cannot be too much saved in great 
 enterprises. 
 
 He did not march directly, and with his front 
 to the enemy, but in a column along the hills 
 with his left wing foremost to make them ima- 
 gine that he did not intend to fight that day. 
 When he was over against them at a quarter of 
 » league's distance, he made his troops halt and 
 lay down their arms, as if he designed to encamp 
 there. The enemy in fact were deceived by that 
 stand, and reckoning no longer upon a battle, 
 they quitted their arms, dispersed themselves 
 about the camp, and suffered that ardour to ex- 
 tinguish which the near approach of a battle is 
 wont to kindle in the hearts of the soldiers. 
 
 Epaminondas, however, by suddenly wheel- 
 ing his troops to the right, having changed his 
 column into a line, and having drawn out the 
 choice trof ps, whom he had expressly posted in 
 front upon his march, he made them double their 
 files upon the front of his left wing, to add to its 
 strength, and to put it into a condition to attack 
 in a point the Lacedaemonian phalanx, which, by 
 the movement he had made, faced it directly. 
 He ordered the centre and right wing of his 
 army to move very slow, and to halt before they 
 came up with the enemy, that he might not 
 hazard the event of the battle upon troops on 
 whom he could not rely. 
 
 He expected to decide the victory by that body 
 of chosen troops which he commanded in person, 
 and which he had formed in a column to attack 
 the enemy in a point like a galley, says Xeno- 
 phon. He assured himself, that if he could 
 penetrate the Lacedaemonian phalanx, in which 
 the enemy's principal force consisted, he should 
 not find it difficult to rout the rest of their army, 
 by charging upon the right and left with his vie 
 torious troops. 
 
 But that he might prevent the Athenians in 
 the left wing fi'om coming to the support oi 
 their right against his intended attack, he made 
 a detachment of his horse and foot advance out 
 of the line, and posted them upon thf rising 
 ground in readiness to flank the Atheniansj as 
 well to cover his right, as to alarm them j and 
 gave them reason to apprehend being takm it 
 riank and rear themselves, if they advanced tf 
 sustain their right. 
 
 After having disposed his whole army in this 
 manner, he moved on to charge the enemy with 
 the whole weight of his column. I'hey were 
 strangely surprised when they saw* Epaminondas 
 advance towards them in this order, and resumec' 
 
20 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 their arms, bridled their horses, and made all turuing immediately, contented themselves with 
 the haste they could to their ranks. , remaining masters of the field and of the dead, 
 
 Whilst Epaminondas was marching against | without making any advantage of their victorj-, 
 the enemv, the cavairv that covered his flank on ' or undertaking any thing farther, as if they 
 the left, the best at that time in Greece, entirely . staid for the orders of theii- general, 
 composed of Thebaus and Thessalians, had The cavalry, dismayed by the accident of 
 orders to attack the enemy's horse. The The- | Epaminondas, whom they believed to be dead, 
 ban general, whom nothina escaped, had judi- i and seeming rather vanquished than victorious, 
 ciously planted bowmen, slingers, and lancers in ! neglected to pursue their success in the same 
 
 the intervals of his horse, in order to begin the 
 disorder of the enemy's cavalry, by a previous 
 discharge of a shower of arrows, stones, and 
 javelins upon them. The other army had ne- 
 glected to take the same precaution, and had 
 committed another fault, not less considerable, 
 
 ■ manner, and returned to their former post. 
 
 AVhilst this was passing on the left wing of 
 the Thebans, the Athenian horse attacked their 
 cavalry on the right. But as the latter, besides 
 the superiority of number, had the advantage of 
 being seconded by the light infantry posted in 
 
 in giving as much depth to the squadrons as if i their intervals, they charged the Athenians 
 
 Ihey had been a phalanx. By this means their 
 horse were incapable of supporting long the 
 charge of the Thebans. After having made 
 several ineffectual attacks with great loss, they 
 were obliged to retire behind their infantry. 
 
 In the meantime Epaminondas, with his 
 body of foot, had attacked the Lacedaemonian 
 phalanx. The troops came to the charge on 
 both sides with incredible ai'dour ; both the 
 
 rudely, and having galled them extremely with 
 their darts, broke, and obliged them to fly. Af- 
 ter having dispersed and repulsed them in this 
 manner, instead of pursuing them, t.l)ey thought 
 proper to turn their arms against the Athenian 
 foot, which they took in flank, put into disorder, 
 and pushed with great vigour. Just as they 
 were about to take to flight, the genej-al of the 
 Elean cavalrv, who commanded a bodv of re- 
 
 Thebans and Lacedaemonians being resolved to I serve, seeing the danger of that phalanx, came 
 perish rather than vield the glory of ai-ms to \ upon the spur to its relief, chai-ged the Theban 
 their rivals. Thev beaan bv fighting with the j horse, who expected nothing less, forced theoj 
 spear; and those flrstlirms 'being soon broken ' to retreat, and regained from them their advan- 
 iu the fury of the combat, they charged each tage. At the same time, the Athenian cavalry, 
 other sword in hand. The resistance was equal- which had been routed at first, finding they 
 Jy obstinate, and the slaughter very great on ! ^^•ere not pursued, rallied ; and instead of going 
 both sides. The troops despising danger, and to the assistance of their foot, which was rough- 
 desiring only to distinguish themselves bv the I ly handled, they attacked the detachn.tnt posted 
 greatness of 'their actions, chose rather to die in ' by the Thebans upon the heights without the 
 
 their ranks, than to lose a step of their ground. 
 
 The furious slaughter on both sides having 
 continued a great while without the victory's 
 inclining to either, Epaminondas, to force it to 
 declare for him, thought it his duty to make 
 an extraordinary efl^ort in person, without re- 
 gard to the danger of his own life. He formed 
 therefore a troop of the bravest and most deter- 
 minate about him, and putting himself at the 
 I head of them, made a " 
 enemy, where the battle was most warm, and 
 wounded the general of the Lacedaemonians 
 with the first javelin he threw. His troop, by 
 his example, having wounded or killed all that 
 stood in their way, broke and penetrated the 
 phalanx. The Lacedaemonians, dismayed by 
 the presence of Epaminondas, and overpowered 
 by the weight of that intrepid band, were com- 
 pelled to give ground. The main body of the 
 Theban troops, animated by their general's ex- 
 ample and success, drove back the enemy upon 
 his right and left, and made a great slaughter of 
 them. But some troops of the Spartans, per- 
 
 line, and put it to the sword. 
 
 After tliese ditferent moA-ements, and this 
 alternation of losses and advantages, the troops 
 on both sides stood still and rested upon their 
 arms ; and the trumpets of the two armies, as 
 if by consent, sounded the retreat at the same 
 time*. Each party pretended to the victoiy, and 
 erected a trophy* tlie Thebans, because they 
 
 had defeated the right wing, and remained mas- 
 
 s charge upon the { ters of the field of battle ; the Athenians, be- 
 
 cause they had cut the detachment in pieces. 
 And from' this point of honour, both sides re- 
 fused at first to ask leave to bury their dead, 
 which, with the ancients, was confessing their 
 defeat. The Lacedaemonians, however, first 
 sent a herald to demand that permission ; after 
 which, the rest had no thoughts but of paying 
 the last duties to the slain on their respective 
 sides. 
 
 Such -was the event of the famous battle of 
 Mantinea. Xenophon, in his relation of it, 
 which concludes his history, recommends to ths 
 
 _ _ ^ ^_ reader's attention the disposition of the Theban 
 
 that Epaminondas abandoned him'^self \ troops, and the order of battle, which he de- 
 
 too much to his ardour, suddenly rallied, and 
 returning to the figlit, charged him with a shower 
 of javelins. AVhilst he kept oflf part of those 
 darts, shunned some of them, warded off othei"s, 
 and was fighting with the most heroic valour, 
 to assure the victory to his army, a Spartan, 
 named Callicrates, gave him a mortal wound 
 witli a javelin in the breast through his cuirass. 
 The wood of the javelin being broken off, and 
 the iron head continuing in the wound, the tor- 
 ment was insupportable, and he fell immediate- 
 ly. The battle began around him with new 
 fury ; the one side using their utmost endeavours 
 to take him alive, and the other to save him. 
 The Thebans gained their point at last, and car- 
 ried him otf, after having put the enemy to 
 flight. They did not pursue them far ; and re- 
 
 scribes as a man of knowledge and experience id 
 the art of war. And the Chevalier Folard, 
 who justly looks upon Epaminondas as one of 
 the greatest generals Greece ever produced, in 
 his description of the same battle, ventures to 
 call it the masterpiece of that gi'eat captain. 
 
 Epaminondas had been carried into the camp, 
 ITie surgeons, after having examined the wound, 
 declared that he would expire as soon as the 
 head of the dart was drawn out of it. Those 
 words gave all that were present the utmost 
 sorrow and affliction : they were inconsolable 
 on seeing so great a man about to die, and to die 
 without issue. For him, the only concern he 
 expressed was about his arms, and the success of 
 the battle. \Vhen they showed him his shield, 
 and assured him that' the Thebans had eaineo 
 
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. 
 
 21 
 
 fcbe victory; turning towards his friends with 
 a calm and serene air : " Bo not regard," said 
 he, " this day as the end of my life, but as the 
 beginning of my happiness, and the completion 
 of my glory. 1 leave Thebes triumphant, proud 
 Sparta humbled, and Greece delivered from the 
 yoke of servitude. For the rest, I do not reckon 
 that I die without issue ; Leuctra and Mantinea 
 are two illustrious daughters, that will not fail 
 i to keep my name alive, and to transmit it to 
 
 Sosterity." Having spoken to this effect, he 
 rew the head of the javelin out of his wound 
 and expired. 
 
 It may be truly said, that the Theban power 
 expired with this great man ; whom Cicero 
 eeems to rank above all the illustrious men 
 Greece ever produced.' Justin is of the same 
 opinion,* when he says, That as a dart is no 
 longer in a condition to wound when the point 
 of it is blunted, so Thebes, after having lost its 
 general, was no longer formidable to its enemies, 
 and its power seemed to have lost its edge, and 
 to be annihilated by the death of Epaminondas. 
 Before him, that city was not distinguished by 
 any memorable action ; and after him, it sunk 
 into its original obscurity ; so that it saw its 
 glory take birth and expire with this great man. 
 
 It has been doubted whether he was a more 
 excellent captain or good man.' He sought not 
 power for himself, but for his country ; and car- 
 ried his disinterestedness to such a pitch, that at 
 his death he did not leave sufficient wealth to 
 defray the expenses of his funeral. Truly a 
 philosopher, and poor by inclination, he despised 
 riches, without affecting any reputation from 
 that contempt j and if Justin may be believed, 
 he coveted glory as little as he did money. It 
 was always against his will that commands were 
 conferred upon him; and he behaved himself in 
 them in such a manner, as did more honour to 
 the dignities, than the dignities to him. 
 
 ^ Though poor himself, and without any estate, 
 his very poverty, by drawing upon him the 
 esteem and confidence of the rich, gave him the 
 opportunity of doing good to others. One of 
 his friends being in great necessity, Epaminon- 
 das sent him to a very rich citizen, with orders 
 to ask him for 1000 crowns in his name.* That 
 rich man coming to his house, to know his mo- 
 tives for directing his friend to him upon such 
 an errand ; '* Why,"^ replied Epaminondas, " it 
 is because this honest man is in want, and you 
 are rich."* 
 
 He had imbibed those generous and noble sen- 
 timents from the study of polite learning and 
 philosophy,' which he had made his usual em- 
 
 1 Epaminondas princeps, meo judicio, Graecue. Acad. 
 Qutsst. 1. i. n. 4. 
 
 2 Nam sicuti telo, si primam aciem prsefregeris, reliquo 
 ferro vim nocendi sustuleris ; sic illo, velut mucrone teii, 
 ablato duce Thebanorum, rei quoque publics vires hebe- 
 tats sunt: ut non tam ilium amisisse, quam cum illo 
 omnes interiise viderentur. Nam neque hunc ante ducem 
 ullum memorabile bellum gessero, nec postea virtutibus, 
 sed cladubis, insignes fuere: ut manifestum sit, patria 
 gloriam et natam et extinctam cum eo fnisse. Justin. 
 1. vi. c. 8. 
 
 3 Fuit incertum, vir melior an dux asset. Nam et im. 
 perium non sibi semper sed patrias qusesivit j et pecunis 
 aded parous fuit, ut sumptus funeri defuerit. Glorias quo- 
 que non cupidior, quSm pecuniae ; quippe recusanti omnia 
 imperia ingesta sunt, honoresque ita gessit, ornamentum 
 non accipere, sed dari ipsi dignitati videretur. Justin. 
 
 4 A talent. 5 Plut. de praecept. reipub. ger. 809. 
 6"Ot/ ^fijff'Te?, e?<rtv, ovTOt St, rivvif ia-rr ov Ss -rXmrut, 
 7 Jam literarum studium, jam philosophiae doctrina 
 
 tanta, ut mirabile videretur, unde tam insignia militiae sci- 
 entia homini inter literas nato. Jttstin. 
 
 ployment and sole delight from his earliest in- 
 fancy ; so that it was surprising, and a question 
 frequently asked, how, and at what time, it was 
 possible for a man, always busy amongst books, 
 to attain, or rather seize, the knowledge of the 
 art military in so great a degree of perfection. 
 Bond of leisure, which he devoted to the study 
 of philosophy, his darling passion, he shunned 
 public employments, and intrigued only to ex- 
 clude himself from them. His moderation con- 
 cealed him so well, that he lived obscure and 
 almost unknown. His merit, however, dis- 
 covered him. He was taken from his solitude 
 by force, to be placed at the head of armies ; and 
 he demonstrated that philosophy, though gener- 
 ally despised by those who aspire at the glory of 
 arms, is wonderfully well calculated to form 
 heroes. For besides its being the greatest step 
 towards conquering the enemy to know how to 
 conquer one's self, in this school anciently were 
 taught the great maxims of true policy,^ the 
 rules of every kind of duty, the motives for a 
 due discharge of them, what we owe to our 
 country, the right use of authority, wherein 
 true courage consists j in a word, the qualities 
 that form the good citizen, statesman, and great 
 captain. 
 
 He possessed all the ornaments of the mind : 
 he had the talent of speaking in perfection, and 
 was well-versed in the most sublime sciences. 
 But a modest reserve threw a veil over all those 
 excellent quedities, which still augmented their 
 value, and he knew not what it was to be osten- 
 tatious of them. Spintharus, in giving his 
 character, said, '* That he never had met a man, 
 who knew more, and spoke less."^ 
 
 It may be said therefore in praise of Epami- 
 nondas, that he falsified the proverb, which 
 treated the Boeotians as boorish and stupid. 
 This was the notion commonly entertained of 
 them;'" and it was imputed to the gross air of 
 the country, as the Athenian delicacy of taste 
 was attributed to the subtlety of the air they 
 breathed. Horace says, that to judge of Alex- 
 ander from his bad taste for poetry, one would 
 swea,r him a true Bceotian : 
 
 Bceotum in crasso jurares aere natum. 
 
 Epist. i. 1. 2, 
 
 In thick Boeotian air you'd swear him born. 
 
 When Alcibiades was reproached with having 
 little inclination to music, he thought fit to 
 make this excuse : " It is for Thebans to sing 
 as they do" who know not how to speak." 
 Pindar and Plutarch, who had very little of the 
 soil in them, and who are proofs that genius is 
 of all nations, do themselves condemn the stu- 
 pididity of their countrymen. Epaminondas 
 did honour to his country, not only by the great- 
 ness of his military exploits, but by that sort 
 of merit which results from elevation of genius 
 and the study of the sciences. 
 
 I shall conclude this portrait and character 
 with a circumstance that gives place to nothing 
 in all his other excellences, and which may even 
 
 8 The works of Plato, Xenophon, and Aristotle are 
 proofs of this. 
 
 9 Plut. de audit, p. 39. 
 10 Inter locorum naturas quantum intersit, videmus— 
 Athenis tenue ccelum, ex quo acutiores etiam putantur 
 Attici ; crassum Thebis, itaque pingues Thebaui. Cic. d 
 Fato, n. 7. 
 
 11 They were creat musicians. 
 
22 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 be preterred to them, as it indicates a good heart, 
 and a tenderness and sensible disposition ; quf^Y' 
 ties very rare amongst the great, but mhnitely 
 more estimable than all those splendid attribu.ts 
 which the generality of mankind commonly gaze 
 at with admiration, and fancy almost the only 
 obiects worthy either of being imitated or en- 
 vied. The victory at Leuctra had drawn the 
 eyes and admiration of all the neighbouring 
 states upon Epaminondas, and caused him to be 
 looked upon as the supporter and restorer of 
 Thebes, as the triumphant conqueror of hparta, 
 as the deliverer of all Greece ; in a word, as the 
 greatest man, and the most excellent captain, 
 I that ever was in the world. In the midst ot this 
 i universal applause, so capable of intoxicating, in 
 a manner, the general of an army, Epaminondas, 
 little sensible to so affecting and so deserved a 
 i dorv, « My joy,"' said he, arises from my sense 
 I of that which the news of my victory will give 
 ir.y father and my moth ei-." 
 
 Nothing in history seems to me so valuable as 
 such sentiments, which do honour to human 
 nature, and proceed from a heart which neither 
 false glory nor false greatness have corrupted. 1 
 confels it is with grief I see these noble senti- 
 ments daily expire amongst us, especially in 
 persons whose birth and rank raise them above 
 ! others, who, too frequently, are neither good 
 ' fathers, good sons, good husbands, nor good 
 friends : and who would think it derogatory to 
 them to express for a father and mother the 
 tender regard, of which we have here so fane an 
 example from a Pagan. 
 
 Until Epaminondas's time, two cities had ex- 
 ercised alternately a kind of empire over all 
 Greece. The justice and moderation ol bparta 
 had at first acquired it a distinguished pre-emin- 
 ence, which the pride and haughtiness of its 
 generals, and especially of Pausamas, soon made 
 it lose. The Athenians, until the Peloponne* 
 sian war, held the first rank ; but in a manner 
 scarcely discernible in any other respect, than 
 in their care to acquit themselves worthily, and 
 in giving their inferiors just reason to believe 
 themselves their equals. They judged at that 
 time, and very justly, that the true method ot 
 commanding, and of continuing their power, 
 was to evince their superiority only by their 
 good offices and the benefits they conferred. 
 Those times, so glorious for Athens, were of 
 about forty-five years' continuance, and they 
 retained a part of that pre-eminence during the 
 twentv-seven years of the Peloponnesian war, 
 which make in all the seventy-two, or seventy- 
 three years, which Demosthenes assigns to the 
 duration of their empire but for this latter 
 space of time, the Greeks disgusted by the 
 haughtiness of Athens, received no laws from 
 that city without reluctance. Hence the Lace- 
 dsemonians became again the arbiters of Greece, 
 and continued so from the time Lysander made 
 himself master of Athens, until the farst war 
 undertaken by the Athenians, after their re-es- 
 tablishment by Conon, to withdraw themselves 
 and the rest of the Greeks from the tyranny of 
 Sparta, which was now grown more insolent 
 than ever. At length, Thebes disputed the su- 
 premacy : and by the exalted merit ot a single 
 man, saw itself at the head of all Greece. But 
 that glorious condition was of no long continu- 
 
 ance, and the death of Epaminondas, as we have 
 already observed, plunged it again into the ob- 
 scurity in which he found it. 
 
 Demosthenes remarks, in the passage above 
 cited, that the pre-eminence granted voluntarily 
 either to Sparta or Athens, was a pre-eminence 
 of honour, not of dominion, and that the intent 
 of Greece was to preserve a kind of equality and 
 independence in the other cities. Hence, saya , 
 he, when the governing city attempted to ascribe | 
 to itself what did not belong to it, and aimed [ 
 at any innovations, contrary to the rules of i 
 iustice, in established customs, all the Greeks i 
 thought themselves obliged to have recourse to | 
 arms, and without any ground of personal dis- 
 content, to espouse with ardour the cause of the 
 injured. . ,. . a 
 
 1 shall add here another very judicious reflec- ; 
 tion from Polybius.^ He attributes the wise 
 conduct of the Athenians, in the times I have i 
 spoken of, to the ability of their generals, who 
 were then at the head of their affairs ; and he i 
 makes use of a comparison, which explains, not j 
 unhappily, the character of that people. A ves- 
 sel, without a master, says he, is exposed to gi-eat 
 dangers, when every one insists upon its being 
 steered according to his opinion, and will not 
 suffer others to guide him. If then a rude storm 
 attacks it, the common danger conciliates and 
 unites them ; they abandon themselves to the 
 pilot's skill, and all the rowers doing their duty, 
 the ship is saved, and in a state of security. But 
 if, when the tempest ceases, and the weather 
 grows calm again, the discord of the mariners 
 revives ; if they will hearken no longer to the 
 pilot, and some are for continuing their voyage, 
 whilst others resolve to stop in the midst ot the 
 course : if on one side they loose their sails, and 
 furl them on the other ; it often happens that, 
 after having escaped the most violent storms, 
 they are shipwrecked even in port. This, says 
 Polybius, is a natural image of the Athenian 
 republic. As long as it suffered itself to be guid- 
 ed by the wise counsels of an Aristides, a The- 
 mistocles, a Pericles, it came off victorious from 
 the greatest dangers. But prosperity blinded 
 and ruined it; following no longer any thing 
 but its own caprice, and being become too mso- 
 lent to be advised or governed, it plunged itself 
 into the greatest misfortunes. 
 
 1 Plut. in Coriol. p. 215. 
 2 Deuiost. Philip, iii. p. 81 
 
 SECT. VIII. 
 
 Death of Evagoras king of Salamis. Nicocles his son 
 succeeds him. Admirable character of that prince. 
 
 The third year of the lOlst 
 A. M. S630. Olympiad,* and soon after 
 Ant. J. C. 374. the Thebans had destroyed 
 Platseae and Thespite, as has 
 been observed before, Evagoras, king of Salamis 
 in the isle of Cyprus, of whom much has been 
 said in the preceding volume, was assassinated 
 by one of his eunuchs. His son Nicocles suc- 
 ceeded him. He had a fine model before him 
 in the person of his father; and he seemed to 
 consider it as his duty to make it his study, and 
 to tread in his steps.^ When he took possession 
 of the throne, he found the public treasury en- 
 tirely exhausted, by the great expenses which his 
 father had been obliged to incur in the long war 
 
 ; Polvb. 1. vii. p. 488. -1 Diod. 1. xv. p. 363. 
 5 Isocrat. in Micoc. p. 64. 
 
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. 23 
 
 which he had to inaiutaiii with the king of Per- 
 sia. He knew that the generality of princes, 
 upon like occasions, think every means just for 
 the re-establishment of their affairs ; but for his 
 j part, he acted upon different principles. In his 
 j reign there was no talk of banishment, taxes, 
 I and confiscation of estates. The public felicity 
 ! was his sole object, and justice his favourite vir- 
 tue. He discharged the debts of the state gra- 
 dually ; not by crushing the people with exces- 
 sive imposts, but by retrenching all unnecessary 
 expenses, and by using a wise economy in the 
 administration of his revenues. " I am sure," 
 said he, " that no citizen can complain that I 
 have done him the least wrong : and I have the 
 satisfaction to know that I have enriched many 
 with an unsparing hand."" He believed this 
 kind of vanity, if it be vanity, might be per- 
 mitted in a prince, and that it was glorious for 
 him to have it in his power to throw out such a 
 defiance to his subjects. 
 
 He piqued himself also in particular upon 
 another virtue,^ which is the more worthy of 
 admiration in princes, as it is very uncommon 
 among them ; 1 mean temperance. It is most 
 amiable, but very difficult, in an age and a rank 
 of life to which every thing seems to be lawful, 
 and wherein pleasure, armed with all her arts 
 and attractions, is continually lying in ambush 
 for a young prince, and anticipating his desires, 
 i to make a long resistance against the violence 
 i and insinuation of her , assaults. Nicocles 
 i gloried in having never known any woman 
 j besides his wife during his reign, and was 
 I amazed that all other contracts should be treated 
 with due regard in civil society, whilst that of 
 marriage, the most sacred and inviolable of 
 obligations, was broken through with impunity ; 
 and that men should not blush to commit an 
 Infidelity in respect to their wives, of which, 
 should their wives be guilty, it would throw 
 them into the utmost anguish and despair. 
 
 What I have said of the justice and temper- 
 ance of Nicocles, Isocrates puts into that 
 prince's own mouth ; and it is not probable that 
 he would have made him speak in such a man- 
 ner, if his conduct had not agreed with such 
 sentiments. It is in a discourse, supposed to be 
 addressed by that king to his people, wherein he 
 describes to them the duties of subjects to their 
 princes: love, respect, obedience, fidelity, and 
 unbounded devotion to their service ; and to 
 engage them more effectually to the discharge of 
 those duties, he does not disdain to give them 
 an account of his own conduct and sentiments. 
 
 In another discourse," which precedes this, 
 Isocrates lays before Nicocles all the duties of 
 the sovereignty, and makes excellent reflections 
 upon that subject, of which I can repeat here 
 only a vei'y small part. He begins by telling 
 him that the virtue of private persons is much 
 better supported than his own, by the medio- 
 crity of their condition, by the employment and 
 cares inseparable from it, by the misfortunes to 
 which they are frequently exposed, by their dis- 
 tance from plea-sures and luxury, and particularly 
 by the liberty which their friends and relations 
 have of giving them advice ; whereas, the gene- 
 rality of princes have none of these advantages. 
 He adds, that a king, who would make himself 
 capable of governing well, ought to avoid an idle 
 
 I and inactive life, should set apart a fixed time 
 I for business and the public affairs, should form 
 I his council of the most able and experienced 
 persons in his kingdom, should endeavour to 
 make himself as much superior to others by hia 
 I mtrit and wisdom as he is by his dignity, and 
 especially to acquire the love of his subjects, and 
 I'or that purpose love them sincerely, and look 
 upon himself as their common father. *' Per- 
 sist," said he, " in the religion you have re- 
 ceived from your forefathers, but be assured that 
 the most grateful adoration and sacrifice that 
 you can offer to the Divinity, is that of the 
 heart, in rendering yourself good and just. 
 Show, upon all occasions, so high a regard for 
 truth, that a single word from you may be more 
 confided in than the oath of others. Be a war- 
 rior, by your ability in military affairs, and by 
 such a warlike provision as may intimidate your 
 enemies; but let your inclinations be pacific, 
 and be rigidly exact in never pretending to, or 
 undertaking any thing unjustly. The only cer- 
 tain proof that you have reigned well, will be 
 the power of bearing this testimony to yourself; 
 that your people are become both more happy 
 and moi'e wise under your government." 
 
 What seems to me most remarkable in this 
 discourse, is, that the advice which Isocrates 
 gives the king is neither attended with praises, 
 nor with those studied reservations and artificial 
 turns, without which fearful and modest truth 
 dares not venture to approach the throne. This 
 is most worthy of applause, and it is still more 
 to the credit of the prince than the writer. 
 Nicocles, far from being offended at these coun- 
 sels, received them with joy ; and to express his 
 gratitude to Isocrates, made him a present of 
 twenty talents, that is to say, 20,000 crowns.^ 
 
 SECT. IX. 
 
 Artaxerxes Mnemon undertakes the reduction of Egypt. 
 Iphicrates the Athenian is appointed general of the 
 Athenian troops. I'he enterprise miscarries by the ill 
 conduct of Pharnabazus the Persian general. 
 
 Artaxei-xes,'" after having 
 A. M. 3627. given his people an interval 
 Ant. J. C. 377. of relaxation for several 
 years, had formed the de- 
 sign of reducing Egypt, which had shaken off 
 the Persian yoke long before, and made great 
 preparations for war for that purpose. Achoris, 
 who then reigned in Egypt, and had given Eva- 
 goras powerful aid against the Persians, fore- 
 seeing the storm, raised abundance of troops of 
 his own subjects, and took into his pay a great 
 body of Greeks and other auxiliary soldiers, of 
 whom Chabrias the Athenian had the com- 
 mand." He had accepted that office of himself, 
 and without the authority of the republic. 
 
 Pharnabazus, having been charged with this 
 war, sent to Athens to complain that Chabrias 
 had engaged himself to serve against his master, 
 and threatened the republic with the king's re- 
 sentment, if he was not immediately recalled. 
 He demanded at the same time Iphicrates, an- 
 other Athenian, who was looked upon as one of 
 the most excellent captains of his time, to give 
 him the command of the body of Greek troops 
 in the service of his master. The Athenians, 
 
 e Isocrat. p. 65, 66. 7 Ibid. p. 64. 
 8 Isocrat. ad Nicoc. 
 
 3 Plut. in vit. Isoc. p. 838. 10 Diod. 1. xv. p. 
 11 Cor. Nep. in Chab. et in Ipliic, 
 
I - 
 
 24 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 who had a ^reat interest in the continuance of [ 
 the king's triendsnip, recalled Chabrias, and 
 ordered him, upon pain of death, to rei)air to [ 
 Athens by a certain day. Iphicrates was sent [ 
 , to the Pei-sian aruiy. I 
 j The preparations of the Persians went on so \ 
 I slowly, that two whole years elapsed before they 
 j entered upon action. Achoris,' king of Egypt, 
 ! died in that time, and Avas succeeded by Psam- 
 j muthis, who reigned but a year. Nepheritus 
 was the next, and four months after Nectanebis, 
 who reigned ten or twelve years, 
 j Artaxerxes," to draw some 
 
 I A. M. 3()30. troops out of Greece, sent 
 I Ant. J. C. 37-t. ambassadors thither, to de- 
 clare to the several states, 
 ; that the king's intent was they should all live in 
 peace with each other, conformably to the treaty 
 of Antalcidas, that all gai-risons should be with- 
 . drawn, and all the cities suffered 1o enjoy their 
 ! liberty under their respective laws. All Greece 
 ; received his deilaratiou with pleasure, except 
 j i the Thebaus, who refused to conform to it. 
 
 At length,' every thing being in readiness for 
 ; the invasion of Egypt, a camp was formed at 
 I Aco, since called 'Ptolemais, in Palestine, the 
 place appointed for the general rendezvous. In 
 ' ' a review there, the army was found to consist 
 j j of 200,000 Persians, under the command of 
 1 1 Pharnabazus, and 20,000 Greeks under Iphi- 
 1 1 crates. The naval forces were in proportion to 
 j ! those of the laud ; their tieet consisted of SOO 
 1 1 g^alleys, besides 200 vessels of thirty oars, and a 
 ! j prodigious number of barks to transport the 
 : necessai'y provisions for the fleet and army. 
 
 The army and fleet began to move at the same 
 : time; and that they might act in concert, they 
 : sepai-ated from each other as little as possible. 
 Tlie war was to open wixh the siege of Pelu- 
 sium; but so much time had been given the 
 Egyptians, that Nectanebis had rendered the 
 approach to it impracticable, both by sea and 
 land. The fleet, therefore, instead of making a 
 ; descent, as had been projected, sailed forwards, 
 and entered the mouth of the Nile called the 
 Mendesian. The Nile at that time emptied it- 
 . self into the sea by seven difl'ereut channels, of 
 : which only two remain at this day and at 
 each of these mouths there was a fort with a 
 ', ' strong garrison to defend the entrance. The 
 ! Mendesian not being so well fortified as that of 
 Pelusium, where the enemy was expected to 
 
 I j land, the descent was made with no great diffi- 
 ' ' culty. The fort was carried swoi'd in hand, and 
 ; ; no quarter given to those who were found in it. 
 
 ! After this signal action, Iphicrates thought it 
 j advisable to sail up the Nile without loss of 
 ' ! time, and to attack Memphis, the capital of 
 I Eirypt. If that opinion had been followed be- 
 i fore the Egyptians had had time to recover the 
 panic into vvhich so formidable an invasion, and 
 the blow already received, had thrown them, 
 il thev would have' found the capital without any 
 j defence, it would inevitably have fallen into 
 
 I I their hands, and all Egypt 'been re-conquered. 
 
 ij Hut the main body of the army not being ar- 
 rived, Pharnabazus believed it necessary to Avait 
 its coming up, and would undertake nothing, 
 till he had rt^assembled all his troops; under 
 pretext, that tbey would then be invincible, and 
 that there would' be no obstacle capable of with- 
 standing them. 
 
 Iphicrates, who laiew that, in affairs of war 
 
 especially, there are certain favourable and de- 
 cisive moments which it is absolutely proper to 
 seize, judged quite differently; and in despair to 
 see an opportunity suffered to escape, that might 
 never be retrieved, he earnestly demanded per- 
 mission to go at least with the 20,000 men under 
 his command. Pharnabazus refused to comply 
 with that demand, out of abject jealousy ; appre- 
 hending, that if the enterprise succeeded, the 
 whole glory of the war would redound to Iphi- I 
 crates. This delay gave the Egyptians time to 
 look about them. ' They drew all their troops 
 together into a body, put a good garrison into 
 Memphis, and with the rest of their army kept 
 the field, and harassed the Persians in such a I 
 manner, that they prevented their advancing \ 
 farther into the country. After which came on j 
 the inundation of the' Nile, which laying all 
 Egypt luider water, the Persians were obliged ; 
 to return into Phcenicia, after having lost a con- i 
 siderable part of their troops to no purpose. 1 
 Thus this expedition, which had cost immense j 
 sums, and for which the preparation alone had I 
 given so much difficulty for upwards of two 
 yeai-s, entirely miscarried, and produced no other ' 
 effect, than an iiTeconcilable enmity between ; 
 the two generals who had the command of it. i 
 Pharnabazus, to excuse himself, accused Iphi- ' 
 crates of having prevented its success; and Iphi- ; 
 ci-ates, with much more reason, laid all the fault , 
 upon Pharnabazus. But well assured that that 
 nobleman would be believed at his court in pre- ! 
 ference to him, and remembei'ing what had hap- \ 
 pened to Conon, he determined, in order to avoid 
 the fate of that illustrious Athenian, to retire 
 secretly to Athens in a small vessel which he 
 hired. ' Pharnabazus caused him to be accused , 
 there, of having rendered the expedition against I 
 Egypt abortive. The people of Athens made 
 answer, that if he could be convicted of that 
 crime, he should be punished as he deserved. 
 But his innocence was too well known at Athens ; 
 to give him any disquiet upon that account. It 
 does not appear that he was ever called in ques- j 
 tion about it; and some time after, the Athe- I 
 nians declared him sole admiral of their fleet. ' 
 
 Most of the projects of the Persian court gen- 
 erally miscarried ' by their slowness in putting 
 them in execution.^' Their generals' hands were 
 tied up, and nothing was left to their discretion. 
 They had a plan marked out for them in their 
 instructions, from which they did not dare to 
 depart. If any accident happened, that had not 
 been foreseen and provided for, they must wait 
 for new orders from court, and before they ar- | 
 rived the opportunity was entirely lost. Iphi- 
 crates, having observed that Phai-nabazus took 
 his resolutions with all the presence of mind 
 and penetration that could be desired in an ac- i 
 complished general,^ and that nevertheless they ' 
 were not carried into execution, asked him one | 
 day, how it happened that he was so quick in • 
 his views and so slow in his actions? " It is," 
 replied Pharnabazus, " because my views de- 
 pend only uj^n myself, but their execution upon 
 my master." | 
 
 SECT. X. j 
 
 The Lacedscmonians send Agesilaus to the aid of Tacbos, 
 who had revolted from the rersians. The kingot ^lar. • 
 ta's actions in Egypt. His death. Tlie greatest part of 
 the provinces revolt against Artaxerx.es. 
 
 After the battle of Mantinea,^ both parties 
 
 1 Euscb. in Chron. 2 Died. 1. xv. p. S35. 
 
 S Ibid. IV ^5y. 4 Dam.eua and llosettat 
 
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. 
 
 25 
 
 i.qually weary of the war, had entered into a 
 general peace with all the other states of Gi'eece, 
 upon the king of Persia's plan, by which the 
 enjoyment of its laws and liberties was secured 
 to each city ; and the Messenians were included 
 in it, notwithstanding all the opposition and 
 intrigues of the Lacedaemonians to prevent it. 
 Their rage upon this occasion separated them 
 from the other Greeks. They were the only 
 l>eople who resolved to continue the war, from 
 the hope of recovering the whole country of 
 Messenia in a short time. That resolution, of 
 which Agesilaus was the author, occasioned 
 him to be justly regarded as a violent and obsti- 
 nate man, insatiable of glory and command, 
 who was not afraid of involving the republic 
 again in inevitable misfortunes, from the neces- 
 sity to which the want of money exposed them 
 of borrowing great sums, and of levying heavy 
 imposts, instead of taking advantage of the 
 favourable opportunity that now offered to con- 
 clude a peace, and put an end to all their evils. 
 
 Whilst matters were thus 
 A. M. 3641. passing in Gi-eece,** Tachos, 
 Ant. J. C. 363. who had ascended the throne 
 of Egypt, drew together as 
 many troops as he could to'defend himself against 
 the king of Persia, who meditated a new inva- 
 fcioD of Egypt, notwithstanding the ill success 
 tf his past endeavours to reduce that kingdom. 
 
 For this purpose Tachos sent into Greece, 
 and obtained a body of troops from the Lacedae- 
 monians, with Agesilaus to command them, 
 whom he promised to make generalissimo of his 
 army. The Lacedaemonians were exasperated 
 against Artaxerxes, from his having forced them 
 to include the Messenians in the late peace, and 
 were rejoiced to have this opportunity of ex- 
 pressing their resentment. Chabrias, the Athe- 
 nian, went also into the service of Tachos, but 
 of his own head, and without the republic's par- 
 ticipation. 
 
 This commission did Agesilaus no honour. It 
 was thought below the dignity of a king of 
 Sparta and a great captain, who had made his 
 name glorious throughout the world, and was 
 then more than eighty years old, to receive the 
 pay of an Egyptian, and to serve a Barbarian 
 who had revolted against his master. 
 
 As soon as he landed in Egypt, the king's 
 principal generals and the great officers of his 
 house came to his ship, to receive and make 
 their court to him. The rest of the Egyptians 
 were as solicitous to see him, from the great ex- 
 pectation which the name and renown of Age- 
 silaus had excited in them, and came in multi- 
 tudes to the shore for that purpose. But when, 
 instead of a great and magnificent prince, ac- 
 cording to the idea which his exploits had led 
 them to entertain of him, they saw nothing 
 splendid or majestic either in his person or 
 equipage, and saw only an old man of a mean 
 aspect and small stature, without any striking 
 appearance, and dressed in a sorry robe of a very 
 coarse stuff, they were seized with an immode- 
 rate disposition to laugh, and applied the fable 
 of the mountain in labour to him. 
 
 When he met king Tachos, and had joined 
 his troops with those of Egypt, he was very 
 much surprised at finding that he was not ap- 
 pointed general of the whole army, as he ex- 
 
 pected, but only of the foreign troops; that 
 Chabrias was made general of the sea-forces, 
 and that Tachos retained the command-in-chief 
 to himself. This was not the only mortification 
 he had to experience. 
 
 Tachos came to a resolution to march into 
 Phoenicia, thinking it more advisable to make 
 that country the seat of war, than to await the 
 enemy in Egypt. Agesilaus, who knew better, 
 represented to him in vain, that his affairs were 
 not sufficiently established to admit his remov- 
 ing out of his dominions ; that he would do 
 much better to remain in them, and content 
 himself with acting by his generals in the 
 enemy's country. Tachos despised this wise 
 counsel, and expressed no less disregard for him 
 on all other occasions. Agesilaus was so much 
 incensed at such conduct, that he joined the 
 Egyptians, who had taken arms against him 
 during his absence, and had placed Nectanebus 
 his cousin upon the throne.' Agesilaus, aban- 
 doning the king, to whose aid he had been sent, 
 and joining the rebel who had dethroned him, 
 alleged in justification of himself, that he was 
 sent to the assistance of the Egyptians; and that 
 they having taken up arms against Tachos, he 
 was not at liberty to serve against them without 
 new orders from Sparta. He despatched ex- 
 presses thither ; and the instructions he re- 
 ceived were, to act as he should judge most ad- 
 vantageous for his country. He immediately de- 
 clared for Nectanebus. Tachos, obliged to quit 
 Egypt, retired to Sidon, from whence he went 
 to the court of Persia. Artaxerxes not only 
 forgave him his fault, but even gave him the 
 command of his troops against, the rebels. 
 
 Agesilaus covered so criminal a conduct with 
 the veil of the public utility. But, says Plu- 
 tarch, let that delusive blind be removed, the 
 most just and only true name which can be 
 given the action, is that of perfidy and treason. 
 It is true that the Lacedaemonians, making the 
 glorious and the good consist principally in the 
 service of their country, which they idolized, 
 knew no other justice than what tended to the 
 augmentation of the gi-andeur of Sparta, and 
 the extending of its dominions. I am surprised 
 so judicious an author as Xenophon should en- 
 deavour to palliate a conduct of this kind, by 
 saying only, that Agesilaus attached himself to 
 that of the two kings who seemed the best 
 affected to Greece. 
 
 At the same time, a third prince, of the city 
 of Mendes, set up for himself, to dispute the 
 crown with Nectanebus. This new competitor 
 had an army of 100,000 men to support his pre- 
 tensions. Agesilaus gave his advice to attack 
 them before they were exei'cised and disciplined. 
 Had that counsel been followed, it would have 
 been easy to have defeated a body of people 
 raised in haste, and without any experience in 
 war. But Nectanebus imagined that Agesilaus 
 only gave him this advice to betray him after- 
 wards, as he had done Tachos. He therefore 
 gave his enemy time to discipline his troops, 
 who soon after reduced him to retire into a city, 
 fortified with good walls and of very great ex- 
 tent. Agesilaus was obliged to follow him 
 thither; where the Mendesian prince besieged 
 them. Nectanebus would then have attacked 
 the enemy before his works (which were begun 
 in order to surround the city) were advanced; 
 
 6 Xenoph, de reg. Agesil. p. 663. Cor. Nep. in Agcsil. 
 c vhi. 
 
 7 Diodorus calls him his fon ; Plutarch, bis cousJn 
 
I 
 
 26 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 and pressed Agesilaus to that purpose ; but he 
 refused to comply at first, which extremely aug- 
 mented the suspicions conceived of him. At 
 length, when he saw the work in a sufficient 
 forwardness, and that there remained only as 
 much ground between the two ends of the 'line 
 as the troops within the city might occupy, 
 drawn up in battle, he told Nectanebus that it 
 I \yas time to attack the enemy, that their own 
 I lines would prevent their surrounding him, and 
 I that the interval between them was exactly the 
 space he wanted, for ranging his troops in 
 I such a manner as that they might all act to- 
 j gether effectively. The attack was executed 
 according to Agesilaus's plan ; the besiegers 
 were beaten, and from thenceforth Agesilaus 
 conducted all the operations of the war with 
 so much success, that the prince their enemy 
 was always overcome, and at last taken prisoner. 
 
 The following winter, af- 
 A. M. 3643. ter having firmly established 
 Ant. J. C. 381. Nectanebus, he embarked to 
 return to Lacedaemon, and 
 w as driven by contrary winds upon the coast of 
 Africa, into a place called the port of Manelaus, 
 where he fell sick and died, at the age of four- 
 score and four years. He had reigned forty-one 
 o( them at Sparta; and of those forty-one he 
 had passed thirty with the reputation of the 
 greatest and most powerful of all the Greeks, 
 and had been looked upon as the leader and 
 king of almost all Greece, till the battle of 
 Leuctra. His latter years did not entirely sup- 
 port the reputation he had acquired ; and Xeno- 
 hon, in his eulogium of this prince, wherein 
 e gives him the preference to all other captains, 
 has been found to exaggerate his virtues, and ex- 
 tenuate his faults too much. 
 
 The body of Agesilaus was carried to Sparta.- 
 Those who were about him not having honey, 
 with which it was the Spartan custom to cover 
 the bodies they wished to embalm, made use of 
 wax in its stead. His son Archidamus suc- 
 ceeded to the throne, which continued in his 
 house down to Agis, who was the fifth king of 
 the line of Agesilaus. 
 
 Towards the end of the Egyptian war, the 
 greatest part of the provinces in subjection to 
 Persia revolted. 
 
 Artaxerxes Mneraon had been the involun- 
 tary occasion of this defection. That prince, of 
 himself, was good, equitable, and benevolent. 
 He loved his people and was beloved by them. 
 He had abundance of mildness and sweetness of 
 1 temper in his character ; but that easiness de- 
 I generated into sloth and luxury, and particularly 
 in the latter years of his life, in which he dis- 
 covered a dislike for all business and application, 
 from whence the good qualities which he other- 
 wise possessed, as well as his beneficent inten- 
 tions, became useless and without effect. The 
 satraps and governors of provinces, abusing his 
 favour and the infirmities of his great age, op- 
 pressed the people, treated them with insolence 
 and cruelty, loaded them with taxes, and did 
 every thing in their power to render the Persian 
 yoke insupportable. 
 
 The discontent became general, and broke out, 
 after long suffering, almost at the same time on 
 all sides. Asia Minor, Syria, Phoenicia, and 
 many other provinces, declared themselves open- 
 ly, and took up arms. The principal leaders of 
 the conspiracy were, Ariobarzanes satrap of 
 Phrygia, Mausolus king of Caria, Orontes gov- 
 ernor of Mysia, and Autophradates governor of 
 Lydia. Datames, of whom mention has been 
 
 f made before, and who commanded in Cappa- 
 docia, was also engaged in it. By this means, 
 half the revenues of the crown were on a sud- 
 den diverted into different channels, and the re- 
 mainder would not have been sufficient for the 
 expenses of a war against the revolters, had they 
 acted in concert. But- their union was of no 
 long continuance ; and those who had been the 
 first and most zealous in shaking off the yoke 
 were also the foremost in resuming it, and in 
 betraying the interests of the others, to make 
 their peace with the king. 
 
 The provinces of Asia Minor, on withdraw- 
 ing from their obedience, bad entered into a 
 confederacy for their mutual defence, and had 
 chosen Orontes, governor of Mysia, for their 
 general. They had also resolved to add 20,000 
 foreign troops to those of the country, and had 
 charged the same Orontes with the care of rais- 
 ing them. But when he had got the money for 
 that service into his hands, with the addition 
 of a year's pay, he kept it for himself, and de- 
 livered to the king the persons who had brought 
 it from the revolted provinces. 
 
 Reomithras, another of the chiefs of Asia 
 Minor, being sent into Egypt' to draw succours 
 from that kingdom, committed a treachery of v 
 like nature. Having brought from that coun- 
 try 500 talents and fifty ships of war, he assem- 
 bled the principal revolters at Leucas, a city of 
 Asia Minor, under pretence of giving them an 
 account of his negotiation, seized them all, de- 
 livered them to the king to make his peace, and 
 kept the money he had received in Egypt for 
 the confederacy. Thus this formidable re- ( 
 volt, which had brought the Persian empire ( 
 to the very brink of ruin, dissolved of itself, 
 or to speak more properly, was suspended for 
 some time. 
 
 SECT. XL 
 
 Troubles at the court of Artaxerxes concerning bis sue. 
 cesser. Death of that prince. 
 
 The end of Artaxerxes's reign abounded with 
 cabals.2 The whole court were divided into fac- 
 tions in favour of one or other of his sons, who 
 pretended to the succession. He had 150 by his ! 
 conciibines, who were in number S60, and three I 
 by his lawful wife Atossa; Darius, Ariaspes, j 
 and Ochus. To put a stop to these intrigues, he I 
 declared Darius, the eldest, his successor ; and I 
 to remove aU cause of disputing that prince's ' 
 right after his death, be permitted him to as- | 
 sume from thenceforth the title of king, and to 
 wear the royal tiara." But the young prince 
 was for having something more real. Besides 
 which, the refusal of Artaxerxes to give him one 
 of his concubines, whom he had demanded, had 
 extremely incensed him, and he formed a con- 
 spiracy against his father's life, wherein he en- 
 gaged fifty of his brothers. j 
 It was Tiribazus, of whom mention has been 
 made several times in the preceding volume, who 
 
 1 Diodorus says he was sent to Tachos, but it is more 
 likely that it was to Nectanebus 
 
 2 ViUt. in Artax. p. lOiil— 1027. Diod. 1. xv. p. 4C0. I 
 Justin. 1. X. 0. i, 2. I 
 
 3 This tiara was a turban, or kind of hoad dress, with 
 the plume of feathers standing upright upon it. The seven | 
 couusfillors had also plumes of feathers, but these thej i 
 wore aslant, and before. All others wore them aslant, 
 and behind. 
 
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. 
 
 contributed the most to his taking so unnatural 
 a resolution, from a like subject of discontent 
 against the king ; who having promised to give 
 him first one of his daughters in marriage, and 
 then another, broke his word both times, and 
 married them himself. Such abominable incest 
 was permitted at that time in Persia, the re- 
 ligion of the nation not prohibiting it. 
 
 The number of the conspirators was already- 
 very great, and the day fixed for the execution, 
 when a eunuch, well informed of the whole plot, 
 discovered it to the king. Upon that informa- 
 tion, Artaxerxes thought it would be highly im- 
 prudent to despise so great a danger, by neglect- 
 ing a strict inquiry into it ; but that it would be 
 much more so, to give credit to it AviLhout cer- 
 tain and unquestionable proof. He assured 
 himself of it with his own eyes. The conspira- 
 tors were suiFered to enter the king's apartment, 
 and then seized. Darius and all his accomplices 
 were punished as they deserved. 
 
 After the death of Daiius, the cabals began 
 again. Three of his brothers were competitors ; 
 Ariaspes, Ochus, and Arsames. The two for- 
 mer pretended to the throne in right of birth, 
 being the sons of the queen. The third had the 
 king's favour, who tenderly loved him, though 
 only the son of a concubine. Ochus, prompted 
 by his restless ambition, studied perpetually the 
 oieans to rid himself of both his rivals. As he 
 was equally cunning and cruel, he employed his 
 craft and artifice against Ariaspes, and his cru- 
 elty against Arsames. Knowing the former to 
 be extremely simple and credulous, he made the 
 eunuchs of the palace, whom he had found 
 means to corrupt, threaten him so terribly in 
 the name of the king his father, that, expecting 
 every moment to be treated as Darius had been, 
 he poisoned himself to avoid it. After this, 
 there remained only Arsames to give him um- 
 brage, because his father and all the world con- 
 sidered that prince as most worthy of the throne, 
 from his ability and other excellent qualities. 
 Him he caused to be assassinated by Harpates, 
 son of Tiribazus. 
 
 This loss, which followed close upon the other, 
 and the exceeding wickedness with which both 
 were attended, gave the old king a grief that 
 proved mortal: nor is it surprising, that at his 
 age he should not have strength enough to sup- 
 port so great an affliction. 
 
 A. M. 3643. It overpowered him, and 
 Ant. J. C. 361. brought him to the grave, 
 after a reign of forty- three 
 years, which might have been called happy, if 
 it had not been interrupted by many revolts. 
 That of his successor will be no less disturbed 
 with them. 
 
 SECT. XII. 
 
 Causes of the frequent insurrections and revolts in 
 the Persian empire. 
 
 I have taken care in relating the seditions that 
 happened in the Persian empire, to observe from 
 time to time the abuses which occasioned them. 
 But as these revolts were more frequent than 
 ever in the latter years, and will be more so, 
 especially in the succeeding reign, I thought it 
 would be proper to unite here, under one point 
 of view, the different causes of these insurrec- 
 tions, which foretell the approaching decline of 
 the Persian empire. 
 
 1. After the reign of Artaxorxps T.^Piji'Tna- 
 
 nus, the kings of Persia abandoned themselves 
 more and more to the charms of voluptuousness 
 and luxury, and the delights of an indolent and 
 inactive life. Shut up generally in their palaces, 
 amongst women and a crowd of flatterers, they 
 contented themselves with enjoying, in soft 
 effeminate ease and idleness, the pleasure of uni- 
 versal command, and make their grandeur con- 
 sist in the splendid glare of riches and an expen- 
 sive ma^gniticence. 
 
 II. Ihey were, besides, princes of no grea 
 talents for the conduct of affairs, of small ca- 
 pacity in the art of governing, and void of taste 
 for glory. Not having a sufficient extent of 
 mind to animate all the parts of so vast an em- 
 pire, nor sufficient strength to support the weight 
 of it, they transferred to their officers the carea 
 of public business, the fatigues of commanding 
 armies, and the dangers which attend the exe- 
 cution of great enterprises ; confining their am- 
 bition to bearing alone the lofty title of the 
 Great King, and the King of kings. 
 
 III. The great offices of the crown, the 
 government of the provinces, the command o( 
 armies, were generally bestowed upon people 
 without either the claim of service or merit. It 
 was the influence of the favourites, the secret 
 intrigues of the court, the solicitations of the 
 women of the palace, which determined the 
 choice of the persons who were to fill the most 
 important posts of the empire, and appropriated 
 the rewards due to the officers who had done 
 the state real service, to their own creatures. 
 
 IV. These courtiei's, frequently, through a 
 base and mean jealousy of the merit that gave 
 them umbrage and reproached their small abili- 
 ties, removed their rivals from public employ- 
 ments, and rendered their talents useless to the 
 state. Sometimes they would even cause their 
 fidelity to be suspected by false informations," 
 bring them to trial as criminals against the 
 state,* and force the king's most faithful ser- 
 vants, in order to defend themselves against their 
 calumniators, to seek their safety in revolting 
 and in turning those arms against their prince, 
 which they had so often made triumph for his 
 glory and the service of the empire. 
 
 V. The ministers, to hold the generals in de- 
 pendence, restrained them under such limited 
 orders as obliged them to let slip the opportuni- 
 ties of conquering, and prevented them, by 
 waiting for new orders, from pushing their 
 advantages. They also often made them re- 
 sponsible for their bad success, after having let 
 them want every thing necessary to conduce 
 to it. 
 
 VI. The kings of Persia had extremely de- 
 generated from the frugality of Cyrus and the 
 ancient Persians, who contented themselves with 
 cresses and salads for their food, and water for 
 their drink. The whole nobility had been in- 
 fected with the contagion of this example. In 
 retaining the single meal of their ancestors, they 
 made it last during the greatest part of the day, 
 and prolonged it far into the night by drinking 
 to excess ; and far from being ashamed of drunk- 
 enness, they made it their glory, as we have seen 
 in the younger Cyrus. 
 
 VII. The extreme remoteness of the pro- 
 vinces, which extended from the Caspian and 
 Euxine to the Red Sea and Ethiopia, and from 
 
 I 4 PharnnDaziis, Tiribazus. 5 Datnmcs. &c. 
 
28 HISTORY OF THE PKRSIANS AND GRECIANS. 
 
 the rivers Ganges' and Indus to the ^gean Sea, 
 was a great obstacle to the fidelity and affection 
 of the people, who never had the satisfaction to 
 enjoy the presence of their masters ; who knew 
 them only by the weight of their taxations, and 
 by the pride and avarice of their satraps or gov- 
 ernors ; and who, in transporting themselves to 
 the court, to make their demands and complaints 
 there, could not hope to find access to princes, 
 who believed it contributed to the majesty of 
 their persons to make themselves inaccessible 
 and invisible. 
 
 VIII. The multitude of the provinces in sub- 
 j jection to Persia did not compose a uniform 
 
 empire, nor the regular body of a state whose 
 members were united by the common ties of 
 interest, manners, language, and religion, and 
 animated with the same spirit of government, 
 under the guidance of the same laws. It was 
 rather a confused, disjointed, tumultuous, and 
 even forced assemblage of different nations, for- 
 merly free and independent ; of whom some, 
 who were torn from their native countries and 
 the sepulchres of their forefathers, saw them- 
 selves with grief transported into unknown re- 
 gions, or amongst enemies, where they perse- 
 vered in retaining their own laws and customs, 
 and a form of government peculiar to themselves. 
 These different nations, who not only lived 
 without any common tie or relation between 
 them, but with a diversity of manners and wor- 
 ship, and often with antipathy of characters and 
 inclinations, desired nothing so ardently as their 
 liberty and re-establishment in their own coun- 
 tries. All these people therefore were uncon- 
 cerned for the preservation of an empire which 
 was the sole obstacle to their so warm and just 
 desires, and could not feel any affection for a 
 government that treated them always as stran- 
 gers and subjected nations, and never gave them 
 any share in its authority or privileges. 
 
 IX. The extent of the empire, and its re- 
 moteness from the court, made it necessary to 
 
 1 Our author is mistaken here. The Persian empire 
 never extended to the Ganges. It extended only a short 
 way beyond the Indus, into the Punjaub See a former 
 Bote on Darius' conquest of India.— £(<L 
 
 give the viceroys of the frontier provinces a vei-j 
 great authority in every branch of government ; 
 to raise and pay armies ; to impose tributes j 
 to adjudge the quarrels of cities, provinces, and 
 vassal kings ; and to make treaties with the 
 neighbouring states. A power so extensive and 
 almost independent, in which they continued 
 many years without being changed, and with- 
 out coUeagues or council to deliberate upon the 
 affairs of their provinces, accustomed them to 
 the pleasure of commanding absolutely, and of 
 reigning. In consequence of which, it was with 
 great repugnance they submitted to be removed 
 from their governments, and often endeavoured 
 to support themselves in them by force of arms. 
 
 X. The governors of provinces, the generals 
 of armies, and all the other officers and minis- 
 ters, gloried in imitating, in their equipages, 
 tables, furniture, and dress, the pomp and splen- 
 dour of the court in which they had been edu- 
 cated. To support so destructive a pride, and 
 to supply expenses so much above the fortunes 
 of private persons, they were reduced to oppress 
 the subjects under their jurisdiction with ex- 
 orbitant taxes, flagrant extortions, and the shame- 
 ful traffic of a public venality, that set those 
 offices to sale for money, which ought to have 
 been granted only to merit. All that vanity 
 lavished, or luxury exhausted, was made good 
 by mean arts, and the violent rapaciousness of 
 an insatiable avarice. 
 
 These gross irregularities, and abundance of 
 others, which remained without remedy, and 
 which were daily augmented by impunity, tired 
 the people's patience, and occasioned a general 
 discontent amongst them, the usual forerunner 
 of the ruin of states. Their just complaints, 
 long time despised, were followed by an open 
 rebellion of several nations, who endeavoured to 
 do themselves that justice by force, which was 
 refused to their remonstrances. In such a con- 
 duct, they failed in the submission and fidelity 
 which subjects owe to their sovereigns ; but 
 Paganism did not carry its lights so far, and 
 was not capable of so sublime a perfection, which 
 was reserved for a religion that teaches, that no 
 pretext, no injustice, no vexation, can ever au- 
 thorize the rebellion of a people against their 
 prince. 
 
THE HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. 
 
 BOOK XIII. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Ochuf ascends the throne of Persia. Hii cruelties. Re- 
 volt of several nations. 
 
 THE more the memory of Artaxerxes 
 Mnemon was honoured and revered 
 throughout the whole empire, the more Ochus 
 believed he had reason to fear for himself; con- 
 vinced, that in succeeding to him, he should not 
 find the same favourable dispositions iu the 
 people and nohility, by whom he had made 
 himself abhorred tor the murder of his two 
 brothers. To prevent that aversion from occa- 
 sioning his exclusion,* he prevailed upon the 
 eunuchs, and others about the king's person, to 
 conceal his death from the public. He began 
 by taking upon himself the administration of 
 atfairs, giving orders and sealing decrees in the 
 name of Artaxei-xes, as if he had been still alive ; 
 and by one of those decrees he caused himself to 
 be proclaimed king throughout the whole em- 
 pire, still by the order of Artaxerxes. After 
 having governed in this manner almost ten 
 months, believing himself sufficiently establish- 
 ed, he at length declared the death of his father, 
 and ascended the throne, 
 A. M. S644. taking upon himself the 
 Ant. J. C. 360. name of Artaxerxes. Au- 
 thors, however, most fre- 
 quently give him that of Ochus, by which name 
 ' I shall generally call him in the sequel of this 
 i history. 
 
 j Ochus was the most cruel and wicked of all 
 : the princes of his race, as his actions soon evinced. 
 \ In a very short time the palace and the whole 
 ' cntipire were filled with his murders. To remove 
 from the revolted provinces all pretext of setting 
 eouao other of the royal family upon the throne,^ 
 
 and to rid himself at once of all trouble that the 
 princes and princesses of the blood might occa- 
 sion him, he put them all to death, without re- 
 gard to sex, age, or proximity of blood. He 
 caused his own sister Ocha, whose daughter he 
 had married, to be buried alive ; and having 
 shut up one of his uncles, with 100 of his sons 
 and grandsons,* in a court of the palace, he or- 
 dered them all to be shot to death with arrows, 
 only because those princes were much esteemed 
 by the Persians for their probity and valour. 
 That uncle is probably the father of Sisygam- 
 bis, the mother of Darius Codomannus : for 
 Quintus Curtius^ tells us that Ochus had caused 
 fourscore of her brothers, Avith their father, to 
 be massacred in one day. He treated with the 
 same barbarity, throughout the whole empire, 
 all those who gave him any umbrage, sparing 
 none of the nobility whom he suspected of har- 
 bouring the least discontent whatsoever. 
 
 The cruelties exercised by 
 A. M. S649. Ochus did not deliver him 
 Ant. J. C. S56. from inquietude." Artaba- 
 zus, governor of one of the 
 Asiatic provinces, engaged Chares the Atheni- 
 an, who commanded a fleet and a body of troops 
 in those parts, to assist him, and with his aid 
 defeated an army of 70,000 men sent by the king 
 to reduce him. Artabazus, in reward of so 
 great a service, made Chares a present of money 
 to defray the whole expenses of his armament. 
 The king of Persia resented exceedingly ihh 
 conduct of the Athenians towards him. They 
 were at that time employed in the war of the 
 allies. The king's menace to join their enemies 
 with a numerous army obliged them to recall 
 Chares, 
 
 i 4 VaL Max. I. ix. c. 2. 5 Quint. Curt 1. x. c S» 
 2 Poijasn. Stratag. vii, 3 Justin. 1. x. c. 3. t 6 Diod. 1. xvL p. 433 434. 
 
30 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Artabazus, being aban- 
 A. M. 3651. doned by them, had recourse 
 Ant. J. C. 353. to the Thebans, of whom he 
 obtained 5000 men that he 
 took into his pay, with Pammenes to command 
 them. This reinforcement put him into a con- 
 dition to acquire two signal victories over the 
 king's troops. Those two actions did the The- 
 ban troops and their commander great honour. 
 Thebes must have been extremely incensed 
 against the l<ing of Persia, to send so powerful 
 a succour to his enemies, at a time when that 
 republic was engaged in a war with the Pho- 
 cseans. It was, perhaps, an effect of their 
 policy, to render themselves more formidable, 
 and to enhance the price of their alliance. It is 
 certain that soon after they made their peace 
 with the king/ who paid them 300 talents, that 
 is to say, 300,000 ci-owns. Artabazus, destitute 
 of all support, was overcome at last, and obliged 
 to take refuge with Philip in Macedon. 
 
 Ochus being delivered at length from so dan- 
 gerous an enemy, turned all his thoughts to- 
 wards Egypt, that had revolted long before- 
 About the same time several considerable events 
 happened in Greece, which have little or no 
 connection with the affairs of Persia. I shall 
 insert them here, after which I shall return to 
 the reign of Ochus, not to interrupt the series of 
 his history. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 War of the Allies against the Athenians. 
 
 Some few years after the 
 revolt of Asia Minor, of 
 which I have been speaking, 
 in the third year of the 105th 
 Olympiad, Chios, Cos, Rhodes, and Byzan- 
 tium, took up arms against Athens, upon which 
 till then they had been dependant. To reduce 
 them, the Athenians employed both great forces 
 and gi-eat captains ; Chabrias, Iphicrates, and 
 Timotheus. They were the last of the Atheni- 
 an generals,' who did honour to their country ; 
 no one after them distinguishing himself by his 
 merit or reputation. 
 
 Chabrias had already acquired a great name,^ 
 when, having been sent to the aid of the The- 
 bans, against the Spartans, and seeing himself 
 abandoned in the battle by the allies, who had 
 taken flight, he sustained alone the charge of the 
 enemy ; his soldiers, by his order, having closed 
 their files with one knee upon the ground, 
 covered with tbeir bucklers, and presenting their 
 pikes in front, in such a manner that they could 
 not be broken ; and Agesilaus, though victori- 
 ous, was obliged to retire. The Athenians 
 erected a statue to Chabrias in the attitude in 
 which he had fought. 
 
 Iphicrates was of a very mean extraction, his 
 father having been a shoemaker. But in a free 
 city like Athens, merit was the sole nobility. 
 Ihis person may be truly said to have been the 
 son of his actions. Having signalized himself 
 in a naval combat, wherein he was only a pri- 
 vate soldier, he was soon after employed with 
 
 A. M. 3646. 
 Ant. J. C. 358. 
 
 ) 1 Diod. 1. xvi. p. 438. 
 
 2 HaDC extrema fuit aetas imperatorum AthenJensium, 
 Iphicratis, Chabrias, Timothei : neqiie post illorum obitum 
 quisqi-am dux in ilia urbe fuit dignus memoria. Cor. 
 iVep. in Timot. c. iv. 
 
 3 Cor. Npp. in Chab. c. L 
 
 distinction, and honoured with a command. In 
 a prosecution carried on against him before tht 
 judges, his accuser, who was one of the descen- 
 j dants of Harraodius, and plumed himself ex- 
 j tremely upon his ancestor's name, having re- 
 j proached him with the baseness of his birtli; 
 
 " Yes," replied he, " the nobility of my family 
 I "begins in me; that of yours ends in you." 
 j He married the daughter of Cotys, king of 
 Thrace. 
 
 ^He is ranked" with the greatest men of 
 Greece, especially in what regards the know- 
 ledge of war and military discipline. He made 
 several useful alterations' in the soldiers' armour. 
 Before his time the bucklers were very long and 
 heavy, and for that reason were too great a bur- 
 den, and extremely cumbersome. He had them 
 made shorter and lighter, so that, without ex- 
 posing the body, they added to its force and 
 agility. On the contrary, he lengthened the 
 pikes and swords, to make them capable of 
 reaching the enemy at a greater distance. He 
 also changed the cuirasses, and instead of iron 
 and brass, of which they Avere made before, he 
 caused them to be made of linen. It is not easy 
 to conceive how such armour could defend the 
 soldiers, or be any security against wounds : but 
 the linen, being soaked in vinegar, mingled with j 
 salt, was prepared in such a manner that it 
 grew hard, and became impenetrable to the 
 sword as well as fire. The use of it was com- 
 mon amongst several nations. 
 
 No troops were ever better exercised or dis- 
 ciplined than those of Iphicrates. Ho. kept them 
 always in action, and in times of peace and 
 tranquillity made them perform all the necessai7 
 evolutions, either for attacking the enemy, or 
 defending themselves ; for laying ambuscades, 
 or avoiding them ; for keeping their ranks even 
 in the pursuit of the enemy, without abandon- 
 ing themselves to an ardour which often be- 
 comes pernicious ; or to rally with success, after 
 having begun to break and give way. So that 
 when a battle was to be fought, on the first sig- 
 nal all was in motion, with admirable prompti- 
 tude and order. The officers and soldiers drew 
 themselves up, of their own accord, in order of 
 battle, and even in the heat of action performed 
 their parts as the most able general would have 
 directed them : a merit very rare, as I have 
 been informed, but very estimable ; as it contri- 
 butes more than can be imagined to the gaining 
 of a battle, and implies a very uncommon supe- 
 riority of genius in the general. 
 
 Timotheus was the son of Conon, so much 
 celebrated for his great actions and the impor- 
 tant services he had rendered his country. He 
 did not degenerate from his father's reputation,« 
 either with regard to his merit in the field, or 
 his ability in the government of the state ; but 
 he added to those excellences the glory which 
 results from the talents of the mind, having 
 
 4 Diod. 1. XV. p. 360. Cor. Nep. in Iphic. c. 1. 
 
 5 Iphicrates Atheniensis, non tarn magnitudine reruin 
 gestarum, qiiam disciplma militari ncbilitatus est Fuit 
 ,enim talis dux, ut non soltim cetatis sua cum primis com. 
 pararetur, sed ne de majoribus natu quidem quisquam an. 
 teponeretur. Cor. Nep. 
 
 6 Hie a patre ai ceptam gloriam multis auxit virtutibus. 
 Fuit enim disertus, imjnger, laboriosus, rci militaris peri- 
 tus, neqiie niinils civitatis regendaj. Cor. Nep. c. i. 
 
 Timotheus Cononis filiu>, cQm belli laude non inferior 
 fuisset quam pater, ad. earn laudem doctriiue et ingeni 
 gloriam adjecit. Cic. I. i. de V£lc. n. 116. 
 
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS, 
 
 31 
 
 tlistinguishcd himself particularly by the gift of 
 eloquence and a taste for the sciences. 
 
 No captain at first ever experienced less than 
 himself the inconstancy of the fortune of war.^ 
 He had only to undertake an enterprise, to ac- 
 complish it. Success perpetually attended his 
 views and desires. Such uncommon prosperity 
 did not fail to excite jealousy. Those who en- 
 vied him, as I have already observed, caused 
 him to be painted asleep, with Fortune by his 
 Bide taking cities for him in nets. Timotheus 
 retorted coolly, " If I take places in my sleep, 
 what shall I do when I am awake ?" He took 
 the thing afterwards more seriously; and, angry 
 with those who pretended to lessen the glory of 
 his actions, declared in public, that he did not 
 owe his success to Fortune, but to himself. 
 That goddess, says Plutarch, offended at his 
 pride and arrogance, abandoned him afterwards 
 entirely, and he was never successful afterwards. 
 Such were the chiefs employed in the war of 
 the allies. 
 
 The war and the campaign opened with the 
 siege of Chios. Chares commanded the land, 
 and Chabrias the sea forces.** All the allies ex- 
 erted themselves in sending aid to that island. 
 Chabrias, having forced the mouth of the har- 
 bour, entered it, notwithstanding all the endea- 
 vours of the enemy. The other galleys were 
 afraid to follow, and abandoned him. He was 
 immediately surrounded on all sides, and his 
 vessel exceedingly damaged by the assaults of the 
 enemy. He might have saved himself by swim- 
 tning to the Athenian fleet, as his soldiers did ; 
 but from a mistaken principle of glory, he 
 thought it inconsistent with the duty of a gene- 
 ral to abandon his vessel in such a manner, and 
 preferred a death, glorious in his opinion, to a 
 shameful flight. 
 
 This first attempt having miscarried, both 
 sides applied themselves vigorously to making 
 new preparations. The Athenians fitted out a 
 fleet of sixty galleys, and appointed Chares to 
 command it, and armed sixty more under Iphi 
 crates and Timotheus. The fleet of the allies 
 consisted of 100 sail. After having ravaged 
 eeveral islands belonging to the Athenians, 
 where they made a great booty, they undertook 
 the siege of Samos. The Athenians on their 
 side, having united all their forces, besieged 
 Byzantium. The allies made all possible haste 
 to its relief. The two fleets being in view of 
 each other, were preparing to fight, when sud- 
 denly a violent storm arose : notwithstanding 
 which, Chares resolved to advance against the 
 enemy. The two other Captains, who had 
 more prudence and experience than he, thought 
 it improper to hazard a battle in such a conjunc- 
 ture. Chares, enraged at their not following 
 his advice, called the soldiers to witness, that it 
 was not his fault they did not defeat the enemy. 
 He was naturally vain, ostentatious, and self- 
 conceited ; one who exaggerated hia own ser- 
 vices, depreciated those of others, and arrogated 
 to himself the whole glory of success. He 
 wrote to Athens against his two colleagues, and 
 accused them of cowardice and treason. Upon 
 . his complaint, the people,^ capricious, warm, 
 
 suspicious, and naturally jealous of such as were 
 distinguished by their extraordinary merit or 
 authority, recalled those two generals, and 
 brought them to a trial. 
 
 The faction of Chares, which was very power- 
 ful at Athens, having declared against Timo- 
 theus, he was sentenced to i)ay a fine of lOu 
 talents; a worthy reward for the noble disin- 
 terestedness he had shown upon another occa- 
 sion, in bringing home to his country 1200 
 talents arising from the booty taken from the 
 enemy," without i-eserving any part for him- 
 self! He could bear no longer the sight of an 
 ungrateful city, and, being too poor to pay so 
 great a fine, retired to Chalcis. After his death, 
 the people, touched with repentance, mitigated 
 the fine to ten talents, which they made his sou 
 Conon pay, to rebuild a certain part of the 
 walls. Thus, by an event sufficiently odd, those 
 very walls, which his grandfather had rebuilt 
 with the spoils of the enemy, the grandson, to 
 the shame of Athens, repaired in part at his own 
 expense. 
 
 Iphicrates was also obliged to answer for him- 
 self before the judges.'^ It was upon this occa- 
 sion that Aristophon, another Athenian captain, 
 accused him of having betrayed and sold the 
 fleet under his command. Iphicrates, with the 
 confidence which an established reputation in- 
 spires, asked him, " Would you have committed 
 a treason of this nature? " " No," replied Aris- 
 tophon, " I am a man of too much honour for 
 such an action!" How!" replied Iphicra- 
 tes, *' could Iphicrates do what Aristophon \ 
 would not do? " 
 
 He did not employ the force of arguments 
 alone in his defence, he called in also the assifct- 
 ance of arms.^^ Instructed by his colleague's ill 
 success, he saw plainly that it was more neces- 
 sary to intimidate than convince his judges. 
 He posted round the place where they assembled 
 a number of young persons armed with poniards, 
 which they took care to show from time to time. 
 They could not resist so forcible and triumphant 
 a kind of eloquence, and dismissed him with an 
 acquittal. When he was afterwards reproached 
 with so violent a proceeding ; " I should have ] 
 been a fool indeed," said he, " if, having made ' 
 war successfully for the Athenians, I had ne- | 
 glected doing so for myself." | 
 Chares, by the recall of his two colleagues, 
 was left sole general of the whole array, and was 
 in a condition of very much advancing the Athe- j 
 nian affairs in the Hellespont, if he had known ' 
 how to resist the magnificent offers of Artabazus. \ 
 That viceroy, who had revolted in Asia Minor j 
 against the king of Persia his master, besieged 
 by an army of 70,000 men, and just upon the 
 point of being ruined from the inequality of hia 
 forces, corrupted Chares. That general, who 
 had no thoughts but of enriching himself, march- 
 ed directly to the assistance of Artabazus, effect- 
 tually relieved him, and received a reward suita- 
 ble to the service. The action of Chares was 
 treated as a capital crime. He bad not only 
 abandoned the service of the republic for a fo- 
 reign war, but had moreover offended the king 
 of Persia, who threatened by his ambassadors 
 
 7 Plut. Syll. p. 454. 
 8 Diod. 1. xvi."p. 412 Cor. Nep. in Chab. c. iv. 
 9 I'opul'i"; ■i"^T, suspicax, niobilis, adversarius, invidus 
 etiam pofcntiiE, domum revocat. Cor. Nep, 
 
 10 One hundred thousand crowna 
 11 Twelve hundred thousand crowns. 
 12 Arist. Khet 1. ii. c. 23. 
 13 Polysen. Stratag. 1. iiL 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 to equip SOO sail ot ships iu favour of the is- 
 landers who were united in confederacy against 
 Athens. The credit of Chares saved h'im again 
 upon this as it had done several times before 
 j on similar occasions. The Athenians, intimi- 
 j dated by the king's menaces, applied themselvis 
 seriously to prevent their effects by a general 
 { peace. 
 
 i Prior to these menaces, Isocrates had earnest- 
 I ly recommended this measure to them in a fine 
 ! discourse, which is still extant, ^ wherein he 
 gives them excellent advice. He reproaches 
 them with g^reat liberty, as does Demosthenes 
 in almost all his orations, for abandoning them- 
 selves blindly to the insinuations of the orators 
 : who flatter their passions, whilst they treated 
 I those with contempt who gave them the most 
 ' salutary counsels. He applies himself particu- 
 larly to correct in them their violent passion for 
 the augmentation of their power and dominion 
 over tiie people of Greece, which had been the 
 source of all their misfortunes. He recalls to 
 ; their remembrance those happy days, so glorious 
 for Athens, in which their ancestors, out of a 
 noble and generous disinterestedness, sacriliced 
 every thing for the support of the common li- 
 berty and the preservation of Greece, and com- 
 pares them with those sad times, wherein the 
 ambition of Sparta, and afterwards that of 
 Athens, had plunged both, states successively 
 into the greatest misfortunes. He represents to 
 them, that the real and lasting greatness of a 
 state does not consist iu augmenting its domi- 
 nions, Of extending its conquests to the utmost, 
 which cannot be effected without violence and 
 injustice; but in the wise government of the 
 people, in rendering them happy, in protecting 
 their allies, in being beloved and esteemed by 
 their neighbours, and feared by their enemies'. 
 " A state," says he, "cannot fail of becoming 
 the arbiter of all its neighbours, when it knows 
 how to unite in all its measures two great quali- 
 ties, justice and power, which mutujdly support 
 each other, and ought to be inseparable, i-or as 
 power, not regulated by the motives of reason 
 and justice, has recourse to the most violent me- 
 thods to crush and subvert whatever opposes it ; 
 so justice, when unarmed and without power, is 
 exposed to injuiy, and is incapable of defending 
 itself, or protecting others." The conclusion 
 drawn bv Isocrates from this reasoning is, that 
 Athens, if it would be happy, and in tranquil- 
 lity, ought to confine her dominion within just 
 bounds, not to affect the empire of the sea for 
 the sake of lording it over all other states; but 
 to conclude a peace, whereby every city and 
 people should be left to the full enjoyment of 
 their liberty ; and declare herself the irreconcila- 
 ble enemy of those who should presume to dis- 
 turb that peace, or contravene such measures. 
 
 The peace w;is concluded 
 A. M. S648. accordingly under such cou- 
 Ant. J. C. 356. ditions ; and it Avas stipu- 
 lated that Rhodes, Byzan- 
 tium, Chios, and Cos, should enjoy entire liberty. 
 The war of the allies ended in this manner, after 
 having continued three years. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 Demorthenes encourages the Athenians, alarmed by the 
 preparations made by Artaxerxes for war. He harangues 
 tUeui in favour of Uie Megalopolitans, and afterwards of 
 
 1 Dc Pace, seu socialis. 
 
 the Fhodians. Death of Mausolus. Extraordinary grief 
 of Artemisia his wife. 
 
 This peace did not entirely remove the appre- 
 hension of the Athenians with regard to the 
 king of Persia. The great preparations he 
 was making gave them umbrage ; and they were 
 afraid so formidable an armament was intended 
 against Greece, and that Egypt was only a 
 plausible pretext with which the king covered 
 his real design. 
 
 Athens took the alarm up- 
 A. M. 3549. on this rumour. The orators 
 Ant. J. C. 355. increased the feai's of the 
 people by their disi-ourses, 
 and exhorted them to have immediate recourse 
 to arms, to prevent the king of Persia, by a pre-! 
 vious declaration of war, and to make a" league 
 with all the states of Greece against the common 
 enemy. Demosthenes made his first appearance 
 in public at this time, and mounted the tribunal 
 to give his opinion. He was twenty-eight years 
 of age. (I shall speak more extens'ively of him 
 shortly.) Upon the present occasion, more wise 
 than those precipitate orators, and having un- 
 doubtedly in view the procuring to the republic 
 the aid of the Persians against Philip, he dared 
 not indeed oppose in a direct manner the pro- 
 posals that had been made, lest he should render 
 himself suspected; but admitting as a principle 
 from the first, that it was necessary to considel 
 the king of Persia as the eternal enemy ot Greece, 
 he represented that it was not consistent with 
 prudence, in an affair of such great consequence, 
 to precipitate anything; that it was very im- 
 proper, by a resolution taken upon light and 
 uncertain reports, and by a premature declara- 
 tion of war, to furnish so powerful a prince with 
 a just reason to turn his arms against Greece; 
 that all which was necessary at present, was to 
 fit out a fleet of 300 sail (and he entered into a 
 copious detail of the means by which this was 
 to be effected),' and to hold the troops in readi- 
 ness, to enable them to make an effectual and 
 vigorous defence in case of being attacked ; that 
 by so doing, all the people of Greece, without 
 farther invitation, would be sufficiently warned 
 by the common danger to join them ; and that 
 the report alone of such an armament would be I 
 enough to induce the king of Persia to change j 
 his measures, admitting that he should have 
 formed any designs against Greece. 
 
 Tor the rest, he was not of opinion that it was 
 necessary to levy any immediate tax upon the 
 estates of private persons, in order to provide for 
 the expense of this war, which would not amount 
 to a great sum, nor suflace for the occasion. "It 
 is better," said he, " to rely upon the zeal and 
 generosity of the citizens. Our city may be said 
 to be alone almost as rich as all the other cities 
 of Greece together. (He had before observed, 
 that the estimate of the lands of Attica amount- 
 ed to 6000 talents, about 850,000/. sterling.) 
 When we shall see the danger to be real and im- 
 minent, every body will be ready to contribute 
 cheerfully to the expenses of the war ; as none 
 can be so void of reason, as to prefer the hazard 
 of losing their whole estate with their liberty, to 
 sacrificing a small part of it in order to preserve 
 themselves and their countrv. 
 
 2 I reserve this scheme for the seventh section, as it ii 
 rather curious, and verj' proper to exjilaMi in what man. 
 ner the Athenians fitted out, and maintained their fleets 
 
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. 
 
 33 
 
 1 
 
 I " And we ought not to fear, as some peoi)le 
 1 would insinuate, that the great riches of the 
 I king of Persia enable him to I'aise a great body 
 j of auxiliaries, which will render his army for- 
 \ midable. Our Greeks, when they are to march 
 { against Egypt, or Orontes and the othei;. bar- 
 ; barians, serve willingly under the Persians ; 
 I but none of them, I dare affirm, not a single 
 man of them, will ever resolve to bear arms 
 against Greece." 
 
 This discourse had its full effect. The refined 
 and delicate address of the orator, in advising 
 the imposition of a tax to be deferred, and art- 
 fully giving reason to suppose at the same time 
 that it would fall only upon the rich, whose 
 zeal he commended, was well calculated to ren- 
 J der abortive an alFair which had no other foun- 
 i dation than in the overheated imaginations of 
 some orators, who were perhaps interested in 
 the war they advised. 
 
 Two years after,^ an enter- 
 A. M. 3651. prise of the Lacedaemonians 
 Ant. J. C. 353. against Megalopolis, a city 
 of Arcadia, gave Demos- 
 thenes another opportunity of signalizing his 
 zeal and displaying his eloquence. That city, 
 which had been lately established by the Arca- 
 I dians, who had settled a numerous colony there 
 from different cities, and which might serve as 
 a fortress and bulwark against Sparta, gave the 
 Lacedeemonians great uneasiness, and alarmed 
 them extremely. They resolved, therefore, to 
 attack and make themselves masters of it. The 
 Megalopolitans, who probably had renounced 
 their alliance with Thebes, had recourse to 
 Athens, and implored its protection. The 
 other states concerned sent also their deputies 
 thither, and the affair was debated before the 
 people. 
 
 Demosthenes first assigns,'' as the basis of his 
 discourse, this principle ; that it was of the ut- 
 most importance to prevent either Sparta or 
 Thebes from growing too powerful, and from 
 being in a condition to give law to the rest of 
 Greece. For this purpose it was requisite to 
 balance their power, and maintain always an 
 exact equilibrium between them. Now it is 
 evident, that if we abandon Megalopolis to the 
 Lacedaemonians, they will soon make themselves 
 masters of Messene also, two strong neighbour- 
 ing cities, which are a check upon Sparta, and 
 keep it within due bounds. The alliance we 
 shall make with the Arcadians, in declaring for 
 Megalopolis, is therefore the most certain means 
 to preserve so necessary a balance between Spar- 
 ta and Thebes ; because whatever happens, nei- 
 ther the one nor the other will be able to hurt 
 us, whilst the Arcadians are our allies, whose 
 forces, in conjunction with ours, will always 
 be superior to those of either of the two other 
 states. 
 
 A weighty objection to this advice of Demos- 
 thenes was the alliance actually subsisting be- 
 tween Athens and Sparta. For, in fine, said 
 the orators who opposed Demosthenes, what idea 
 will the world have of Athens, if we change 
 thus with the times? or -J? it consistent with 
 justice to pay no regard to the faith of treaties ? 
 " We ought," replied Demosthenes, whose very 
 words I shall repeat in this place, " we ought 
 
 3 Diod. 1. XV. p. 401. 
 1 Dfcmost. Orat. pro. Megalop. 
 
 II. 
 
 indeed always to have justice in view,' and to 
 make it the rule of our conduct ; but, at the same 
 time, our conformity to it should be connected 
 with the public good and the interest of the state. 
 It has been a perpetual maxim with us to assist 
 the oppressed." He cites the Lacedaemonians 
 themselves, the Thebans, and Euboeans, as ex-' 
 amples. ** We have never varied from this 
 pi'inciple. The reproach of changing, therefore, 
 j ought not to fall upon us, but upon those whose 
 injustice and usurpation oblige us to declare 
 against them." 
 
 1 admire the language of politicians. To hear 
 them talk, it is always reason and the strictest 
 justice that determine them : but to see them 
 act, makes it evident that interest and ambition 
 are the sole rule and guide of their conduct. 
 This language is an effect and remnant of that 
 regard for justice which nature has implanted in 
 the minds of all men, and which they cannot 
 entirely shake off. There are few who venture 
 to declare against that internal principle in their 
 expressions, or to contradict it openly. But there 
 are also few, who observe it with fidelity and 
 constancy in their actions. Greece never was 
 known to have more treaties of alliance than at 
 the time we are now speaking of, nor Avere they 
 ever less regarded. This contempt of the reli- 
 gion of oaths in states is a proof of their decline, 
 and often denotes and occasions their approach- 
 ing ruin. 
 
 The Athenians,^ moved by the eloquent dis- 
 course of Demosthenes, sent 3000 foot and 300 
 horse to the aid of the Megalopolitans, under the 
 command of Pammenes.' Megalopolis was re- 
 instated in its former condition, and its inhabi- 
 tants, who had retired into their own countries, 
 were obliged to return. 
 
 The peace, which had put an end to the war 
 of the allies, did not procure for all of them the 
 tranquillity they had reason to expect from it. 
 The people of Rhodes and Cos, who had been 
 declared free by that treaty, only changed their 
 master. Mausolus, king of Caria, who had as- 
 sisted them in throwing off the Athenian yoke, 
 imposed his own upon them. Having publicly 
 declared himself for the rich and powerful, he 
 enslaved the people, and made them suffer ex- 
 ceedingly. He died the se- 
 
 A. M 3650. cond year after the treaty of 
 Ant. J. C. 554. peace, having reigned twen- 
 ty-four years. Artemisia his 
 wife succeeded him ;** and as she was supported 
 with all the influence of the king of Persia, 
 she I'etained her power in the isles lately sub- 
 jected. 
 
 In speaking here of Artemisia, it is pi'oper to 
 observe, that she must not be confounded with 
 another Artemisia, who lived above 130 years 
 before, in the time of Xerxes, and who distin- 
 guished herself so much by her resolution and 
 prudence in the naval battle of Salamis. Sev- 
 eral celebrated writers have fallen into this error 
 through inadvertency. 
 
 This princess immortalized herself by the 
 honours which she paid to the memory of Mau- 
 solus her husband.'' She caused a magnificent 
 
 5 As7 erxo^civ f^h «e< xtxi jr^arn/v roc ^txetix' (rvf/^n^m 
 r/j^iiv Sij, OTOo; ufx.ce. xoc) (rvy/pi^ovroc tirrcii tocutk. 
 
 6 Diod. 1. XV. p. 402. 
 7 This is not the Pammenes of Thebes, of whom men 
 tion has been made before. 
 
 8 Diod. 1. xvi. p. 435. 9 Plin. . . xxxvi. c. 5. 
 
 c 
 
84, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Qionumeiit to be erected for him in Halicarnas- triumphant fleet. It was so in foot, but in an- 
 sus. whioh -n-as called the 2faus~^Ia:u!n, and for other sense than they ima£:ined. Ai temisia, 
 its beauty vras esteemed one of the seven won- j having met with no resistance, took possession 
 ders of the world, and has caused the name of of the city, and put the principal inhabitants to 
 Mauso!(eun} to be given to all great and magnifi- ' death. She caused a trophy of her victory to 
 cent structures of the same kind. j be elected in it, and set up two statues of brass; 
 
 ■She endeavoured also to eternize the name of j one of which represented the city of Rhodes, 
 Mausolus by other monuments.' wliich she be- and the other Artemisia bi-anding- 'it with a hot 
 lieved more durable than those of brass or mar- iron. A'itruvius adds, that the Khodians dared 
 ble, but which are often no better proof against never demolisli that trophy, their religion for- 
 tbe injuries of time; — I mean the productions bidding it ; but they surrounded it witiT a huild- 
 
 -c ^1, : „,:.,.4 CI,., n.,.,*. : .„ jj^g which eutirely'preveuted it tVom being seen. 
 
 All this, as Bayle observes in his Dictionary, 
 does not indicate a forlorn and inconsolable 
 widow, that passed her whole time in grief and 
 lamentation ; which makes it reasonable to sus- 
 pect, that all the marvellous reports of the sor- 
 row of Artemisia, may have no other foundation 
 than being advanced at a venture by some writer, 
 and afterwards copied by all the rest. 
 
 1 should be better pleased, for the honour of 
 Artemisia, if it had been said, as there is no- 
 thing incredible in it, that by a fortitude and 
 greatness of mind, of which her sex affords many 
 examples, she knew how to unite the severe 
 affliction of the widow with tlie active courage 
 of tlie queen, and made the affairs of her govern- j 
 ment serve her instead of consolation. A'egotia 
 pro solaliis accijiiens.^ 
 
 The Rhodians being treat- 
 A. M. S653. ed by Artemisia in the man- 
 Ant. J. C. Sol. ner we have related,® and 
 unable to support any longer 
 
 she had drunk it all off; desiring by that means j so severe and shameful a seiwitude, had recourse 
 to make her own body the sepulchre of her hus- I to the Athenians, and implored their protection, 
 hand. She survived him only two years, and i Though they had rendered themselves entirely 
 her grief did not end but with her life. | unworthy of it by tiieir revolt, Demosthenes 
 
 Iiistead of the tears in which most writers j notwithstanding took upon him to speak to tie 
 plunge Artemisia during her widowhood, there | people in their behalf. He began with setting 
 
 of the mind. She caused excellent panegyrics 
 to be made in honour of her husband, and pro- 
 posed a prize of great value for the person whose 
 performance should be the best, Atrongst 
 many others, the celebrated Isoci'ates, and Theo- 
 ponipus his disciple, were competitors for it. 
 
 Theopompus cari'ied it from them all, and 
 had the weakness and vanity to boast in public 
 having gained the prize against his master; 
 preferring, as is too common, the reputation of 
 fine parts to that of a good heart. He had re- 
 presented Mausolus in his history as a prince 
 most sordidly avaricious, who thought all means 
 of amassing treasure legitimate. He painted 
 him, without doubt, in vei'y dift'erent colours 
 in his panegyric, or else he would never have 
 pleased the princess. 
 
 That illustrious widow prepared a different 
 tomb for 3Iausolus, from that I have been speak- 
 ing of.^ HaviuiT gathered his ashes, and caused 
 the bones to be beaten in a mortar, yhe mingled j 
 some of tlie powder every day in her drink, till j 
 
 are some who say she made very considerable 
 conquests. It appears by one of Ueraostheries's 
 orations,^ that she was not considered at Athens 
 as a forlorn relict, who neglected the affairs of 
 her kingdom. But we have something more 
 decisive upon this head. ^'itruvius tells us,'' 
 
 forth their crime in its full light ; he aggravated 
 their injustice and pertidy: he seemed to enter, 
 into the people's just sentiments of resentment 
 and indignation, and it might have been thought 
 he was going to declare in the strongest terms 
 aaainst the Khodians : but all this was only an 
 
 that after the death of ]\Iausolus, the Rhodians, j artifice of the orator, to insinuate himself into 
 
 indiirnant that a woman should reign in Caria, 
 undertook to dethrone her. They left Rhodes 
 for that purpose with their fleet, and entered 
 the great port of Halicarnassus. The queen 
 being informed of their design, had given the 
 inhabitants orders to appear upon the walls, and 
 when the enemy should arrive, to express by 
 shouts and clapping of hands their readiness to 
 surrender the city to them. The Khodians 
 quitted their ships, and went in all haste to the 
 place, leaving their fleet without any to guard 
 it. In the mean time, Artemisia came out with 
 her galleys from the little port, through a small 
 canal which she had caused to be cut on purpose, 
 entered the great port, seized the enemy's fleet, 
 which was incapable of making any resistance, 
 and having put her soldiers and mariners on 
 board of it, she set sail. The Rhodians, having 
 no means of escaping, were all put to the sword. 
 The queen in the meantime advanced towards 
 Rliodes. "When the inhabitants saw their ves 
 sels approach, adorned with wreaths of laurel, 
 they raised great shouts, and received, with ex- 
 traordinary marks of joy, their victorious and 
 
 1 Aiil. Gel. 1. X. c. 1?. Plut in Isocrat p. 8S8. 
 Cic. Tti-c. Qusest 1. iii n 73. \ al Ma.\. 1. iv. c. 6. 
 3 Demo,< de Libertat Rhi;d p. 145. 
 4 Vitru^-. de Architect 1 ii. a 8. 
 
 his auditors' good opinion, and to excite in them 
 quite contrary sentiments of mildness and com- 
 passion for a people, who acknowledged their 
 fault, who confessed their unworthiness, and 
 who nevertheless were come to implore the re- 
 public's protection. He sets before them the 
 grand maxims, which in all ages had constituted 
 the glory of Athens; of the forgiving of injuries, 
 the pardoning of rebels, and the taking upon 
 them the defence of the unfortunate. To the 
 motives of glory, he annexes those of interest j 
 in showing the importance of declaring for a 
 city that favoured the democratic form of gov- 
 ernment, and of not abandoning an island so 
 powerful as that of Rhodes. This is the sub- 
 stance of Demosthenes's discom-se, entitled. For 
 the libert!/ of the Rhodians. 
 
 The death of Artemisia." which happened the 
 same year, it is very likely, re-established the 
 Rhodians in their liberty. She was succeeded 
 by her brother Idriaeus, who espoused his own 
 sister Ada, as 3Iaasohis had Artemisia. It was 
 the custom in Cai'ia for the kings to mairy their 
 sisters in this manner, and for the widows to 
 succeed their husbands in the throne in prefer- 
 
 6 Demost de Libert. Khod. 
 7 Strab. 1. xiv. p. Ci'v'\. 
 
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. 
 
 j ence to the brothers, and even the children of 
 I the defunct. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 Successful expedition of Ochus against Phoenicia and Cy- 
 prus, and afterwards against Egypt. 
 
 A. M. 3653. Ochus meditated in ear- 
 
 Ant. J. C. 851. nest the reduction of Egypt 
 to its allegiance, which had 
 long pretended to maintain itself in indepen- 
 dence. Whilst he was making great prepara- 
 tions for this important expedition, he received 
 advice of the revolt of Fhcenicia. That people,^ 
 oppressed by the Persian governors, resolved to 
 throw olF so heavy a yoke, and made a league 
 with Nectanebus king of Egypt, against whom 
 Persia was marching its armies. As there was 
 no other passage for that invasion but through 
 Phoenicia, this revolt was very seasonable for 
 Nectanebus, who therefore sent Mentor the 
 Rhodian to support the rebels, with 4000 Gre- 
 cian troops. He intended '^v that means to 
 make Pho;nicia his barrier, and to stop the 
 Persians there. The Phoenicians took the field 
 with that reinforcement, beat the governors of 
 Syria and Cilicia that had been sent against 
 them, and drove the Persians entirely out of 
 Phoenicia. 
 
 The Cypriots,® who were not better treated 
 than the Phoenicians, seeing the good success 
 which had attended this revolt, followed their 
 example, and joined in their league with Egypt. 
 Ochus sent orders to Idriaeus, king of Caria, to 
 make war against them ; who immediately fit- 
 ted out a fleet, and sent 8000 Greeks along with 
 it, under the command of Phocion the Atheni- 
 an, and Evagoras, who is believed to be the son 
 of Nicocles. It is probable that he had been 
 expelled by his uncle Protagoras, and that he 
 had embraced with pleasure this opportunity of 
 re-ascending the throne. His knowledge of the 
 country, and the party he still had there, rnight 
 make the king of Persia choose him very judi- 
 ciously to command in this expedition. They 
 made a descent in the island, where their army 
 increased to double its number by the reinforce- 
 ments which came from Syria and Cilicia. The 
 hopes of enriching themselves by the spoils of 
 this island, that was very rich, drew thither 
 abundance of troops, and they formed the siege 
 of Salamis by sea and land. The island of 
 Cyprus had at that time nine cities, so consider- 
 able as to have each of them a petty king. But 
 all those kings were, however, subjects of Per- 
 sia. They had upon this occasion united to- 
 gether to throw oif that yoke, and to render 
 themselves independent. 
 
 Ochus, having observed that the Egyptian 
 wars had always been unsuccessful from the ill 
 conduct of the generals sent thither, resolved to 
 take the command in person. But before he 
 set out, he signified his desire to the states of 
 Greece, that they would put an end to their 
 divisions, and cease to make war upon one 
 another. 
 
 It is a just matter of surprise that the court of 
 Persia should insist so earnestly and so oflen, 
 that the people of Greece should live in tran- 
 quillity with each other, and observe inviolably 
 the articles of the ti'eaty of Antalcidas, the 
 
 principal end of which was the establishment of 
 a lasting union amongst them. It had formerly 
 employed a quite different policy. 
 
 Ever since the n)iscariiage of the enterprise 
 against Greece under Xerxes, judging gold and 
 silver a more proper means for subjecting it 
 than that of the sword, the Persians did not at- 
 tack it with open force, but by the method of 
 secret intrigues. They conveyed considerable 
 sums into it privately, to corrupt those who had 
 most influence and authority in the great cities, 
 and were perpetually watching occasions to 
 arm them against each other, and to deprive 
 them of the leisure and means of invading them- 
 selves. They were particularly careful to de- 
 clare sometimes for one, sometimes for another, 
 in order to support a kind of balance amongst 
 them, which put it out of the power of any of 
 those republics to aggrandize itself too much, 
 and by that means to become formidable to 
 Persia. 
 
 That nation employed a quite difi'erent con- 
 duct at this time, in prohibiting all wars to the 
 people of Greece, and commanding them to ob- 
 serve a universal peace, upon pain of incurring 
 their displeasure and arms, against such as 
 should disobey. Persia, without doubt, did 
 not take that resolution at a venture, and had 
 its reasons for behaving in such a manner to- 
 wards Greece. 
 
 Its design might be to soften their spirit by 
 degrees, by disarming their hands ; to blunt the 
 edge of that valour which spurred them on per- 
 petually by noble emulation ; to extinguish in 
 them their passion for glory and victory ; to 
 render languid, by long inaction, and^ forced 
 ease, the activity natural to them ; and, in fine, 
 to bring them into the number of those nations, 
 whom a quiet and efteininate life enervates, 
 and who lose in sloth and peace that martial 
 ardour which combats and even dangers are apt 
 to inspire. 
 
 The king of Persia who then reigned had a 
 personal interest, as well as his predecessor, in 
 imposing these terms upon the Greeks. Egypt 
 had long thrown off the yoke, and given the 
 empire just cause of inquietude. Ochus had 
 resolved to go in person to reduce the rebels. 
 He had the expedition extremely at heart, and 
 neglected nothing that could promote its suc- 
 cess. The famous retreat of the 10,000, without 
 enumerating many other actions of a like na- 
 ture, had left a great idea in Persia cf the 
 Grecian valour. Ihat prince relied more upon 
 a small body of Greeks in his pay, than upon 
 the whole army of the Persians, numerous as it 
 was ; and he well knew, that the intestine divi- 
 sions of Greece would render the cities incapable 
 of supplying the number of soldiers he had oc- 
 casion for. 
 
 In fine, as a good politician, he could not en- 
 ter upon action in Egypt, till he had pacified all 
 behind him, Ionia especially, and the neigh- 
 bouring provinces. Now, the most certain 
 means to hold them in obedience, was to de- 
 prive them of all hope of aid from the Greeks, 
 to whom they had always recourse in times of 
 revolt, and without whom they were in no con- 
 dition to form any great enterprises.'" 
 
 When Ochus had taken all hiis measures, and 
 made the necessary preparations, he repaired tu 
 the frontiers of Phoenicia, where he found an 
 
 8 Diod. I. xvi. p 439 9 Ibid. p. 440, 441. 
 
 1 
 
 10 Diod. 1. xvi. p. 441—443, 
 
 CI 2 
 
36 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 army of 300,000 foot and 30,000 horse, and put 
 Mmself at the head of it. MentOF was at Sidon 
 with the Grecian troops. The approacli of so 
 great an army staggered him, and he sent se- 
 cretly to Ochus to make him offers not only of 
 surrendering Sidon to him, but to serve him in 
 ^SyP*> where he was well acquainted with the 
 country, and might be very useful to him. Ochus 
 agreed entirely to the proposal, upon which he 
 engaged Tennes king of Sidon in the same trea- 
 son, and they in concert surrendered the place 
 to Ochus. 
 
 The Sidonians had set fire to their ships upon 
 the approach of the king's troops, in order to lay 
 the people under the necessity of making a good 
 defence, by removing all other hope of security. 
 When they saw themselves betrayed, that the 
 enemy were masters of the city, and that there 
 was no possibility of escaping either by sea or 
 land, in despair they shut themselves up in their 
 houses, and set them on fire. Forty thousand 
 men, without reckoning women and children, 
 perished in this manner. The fate of Tennes 
 their king was no better. Ochus, seeing himself 
 master of Sidon, and having no farther occasion 
 for him, caused him to be put to death ; a just 
 reward of his treason, and an evident proof that 
 Ochus did not yield to him in perfidy. At the 
 time this misfortune happened, Sidon was im- 
 mensely rich. The fire having melted the gold 
 and silver, Ochus sold the cinders for a consider- 
 able sum of money. 
 
 The dreadful ruin of this city spread so great 
 terror over the rest of Phoenicia, that it submit- 
 ted, and obtained conditions reasonable enough 
 from the king. Ochus made no great diflBculty 
 in complying with their demands, because he 
 was unwilling to lose the time there which he 
 had so much occasion for in the execution of his 
 projects against Egypt. 
 
 Before he began his march to enter that coun- 
 try, he was joined by a body of 10,000 Greeks. 
 From the beginning of this expedition he had 
 demanded troops from Greece. The Athenians 
 and Lacedaemonians had excused themselves 
 from furnishing him at that time ; as it was 
 impossible for them to do it, however desirous 
 they might be, as they said, to maintain a good 
 ! correspondence with the king. The Thebans 
 sent him 1000 men under the command of 
 Lachares ; the Argives 3000 under Nicostratus. 
 The rest came from the cities of Asia. All these 
 troops joined him immediately after the taking 
 of Sidon. 
 
 The Jews must have had some share in this 
 war of the Phoenicians against Persia.* For 
 Sidon was no sooner taken, than Ochus entered 
 Judaea, and besieged the city of Jericho, which 
 he took. Besides which, it appears that he car- 
 ried a great number of Jewish captives into 
 Egypt, and sent many others into Hyrcania, 
 where he settled them along the coast of the 
 Caspian sea. 
 
 Ochus also put an end to the war with Cyprus 
 at the same time.* That of Egypt so entirely 
 engrossed his attention, that in order to have 
 nothing to divert him from it, he was satisfied 
 to come to an accommodation with the nine 
 kings of Cyprus, who submitted to him upon 
 certain conditions, and were all continued in 
 their little states. Evagoras demanded to be 
 
 reinstated in the kingdom of Salamis. It was 
 evidently proved, that he had committed the 
 most flagrant acts of injustice during his reign, 
 and that he had not been unjustly dethroned. 
 Protagoras was therefore confirmed in the king- 
 dom of Salamis, and the king gave Evagoras a 
 government in another quarter. He behaved no 
 better in that, and was again expelled. He after- 
 wards returned to Salamis, and was seized, and 
 put to death. How surprising a difi"erence be- 
 tween Nicocles and his son Evagoras ! 
 
 After the reduction of the isle of Cyprus and 
 the province of Phoenicia,^ Ochus advanced at 
 length towards Egypt. 
 
 Upon his arrival, he encamped before Pelu- 
 sium, from whence he detached three bodies of 
 his troops, each of them commanded by a Greek 
 and a Persian with equal authority. The first 
 was under Lachares the Theban, and Rosaces 
 governor of Lydia and Ionia. The second was 
 given to Nicostratus the Argive, and Aristazanes 
 one of the great officers of the crown. The third 
 had Mentor the Rhodian, and Bagoas one of 
 Ochus's eunuchs, at the head of it. Each de- 
 tachment had its peculiar orders. The king re- 
 mained with the main body of the army in the 
 camp which he had made choice of at first, to 
 wait the event, and to be ready to support those 
 troops, in case of ill success, or to improve the 
 advantages they might gain. 
 
 Nectanebus had long expected this invasion, 
 the preparations for which had made so much 
 noise. He had 100,000 men on foot, 20,000 of 
 whom were Greeks, 20,000 Libyans, and the 
 rest Egyptian troops. Part of them he disposed 
 in the places upon the frontiers, and posted him- 
 self with the rest in the passes, to dispute the 
 enemy's entrance into Egypt. 
 
 Ochus's first detachment was sent against 
 Pelusium, where there was a garrison of 6000 
 Greeks. Lachares besieged the place. That 
 under Nicostratus, going on board a squadron of 
 fourscore ships of the Persian fleet, entered one 
 of the mouths of the Nile at the same time, and 
 sailed into the heart of Egypt, where they land- 
 ed, and fortified themselves well in a camp which 
 was very advantageously situated. All the Egyp- 
 tian troops in these parts were immediately drawn 
 together under Clinias, a Greek of the isle of 
 Cos, and prepared to repel the enemy. A very 
 warm action ensued, in which Clinias with 6000 
 of his troops were killed, and the rest entirely 
 broken and dispersed. 
 
 This action decided the success of the war. 
 Nectanebus, apprehending that Nicostratus after 
 this victory would embark again upon the Nile, 
 and take Memphis the capital of the kingdom, 
 made all the haste he could to defend it, and 
 abandoned the passes, which it was of the last 
 importance to secure, to prevent the entrance of 
 the enemy. When the Greeks that defended 
 Pelusium Avere apprised of this precipitate re- 
 treat, they believed aU was lost, and capitulated 
 with Lachares, upon condition of being sent back 
 into Greece with all that belonged to them, and 
 without suff'ering any injury in their persons or 
 effects. 
 
 Mentor, who commanded the third detach- 
 ment, finding the passes clear and unguarded, en- 
 tered the country, and made himseff master of 
 it without any opposition. For, after having 
 caused a report to be spread throughout his camp, 
 
 1 Solon, c. XXXV. Euseb. in Chron. &c, 
 2 Diod. 1. XV i. p. 443. 
 
 S Diod. p. 444—450. 
 
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. 
 
 37 
 
 that Ochus had given orders that all those wlio 
 would submit should be treated with favour, and 
 Chat such as made resistance, should be destroy- 
 ed, as the Sidonians had been ; he let all his pris- 
 oners escape, that they might carry the news 
 into the country round about. Those poor peo- 
 ple reported in their towns and villages what 
 they had heard in the enemy's camp. The 
 brutality of Ochus seemed to confirm it; and 
 the terror was so great, that the garrisons, as 
 I well Greeks as Egyptians, strove which shoidd 
 be the foremost in making their submission. 
 
 Nectanebus, having lost all 
 
 A. M. S654. hope of being able to defend 
 Ant. J. C. 350. himself, escaped with his 
 treasures and most valuable 
 effects into -Ethiopia, from whence he never re- 
 turned. He was the last king of Egypt of the 
 Egyptian race, since whom it has always con- 
 tinued under a foreign yoke, according to the 
 prediction of Ezekiel.* 
 
 Ochus, having entirely conquered Egypt in 
 this manner, dismantled the cities, pillaged the 
 temples, and returned in triumph to Babylon, 
 laden with spoils, and especially with gold and 
 silver, of which he carried away immense sums. 
 He left the government of it to Pherendates, a 
 Persian of the first quality. 
 
 Here Manetho finishes his commentaries,* or 
 history of Egypt. He was a priest of Heliopolis 
 in that country, and had written the history 
 of its different dynasties from the commence- 
 ment of the nation to the times we now treat 
 of. His work is often cited by Josephus, Euse- 
 bius, Plutarch, Porphyry, and several others. 
 This historian lived in the reign of Ptolemy 
 Philadelphus, king of Egypt, to whom he dedi- 
 cates his work, of which Syncellus^ has pre- 
 served us the abridgment. 
 
 Nectanebus lost the crown by his too good 
 opinion of himself. He had been placed upon 
 the throne by Agesilaus, and afterwards sup- 
 ported in it by the valour and prudence of Dio- 
 phantes the Athenian and Lamius the Lace- 
 daemonian, who, whilst they had the command 
 of his troops and the direction of the war, had 
 rendered his armies victorious over the Persians 
 in all the enterprises they had formed against 
 him. It is a pity we have no detailed account 
 of them, and that Diodorus is silent upon this 
 head. That prince, vain from so many suc- 
 cesses, imagined, in consequence, that he was 
 become sufficiently capable of conducting his 
 own affairs by himself, and dismissed those per- 
 ' sons to whom he was indebted for all those ad- 
 vantages. He had time enough to repent his 
 error, and to discover that the rank does not 
 confer the qualifications of a king. 
 
 Ochus rewarded veryliber- 
 
 A. M. 3655. ally the service which Men- 
 Ant. J. C. 349. tor the Rhodian had ren- 
 dered him in the reduction 
 of Phoenicia and the conquest of Egypt. Before 
 he left that kingdom, he dismissed^ the other 
 Greeks laden with presents. As for Mentor, to 
 whom the whole success of the expedition was 
 principally owing, he not only made him a pre- 
 sent of 100 talents in money,' besides many 
 
 4 Ezek. XXIX. 14, 15. 
 6 SynceL p. 256. Voss. de Hist. GrEec. 1. i. c. 14. 
 6 George, a monk of Constantinople, so called from his 
 t>eing Syncellus, or vicar to the patriarch Tarasu?, towards 
 the end of the ninth century. 
 
 7 One hundred thousand crowns. 
 
 jewels of great value, but gave him the govern- 
 ment of all the coast of Asia, with the direction 
 of the war against some provinces which had 
 revolted in the beginning of his reign, and de- 
 clared him generalissimo of all bis armies on 
 that side. 
 
 Mentor made use of his interest to reconcile 
 the king with his brother Memnon, and Arta- 
 bazus, who had married their sister. Both of 
 them had been in arms against Ochus. We 
 have already related the revolt of Artabazus, 
 and the victories he had obtained over the king's 
 troops. He was, however, overpowered at last, 
 and reduced to take refuge with Philip king of 
 Macedon ; and Memnon, who had borne a part 
 in his wars, had also a share in his banishment. 
 After this reconciliation, they rendered Ochus 
 and his successors signal services ; especially 
 Memnon, who was one of the most valiant men 
 of his time, and of the greatest skill in the art 
 of war. Neither did Mentor belie the high 
 opinion entertained of him, nor deceive the king 
 in the confidence he had reposed in him. For 
 he had scarce taken possession of his govern- 
 ment, when he re-established every where the 
 king's authority, and reduced those who had 
 revolted in his neighbourhood to return to their 
 obedience ; some he brought over by his address 
 and stratagems, and others by force of arms. In 
 a word, he knew so well how to improve his 
 advantages, that at length he subjected them all 
 to the yoke, and reinstated the king's affairs in 
 aU those provinces. 
 
 In the first year of the 
 A. M. 8666. 108th Olympiad, died Plato, 
 Ant. J. C. 348. the famous Athenian phi- 
 losopher. 
 
 SECT. V. 
 
 Death of Ochus. Arses succeeds him, and is sue 
 ceeded by Darius Codomanus. 
 
 Ochus,^ after the conquest of Egypt, and the 
 reduction of the revolted provinces of his em- 
 pire, abandoned himself to pleasure and luxuri- 
 ous ease during the rest of his life, and left the 
 care of affairs entirely to his ministers. The 
 two principal of them were the eunuch Bagoas, 
 and Mentor the Rhodian, who divided all power 
 between them ; so that the first had all the pro- 
 vinces of the upper, and the latter all those ol 
 the lower Asia under him. 
 
 After having reigned twen- 
 
 A. M. 3666. ty-three years, Ochus died of 
 Ant. J. C. 338. poison given him by Bagoas. 
 
 That eunuch, who was by 
 birth an Egyptian, had always retained a love 
 for his country, and a zeal for its religion. When 
 his master conquered it, he flattered himself that 
 it would be in his power to soften the destiny of 
 the one, and protect the other from insult. But 
 he could not restrain the bnitality of his prince, 
 who acted a thousand things in regard to both, 
 which the eunuch saw with extreme sorrow, 
 and always violently resented in his heart. 
 
 Ochus, not contented with having dismantled 
 the cities and pillaged the houses and temples, 
 as has been said, had besides taken away all the 
 archives of the kingdom, which were deposited 
 and kept with religious care in the temples ol 
 the Egyptians ; and in derision of their worship,' 
 
 8 Diod. 1. xvi. p. 490. 9 m\aru 1. Iv. c K 
 
38 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ne had caused the god Apis to be killed, that 
 is, the sacred bull which they adored under 
 chat name. What gave occasion for this last 
 action was,' that Ochus being as lazy and heavy 
 as he was cruel, the Egyptians, from the first of 
 those qualities, had given him the insulting sur- 
 name of the stupid animal whom they found he 
 resembled. Violently enraged at this affront, 
 Ochus said that he would make them sensible 
 that he was not an ass but a lion, and that the 
 ass, which they despised so much, should eat 
 their ox. Accordingly, lie ordered Apis to be 
 dragged out of his temple, and sacririced to an 
 ass.^° After which he made his cooks dress, and 
 serve him up to the officers of his household. 
 This piece of wit incensed Bagoas. As for the 
 archives he redeemed them afterwards, and sent 
 them back to the places where it was the custom 
 to keep them ; but the affront which had been 
 done to his i-oligion was irreparable ; and that, 
 it is believed, was the real occasion of his mas- 
 ter's death. 
 
 His revenge did not stop there :^ he caused 
 another body to be interred instead of the 
 king's ; and to revenge his having made the 
 officers of the household eat the god Apis, he 
 made cats eat his dead body, whidi he gave 
 
 ! them cut in small pieces : and as for his bones, 
 those he turned into handles for knives and 
 swords, the natural symbols of his cruelty. It 
 is verv probable that some new cause had awak- 
 ened in the heart of this monster his ancient re- 
 sentment ; without which it is not to be con- 
 ceived that he could carry his barbarity so far 
 
 ! towards his master and benefactor. 
 
 After the death of Ochus, Bagoas, in whose 
 hands all power was at that time, placed Arses 
 upon the throne, the youngest of all the late 
 king's sons, and put the rest to death, in order 
 to possess with better security, and without a 
 rival, the authority he had usurped. He gave 
 Arses only the name of king, whilst he reserved 
 to himself the whole power of the sovereignty. 
 But perceiving that the young prince began to 
 discover his wickedness, and was taking mea- 
 sures to punish it, he prevented him by having 
 him assassinated, and destroyed his whole fami- 
 ly with him. Arses had reigned about two 
 years. 
 
 Bagoas, after having ren- 
 A. M. 3668. dered^'the throne vacant by 
 Ant. J. C. 336. the murder of Arses, placed 
 Darius upon it, the third of 
 that name who reigned in Persia. His true 
 name was Codomanus : of him much will be 
 said hereafter. 
 
 We see here clearly the sad effect of the per- 
 nicious policy of the kings of Persia, who, to 
 ease themselves of the weight of public business, 
 abandoned their whole authority to a eunuch. 
 Bagoas might have more address and under- 
 standing than the rest, and thereby merit some 
 distinction. It is the duty of a wise prince to 
 distinguish merit ; but it is equally his duty to 
 continue always the entire master, judge, and 
 arbiter of his affairs. A p.-ince like Ochus, 
 that had made the greatest crimes serve as steps 
 for ascending the throne, and who had support- 
 ; iTi 1-*- \\\r fVip ^amp THpasiirps. QpNGrvea 
 
 eO, liltnSGlI Itl it OV iHc aduic liicttouj. coj uco^^x » 
 
 to have such a minister as Bagoas, who vied 
 with his masterun perfidy and cruelty. Ochus 
 
 1 Plut. de Isid. et Osir. p. 353. 
 2 Sixan. L vL c a 
 
 ■■ - - 
 
 experienced their first effects. Had he desired 
 to have nothing to fear from him, he should not 
 have been so imprudent as to render him for- 
 midable, by giving him an unlimited power. 
 
 SECT. VI. 
 
 Abridgement of the life of Demosthenes, till the time of 
 his ajipearance with honour and applause in the public 
 assemblies against I'hilip of Macedoo. 
 
 As Demosthenes will perform a conspicuous 
 part in the history of Philip and Alexander, 
 it is necessary to give the reader some previous 
 idea of him, and to let him know by what | 
 means he cultivated, and to what a degi-ee of 
 perfection he carried his talent of eloquence; 
 which made him more formidable to Philip and 
 Alexander, and enabled him to render greater 
 services to his country, than the highest military 
 valour could have done. 
 
 That orator,^ bom two 
 
 A. M. 3623. years after Philip,* and 280 
 Ant. J. C. 381. before Cicero, was not the i 
 
 son of a dirty smoky black- 
 smith, as Juvenal would seem to intimate,^^ but 
 of a man moderately rich, who made consider- 
 able profit by forges. Not that the meanest 
 extraction could derogate in the least from the 
 reputation of Demosthenes; his works are a 
 higher title of nobility than the most splendid 
 the world affords. Demosthenes tells us him- j 
 self,^ that his father employed thirty slaves at | 
 his forges, each of them valued at three minae, | 
 or fifty crowns ; two excepted, who were with- j 
 out do'ubt the most expert in the business, and 
 directed the work, and those were each of j 
 them worth 100 crowns. It is well known that j 
 part of the wealth of the ancients consisted in j 
 slaves. Those forges, after all charges were | 
 paid, cleareo annually thirty minae, that is, j 
 1500 livres. To this first manufactory, appro- j 
 priated to the forging of swords and such kind j 
 of arms, he added another, wherein beds and j 
 tables of fine wood and ivory were made, which • 
 brought him in yearly twelve minse. In this | 
 only twenty slaves were employed, each of them | 
 valued at two mines, or 100 livres.' j 
 
 Demosthenes's father died possessed of an j 
 estate of fourteen talents.^ His son at that time | 
 was only seven years of age. He had the mis- 
 fortune to fall into the hands of sordid and 
 avaricious guardians, who had no views but of 
 making the most out of his fortune. They car- 
 ried that base spirit so far as to refuse their j 
 pupil's masters the stipend due to theni : so that i 
 he was not educated with the care which so ex- 
 cellent a genius as his required ; besides which, 
 the weakness of his constitution and the delicacy 
 of his health, in conjunction with the excessive 
 fondness of a mother that doated upon him, 
 prevented his masters from obliging him to ap- 
 ply closely to his studies. 
 
 3 Plut. in Demost. p. 847—849. 
 4 The fourth year of the ninety-ninth Olympiad. 
 
 5 Quern pater ardentis massae fuligine lippus, j 
 A carbone et forcipibus, gladlosque parante j 
 Incude, et luteo Vulcano ad rhetora misjt. i 
 Juv. 6e.t. 10. I 
 
 6 In Orat. i. cont. Aphob. p 896. 7 About 4;. Itt: 
 8 Fourteen thousand crowns. 
 
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. 
 
 SO 
 
 The school of Isocrates,* in which so many 
 great men had been educated, Avas at that time 
 the most famous at Athens. But whether the 
 avarice of Demosthenes's guardians pi-evented 
 him from improving under a master vi'hose 
 price was very high or that the soft and pla- 
 cid eloquence of Isocrates was not to his taste, 
 at that time he studied under Isseus, whose 
 characteristic was strength and vehemence. He 
 found means, however, to get the principles of 
 rhetoric taught by the former: but Plato" in 
 reality contributed the most to form Demos- 
 thenes; he read his works with great applica- 
 tion, and even received lessons from him ; and 
 it is easy to distinguish in the writings of 
 the disciple, the noble and sublime air of the 
 master. 
 
 But he soon quitted the schools of Isaeus and 
 Plato for another;'^ I mean to frequent the 
 bar ; of which this was the occasion. The ora- 
 tor Callistratus was appointed to plead in a full 
 assembly the cause of the city of Oropus, situat- 
 ed between Boeotia and Attica. Chabrias, hav- 
 ing disposed the Athenians to march to the aid 
 of the Thebans, who were in great distress, 
 they hastened thither, and delivered them from 
 the enemy. The Thebans, forgetting so great 
 a service, took the town of Oi'opus, which was 
 upon their frontier, from the Athenians. Cha- 
 brias was suspected,'^ and charged with treason 
 upon this occasion. Callistratus was chosen 
 to plead against him. The reputation of the 
 orator, and the importance of the cause, excited 
 curiosity, and made a great noise in the city. 
 
 Demosthenes, who was then 
 A. M. 3639. sixteen years of age, earnest- 
 Ant. J. C. 365. ly entreated his masters to 
 carry him w'th them to the 
 bar, that he might be present at so famous a 
 trial. The orator was heard with gi-eat atten- 
 tion : and having had extraordinary success, 
 was attended home by a crowd of illustrious 
 citizens, who seemed to vie with each other in 
 praising and admiring him. The young man 
 was extremely affected with the honours which 
 he saw paid to the orator, and still more with 
 the supreme influence of eloquence over the 
 minds of men, over which it exercises a kind of 
 1 absolute power. He was himself sensible of its 
 ! effects ; and not being able to resist its charms, 
 he gave himself wholly up to it, from thenceforth 
 renounced all other studies and pleasures, and 
 as long as Callistratus continued at Athens, he 
 never quitted him, but made all the improve- 
 / ment he could from his precepts. 
 
 The first essay of his eloquence was against 
 his guardians, whom he obliged to refund a part 
 I of his fortune. Encouraged by this success, he 
 j ventured to speak before the people, but with 
 I very ill fortune. He had a weak voice, an im- 
 pediment in his speech, and a very short breath; 
 notwithstanding which, his periods were so long, 
 that he was often obliged to stop in the midst of 
 them to take breath. This occasioned his being 
 
 9 Isocrates— cujus 6 ludo, tanquam ex equo Trojano, 
 innumeri principes exierunt. De Orat. n. 9i. 
 
 10 About 9.21. 10s. 
 11 Lectitavi^se Platoncm studiosg, audivisse etiam, De- 
 iriosthenes dicitur : idque apparet ex genera et granditate 
 bernnonis. Ctc. in Brut. n. Til. 
 
 llliid jusjurandum, i)er ca?sos in Marathone ac Salamuie 
 oropugnaturcs Keip. satis raanifestd docet, praeceptorem 
 ejus Piatonem fuisse. Quint. 1. xil. c. 10. 
 
 12 Aul. Gel. 1. iii. c. 13. 
 13 Demost. in Midi. p. 6ia 
 
 hissed by the whole audience ; from whence he 
 retired entii'ely discouraged, and determined tc 
 renounce for ever a function of which he be- 
 lieved himself incay>able. One of his auditors, 
 who, through all these imperfections, had ob- j 
 served an excellent fund of genius in him, and a 
 kind of eloquence which came very near that of 
 Pericles, gave him new spirii from the grateful 
 idea of so ghn ious a resemblance, and the good 
 advice which he added to it. 
 
 He ventured, therefore, to appear a second 
 time before the people, and was no better re- 
 ceived than before. As he withdrew, hanging 
 down his head, and in the utmost confusion, 
 Satyrus, one of the most excellent actors of 
 thoiC times, who was his friend, met him, and | 
 having learned from himself the cause of hia 
 being so much dejected, he assured him that the | 
 evil was not without remedy, and that the case j 
 was not so desperate as he imagined. He de- 
 sired him only to repeat some of Sophocles' or 
 Eui-ipides' verses to him, which he accordingly 
 did. Satyrus spoke them after him, and gave 
 them such graces by the tone, gesture, and 
 spirit, with which he pronounced them, that 
 Demosthenes himself found them quite different 
 from what they were in his own manner of 
 speaking. He perceived plainly what he want- 
 ed, and applied himself to the acquiring of it. 
 
 His efforts to correct his natural defect of ut- 
 terance, and to perfect himself in pronunciation, 
 of which his fi-iend had made him understand 
 the value, seem almost incredible, and prove, 
 that an industrious perseverance can surmount 
 all things. He stammered to such a degree," 
 that he could not pronounce some letters ; 
 amongst others, that with which the name ol 
 the art he studied begins and he was so short- 
 breathed, that he could not utter a whole period 
 without stopping. He at length overcame these 
 obstacles by putting small pebbles into his 
 mouth, and pronouncing several verses in that 
 manner without interruption ; and that even 
 when walking, and going up steep and difficult 
 places ; so that, at last, no letter made him hesi- 
 tate, and his breath held out through the longest 
 periods. He went also to the sea-side,"' and 
 whilst the waves were in the most violent agi- 
 tation, he pronounced harangues, to accustom 
 himself, by the confused noise of the waters, to 
 the roar of the people, and the tumultuous cries 
 of public assemblies. 
 
 Demosthenes took no less care of his action 
 than of his voice." He had a large looking- 
 glass in his house, which served to teach him 
 gesture, and at which he used to declaim, before 
 he spoke in public. To correct a fault which he 
 had contracted by an ill habit, of continually 
 shrugging his shoulders, he practised standing 
 upright in a kind of very narrow pulpit or ros- I 
 trum, over which hung a halbert, in such a 
 manner that, if in the heat of action that motion 
 escaped him, the point of the weapon might 
 serve at the same time to admonish and correct 
 him. 
 
 His pains were well hestowed ; for it was by 
 this means that he carried the art of declaiming 
 to the highest degree of perfection of which it is 
 capable; whence it is plain, he well knew its 
 value and importance. "When he was asked 
 three several times, which quality he thought 
 
 14 Cic. 1. i. de Orat. n. 260, 261. 15 Rhetoric. 
 16 Quintil. 1. x. c. 3. 17 Id. 1. xi. c. 3. 
 
40 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 most necessary in an orator, he gave no other 
 answer than Pronunciation; insinuating, hy 
 making that reply three times successively,' 
 that qualification to be the only one, of which 
 the want could be least concealed, and which 
 was the most capable of concealing other de- 
 fects ; and that pronunciation alone could give 
 considerable weight even to an indifferent ora- 
 tor, when without it the most excellent could 
 not hope for the least success. He must have 
 had a very high opinion of it, since, in order to 
 attain a perfection in it, and to receive the in- 
 struction of Neoptolemus, the most excellent 
 comedian then in being, he devoted so consider- 
 able a sum as 10,000 drachmas,^ though he was 
 not very rich. 
 
 His application to study was no less surpris- 
 ing. To be the more removed from noise, and 
 I less subject to distraction, he caused a small 
 ! chamber to be made for him under ground, in 
 which he sometimes shut himself up for whole 
 j months, shaving on purpose half his head and 
 1 1 face, that he might not be in a condition to go 
 j abroad. It was there, by the light of a small 
 ! lamp, he composed the admirable orations which 
 were said, by those who envied him, to smell of 
 the oil ; to imply, that they were too elaborate. 
 " It is plain," replied he, " yours did not cost you 
 so much trouble." He rose very early in the 
 morning,^ and used to say, that he was sorry 
 when any workman was at his business before 
 him. We may judge of his extraordinary efforts* 
 to acquire perfection of every kind, from the 
 I pains he took in copying Thucydides' history 
 I eight times with his own hand, in order to ren- 
 der the style of that great man familiar to him. 
 I Demosthenes, after having exercised his talent 
 ! of eloquence in several private causes, made his 
 I appearance in full light, and mounted the tribu- 
 j nal, to treat there upon the public affairs ; with 
 I what success we shall see hereafter. Cicero^ 
 I tells us that his success was so great, that all 
 j Greece came in crowds to Athens to hear De- 
 I mosthenes speak : and he adds, that merit, so 
 j great as his, could not but have had that effect. 
 I I do not examine in this place into the character 
 of his eloquence ; 1 have enlarged sufficiently 
 upon that elsewhere f I only consider its won- 
 derful effects. 
 
 If we may believe Philip, and upon this point 
 he is certainly an evidence of unquestionable 
 authority, the eloquence of Demosthenes alone 
 did him more hurt than all the armies and fleets 
 of the Athenians.' His harangues, he said, 
 were like machines of Avar, and batteries raised 
 at a distance against him ; by which he over- 
 threw all bis projects, and ruined his enterprises, 
 without its being possible to prevent their effect. 
 I " For I myself," says Philip of him, " had I 
 been present, and heard that vehement orator 
 declaim, I should have been the first to conclude 
 
 1 Actio in dicendo una dominatur. Sine hSc summus 
 orator esse numero nullo potest : mediocris, hac instructus, 
 summos saepe superare. Huic primas dedisse Demosthe- 
 1 nes dicitur, cum rogaretur quid in dicendo esset primum ; 
 huic secundas, huic tertias. Cic. de Oral. 1. iii. n. 213. 
 2 About. 240Z. sterling. 
 3 Cui non sunt auditae Demosthenis vigiliEe? qui dolere 
 se aiebat, si quando opificum antelucana victus esset in- 
 dustria. Tusc. Qucest. 1. iv. n. 44. 
 
 4 Lucian. advers. Indoct. p. 6S9. 
 5 Ne illud quidem intelligunt, non modb ita memoriffi 
 proditum esse, sed ita necesse fuisse, ciun Uem. -Rthenes 
 dicturus esset, ut coiicursus, audiendi causS ex to^A Grae- 
 Zik fierent. In Brut. n. 2.'59. 
 
 6 Art of studying the Belles Lettres, vol. ii. 
 
 7 Lucian. in Encom. Deinosth. p. 940 941. 
 
 that it was indispensably necessary to declare 
 war against me." No city seemed impregnable 
 to that prince, provided he could introduce a 
 mule laden with gold into it : but he confessed, 
 that, to his sorrow, Demosthenes was invincible 
 in that respect, and that he always found him 
 inaccessible to his presents. After the battle of 
 Chseronea, Philip, though victor, was struck 
 v/ith extreme dread at the prospect of the great 
 danger to which that orator, by the powerful 
 league he had been the sole cause of forming 
 against him, had exposed both himself and his 
 kingdom. 
 
 Antipater spoke of him in similar terms.* 
 " I value not," said he, " the Piraeeus, the gal- 
 leys, and armies of the Athenians. For what 
 have we to fear from a people continually em- 
 ployed in games, feasts, and Bacchanalian rites? 
 Demosthenes alone gives me pain. Without 
 him, the Athenians are in no respect different 
 from the meanest people of Greece. He alone 
 excites and animates them. It is he that rouses 
 them from their lethargy and stupefaction, and 
 puts arms and oars into their hands almost 
 against their will. Incessantly representing to 
 them the famous battles of Marathon and Sala- 
 mis, he transforms them into new men by the | 
 ardour of his discourses, and inspires them with 
 incredible valour and boldness. Nothing escapes 
 his penetrating eyes nor his consummate pru- 
 dence. He foresees all our designs, he counter- 
 mines all our projects, and disconcerts us in 
 every thing ; and did Athens entirely confide in 
 him, and wholly follow his advice, we should 
 be irremediably undone. Nothing can tempi 
 him, nor diminish his love for his country. All 
 the gold of Philip finds no more access to him, 
 than that of Persia did formerly to Aristides." 
 
 He was reduced by necessity to give this glo- 
 rious testimony for himself, in making good his 
 defence against iEschines, his accuser and de- 
 clared enemy. " Whilst all the orators have 
 suffered themselves to be corrupted by the pre- 
 sents of Philip and Alexander, it is well known," 
 says he, " that neither delicate conjunctures , nor 
 engaging expressions, nor magnificent promises, 
 nor hope, nor fear, nor favour, nor any thing in 
 the world, have ever been able to induce me to 
 relax in any point, which I thought favourable 
 either to the rights or interest of my country." 
 He adds, that instead of acting like those mer- 
 cenary persons, who, in all they proposed, de- 
 clared for such as paid them best, like scales, 
 that always incline to the side from whence 
 they receive most ; he, in all the counsels h? 
 had given, had solely in view the interest and 
 glory of his country, and that he had always 
 continued inflexible and incorruptible by the 
 Macedonian gold. The sequel will show whether 
 he supported that character to the end. 
 
 Such was the orator who is about to ascend 
 the tribunal, or rather the statesman who is 
 going to enter upon the administration of the 
 public affairs, and to be the principle and soul 
 of all the enterprises of Athens against Philip 
 of Macedon. 
 
 SECT. VII. 
 
 Digressions upon the manner of fitting out fleets by the 
 Athenians, and the exemptions and other marks oi | 
 honour granted by that city to such as had rendered it 
 great services. 
 
 The subject of this digression ought properly I 
 
 8 Luciati in Encom. Demosth. p. P.'U— 936. 
 
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. 
 
 to have had place in that part of this volume 
 where I have treated of the maritime affairs of 
 the Athenians. But at that time I had not in 
 my thoughts those orations of Demosthenes 
 which speak of them. It is a deviation from 
 the chain of the history, which the reader may 
 easily pass over, if he thinks fit. 
 
 The word Trierarchs^ signifies no more in it- 
 self than commanders of galleys. But those citizens 
 were also called Trierarchs who were appointed 
 to fit out the galleys in time of war, and to fur- 
 nish them with all things necessary, or at least 
 with part of them. 
 
 They were chosen out of the richest of the 
 people, and there was no fixed number of them. 
 Sometimes two, sometimes three, and sometimes 
 even ten Trierarchs were appointed to equip one 
 vessel* 
 
 At length the number of Trierarchs in general 
 was fixed at 1200,'" in this manner. Athens 
 was divided into ten tribes. A hundred and 
 twenty of the richest citizens of each tribe, were 
 nominated to furnish the expenses of these 
 ai-maments; and thus each tribe furnishing six- 
 score, the number of the Trierarchs amounted 
 to 1200. 
 
 Those 1200 men were again divided into two 
 parts, of 600 each; and those 600 subdivided 
 into two more, each of 300. The first 300 were 
 chosen from among such as were richest. Upon 
 pressing occasions they advanced the necessary 
 expenses, and were reimbursed by the other 300, 
 who paid their proportion as the state of their 
 affairs would admit. 
 
 A law was afterwards made, whereby those 
 1200 were divided into different companies, each 
 consisting of sixteen men, who joined in the 
 equipment of a galley. That law was very heavy 
 upon the pooler citizens, and radically unjust, as 
 it decreed that this number of sixteen should be 
 chosen by their age, and not their estates. It 
 ordained that all citizens, from twenty-five to 
 forty, should be included in one of these com - 
 panies, and contribute one-sixteenth ; so that 
 by this law the poorer citizens were to contri- 
 bute as much as the most opulent, and often 
 found it impossible to provide for an expense so 
 much above their power. From whence it hap- 
 pened, that the fleet was either not armed in 
 time, or very ill fitted out ; by which means 
 Athens lost the most favourable opportunities 
 for action. 
 
 Demosthenes," always intent upon the public 
 good, to remedy these inconveniences, proposed 
 the abrogation of this law by another. By the 
 latter, the Trierarchs were to be chosen, not by 
 the number of their years, but the value of their 
 fortunes. Each citizen, whose estate amounted 
 to ten talents, '2 was obliged to fit out one galley 
 at his own expense ; and if to twenty talents, 
 two ; and so on in proportion. Such as were 
 not worth ten talents, were to join with as many 
 others as were necessary to complete that sum, 
 and to fit out a galley. 
 
 Nothing could be wiser than this law of De- 
 mosthenes, which reformed aU the abuses of the 
 other. By these means the fleet was fitted out 
 in time, and provided with all things neces- 
 sary ; the poor were considerably relieved, and 
 
 9 T^in^cc^z'"- 
 10 Ulpian. in Olynth. ii. p. S3. 
 11 Demosth. in Orat. de Classib. 
 12 'i'en thousand crowns. 
 
 none but the rich displeased with it. For in- 
 stead of contributing only a sixteenth, as by the 
 first law, they were sometimes obliged by the 
 second to equip a galley by themselves, and some- 
 times two or more, according to the amount ot 
 their estates. 
 
 The rich were in consequence very much of- 
 fended at Demosthenes for this regulation ; and 
 it required, without doubt, no small courage in 
 him to disregard their complaints, and to hazard 
 the making himself as many enemies as there 
 were powerful citizens in Athens. Let us hear 
 himself. "Seeing,"'^ says he, speaking to the 
 Athenian^, " that your maritime affairs were in 
 a ruinous condition, the rich possessed of an im- 
 munity purchased at a very low rate, the citizens 
 of middle or small fortunes overwhelmed with 
 taxes, and the republic itself, in consequence of 
 these inconveniences, never attempting any thing 
 till too late to be of any avail ; 1 had the cour- 
 age to establish a law, whereby the rich are 
 brought back to their duty, the poor relieved 
 from oppression, and, what was of the highest 
 importance, the republic enabled to make the 
 necessary preparations for war in due time." 
 He adds, that there was nothing the rich would 
 not have given him to forbear the proposing of 
 this law, or at least to have suspended its execu- 
 tion : but he did not sufi:'er himself to be swayed 
 either by their threats or promises, and continu- 
 ed firm to the public good. 
 
 Not having been able to make him change his 
 resolution, they contrived a stratagem to render 
 it ineffectual. For it was without doubt at their 
 instigation that a certain person, named Patro- 
 clus, cited Demosthenes before the judges, and 
 prosecuted him juridically as an infringer of the 
 laws of his country. The accuser not having the 
 fifth part of the voices on his side, was accords 
 ing to custom fined 600 drachmas,'^ and Demos- 
 thenes acquitted of the charge. He himself 
 informs us of these particulars. 
 
 I much doubt, whether at Rome, especially 
 in the latter times, the affair would have taken 
 this turn. For we see, that whatever attempts 
 were made by the tribunes of the people, and to 
 whatever extremity the quarrel arose, it never 
 was possible to induce the rich, who were far 
 more powerful and enterprising than those of 
 Athens, to renounce the possession of the lands, 
 which they had usurped in manifest contraven- 
 tion of the institutions of the state. The law of 
 Demosthenes was approved and confirmed by 
 the senate and people. 
 
 We find, from what has been said, that the 
 Trierarchs fitted out the galleys and equipped 
 them at their own expense. The state paid 
 the mariners and soldiers, generally at the rate 
 of three Oboli, or five-pence a day, as has been 
 observed elsewhere. The officers had greater 
 pay. 
 
 The Trierarch commanded the vessel, and 
 gave all orders on board. When there were 
 two of them to a ship, each commanded six 
 months. 
 
 When they quitted their office, they were 
 obliged to give an account of their administra- 
 tion, and delivered a state of the vessel's equi- 
 page to their successor, or the republic. The 
 successor was obliged to go immediately and fill 
 up the vacant place ; and if he failed to be at 
 
 13 Demosth. pro Cte.siph. p. 419. 
 14 Twelve poutids five shillings 
 
42 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 his post by a time assigned him, he was fined 
 for his neglect. 
 
 ^ As the ciiavge of Trierarch was very expen- 
 sive, those who were nominated to it, were ad- 
 mitted to point out some other person richer 
 than tiiemselves, and to demand that he shouid 
 be put into their place; provided they were 
 ready to change estates with such person, and 
 to act as Trieiarch after such exchange. This 
 law was instituted by Solon, and was "called the 
 laic of exchanges. 
 
 B.'sides the equipment of galleys, which must 
 have amounted to very great sums, the rich had 
 I another burden to support in time of war; that 
 j was, the extraordinary taxes and imposts laid 
 on their estates ; upon which sometimes the 
 hundredth, sometimes a fiftieth, and even a 
 twelfth, were levied, according to the different 
 necessities of the state. 
 
 Nobody at Athens,' upon any pretence what- 
 soever, could be exempted from these two 
 charges, except the Novemviri, or nine Archons, 
 who were not obliged to tit out galleys. So that 
 we see clearly, that without ships* or money, 
 the republic was not in a condition, either to 
 sjipport wars, or defend itself. 
 
 i'here were other immunities and exemptions, 
 which were granted to such as had rendered 
 great services to the republic, and sometimes 
 even to all their descendants : such as maintain- 
 ing the public places for the exercises with all 
 i things necessary for such as frequented them; 
 instituting a public feast for one of the ten 
 tribes ; and defraying the expenses of games and 
 shows ; all which amounted to great sums. 
 
 These immunities, as has already been said, 
 were marks of honour and rewards' for services 
 rendered the state ; as well as the statues which 
 were erected to great men, the freedom of the 
 city which was granted to strangers, and the 
 privilege of being maintained in the Prytaneura 
 at the public expense. The view of Athens in 
 these honourable distinctions, which were some- 
 times perpetuated through families, was to ex- 
 press their high sense of gratitude, and to kindle 
 at the same time in the hearts of their citizens a 
 noble thirst of glory, and an ai'dent love for 
 their country. 
 
 Besides the statues erected to Harmodius and 
 Aristogiton, the deliverers of Athens, their de- 
 scendants were for ever exempted from all pub- 
 lic emplojTnents, and enjoyed that honoui-able 
 privilege many ages after. 
 
 As Aristides died without any estate,^ and 
 left his son Lysimachus no other patrimony but 
 his glory and poverty, the republic gave him ICO 
 acres of wood, and as much arable land, in Eu- 
 bcea, besides 100 minae^ at one payment, and four 
 drachmas, or forty pence, a-day. 
 
 Athens,* in the services which were done it, 
 regarded more the good-will than the action it- 
 self. A certain person of Cyrene, named Epi- 
 iierdus, being at Syracuse when the Athenians 
 were defeated, touched with compassion for the 
 unfortunate prisoners dispersed in Sicily, whom 
 he saw ready to expire for want of food, dis- 
 tributed 100 minse amongst them, that is, about 
 240/. Athens adopted him into the number of 
 its citizens, and granted him all the immunities 
 before mentioned. Some time after, in the war 
 
 1 Demostli. advers. Lept p 545. 
 
 2 Idem, in Orat. ad Lep. p. 558. 
 
 S About two hundred and forty pounds. 
 4 Demostli. in Orat. ad L<cp. p. 757. 
 
 against the thirty tyrants, the same Epicerdns 
 gave the city a talent.* These were but small 
 matters on either occasion with regard to the 
 grandeur and power of Athens; but they were 
 deeply affected with the good-will of a sti-anger, 
 who, without any view of interest, in a time of 
 public calamity, exhausted himself in some mea- I 
 sure for the relief of those with whom he had : 
 no connection, and from whom he had nothing 
 to expect. j 
 The same Athens g^-anted the freedom of their | 
 city,** and an exemption from customs, to Leu- ' 
 con, who reigned in the Bosphorus, and to his \ 
 children, because they imported from the lands \ 
 of that prince a considerable quantity of corn, j 
 of which they were in extreme want, subsisting i 
 almost entirely upon what came from foreign 
 parts. Leucon, in his turn, not to be outdone 
 in generosity, exempted the Athenian merchants 
 from the duty of a thirtieth that was imposed 
 upon all grain exported from his dominions, and 
 granted them the privilege of supplying them- 
 selves with corn in his country in preference to 
 all other people. That exemption amounted to 
 a considerable sum. For they brought from 
 thence alone 2,000,000 of quarters of corn, of 
 which the thirtieth part amoimted to almost 
 70,000. 
 
 The children of Conon and Chabrias were 
 also granted an immunity from public ofiices. 
 The names alone of those illustrious generals 
 sufficiently justify that liberality of the Athe- 
 nian people. A person, however, called Lepti- 
 nes, out of a mistaken zeal for the public good, 
 proposed to abrogate by a new law all the grants i 
 of that kind, which had been made from time j 
 immemorial, except those which regarded the 1 
 posterity of Harmodius and Aristogiton ; and i 
 to enact, that for the future the people should 1 
 not be permitted to grant such privileges. I 
 
 Demosthenes strongly opposed this law, though 
 with great delicacy towards the person who pro- 
 posed it ; praising his good intentions, and not 
 speaking of him but with esteem ; a much more 
 efficacious manner of refuting, than those violent ! 
 invectives, and that eager and passionate style, [ 
 which serve only to alienate the minds of 'the j 
 hearers, and to render an orator suspected, who ' 
 discredits his cause himself, and shows its weak 
 side, by substituting railing in the place of rea- 
 sons, which are alone capable of convincing. 
 
 After having shown that so odious a reform 
 would prove of little or no advantage to the 
 republic, from the inconsiderable number of the 
 exempted persons, he goes on to expose its in- 
 conveniences, and sets them in a full light. 
 
 "It is first," says he, "doing injury to the 
 memory of those great men, whose merit the 
 state intended to acknowledge and reward bj 
 such immunities; it is in some manner calling 
 in question the services they have done thei" 
 country; it is throwing a suspicion upon their 
 great actions, injurious to, if not destructive of, 
 their glory. And were they now alive and 
 present in this assembly, which of us all would i 
 presume to offer them such an aflront? Should i 
 not the respect we owe their memories make j 
 us consider them as always alive and pre- | 
 sent ? 
 
 " But if we are little affected with what ' 
 concerns them, can we be insensible to our own 
 
 5 A thousand crowns. 
 6 Dsmosth. in Orat. ad Lep. p. 5*5, 5 f,. 
 
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS. 
 
 43 
 
 interest? Besides that cancelling so ancient a 
 law is to condemn tiie conduct of our ancestors, 
 what sliame shall we bring upon ourselves, and 
 what an iniury shall we do our reputation { 1 he 
 fflory of Athens, and of every well-governed 
 ItatP, is to value itself upon its gratitude; to 
 keep its word religiously, and to be true to all 
 its engagements. A private person that fails in 
 these respectJ, is hated and abhorred ; and who 
 is not afraid of being reproached with ingrati- 
 tude? And shall the commonwealth, in can- 
 celling a law that has received the sanction ot 
 public authority, and been in a manner conse- 
 crated by the usage of many ages, be guilty ot so 
 scandalous a prevarication ? We prohibit lying 
 in the very markets under heavy penalties, and 
 require truth and good faith to be observed in 
 them ; and shall we renounce them ourselves, 
 by the revocation of grants passed in all their 
 forms, and upon which every private man has a 
 right to insist? ^ , , ^ 
 
 " To act in such a manner, would be to ex- 
 tinguish in the hearts of our citizens all emula- 
 tion for glory, all desire to distinguish themselves 
 by great exploits, all zeal for the honour and 
 welfare of their country, which ar^ the great 
 springs and principles of almost all tne actions 
 of life. And it is to no purpose to object the 
 i example of Sparta and l^hebes, which grant no 
 1 such exemptions. Do we repent our not re- 
 I sembling them in many things; and is there any 
 wisdom in proposing their defects, and not their 
 virtuBSv for our imitation ?" 
 
 Demosthenes concludes with demanding the 
 law of exemptions to be retained in all its ex- 
 tent, with this exception, that all persons should 
 be deprived of the benefits of it, but those who 
 had a just title to them ; and that a strict lu- 
 quiry should be made for that purpose. 
 
 It is plain that 1 have only made a very slight 
 extract in this place ot an exceeding long dis- 
 course, and that 1 designed to express only the 
 spirit and sense, without confining myselt lo the 
 method and expressions of it. , , . • 
 
 There was a meanness in Leptines s desiring 
 to obtain a trivial advantage for the republic, by 
 retrenching the moderate expenses that were an 
 honour to it, and in no degree burdensome, 
 whilst there were other abuses of far greater 
 importance to reform. 
 
 Such marks of public gratitude perpetuated 
 in a family, perpetuate also in a state an ardent 
 zeal for one's country, and a warm desire to 
 obtain distinction by glorious actions. It is not 
 without pain I find amongst ourselves, that 
 part of the privileges granted to the family ot 
 the Maid of Orleans have been retrenched. 
 Charles VII.' had ennobled her, her father, 
 three brothers, and all their descendants, even 
 by the female line. In 1614, at the request of 
 the attorney-general, the article of nobility ou 
 the women's side was retrenched. 
 
 7 Meserai. 
 
THE 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 BOOK XIV. 
 
 For the Author's Introduction to this division of the 
 Work, see Preface, page xxxix. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 The birth and infancy of Philip. Beginning of his reign. 
 His first conquests. The birth of Alexander. 
 
 MACEDON was an hereditary kingdom, 
 situated in ancient Thrace : and bound- 
 ed on the south by the mountains of Thessaly ; 
 on the east by Bottia and Pieria; on the west 
 by the Lyncestse ; and on the north by Mygdo- 
 nia and Pelagonia. But after Philip had con- 
 quered part of Thrace and Illyrium, this king- 
 dom extended from the Adriatic sea to the river 
 Strymon. Edessa was at first the capital of it, 
 but afterwards resigned that honour to Pella, 
 famous for giving birth to Philip and Alex- 
 ander. 
 
 Philip, whose history we are going to write, 
 was the son of Amyntas II., who is reckoned 
 the sixteenth king of Macedon from Caranus, 
 who had founded that kingdom about 430 years 
 before; that is, m the year of the world 3210, and 
 before Christ 794. The history of all these 
 monarchs is sufficiently obscure, and includes 
 little more than several wars with the lUyrians, 
 the Thi'acians, and other neighbouring people. 
 
 The kings of Macedon pretended to descend 
 from Hercules by Caranus, and consequently to 
 be Greeks by extraction. Notwithstanding 
 this, Demosthenes often styles them Barbarians, 
 especially in his invectives against Philip. The 
 Greeks, indeed, gave this name to all other 
 nations, without excepting the Macedonians. 
 Alexander,' king of Macedon, in the reign of 
 Xerxes, was excluded, on pretence of his being 
 a Barbarian, from the Olympic games ; and 
 was not admitted to share in them, till after 
 having proved his being descended originally 
 from Argos. The above-mentioned Alexander,^ 
 when he went over from the Persian camp to 
 that of the Greeks, in order to acquaint the lat- 
 ter that Mardonius was determined to surprise 
 them at day-break, justified this perfidy by his 
 ancient descent, which he declared to be from 
 the Greeks. 
 
 1 Herod. \. v. c. 22. 2 Ibid. 1. vi. c. 44. 
 
 The ancient kings of Macedon did not think 
 it beneath them to live at different times under 
 the protection of the Athenians, Thebans, and 
 Spartans, changing their alliances as it suited 
 their interest. 
 
 We shall soon see this Macedon, which for- 
 merly had paid tribute to Athens, become, un- 
 der Philip, the arbiter of Greece; and triumph, 
 under Alexander, over all the forces of Asia. 
 
 Amyntas, father of Philip, 
 
 A. M. 3606. began to reign the third yeaj* 
 Ant. J. C. 398. of the ninety-sixth Olym- 
 piad. Having the very year 
 after been warmly attacked by the Illyrians, 
 and dispossessed of a great part of his kingdom, 
 which he thought it scarce possible for him ever 
 to recover again, he had applied to the Olyn- 
 thians ; and in order to engage them the more 
 firmly in his interest, had given up to them a 
 considerable tract of land in the neighbomhood 
 of their city. According to some authors, Ar- 
 gaeus, who was of the blood royal, being sup- 
 ported by the Athenians, and taking advantage 
 of the troubles which broke out in Macedonia, 
 reigned there two years. 
 
 A. M. 3621. Amyntas was restored to the 
 Ant. J. C. 383. throne by the Thessalians ;' 
 
 upon which he was desirous 
 of resuming the possession of the lands, which | 
 nothing but the unfortunate situation of his af- , 
 fairs had obliged him to resign to the Olynthi- ' 
 ans. This occasioned a war ; but Amyntas, not 
 being strong enough to make head singly against i 
 so povverful a people, the Greeks, and the Athe- 
 nians in particular, sent him succours, and en- 
 abled him to weaken the power of the Olynthi- 
 ans, who threatened him with a total and im- 
 pending ruin. It was then that Amyntas, * in 
 an assembly of the Greeks, to M'hich he had 
 sent a deputation, engaged to unite with them 
 in enabling the Athenians to possess themselves 
 of Ampbipolis, declaring that this city belonged ! 
 to the last-mentioned people. This close alii- i 
 ance was continued after his death with queen j 
 Eurydice, his widow, as we shall soon see. | 
 Philip, one of the sons of 
 
 A. M. 3621. Amyntas, was born thesame 
 Ant. J. C. 383. year this monarch declared 
 war against the Olynthians. 
 
 3 Diod. 1. xiv. p. S07, 341. 
 4 JEschin. de Fals Legat. p. 400. 
 
HISTORY OF PHILIP 
 
 46 
 
 This Philip was father of Alexander the Great; 
 for we cannot distinguish him better, than by 
 calling him the father of such a son, as Cicero ^ 
 observes of the father of Cato of Utica. 
 
 Amyntas died,® after hav- 
 A. M. 3629. ing reigned twenty -four 
 Ant. J. C. 375. years. He left three legiti- 
 mate children, whom Eury- 
 dice had brought him, viz. Alexander, Fer- 
 diocas, and Philip, and a natural son named 
 Ptolemy. , . /. i. 
 
 Alexander, as eldest son, succeeded his father. 
 In the very beginning of his reign, he was en- 
 gaged in a sharp war against the Illyrians, 
 neighbours to, and perpetually enemies of, Mace- 
 donia. Having concluded a peace with them, he 
 put Philip, his younger brother, an infant, into 
 their hands, by way of hostage, who was soon sent 
 back to him. Alexander reigned but one year. 
 
 The crown now belonged 
 A. M. 3630. by right to Perdiccas,' his 
 Ant. J. C. 374. brother, who was become 
 eldest by his death ; but 
 Pausanias, a prince of the blood royal, who had 
 been exiled, disputed it with him, and was sup- 
 ported by a great number of Macedonians. He 
 began by seizing some fortresses. Happily for 
 the new king, Iphicrates was then in that 
 country, whither the Athenians had sent him 
 with a small fleet ; not to besiege Amphipolis as 
 yet, but only to take a view of the place, and 
 make the necessary prepax'ations for besieging it. 
 Eurydice, hearing of his arrival, besought him 
 to pay her a visit, intending to request his as- 
 sistance against Pausanias. When he was come 
 into the palace, and had seated himself, the af- 
 flicted queen, the better to excite his compassion, 
 takes her two children, Perdiccas and Philip,* 
 and sets the former in the arms, and the latter 
 on the knees of Iphicrates ; and then thus ad- 
 dresses him ! " Remember, Iphicrates, that 
 Amyntas, the father of these unhappy orphans, 
 bad always a love for your country, and adopted 
 you for his son. This double tie lays you under 
 a double obligation. The amity which that king 
 entertained for Athens, requires that you should 
 acknowledge us publicly for your friends ; and 
 the tenderness which that father had for your 
 person, claims from you the heart of a brother 
 towards these children." Iphicrates, moved 
 with this sight and discourse, expelled the us- 
 urper, and restored the lawful sovereign. 
 
 "Perdiccas'" did not long continue in tran- 
 quillity. A new enemy, more formidable than 
 the first, soon invaded his repose. This was 
 Ptolemy his brother, the natural son of Amyn- 
 tas, as was befoi'e observed. He might possibly 
 be the eldest son, and claim the crown as such. 
 The two brothers referred the decision of their 
 claim to Pelopidas, general of the Thebans, still 
 more revered for his probity than his valour. 
 Pelopidas determined in favour of Perdiccas ; 
 
 5 M. Cato sententiam dixit, hujus nostri Catonis pater. 
 Ut enim cateri ex patribus, sic hie, qui lumen illud pro- 
 genuit, ex filio est nominandus. De Offic. 1. iii. n. 66. 
 6 Diod. p, 373. Justin. 1. vii. c. 4. 
 7 ^scVi. de Fals. Legat. p. 399, 400. 
 8 Philip was not then less than nine years old. 
 9 Plut in Pelop. p. 
 10 Plutarch supposes, that it was with Alexander 
 that Ptolemy disputed the empire, which cannot be 
 made to agree with the relation of iEschines, who, 
 being his contemporary, is more worthy of credit. I 
 have therefore thought proper to substitute Perdiccas in. 
 stead of Alexander. 
 
 and having judged it necessary to take pledges 
 on both sides, in order to oblige the two compe- 
 titors to observe the articles of the treaty which 
 they had accepted, among other hostages he car- 
 ried Philip with him to Thebes," where he re- 
 sided several years. He was then ten years of 
 age. Eurydice, on yielding up this much-loved 
 son, earnestly besought Pelopidas to procure 
 him an education worthy of his birth, and of the 
 city to which he was going a hostage. Pelopidas 
 placed him with Epaminondas, who had a cele- 
 brated Pythagorean philosopher in his house for 
 the education of his son. Philip improved greatly 
 by the instructions of his preceptor, and much 
 more by those of Epaminondas, under whom he 
 undoubtedly made some campaigns, though no 
 mention is made of this circumstance. He 
 could not possibly have had a more excellent 
 master, whether for war or the conduct of life ; 
 for this illustrious Theban was at the same time 
 a great philosopher, that is to say, a wise and 
 virtuous man, and a great commander as well as 
 a great statesman. Philip was very proud of 
 having been his pupU, and proposed him as a 
 model to himself; and most happy would he 
 have been, could he have copied him perfectly ! 
 Perhaps he borrowed from Epaminondas his 
 activity in war, and his promptitude in improv- 
 ing opportunities, which, however, formed but a 
 very inconsiderable part of the merit of this il- 
 lustrious persouEige. But with regard to his 
 temperance, his justice, his disinterestedness, 
 his sincerity, his magnanimity, his clemency, 
 which rendered him truly great, these were vir- 
 tues which Philip had not received from nature, 
 and did not acquire by imitation. 
 
 The Thebans did not know that they were 
 then forming and cherishing in their bosom the 
 most dangerous enemy of Greece. After Philip 
 had spent nine or ten years in their city,^* the 
 news of a revolution in Macedon, made him re- 
 solve to leave Thebes clandestinely. Accord- 
 ingly he steals away, makes the utmost expedi- 
 tion, and finds the Macedonians in the deepest 
 consternation at having lost their king Perdic- 
 cas, who had been killed in a great battle by the 
 lUyrians ; but much more so, at finding they 
 had as many enemies as neighbours. The Illy- 
 rians were on the point of returning into the 
 kingdom with a greater force ; the Peonians in- 
 fested it with perpetual incursions ; the Thra- 
 cians were determined to place Pausanias on 
 the throne, who had not abandoned his preten- 
 sions; and the Athenians were bringing Ar- 
 gaeus, whom Mantias their general was ordered 
 to support with a strong fleet and a considerable 
 body of troops. Macedonia at that time wanted 
 a man to govern, and had only a child in Amyn- 
 tas, the son of Perdiccas, and lawful heir of the 
 crown. Philip governed the kingdom for some 
 time, by the title of guardian to the prince ; but 
 very soon the subjects, justly alarmed, deposed 
 the nephew in favour of the uncle ; and, instead 
 of the heir whom nature had given them, set 
 him upon the throne whom the present con- 
 juncture of affairs required; persuaded that the 
 laws of necessity are superior to all others. Ao- 
 
 11 Thebis tricnnio obses habitus, prima pueritiae rudi. 
 menta in urbe severitatis antique, et in domo Eparrinon- 
 dae summi et philo ;ophi et imperatoris, deposuit. Jusitn. 
 1. vii. c. 5. Philip lived in Thebes not only three, but nmc 
 i or ten years. 
 
 I j2 Diod. 1. xvi. p. t07. Justin. 1. vii. c. 5. 
 
HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 46 
 
 cordingly,' Philip, attwenty- 
 A. M. 3644. four years of age, ascended 
 Ant. J. C. 360. the throne, the first year of 
 the 105th Olympiad. 
 The new king, with great coolness and pre- 
 sence of mind, used all bis endeavours to answer 
 the expectations of the people. Accordingly, he 
 provides for and remedies every thing, revives 
 the desponding courage of the Macedonians, and 
 reinstates and disciplines the army. He was 
 inflexibly rigid in the last point,^ well knowing 
 that the success of his enterprises depended on 
 it. A soldier, who was very thirsty, went out 
 of the ranks to drink; Philip punished him 
 with great severity. Another soldier, who 
 ought to have stood to his arms, laid them 
 down : him he immediately ordered to be put 
 to death. 
 
 It was at this time that he established the 
 Macedonian phalanx, which afterwards became 
 BO famous, and was tlie choicest and the best 
 disciplined body of troops the world had ever 
 seen, and might dispute the pre-eminence in 
 those respects with the Greeks of Marathon and 
 Salamis. It is said that he drew up the plan, 
 or at least improved it, from the idea suggested 
 by Homer.^ That poet describes the union of' 
 the Grecian commanders under the image of a 
 battalion, the soldiers of which, by joining their 
 shields, form a body impenetrable to the enemy's 
 darts. I i-ather believe that Philip formed the 
 idea of the phalanx from the lessons of Epa- 
 minondas, and the sacred battalion of the The- 
 bans. He treated those chosen foot-soldiers with 
 peculiar distinction, honoured them with the 
 title of his comrades or companions;* and by 
 such marks of honour and confidence induced 
 them to bear, without any murmuring, the 
 hardest fatigues, and to confront the greatest 
 dangers with intrepidity. Such familiarities as 
 these cost a monarch little, and are of no com- 
 mon advantage to him. I shall inoert, at the 
 end of this section, a more particular descrip- 
 tion of the phalanx, and the use made of it 
 in battles. I shall borrow from Polybius this 
 description, the length of which would too 
 much interrupt the series of our history ; yet 
 being placed separately, may probably please, 
 especially by the judicious reflection of a man 
 so well skilled in the art of war as that his- 
 torian. 
 
 One of the first things Philip took care of 
 was, the negotiating a captious peace with the 
 Athenians, whose power he dreaded, and whom 
 he was not willing to make his enemies, in 
 the beginning of a reign hitherto but ill es- 
 tablished. He therefore sent ambassadors to 
 Athens, spared neither promises nor protesta- 
 tions of amity, and at last was so happy as 
 to conclude a treaty, of which he knew bow 
 to make all the advantages he had proposed to 
 himself. 
 
 Immediately after this, he does not seem so 
 much to act like a monarch of but twenty-four 
 years of age, as like a politician profoundly 
 versed in the art of dissimulation ; and who, 
 without the assistance of experience, was already 
 sensible, that to know when to lose at a proper 
 season is to gain. He had seized upon Amphi- 
 
 1 Diod. 1. xvi. p. 407—413. 
 2 ^lian. 1. xiv. c. 49. S Iliad. N. v. IJO. 
 lltiiretieos signifies, literally, a fellcw-fooL sf ldier. 
 
 I polls,® a city situated on the frontiers of his king- 
 I dom, which consequently stood very convenient 
 for him. He could not keep it, as that would 
 have weakened his army too much ; not to men- 
 tion that the Athenians, whose friendship it was 
 his interest to preserve, would have been exas- 
 perated at his holding a place which they claim- 
 ed as their colony. On the other side,'he was 
 determined not to give up to his enemies one of 
 the keys to his dominions. He therefore took 
 the resolution to declare that place free, by per- 
 mitting the inhabitants to govern themselves as 
 a republic, and in this manner to set them at 
 variance with their ancient masters. At the 
 same time he disarmed the Peonians by dint of 
 promises and presents ; resolving to attack them, 
 after he had disunited his enemies, and weaken- 
 ed them by that disunion. 
 
 This address and subtlety established him 
 more firmly on the throne, and he soon found 
 himself without competitors. Having barred 
 the entrance of his kingdom to Pausanias, he 
 marches against Argseus, comes up with him in 
 the road from JEgas to Methone, defeats him, 
 kills a great number of his soldiers, and takes a 
 multitude prisoners ; attacks the Peonians, and 
 subjects them to his power. He afterwards 
 turns his arms against the Illyrlans, cuts them 
 to pieces, and obliges them to restore to him all 
 the places possessed by them in Macedonia. 
 
 Much about this time the 
 A. M. 3646. Athenians acted with the 
 Ant. J. C. 358. greatest generosity towards 
 the inhabitants of Euboea. 
 That island, which is separated from Bceotia by 
 the Euripus, was so called from its large and 
 beautiful pasture lands, and is now called Negro- 
 pout. It had been subject to the Athenians,* 
 who had settled colonies in Eretria and Chalcis, 
 the two principal cities of it. Thucydides re- 
 lates that in the Peloponnesian war, the revolt 
 of the Euboeans dismayed the Athenians very 
 much, because they drew greater revenues from 
 thence than from Atti(!a. From that time Eu- 
 boea became a prey to factions ; and at the time 
 of which we are now speaking, one of these fac- 
 tions implored the assistance of Thebes, and the 
 other of Athens. At first the Thebans met with 
 no obstacle, and easily made the faction they 
 espoused triumphant. However, at the aiTivfU 
 of the Athenians, matters took a very different 
 turn. Though they were very much offended 
 at the Euboeans, who had behaved very injuri- 
 ously towards them, nevertheless, sensibly af- 
 fected with the great danger to which they were 
 exposed, and forgetting theirprivateresentments, 
 they immediately gave them such powerful suc- 
 cour, both by sea and land, that in a few days 
 they forced the Thebans to retire. And now, 
 being absolute masters of the island, they restor- 
 ed to the inhabitants their cities and liberty, 
 persuaded, says iEschines,' in relating this cir- 
 cumstance, that justice requires we should obli- 
 terate the remembrance of past injuries, when 
 the party offending repose their trust in the 
 offended. The Athenians, after having restored 
 Euboea to its former tranquillity, retired, without 
 
 5 PolyiEn. Strateg. 1. iv. c. 17. 
 6 Veil. Paterc. 1. i. c. 4. Tliucyd. 1. viii. p. 613. 
 mosth. pro Ctesiph. p. 489. .Sischin. contra Ctesiph- 
 441. 
 
 TO) mo'Ttiidy-iCii. 
 
HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 47 
 
 iesiring any other benefit for all their services, 
 than the glory of having appeased the troubles 
 .}f that islunti. 
 
 But they did not always behave in this nrian- 
 (ler with regard to other states ; and it was this 
 gave rise to the war of the allies, of which 1 have 
 spoken elsewhere. _ 
 
 Hitherto Philip, that is, 
 
 A. M. 364^. during the first years of his 
 Ant J. C. 358. reign, had been engaged in 
 ridding himself of his com- 
 petitors for the throne ; in pacifying domestic 
 divisions, in repelling the attacks of his foreign 
 enemies, and in rendering them incapable, by 
 his frequent victories, of troubling him in the 
 possession of his kingdom. 
 
 But he is now going to appear in another cha- 
 racter. Sparta and Athens, after having long 
 disputed with each other the empire of Greece, 
 iiad weakened themselves by their reciprocal 
 divisions. This circumstance had -iven Thebes 
 an opportunity of raising herself to the supreme 
 power : but Thebes having weakened itself by 
 the wars in which it had been engaged against 
 Sparta and Athens, gave Philip an occasion of 
 aspiring also in his turn to the sovereignty of 
 Greece. And now, as a politician and conqueror, 
 he resolves how he may best extend his frontiers, 
 reduce his neighbours, and weaken those whom 
 he is not able to conquer at present; how he 
 may introduce himself into the affairs of Greece, 
 take a part in its intestine feuds, make himself 
 its arbiter, join with one side to destroy the 
 other, in order to obtain the empire over all. 
 In the execution of this great design, he spares 
 neither artifices, open force, presents, nor pro- 
 mises. He employs for this purpose negotia- 
 tions, treaties, and alliances, and each of them 
 singly in such a manner as he judges most con- 
 ducive to the success of his desi|m ; expediency 
 solely determining him in the choice of measures. 
 
 We shall always see him acting under the 
 second character, in all the steps he takes thence- 
 forth, till he assumes a third and last character, 
 which is, preparing to attack the great king of 
 Persia, and endeavouring to become the avenger 
 of Greece, by subverting an empire which before 
 had attempted to subject it, and which had always 
 continued its irreconcilable enemy, either by open 
 invasions or secret intrigues. 
 
 We have seen that Philip, in the very begin- 
 ning of his reign, had seized upon Amphipolis, 
 because it was well situated for his views ; but 
 that to avoid restoring it to the Athenians, who 
 claimed it as one of their colonies, he had de- 
 clared it a free city. But at this time, being no 
 longer under such great apprehension from the 
 Athenians, he resumed his former design of 
 seizing Amphipolis. The inhabitants of this 
 city being threatened with a speedy siege,^ sent 
 am'bassadors to the Athenians, offering to put 
 themselves and their city under the protection 
 of Athens, and beseeching them to accept the 
 kevs of Amphipolis. But that republic rejected 
 their offer, for fear of breaking the peace they 
 had concluded the preceding 
 A. M. 3646. year with Philip. However,^ 
 
 Ant. J. C. 358. this monarch was not so de- 
 licate in this point; for he 
 besieged and took Amphipolis by means of the 
 intelligence he carried on in the city, and made 
 
 it one of the strongest barriers of his kingdom. 
 Demosthenes, in his orations, frequently re- 
 proaches the Athenians with their indolence on 
 this occasion, by representing to them, that had 
 they acted at the time with the expedition they 
 ought, they would have saved a confederate 
 city, and spared themselves a multitude of mis- 
 fortunes. 
 
 Philip had promised the Athenians to give up 
 Amphipolis into their hands,'" and by this pro- 
 mise had made them supine and inactive ; but 
 he did not value himself upon keeping his word, 
 and sincerity was not the virtue he professed. 
 So far from surrendering this city, he also pos- 
 sessed himself of Pydna'' and of Potidjea."* i he 
 Athenians kept a garrison in the latter; these 
 he dismissed without doing them the least in- 
 jury ; and gave up this city to the Olynthians, 
 to engage them in his interest. 
 
 From hence he proceeded to seize Crenides," 
 which the Thracians had built two years before, 
 and which he afterwards called Philippi, from 
 his own name. It was near this city, afterwards 
 famous for the defeat of Brutus and Cassius, 
 that he opened certain gold mines, which every 
 year produced upwards of 1000 talents, that is, 
 about 144,000/. sterling; a prodigious sum of 
 money in that age. By this means, money be- 
 came much more current in Macedon than 
 before ; and Philip first caused the golden coin 
 bearing his name to be stamped there, which 
 outlived his monarchy." Superiority of finances 
 is of the utmost advantage to a state ; and no 
 prince understood them better than Philip, or 
 neglected them less. By this fund he was ena- 
 bled to maintain a powerful army of foreigners, 
 and to bribe a number of creatures in most of 
 the cities of Greece. 
 
 Demosthenes says,'^ that when Greece was in 
 its most flourishing condition, gold and silver 
 were ranked in the number of prohibited arms. 
 But Philip thought, spoke, and acted, in a quite 
 different manner. It is said,'^ that having one 
 day consulted the oracle of Delphi, he received 
 the following answer : 
 
 Make coin thy weapons, and thou'lt conquer all. 
 
 The advice of the priestess became his rule, 
 and he applied it with great success. He boast- 
 ed, that he had carried more places by money 
 than arms ; that he never forced a gate, till af- 
 
 Demosth. Olynth. i. p. 2. 
 9 Died. p. 412. 
 
 10 Died. p. 412. 
 
 11 Pydna, a city of Macedon, situated on the gulf an- 
 ciently called Sinus Thermaicus, and now Golfo di Salo- 
 
 12 Potidzea, another city of Macedonia, on the borders 
 of ancient Thrace. Itwas but sixty stadia, or three leagues, 
 from Olynthus. ^ „ 
 
 13 Diod. p. 413. 
 
 14 Gratus Alexandro regi magno fuit ille 
 Chcerilus, incultis qui versibus et male natls 
 Kettulit acceptos, regale numisma, I'bilippos. 
 
 Horct. 1. ii. Ep. ad August. 
 
 Chcerilus the Pellasan youth approv'd. 
 Him he rewarded weil, and him he lov d; 
 His dull, uneven verse, by great good fate. 
 Got him his favours, and a fair estate. 
 
 Creech s Hor. 
 
 Hie sunt numerati aurei trecenti nummi, qui vocan. 
 tur Philippi. ^l^^t. in Pan. 
 
 15 Philip, iii. p. 92. 
 
 16 Suidas. 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF PHILIP. 
 
 cer having attempted to open it with a golden 
 key; and that he did not think any fortress im- 
 pregnable, into which a mule laden with silver 
 could find entrance. It has been said, that he 
 was a merchant rather than a conqueror ; that 
 it was not Philip, but his gold, which subdued 
 Greece, and that he bought its cities rather than 
 took them.' He had pensioners in all the com- 
 monwealths of Greece, and retained those in his 
 pay who had the greatest share in the public 
 affairs. And, indeed, he was less proud of the 
 success of a battle than that of a negotiation, 
 well knowing, that neither his generals nor his 
 soldiers could share in the honour of the latter. 
 
 Philip had married Olympias, daughter of 
 Neoptolemus. The latter was the son of Alce- 
 tas, king of the Molossi or Epirus. Olympias 
 bare him Alexander, surnamed the Great, who 
 was born at Pella, the capital of Macedonia, 
 the first year of the 106th 
 
 A. M. 3648. Olympiad. Philip,^ who at 
 Ant. J ' C S36 absent from 
 
 his kingdom, had three very 
 agreeable pieces of news 
 brough him at one and the same time ;^ — 
 that he had carried the prize in the Olym- 
 pic games ; that Parmenio, one of his gen- 
 erals, had gained a great victory over the II- 
 lyrians ; and that his wife was delivered of 
 a son. This prince,* terrified at so signal a 
 happiness, which the Heathens thought fre- 
 quently the omen of some mournful catastrophe, 
 cried out, " Great Jupiter ! in return for so 
 many blessings, send me as soon as possible 
 some slight misfortune." 
 
 We may form a judgment of Phiiip's care and 
 attention with regard to the education of this 
 prince,^ by the letter which he wrote a little af- 
 ter his birth to Aristotle, to acquaint him even 
 then that he had made choice of him for his 
 son's preceptor. " I am to inform you," said 
 he, " that I have a son born. I return thanks 
 to the gods, not so much for having given him 
 to me, as for having given him me while Ari- 
 stotle is living. I may justly promise myself, 
 that you will make him a successor w<u-thy of 
 us both, and a king worthy of Macedonia." 
 What noble thoughts arise from the perusal of 
 this letter, far different from the manners of 
 the present age, but highly worthy of a great 
 monarch and a good father ! 1 shall leave the 
 reader to make his own reflections upon it ; and 
 shall only observe, that this example may serve 
 as a lesson even to private persons, as it teaches 
 them how highly they ought to value a good 
 master, and the extraordinary care they should 
 take to find such a one ; for every son is an 
 Alexander to his fathei-.^ It appears that 
 
 1 Callidus emptor Olynthi. Juv. Sat. xiL 47. 
 
 Philippus majore ex parte raercator GrsBciae, quam 
 victor. Val. Max. lib. vii. c. 2. 
 
 DiSdit hostinm 
 
 Portas vir Macedo, et subruit eemulos 
 Reges muneribus. Horat, lib. iii. Od. 16. 
 
 When engines and when arts do fail, 
 
 The golden wedge can cleave the wall ; 
 
 Gold Philip's rival kings o'erthrew. Creeches Hor. 
 
 2 Plut. in Alex. p. 666. Justin. 1. xii. c. 16. 
 
 5 Plutarch supposes that this news was brought him im. 
 mediately after the taking of Potidaja ; but this city had 
 been taken two years before. 
 
 4 Phit. in Apophth. p, 187. 5 Aul. Gel. 1. ix. c, 3. 
 
 6 Fingamus Alexandrum dari nobis, impositum gremio. 
 
 Philip' put his son very early under Aristotle, 
 convinced that the success of studies depends on 
 the foundation first laid ; and that the man can- 
 not be too able, who is to teach the principles of 
 learning and knowledge in the manner in whicli 
 they ought to be inculcated. 
 
 A description of the Macedonian phalanx. 
 
 The^ Macedonian^ phalanx was a body of in 
 fantry, consisting of 16,000 heavy-armed troops, 
 who were always placed in the centre of the 
 battle. Besides a sword, they were armed with 
 a shield, and pike or spear, called by the Greeks 
 2API22A fsarissaj. This pike was fourteen 
 cubits long, that is, twenty-one feet, for the 
 cubit consists of a foot and a half. 
 
 The phalanx was commonly divided into ten 
 battalions, each of which was composed of 1600 
 men, drawn up 100 in front, and sixteen in 
 depth. Sometimes the file of sixteen was 
 doubled, and sometimes divided, according as 
 the occasion required ; so that the phalanx was 
 sometimes but eight, and at other times thirty- 
 two deep : but its usual and regular depth was 
 of sixteen. 
 
 The space between each soldier upon a march 
 was six feet, or, which is the same, four cubits ; 
 and the ranks were also about six feet asunder 
 When the phalanx advanced towards an enemy, 
 there was but three feet distance between each 
 soldier, and the ranks were closed in proportion. 
 In fine, when the phalanx was to deceive the 
 enemy, the men who composed it drew still 
 closer, each soldier occupying only the space of a 
 foot and a half. 
 
 This evidently shows the different space 
 which the front of the phalanx took up in these 
 three cases, supposing the whole to consist of 
 16,000 men, at sixteen deep, and consequently 
 always 1000 men in front. This space in the 
 first case was 6000 feet, or 1000 fathoms, which 
 make ten furlongs, or half a league. In the se- 
 cond case it was but half so much, and took up 
 five furlongs, or 500 fathoms.^" And in the 
 third case, it was again diminished another half, 
 and extended to the distance of only two fur- 
 longs and a half, or 260 fathoms. 
 
 Polybius examines the phalanx in the second 
 case, in which it marched to attack the enemy. 
 Each soldier then took up three feet in breadth, 
 and as many in depth. We observed above, 
 that their pikes were fourteen cubits long. The 
 space between the two hands, and that part 
 of the pike which projected beyond the right, 
 took up four ; and consequently the pike 
 advanced ten cubits beyond the body of the 
 soldier who carried it. This being supposed, 
 the pikes of the soldiers placed in the fifth 
 rank, whom I Avill call the fifths, and so 
 of the rest, projected two cubits beyond the 
 first rank ; the pikes of the fourths four, those 
 
 dignum tanta cura infantem : (quanquam suus cuique 
 dignus est). Quintil. 1. i. c. 1. 
 
 7 An Philippus Macedonum rex Alexandre filio suo 
 prima literarum clementa tradi ab Aristotele summo ejus 
 ffitatis philosopho voluisset, aut ille suscepisset hoc offici- 
 um, si non studiorum initia a perfectissimo quoque optinio, 
 tractari, pertinere ad summam credidisset ? Quintil. ibid 
 
 8 Polyb. 1. xvii. p. 764—767. Id. 1. xii. p. 664. iElian. 
 de instruend. acieb. 
 
 9 Decern et sex millia peditum more Macedonum ar- 
 mati fuere, qui PhalangitEe appellabantur. Hjec media 
 acies fuit in fronte, in decern partes divisa. Tit. Liv 
 1. xxxvii. n. 40. 
 
 10 Five stadia. 
 
HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 49 
 
 1 of the thirds six, those of the seconds eight cu- 
 ' bits ; in fine, the pikes of the soldiers who form- 
 ed the first rank advanced ten cubits towards 
 the enemy. 
 
 The reader will easily conceive, that when 
 , the soldiers who composed the phalanx, this 
 ' great and unwieldy machine, every part of 
 ; which bristled with pikes, as we have seen, 
 I moved all at once, presenting their pikes to at- 
 I tack the enemy, that they must charge with 
 
 great force. The soldiers who were behind the 
 i fifth rank held their pikes raised, but inclining 
 i a little over the ranks who preceded them ; 
 j thereby forming a kind of roof, which (not to 
 I mention their shields) secured them from the 
 
 darts discharged at a distance, which fell with- 
 ■ mt doing them any hurt. 
 
 i The soldiers of all the other ranks beyond the 
 ' fifth, could not indeed engage against the enemy, 
 j nor reach them with their pikes, but then they 
 i gave great assistance in battle to those in the 
 I front of them. For by supporting them behind 
 with their utmost strength, and pressing upon 
 Iheir backs, they increased in a prodigious man- 
 ner the strength and impetuosity of the onset ; 
 they gave their comrades such firmness and sta- 
 bility as rendered them immoveable in attacks, 
 and at the same time deprived them of every 
 hope or opportunity of flight by the rear; so 
 that they were under the necessity either to 
 conquer or die. 
 
 And indeed Polybius acknowledges, that as 
 long as the soldiers of the phalanx preserved 
 their disposition and order as a phalanx, that is, 
 as long as they kept their ranks in the close 
 order we have described, it was impossible for 
 an enemy either to sustain its weight, or to 
 open and break it. And this he demonstrates 
 to us in a plain and sensible manner. The Ro- 
 man soldiers (for it is those whom he compares 
 to the Greeks in the place in question), says he, 
 take up, in fight, three feet each. And as they 
 must necessarily move about very much, either 
 to shift their bucklers to the right and left in 
 defending themselves, or to thrust with the 
 point, or to strike with the edge of their swords, 
 we must be obliged to allow the distance of three 
 feet between every soldier. Thus every Roman 
 soldier takes up six feet, that is, twice as much 
 space as one of the phalanx,'^ and consequently 
 opposes singly two soldiers of the first rank ; 
 and for the same reason is obliged to make head 
 against ten pikes, as we have before observed. 
 Now it is impossible for a single soldier to break, 
 or force his way through ten pikes. 
 
 This Livy shows evidently in a few words," 
 where he describes in what manner the Romans 
 were repulsed by the Macedonians at the siege 
 of a city. The consul, says he,'^ made his co- 
 horts to advance, in order, if possible, to pene- 
 trate the Macedonian phalanx. When the lat- 
 
 11 It was before said, that each soldier of the phalanx 
 took up only three feet when he advanced to attack the 
 enemy, and but half so much when he waited his coming 
 up. In this last case, each Roman soldier was obliged to 
 make head against twenty pikes. 
 
 lii Liv. 1. xxxii. n. 17. 
 
 13 Cohortes invicem sub signis, quee cuneum Macedo- 
 num (Phalangem ipsi vocant), si possent, vi perrumperent, 
 emittebat— Ubi conferti hastas ingentis longitudinis prse 
 ge Macedones objecissent, velut in constructam densitate 
 clypeorum testudinem, Romani pilis nequicquam emissis, 
 cum strinxissent gladios ; neque congredi propivis, neque 
 praecidere hastas poterant : et, si quas incidissent aut prae- 
 frcgiNsent, hastilia fragmento ipso acuto, inter spicula in 
 tegrarum hastarum, velut vallum explebant. 
 
 1 
 
 ter, keeping very close together, had advanced 
 forward their long pikes, the Romans having 
 discharged ineffectually their javelins against 
 the Macedonians, whom their shields (jjressed 
 very close together) covered like a roof and a 
 tortoise ; the Romans, 1 say, drew their swords. 
 But it was not possible for them either to come 
 to a close engagement, or to cut or break the 
 pikes of the enemy ; and if they happened to cut 
 or break any one of them, the broken piece of 
 the pike served as a point ; so that this hedge of 
 pikes, with which the front of the phalanx was 
 armed, still existed. 
 
 Paulus ^milius^'* owned, that in the battle 
 with Perseus, the last king of Macedon, this 
 rampart of brass and forest of pikes, impene- 
 trable to his legions, filled him with terror and 
 astonishment. He did not remember, he said, 
 ever to have seen any thing so formidable as 
 this phalanx; and often afterwards declared, 
 that this dreadful spectacle made so strong an 
 impression upon him, as almost to induce him 
 to despair of the victory. 
 
 From what has been said above, it follows 
 that the Macedonian phalanx was invincible : 
 nevertheless we find from history, that the 
 Macedonians and their phalanx were van- 
 quished and subdued by the Romans. It was 
 invincible, replies Polybius, so long as it con- 
 tinued a phalanx, but this happened very rarely ; 
 for in order to its being so. it required a flat 
 even spot of ground of large extent, without 
 either tree, bush, intrenchment, ditch, valley, 
 hill, or river. Now we seldom find a spot of 
 ground of this description, of fifteen, twenty, or 
 more furlongs in extent ; for so large a space 
 is necessary for containing a whole army, of 
 which the phalanx is but a part. 
 
 But let us suppose (it is Polybius who still 
 speaks), that a tract of ground, exactly such as 
 could be wished, were found ; yet of what use 
 could a body of troops drawn up in the form of 
 a phalanx be, should the enemy, instead of ad- 
 vancing forward and offering "battle, send out 
 detachments to lay waste the country, plunder 
 the cities, or cut off the convoys ? In case the 
 enemy should come to a battle, the general need 
 only command part of his front (the centre, for 
 instance) designedly to give way and fly, that 
 the phalanx may have an opportunity of pursu- 
 ing them. In this case, it is manifest the pha- 
 lanx would be broken, and a large cavity made 
 in it, in which the Romans would not fail to 
 throw themselves, in order to charge the pha- 
 lanx in flank on the right and left, at the same 
 time that those soldiers who are pursuing the 
 enemy, may be attacked in the same manner. 
 
 This reasoning of Polybius appears to me 
 very clear, and at the same time gives us a very 
 just idea of the manner in which the ancients 
 fought ; which certainly ought to have its place 
 in history, as it is an essential part of it. 
 
 Hence appears, as M. Bossuet observes after 
 Polybius, the difference between the Macedo- 
 nian phalanx" formed of one large body, very 
 
 14 Plut. in Paul, .ffimil. p. 265. 
 15 Three quarters of a league, or a league, or perhaps 
 more. 
 
 16 Discourse on Universal History. 
 17 Statarius uterque miles, ordines servans; sed il'a 
 phalanx immobilis, et unius generis : Romana acies dis- 
 tinctior, ex pluribus partibus constans ; facilis partienti, 
 quacumque opus esset, facilis jungenti. Tit. Liv. 1. ix. 
 n. 19. 
 
 Erant pleraque sylvestria circS, incommoda phalangi 
 n 
 
50 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 thick on all sides, which was obliged to more all 
 at once, and the Roman army divided into small 
 bodies, which for that reason were nimbler, and 
 consequently more calculated for movements of 
 every kind. The phalanx cannot long preserve 
 its natural property (these are Polybius's words), 
 that is to say, its solidity and thickness, because 
 it requires peculiar spots of ground, and those, 
 as it were, made purposely for it ; and that for 
 want of such spots, it encumbers, or rather 
 breaks itself by its own motion; not to mention, 
 that if once broken, the soldiers who compose it 
 can never rally again. Whereas the Koman 
 army, by its division into small bodies, takes 
 advantage of all places and situations, and suits 
 itself to them. It is united or separated at plea- 
 sure. It files off, or draws together, without 
 the least diflSculty. It can very easily form de- 
 tachments, rally, and go through every kind of 
 evolution, either in the whole or in part, as oc- 
 casion may require. In fine, it has a greater 
 variety of motions, and consequently more ac- 
 tivity and strength than the phalanx. 
 
 This* enabled Paulus ^milius^ to gain his 
 celebrated victory over Perseus. He first had 
 attacked the phalanx in front. But the Mace- 
 donians (keeping very close together), holding 
 their pikes with both hands, and presenting this 
 iron rampart to the enemy, could not be either 
 broken or forced in any manner, and so made a 
 dreadful slaughter of the Romans. But at last, 
 the unevenness of the ground and the great ex- 
 tent of the front of the battle not allowing the 
 Macedonians to continue in aU parts that range 
 of shields and pikes, Paulus ^milius observed 
 that the phalanx was obliged to leave several 
 openings and intervals. Upon this, he attacked 
 them at these openings, not as before, in front, 
 and in a general onset, but by detached bodies, 
 and in different parts at one and the same time. 
 By this means the phalanx was broken in an 
 instant, and its whole force, which consisted 
 merely in its union and the impression it made 
 all at once, was entirely lost, and Paulus --Emi- 
 lius gained the victory. 
 
 The same Polybius,' in the twelfth book above 
 cited, describes in few words the order of battle 
 observed by the cavalry. According to him, a 
 squadron of horse consisted of 800, generally 
 drawn up 100 in front, and eight deep ; conse- 
 quently such a squadron as this took up a fur- 
 long, or 100 fathoms, allowing the distance of 
 one fathom, or six feet, for each horseman ; a 
 space which he must necessarily have, to make 
 his evolutions and to rally. Ten squadrons, or 
 8000 horse, occupied ten times as much ground ; 
 that is, ten furlongs, or 1000 fathoms, which 
 make about half a league. 
 
 maxime Macedonum, quae, nisi ubi prslongis hastis velut 
 vallum ante clypeos objecit, (quod ut fiat, libero campo 
 opus est,) nuUius admodum usus est. Id. 1. xxxi. n. 39. 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Paul. MmW. p. 265, 266. Liv. 1. xliv. 
 n. 41. 
 
 2 Secunda legio immissa dissipavit phalangem ; neque 
 ulla evidentior causa victoria fuit, quam qubd multa pas- 
 sira prjelia erant, quje fluctuantem turbarunt primb, de- 
 inde disjecerunt phalangem; cujus confertse, et intentis 
 horrentis hastis, intolerabiles vires sunt. Si carptim aggre- 
 diendo circumagere immobilem longitudine et gravitate 
 hastam cogas, confusa strue implicantur : si verfi ab latere, 
 aut ab tergo, aliquid tumultOs increpuit, ruins: tqodo tur. 
 bantur : sicut tum adversas catervatim irruei.tes Romanes, 
 et interrupts multifariam acie, obviara ire cogebantur : et 
 Romani, quacumque data intervalla essent, insinuabant 
 ordines suos. Qui si universa acie in frontem adversus 
 instriictam phalangem cdiicin rissent^'ndijissent se hastis, I 
 oec conferlam aciem sustitiuissent tu. Liv. 
 
 3 Lib xii. p. 663. I 
 
 From what has been said, the reader may 
 judge how much groxmd an army took up, by 
 considering the number of infantry and cavalry 
 of which it consisted. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 The sacred war. Sequel of the History of Philip. He 
 endeavours in vain to possess himself of the Pass of 
 Thermopylaj. 
 
 Discord,* which perpetu- 
 A. M. S649. ally fomented among the 
 Ant. J. C. 355. Greeks dispositions not very 
 remote from an open rup- 
 ture, broke out with great violence upon account 
 of the Phocaeans. That people, who inhabited 
 the territories adjacent to Delphi, ploughed up 
 certain lands that were consecrated to Apollo, 
 which were thereby profaned. Immediately the 
 people in the neighbourhood exclaimed against 
 them as guilty of sacrilege ; some from a spirit 
 of sincerity, and others to cover their private 
 revenge with the pious pretext of zeal for reli- 
 gion. The war that broke out on this occasion 
 was called The Sacred War, as undertaken from 
 a religious motive, and lasted ten years. The 
 people guilty of this profanation were sum- 
 moned to appear before the Amphictyons, or 
 states-general of Greece ; and the whole affair 
 being duly examined, the Phocaeans were de- 
 clared sacrilegious, and sentenced to pay a heavy 
 fine. 
 
 Philomelus, one of their chief citizens, a bold 
 man, and of great authority, having proved by 
 some verse in Homer,^ that the sovereignty of 
 the temple of Delphi belonged anciently to the 
 Phocaeans, inflames them against this decree, i 
 induces them to take up arms, and is appointed ! j 
 their general. He immediately proceeds to 
 Sparta to gain the Lacedsemonians in his inte- 
 rest. They were very much disgusted at a sen- 
 tence which the Amphictyons had pronounced 
 against them, at the solicitation of the Thebans, j 
 by which they had been also condemned to pay \ 
 a fine, for having seized upon the citadel of 
 Thebes by fraud and violence. Archidamas, 
 one of the kings of Sparta, gave Philomelus a 
 handsome reception. This monarch, however, 
 did not yet dare to declare openly in favour of 
 the Phocseans, but promised to assist him with 
 money, and to furnish him secretly with troops, 
 as he accordingly did. 
 
 Philomelus, on his retum home, raises sol- 
 diers, and begins by attacking the temple of 
 Delphi, of which he possessed himself without 
 any great difficulty, the inhabitants of the coun- 
 try making but a weak resistance. The Lo- 
 crians, a people in the neighbourhood of Delphi, 
 took arms against him, but were defeated in 
 several rencounters. Philomelus, encouraged by 
 these first successes, increased his troops daily, 
 and put himself in a condition to carry on his 
 enterprise with vigour. Accordingly he enters the 
 temple, tears from the pillars the decree of the 
 Amphictyons against the Phocaeans, publishes 
 all over the country that he has no design to 
 seize the riches of the temple, and that his sole 
 view is to restore to the Phocaeans their ancient 
 rights and privileges. It was necessary for him 
 to have a sanction from the god who presided 
 at Delphi, and to receive such an answer from 
 
 4 Diod. 1. xvi. p. 425—433. 
 5 Iliad, 1. ii. v. 5ia 
 
HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 ! the oracle as might be favourable to him. The 
 i priestess at first refused to co-operate on this 
 occasion ; but, being terrified by his menaces, 
 : fehe answered, that the god permitted him to Uo 
 , whatever he should think proper ; a circum- 
 1 stance which he took care to publish to all the 
 j neighbouring nations. 
 
 The affair was now be- 
 j A. M. S650. come serious. The Amphic- 
 Ant. J. C. 364. tyons meeting a second time, 
 a resolution was formed to 
 declare war against the Phocseans. Most of the 
 Grecian nations engaged in this quarrel, and 
 fiided with the one or the other party. The 
 Boeotians, the Locrians, Thessalians, and seve- 
 ral other neighbouring people, declared in favour 
 of the god ; whilst Sparta, Athens, and some 
 ■ other cities of Peloponnesus, joined with the 
 Phocaeans. Philomelus had not yet touched the 
 treasures of the temple ; but being afterwards 
 not so scrupulous, he believed that the riches of 
 the god could not be better employed than in the 
 deity's defence (for he gave this specious name 
 to his sacrilegious attempt) ; and being enabled, 
 by this fresh supply, to double the pay of his 
 soldiers, he raised a very considerable body of 
 troops. 
 
 Several battles were fought, and the success 
 for some time seemed equal on both sides. 
 Every body knows how much religious wars 
 are to be dreaded ; and the prodigious lengths to 
 which a false zeal, when veiled with so vener- 
 I able a name, is apt to go. The Thebans having 
 in a rencounter taken several prisoners, con- 
 demned them all to die as sacrilegious wretches, 
 who were excommunicated. The Phocaeans 
 did the same by way of reprisal. The latter 
 had at first gained several advantages ; but hav- 
 ing been defeated in a great battle, Philomelus 
 their leader, being closely attacked upon an 
 eminence from which there was no retreating, 
 defended himself for a long time with invincible 
 bravery, which, however, not availing, he threw 
 himself headlong from a rock, in order to avoid 
 the torments which he had reason to dread, if 
 he should fall alive into the hands of his 
 enemies. Onomarchus his brother was his suc- 
 cessor, and took upon him the command of the 
 forces. 
 
 This new general had soon 
 A. M. S651. levied a fresh army, the ad- 
 Ant. J. C. 353. vantageous pay he offered 
 procuring him soldiers from 
 all sides. He also by dint of money brought 
 over several chiefs of the other party, and pre- 
 vailed upon them either to retire, or to act with 
 remissness, by which he gained great advantages. 
 
 In this general movement of the Greeks, who 
 had taken up arms in favour either of the Pho- 
 caeans or of the Thebans, Philip thought it most 
 consistent with his interest to remain neuter. 
 It was consistent with the policy of this am- 
 bitious prince, who had little regard for religion 
 or the interest of Apollo, but was always intent 
 upon his own, not to engage in a war by which 
 he could not reap the least benefit ; and to take 
 advantage of a juncture, in which all Greece, 
 employed and divided by a great war, gave him 
 an opportunity to extend his frontiers, and push 
 his conquests without any apprehension of 
 opposition. He was also well pleased to see 
 both parties weaken and consume each other, 
 as he should thereby be enabled to fall upon 
 them afterwards with greater ease and ad- 
 vantage. 
 
 Being desirous of subjecting Thrace,' and of 
 securing the conquests he had 
 
 A. M. S661. already made in it, he deter- 
 Ant. J. C. 353. mined to possess himself of 
 Methone, a small city, incap- 
 able of supporting itself by its own strength, 
 but which gave him disquiet, and obstructed his 
 designs, whenever it was in the hands of his 
 enemies. Accordingly he besieged that city, 
 made himself master of it, and rased it. It was 
 before this city that he lost one of his eyes, by a 
 very singular accident.' Aster of Amphipolih 
 had offered his service to Philip as so excellent a 
 marksman, that he could bring down birds in 
 their most rapid flight. The monarch made 
 this answer, *' Well, I will take you into my 
 service when I make war upon starlings 
 which answer stung the ci'oss-bow-man to the 
 quick. A repartee proves often of fatal conse- 
 quence to him who makes it ; and it is no small 
 merit to know when to hold one's tongue. As- 
 ter having thrown himself into the city, he let 
 fly an arrow, on which was written, " To 
 Philip's right eye," and gave him a most cruel 
 proof that he was a good marksman ; for he hit 
 him in his right eye. Philip sent him back the 
 same an'ow, with this inscription, " If Philip 
 takes the city, he will hang up Aster and ac- 
 cordingly he was as good as his word. 
 
 A skilful surgeon drew the arrow out of 
 Philip's eye with so much art and dexterity,^ 
 that not the least scar remained ; and though he 
 could not save his eye, he yet took away the 
 blemish. But nevertheless this monarch was 
 so weak,^ as to be angry whenever any person 
 happened to let slip the word Ci/clops, or even 
 the word ei/e, in his presence. Men, however, 
 seldom blush for an honourable imperfection. 
 A Lacedaemonian woman thought more like a 
 man, when, to console her son for a glorious 
 wound that had lamed him, she said, " Now, 
 son, every step you take will put you in mind of 
 your valour." 
 
 After the taking of Methone,'" Philip, ever 
 studious either to weaken his enemies by new 
 conquests, or gain new friends by doing them 
 some important service, marched into I'hessaly, 
 which had implored his assistance against the 
 tyrants. The liberty of that country seemed 
 now secure, since Alexander of Pherae was no 
 more. Nevertheless, the brothers of his wife 
 Thebe, who, in concert with her, had murdered 
 him, grown weary of having for some time acted 
 the part of deliverers, revived his tyranny, and 
 oppressed the Thessalians with a new* yoke. 
 Lycophron, the eldest of the three brothers, who 
 succeeded Alexander, had strengthened himself 
 by the protection of the Phocaeans. Onomarchus, 
 their leader, brought him a numerous body of 
 forces, and at first gained a considerable advan- 
 tage over Philip ; but engaging him a second 
 time, he was entirely defeated, and his army 
 routed. The flying troops were pursued to the 
 sea-shore. Upwards of 6000 men were kiUed 
 on the spot, among whom was Onomarchus, 
 whose body was hung upon a gallows ; andSOOO 
 who were taken prisoners, were thrown into 
 the sea by Philip's order as so many sacrilegi- 
 ous wretches, the professed enemies of religion. 
 
 6 Diod. p. 434. 7 Suidas in Ka^oiv. 
 8 Plin. 1. vii. c. 37. 9 Demet. Phaler. de Elocu. c. iii. 
 10 Diod. p. 432—436. 
 D2 
 
 n 
 
52 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 Lycophron delivered up the city of Pherse, and 
 restored Thessiily to its liberty by abaudoning 
 it. By the happy success of this expedition, 
 Philip acquired for ever the affection of the 
 rhessalians, whose excellent cavalry, joined to 
 the Macedonian phalanx, had afterwards so 
 ^reat a share in his victories and those of his 
 son. 
 
 Phayllus, who succeeded his brother Ono- 
 marchus, finding the same resources as he had 
 done, in the immense riches of the temple, 
 raised a numerous army; and, supported by the 
 troops of the Lacediemonians, Athenians, and 
 other allies, whom he paid very largely, went 
 into Bceotia, and invaded the Tiiebans. For a 
 hug time success and defeat were nearly equal ' 
 on both sides ; but at last Phayllus being'attacii- [ 
 ed with a sudden and violent distemper, after 
 suffering the most cruel torments, ended his life j 
 in a manner worthy of his impieties and sacri- | 
 legious actions. I'halecus, then very young, 
 the son of Onomarchus, was placed in his'room ; ' 
 and Mn;iseas, a man of great experience, and 
 strongly attached to his family, was appointed 
 his counsellor. * I 
 
 The new leader, treading in the steps of his 
 predecessors, plundered the temple as they had \ 
 lone, and enriched all his friends. At last the 
 Phocseans opened their eyes, and appointed 
 commissioners to call those' to account who had i 
 any concern in the public monies. Upon this, j 
 Phalecus was deposed ; and, after an exact in- \ 
 quiry, it was found, that from the beginning j 
 of the war there had been taken out of the tem- 
 ple upwards of 10,000 talents ; that is, about 
 1,500,000^. j 
 
 A. M. S652. 
 Ant. J. C. 353. 
 
 Philip, after having freed 
 the Thessalians, resolved to 
 carry his arms into Phocis. 
 This is his first attempt to 
 get footing in Greece, and to have a share in the 
 general affaii-s of the Greeks, from which the 
 kings of Macedon had always been excluded as 
 foreigners. With this view, upon pretence of 
 going oyer into Phocis, in order to punish the 
 sacrilegious Phoca?ans, he marches towards Ther- 
 mopylae, to possess himself of a pass which gave 
 him a free passage into Greece, and especially 
 into Attica. The Athenians, upon hearing of a \ 
 march which might prove of the most fatal [ 
 consequence to them, hasted to Thermopylse, and 
 possessed themselves very seasonably of this im- ' 
 portant pass, which Philip did not dare attempt 
 to force ; so that he was obliged to return back 
 into Macedonia. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 Demosthenes, upon Philip's attempt on Thennopvl», 
 harangues the Athenians, and animates them ag;^n>t 
 that pnnce. Littie regard is paid to his advice. 
 Olynthus, upon the point of being besieged by Philip, 
 addresses the Athenians for succour. "Demosthenes 
 endeavours by his orations to rouse them from their 
 lethal 
 at 
 
 — ^--^'.M-' ^-...^.x.'ti.^ w *\j\jk^si ktldil IILUII lUdl 
 
 hargy. They send but a very weak succour, and Phihu 
 length takes th« place. 
 
 As we shall soon see Philip engaged against I 
 the Athenians, and as they, by the strong ex- 
 hortations and prudent counsels of Demosthenes, 
 will become his greatest enemies, and the most 
 powerful opposers of his ambitious designs, it 
 may not be improper, before we enter upon that 
 part of the history, to give a short account of 
 the state of Athens, and of the disposition of the [ 
 atizens at that time. I 
 
 V> e must not form a judgment of the charao- 
 ter ot the Athenians, in the age of which we an 
 now speaking, from that of their ancestors, in 
 the time of the battles of Mai-athon and of Sala- 
 rais, from whose virtue they had extremely de- 
 generated. They were no longer the same men, 
 and had no longer the same maxims nor the same 
 manners. They no longer discovered the same 
 zeal for the public good, the same application to 
 the affairs of the state, the same courage in en- 
 during the fatigues of war by sea and land, the 
 same care in managing the revenues, the same 
 willingness to receive salutarr advice, the same 
 discernment in the choice of generals of the ar- 
 mies, and of the magistrates to whom they 
 intrusted the administration of the state. To 
 these happy, these glorious dispositions, h;td suc- 
 ceeded a fondness for repose, and an indolence 
 with regard to public attairs ; an aversion for 
 military labours, which thev now left entirely 
 to mercenary troops ; and 'a profusion of the 
 public treasures in games and showi ; a love for 
 the fiattery which "their orators lavished upon 
 tliem; and an unhappy facility in conferring 
 public offices by intrigue and cabal : all the usual 
 forerunners of the approaching ruin of states. 
 Such was the situation of Athens at the time 
 when the king of Macedon began to turn his 
 arms against Greece. 
 
 We have seen that Philip, 
 A. M. S652. after various conquests, had 
 Ant. J. C. 352. attempted to advance as far j 
 as Phocis, but in vain ; be- i 
 cause the Athenians, justly alarmed at the im- t 
 pending danger, had stopped him at the pass of ' 
 Thermopylae. Demosthenes,' taking advantage ' 
 of so favourable a disposition, mounted the tri- 
 bunal, in order to set before them a lively image 
 of the impending danger with which thev were i 
 menaced by the boundless ambition of Philip ; 
 and to convince them of the absolute necessity i 
 they were under, fi-om hence, to apply the most [ 
 speedy remedies, •^ow, as the success of his 
 arms and the rapidity of his progress spread 
 throughout Athens a kind of terror, bordering 
 very near upon despair, the orator, by a wonder- j 
 ful artifice, first endeavours to revive' their cour- 
 age, and ascribes their calamities solelv to their 
 sloth and indolence. For, if they hitherto had 
 acquitted themselves of their duty, and that in 
 spite of their activity and their' utmost efforts 
 Philip had prevailed o'ver them, they then indeed i 
 would not have the least resource or hope left. 
 But in this oration, and all those which follow, i 
 Demosthenes insists strongly, that the aggran- 
 dizement of Philip is wholly owinjj to the supine- ' 
 ness of the Athenians ; 'and that it is this j 
 supineness which makes him bold, daring, and 
 swells him with such a spirit of haughtiness, as 
 even dares to insult the Athenians. 
 
 " See," says Demosthenes to them, speaking ot 
 Philip, " to what a height the arrogance of that 
 man rises, who will not suffer you to choose ei- 
 ther action or repose ; but employs menaces, and, 
 as fame saj-s, speaks in the most' insolent terms ; 
 and not contented with his first conquests, which 
 are iucap.ible of satiating his lust of dominion, 
 engages every day in some new enterprise. Pos- 
 sibly you wait till necessity reduces you to act 
 Can there be a greater to freeborii men than 
 shame and infamy? Will you then for ever 
 walk in the public squares with this question in 
 
 1 Oraiotth. 1 Philip- 
 
HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 53 
 
 vour mouths, * What news is there ?' Can there 
 be greater news, than that a Macedonian has 
 vanquished the Athenians, and made himself the i 
 supreme arbiter of Greece? < Philip is dead,| j 
 says one ; * No,' replies another, ' he is only sick.' | 
 [His being wounded at Methone had occasioned 
 all these reports.] But whether he be sick or 
 dead is nothing to the purpose, O Athenians ! 
 for the moment after Heaven had delivered you 
 from him (should you still behave as you now 
 do), you would raise up another Philip against 
 yourselves ; since the man in question owes his 
 grandeur infinitely more to your indolence, than 
 to his own strength." 
 
 But Demosthenes, not satisfied with hare re- 
 monstrances, or with giving his opinion in gen- 
 eral terms, proposed a plan, the execution of 
 which he believed would check the attempts of 
 Philip. In the first place, he advises the Athe- 
 nians to fit out a fleet of fifty galleys, and to 
 resolve firmly to man them themselves. He 
 requires them to reinforce these with ten galleys 
 lightly armed, which may serve to escort the 
 convoys of the fleet and the transports. With 
 I regard to the land forces, — as in his time the 
 ! general, elected by the most powerful faction, 
 i j formed the army only of a confused assemblage 
 ; of foreigners and mercenary troops, who did 
 j little service, — Demosthenes requires them to 
 j levy no moi-e than 2000 chosen troops, 500 of 
 ! which shall be Athenians, and the rest raised 
 from among the allies : with 200 horse, fifty of 
 which shall also be Athenians. 
 
 The annual expense of maintaining this little 
 army, with regard only to provisions and other 
 matters independent of their pay, was to 
 amount to little more than ninety talents 
 (90,000 crowns),* viz. forty talents for ten con- 
 voy of galleys, at the rate of twenty minse (1000 
 livres) per month for each galley ; forty talents 
 for the 2000 infantry ; and ten drachmas (five 
 livres) per month for each foot-soldier, which 
 five livres per month make a little more than 
 three-pence farthing (French money) per diem. 
 Finally, twelve talents for the 200 horse, at 
 thirty drachmas (fifteen livres) per month for 
 each horseman, which fifteen livres per month 
 make five sols per diem. The reason of my re- 
 lating this so particularly, is to give the reader 
 an idea of the expenses of an army in those 
 times. Demosthenes adds, that if any one 
 should imagine that the preparation of provision 
 is not a considerable step, he is very much mis- 
 taken ; for he is persuaded, that, provided the 
 forces do not want provisions, the war will fur- 
 nish them with every thing besides ; and that 
 without doing the least wrong to the Greeks or 
 their allies, they will not fail of sufficient ac- 
 quisitions to make up all deficiencies and arrears 
 of pay. 
 
 But as the Athenians might be surprised at 
 Demosthenes's requiring so small a body of 
 forces, he gives this reason for it, viz. that at 
 present the situation of the commonwealth did 
 not permit the Athenians to oppose Philip with 
 a force sufficient to make head against him in 
 the field ; and that it would be their business to 
 make excursions only. Thus his design was, 
 that this little army should be hovering per- 
 petually about the frontiers of Macedonia, to 
 awe, observe, harass, and to press the enemy, in 
 order to prevent them from concerting and exe- 
 
 2 Efich talent was worth 1000 crowns. 
 
 outing such enterprises with ease, as they might 
 think fit to attempt. 
 
 What the success of this harangue was, is not 
 known. It is very probable, that as the Atheni- 
 ans were not attacked personally, they, in con- 
 sequence of the supineness natural to them, were 
 very indiff"erent with regard to the progress of 
 Philip's arms. The divisions at this time in 
 Greece were very favourable to that monarch. 
 Athens and Lacedsemon on one side were solely 
 intent on reducing the strength of Thebes their 
 rival; whilst, on the other side, the Thesaalians, 
 in order to free themselves from their tyrants, 
 and the Thebans, to maintain the superiority 
 which they had acquired by the battles of Leuc- 
 tra and Man tinea, devoted themselves in the 
 most absolute manner to Philip ; and assisted 
 him, though unintentionally, in making chains 
 for themselves. 
 
 Philip, like an able politician, knew well how 
 to take advantage of all these dissensions. This 
 king, in order to secure his frontiers, had no- 
 thing more at heart than to enlarge them to- 
 wards Thrace ; and this he could not do but at 
 the expense of the Athenians, who, since the 
 defeat of Xei-xes, had many colonies (besides 
 several states who were either their allies or tri- 
 butaries) in that country. 
 
 Olynthus, a city of Thrace, in the peninsula 
 of Palene, was one of these colonies. The 
 Olynthians had been at great variance with 
 Amyntas, father of Philip, and had even very 
 much opposed the latter upon his accession to 
 the crown. However, as he was not yet firmly 
 established on his throne, he at first employed 
 dissimulation, and courted the alliance of the 
 Olynthians, to whom, some time after, he gave 
 up Potidsea, an important fortress, which he had 
 conquered, in concert with and for them, from 
 the Athenians. When he found himself able to 
 execute his project, he took proper measures in 
 order to besiege Olynthus. The inhabitants of 
 this city, who saw the storm gathering at a 
 distance, had recourse to the Athenians, of whom 
 they requested immediate aid. The affair was 
 debated in an assembly of the people ; and as it 
 was of the utmost importance, a great number 
 of orators met in the assembly Each of them 
 mounted the ti'ibunal in his turn, which was 
 regulated by their age. Demosthenes, who was 
 then but four-and-thirty, did not speak till af- 
 ter his seniors had discussed the matter a long 
 time. 
 
 In" this discourse,* the orator, the better to 
 succeed in his aim, alternately terrifies and en- 
 courages the Athenians. For this purpose, he re- 
 presents Philip in two very different lights. On 
 one side, he is a man whose unbounded ambition 
 the empire of the whole world would not satiate ; 
 a haughty tyrant, who looks upon all men, and 
 even his allies, as so many subjects or slaves; 
 and who, for that reason, is no less incensed by 
 too slow a submission, than an open revolt ; a 
 vigilant politician, who, always intent on taking 
 advantage of the oversights and errors of others, 
 
 3 Olynth. ii. 
 
 4 The oration which Demosthenes pronounced at that 
 time, is generally looked upon as the second of the three 
 Olynthiacs which relate to this subject. But M. de Tour, 
 reil, chiefly on the authority of Dionysius Halicarnessen- 
 sis, whicli ought to be of great weight on this occasion, 
 changes the order generally observed in DemosthenesV 
 orations, and places this at the head of the Olynthiacs. 
 I'hough 1 am of his opinion, 1 shall cite the orations in 
 the order diey are printed. 
 
54 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 seizes with eagerness every favourable oppor- 
 tunity ; an indefatigable warrior, whom his 
 activity multiplies, and who supports perpetual- 
 ly the most severe toils, without allowing him- 
 self a moment's repose, or having the least re- 
 gard to the difference of seasons; an intrepid 
 hero, who rushes through obstacles, and plunges 
 into the midst of dangers ; a corrupter, who 
 with his purse bargains, traflBics, buys, and em- 
 ploys gold no less than iron ; a happy prince, on 
 whom fortune lavishes her favours, and for 
 : whom she seems to have forgotten her incon- 
 stancy ; but, on the other side, this same Philip 
 is an imprudent man, who measures his vast 
 projects, not by his strength, but merely by his 
 ] ambition ; a rash man, who, by his attempts, 
 j himself digs the grave of his own grandeur, and 
 I opens precipices before him, down which a small 
 ! i effort would throw him ; a knave, whose power 
 I j is raised on the most ruinous of all foundations, 
 i breach of faith, and villany; a usurper, hated 
 universally abroad, who, by trampling upon all 
 i laws, human and divine, has made all nations 
 his enemies ; a tyrant, detested even in the heart 
 j I of his dominions, in which, by the infamy of 
 i his manners and his other vices, he has tired 
 i out the patience of his captains, his soldiers, and 
 j of all his subjects in general ; to conclude, a per- 
 1 jured and impious wretch, equally abhorred by 
 j heaven and earth, and whom the gods are now 
 j upon the point of destroying by any hand that 
 1 will administer to their wrath, and second their 
 I vengeance. 
 
 I This is the double picture of Philip, which 
 M. de Tourreil draws, by uniting the several 
 detached lineaments in the present oration of 
 Demosthenes. By this we see the great freedom 
 with which the Athenians spoke of so powerful 
 a monarch. 
 
 Our orator, after having represented Philip 
 one moment as formidable, the next as very easy 
 to be conquered, concludes, that the only certain 
 method for reducing such an enemy, would be 
 to reform the new abuses, to revive the ancient 
 order and regulations, to appease domestic dis- 
 sensions, and to suppress the cabals which are 
 incessantly forming ; and all this in such a man- 
 ner, that every thing may unite in the sole point 
 of the public service ; and that, at a common 
 expense, every man, according to his abilities, 
 may concur in the destruction of the common 
 enemy. 
 
 Demades,' bribed by Philip's gold, opposed 
 very strenuously the advice of Demosthenes, but 
 in vain ; for the Athenians sent, under the con- 
 duct of Chares the general, thirty galleys and 
 2000 men to succour the Olynthians, who in 
 this urgent necessity, which so nearly affected 
 all the Greeks in general, could obtain assist- 
 ance only from the Athenians. 
 
 However, this succour did 
 A. M. 3655. not prevent the designs of 
 Ant. J. C. 349. Philip, nor the progress of 
 his arms. For he marches 
 Into Chalcis, takes several places of strength, 
 makes himself master of the fortress of Gira, 
 which he demolishes, and spreads terror through- 
 out the whole country. Olynthus, being thus 
 more closely pressed, and menaced with destruc- 
 tion, sent a second embassy to Athens, to solicit 
 a new reinforcement. Demosthenes argues very 
 strongly in favour of their request, and proves to 
 
 1 Suidas in voce Afi]uaii*it. 
 
 the Athenians, that they were equally obliged 
 by honour and interest to have regard to it. 
 This is the subject of the Olynthiac generally 
 reckoned as the third. 
 
 The orator, always animated with a strong 
 and lively zeal for the safety and glory of his 
 country, endeavours to intimidate the Athe- 
 nians, by setting before them the dangers with 
 which they are threatened ; exhibiting to them 
 a most dreadful prospect of the future, if they 
 do not rouse from their lethargy : for that, 
 in case Philip seizes upon Olynthus, he will 
 inevitably attack Athens afterwards with all 
 his forces. 
 
 The greatest diflSculty was the means of rais- 
 ing sufficient sums for defraying the expenses ' 
 requisite for the succour of the Olynthians ; be- ! 
 cause the military funds were otherwise em- i 
 ployed, viz. for the celebration of the public 
 games. 
 
 When the Athenians, at the end of the war 
 of JEg'ma, had concluded a thirty years' peace 
 with the Lacedaemonians, they resolved to put 
 into their treasury, by way of reserve, 1000 
 talents every year ; at the same time prohibit- 
 ing any person, upon pain of death, to mention 
 the employing any part of it, except for repuls- 
 ing an enemy who should invade Attica. This 
 was at first observed with the warmth and 
 fervour which men have for all new institu- 
 tions. Afterwards Pericles, in order to make 
 his court to the people, proposed to distribute 
 among them, in times oi^ peace,^ the 1000 talents, 
 and to apply it in giving to each citizen two 
 oboli at the public shows, upon condition, how- 
 ever, that they might resume this fund in time 
 of war. The proposal was approved, and the 
 restriction also. But as all concessions of this 
 kind degenerate one time or other into license, 
 the Athenians were so highly pleased with this ; 
 distribution (called by Demades birdlime by which j 
 Ihe Athenians would be catched) that they would 
 not suffer it to be retrenched upon any account. 
 The abuse was carried to such a height, that 
 Eubulus, one of the heads of the faction which 
 opposed Demosthenes, caused a decree to be 
 passed, prohibiting any person, upon pain of 
 death, from so much as proposing to restore, for 
 the service of the war, those funds which Peri- 
 cles had transferred to the games and public 
 shows. Apollodorus was even punished for de- 
 claring himself of a contrary opinion, and for 
 insisting upon it. 
 
 This absurd profusion had very strange effects. 
 It was impossible to supply it but by imposing 
 taxes, the inequality of which (being entirely 
 arbitrary) perpetuated strong feuds, and made 
 the military preparations so very slow as quite 
 defeated the design of them, without lessening 
 the expense. As the artificers and seafaring 
 people, who composed above two-thirds of the 
 people of Athens, did not contribute any part of 
 their substance, and only lent their personal 
 services, the whole weight of the taxes fell en- 
 tirely upon the rich. These murmured upon 
 that account, and reproached the others with 
 suffering the public moneys to be squandered 
 upon festivals, plays, and the like superfiuities. 
 But the people being sensible of their superior- 
 ity, paid very little regard to their complaints, 
 and had no maimer of inclination to curtail their 
 
 2 These games, besides the two oboli which were dis- 
 tributed to each of the persons present, occasioned a grea' 
 number of other expenses. 
 
HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 55 
 
 diversions, merely to ease people who possessed 
 employments and dignities fi'om which they 
 were entirely excluded. Besides, any person 
 I who should dare to propose this to the people 
 I seriously and in form, would be in great danger 
 of his life. 
 
 However, Demosthenes presumed to intro- 
 1 duce this subject at two different times; but 
 I then he treated it with the utmost art and cir- 
 I cumspection. After showing that the Athe- 
 I nians were indispensably obliged to raise an 
 army, in order to stop the entei'prises of Philip, 
 he hints (but covertly) that there are no other 
 funds than those which were expended on the- 
 atrical representations, which can be assigned 
 for levying and maintaining an armed force. 
 He demands that commissioners might be no- 
 minated, not to enact new laws (there being 
 already but too many established), but to examine 
 and abolish such as should be found prejudicial 
 to the welfare of the republic. He did not there- 
 j by become obnoxious to capital punishment, as 
 enacted by those laws ; because he did not re- 
 i quire that they should be actually abolished, but 
 only that commissioners might be nominated to 
 inspect them. He only hinted, how highly ne- 
 cessary it was to abolish a law which gave pain 
 to the most zealous citizens, and reduced them 
 to this sad alternative, either to ruin themselves, 
 in case they gave their opinion boldly and faith- 
 fully, or to destroy their country, in case they 
 observed a fearful prevaricating silence. 
 
 These remonstrances do not seem to have had 
 the success they deserved, since in the following 
 Olynthiac (which is commonly placed as the 
 first) the orator was obliged to inveigh once 
 more against the misapplication of the military 
 funds. The Olynthians being now vigorously 
 attacked by Philip, and having hitherto been 
 very ill succoured by the mercenary soldiery of 
 Athens, required, by a third embassy, a body of 
 troops, which should not consist of mercenaries 
 and foreigners as before, but of true Athenians, 
 of men inspired with a sincere ardour for the 
 interest both of their own glory and the common 
 cause. The Athenians, at the earnest solicita- 
 tion of Demosthenes, sent Chares a second time, 
 with a reinforcement of seventeen galleys, of 
 2000 foot and 800 horse, all citizens of Athens, 
 as the Olynthians had requested. 
 
 The following year Philip 
 A. M. 3656. possessed himself of Olyn- 
 Ant. J. C. 348. thus.^ Neither the succours 
 nor efforts of the Athenians 
 could defend it from its domestic enemies. It 
 was betrayed by Euthycrates and Lasthenes, 
 tw^o of its most eminent citizens, and actually 
 in office at that time. Thus Philip entered by 
 the breach which his gold had made. Immedi- 
 ately he plunders this unhappy city, lays one 
 part of the inhabitants in chains, and sells the 
 rest for slaves ; and distinguishes those who had 
 betrayed their city, no otherwise than by the 
 supreme contempt he expressed for them. This 
 king, like his son Alexander, loved the treason 
 but abhorred the traitor. And indeed, how can 
 a prince rely upon him who has betrayed his 
 country ? Every one,* even the common sol- 
 diers of the Macedonian army, reproached Eu- 
 thycrates and Lasthenes for their perfidy ; and 
 when they complained to Philip upon that ac- 
 
 3 Diod. 1. xvi. p. 450—452. 
 4 Plut. in Apophth. p. 178. 
 
 count, he only made this ironical answer, infin- 
 itely more severe than the reproach itself : " Do 
 not mind what a pack of vulgar fellows say, who 
 call every thing by its real name." 
 
 The king was overjoyed at his being possessed 
 of this city, which was of the utmost importance 
 to him, as its power might have very much 
 checked his conquests. Some years before,* the 
 Olynthians had long resisted the united armies 
 of Macedon and Lacedaemonia ; whereas Philip 
 had taken it with very little resistance, at least 
 had not lost many men in the siege. 
 
 He now caused shows and public games to be 
 exhibited with the utmost magnificence ; to these 
 he added feasts and entertainments, in which ho 
 made himself very popular, bestowing on all the 
 guests considerable gifts, and treating them with 
 the utmost mai'ks of his friendship. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 Philip declares in favour of Thebes against the Pho- 
 ceeans, and thereby engages in the sacred war. He 
 lulls the Athenians, notwithstanding the remonstrances 
 of Demosthenes, into security, by a pretended peace 
 and false promises. He seizes on ITiermopylae, sub- 
 jects the Phocaeans, and puts an end to the sacred 
 war. He is admitted into the council of the Am- 
 phictyons. 
 
 The Thebans, being una- 
 A. M. 3657. ble alone to terminate the 
 Ant. J. C. 347. war which they had so long 
 cai'ried on against the Pho- 
 caeans, had recourse to Philip. Hitherto, as we 
 before mentioned, he had observed a kind of 
 neutrality with respect to the sacred war ; and 
 he seemed to wait, in order to declare himself, 
 till both parties should have weakened themselves 
 by a long war, which equally exhausted them 
 both. The Thebans had now very much abated 
 of that haughtiness and those ambitious views, 
 with which the victories of Epaminondas had 
 inspired them. The instant therefore that they 
 requested the alliance of Philip, he resolved to 
 espouse the interest of that republic, in opposi- 
 tion to the Phocaeans. He had not lost sight of 
 the project he had formed, of obtaining an en- 
 trance into Greece, in order to make himself 
 master of it. To give success to his design, it 
 was proper for him to declare in favour of one 
 of the two parties which at that time divided all 
 Greece, that is, either for the Thebans, or the 
 Athenians and Spartans. He was not so void 
 of sense as to imagine, that the latter choice 
 would assist his design of securing to himself a 
 share in the affairs of Greece. He therefore had 
 no more to do but to join the Thebans, who of- 
 fered themselves voluntarily to him, and who 
 stood in need of Philip's power to support them- 
 selves in their declining condition. He therefore 
 declared at once in their favour. But to give a 
 specious colour to his arms, besides the gi-atitude 
 which he affected to feel for Thebes, in which 
 he had been educated, he also pretended to derive 
 honour from the zeal with which he was fired, 
 with regard to the insulted god ; and was verj 
 glad to gain the reputation of a religious prince, 
 who warmly espoused the cause of the god, and 
 of the temple of Delphi, in order to conciliate 
 by that means the esteem and friendship ol 
 the Greeks. Politicians apply every pretext U 
 
 5 Diod. !. XV. p. 341. 
 
56 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 their views, and endeavour to screen the most 
 unjust attempts with the veil of probity, and 
 sometimes even of religion ; though they very 
 frequently, in the main, have no manner of re- 
 gard for either. 
 
 There was nothing Philip had more at heart,' 
 than to possess himself of Thermopylae, as it 
 opened him a passage into Greece; to appropriate 
 all the honour of the sacred war to himself, as if 
 he had been principal in that affair ; and to pre- 
 side in the Pythian games. He was desirous of 
 aiding the Thebans, and by their means to pos- 
 sess himself of Phocis : but then, in order to 
 put this double design in execution, it was ne- 
 cessary for him to keep it secret from the Athe- 
 nians, who had actually declared war against 
 Thebes, and who for many years had been in 
 alliance with the Phocseans. His business there- 
 fore was to deceive them, by placing other objects 
 in their view ; and on this occasion the politics 
 of Philip succeeded to a wonder. 
 
 The Athenians, who began to grow tired of a 
 war which was very burdensome, and of little 
 benefit to them, had commissioned Ctesiphon 
 and Phrynon to sound the intentions of Philip, 
 and discover what were his sentiments with re- 
 gard to peace. They related that Philip did not 
 appear averse to it, and that he even expressed a 
 great affection for the commonwealth. Upon 
 this, the Athenians resolved to send a solemn 
 embassy, to inquire more strictly into the truth, 
 and to procure the fullest information which so 
 important a negotiation required. ^schines 
 and Demosthenes were among the ten ambassa- 
 dors, who brought back three from Philip, viz. 
 Antipater, Parmenio, and Eurylochus. All 
 the ten executed their commission very faith- 
 fully, and gave a very good account of it. Upon 
 this, they were immediately sent back with full 
 powei's to conclude a peace, and to ratify it by 
 oaths. It was then that Demosthenes, who in his 
 first embassy had met some Athenian captives 
 in Macedonia, and had promised to return and 
 ransom them at his own expense, endeavours to 
 keep his word ; and, in the mean time, advises 
 his colleagues to embark with the utmost expe- 
 dition, as the republic had commanded ; and to 
 wait as soon as possible upon Philip, in what 
 place soever he might be. However, these, in- 
 stead of making a speedy despatch, as they were 
 desired, go an ambassador's pace, proceed to 
 Macedonia by land, stay three months in that 
 country, and give Philip time to possess himself 
 of several other strong places belonging to the A- 
 thi'nians in Tlirace. At last, having come to a 
 conference with the king of INIacedonia, they agree 
 with him upon articles of peace : but he, con- 
 tent with having lulled them asleep by the spe- 
 cious pretence of a treaty, deferred the ratifica- 
 tion of it from day to day. Philip had found 
 means to corrupt the ambassadors one after an- 
 other by presents, Demosthenes excepted, who 
 being but one, opposed his colleagues to no man- 
 ner of purpose. 
 
 In the mean time Philip made his troops ad- 
 vance continually. Being arrived at Plieree in 
 Thessaly, he at last ratifies the treaty of peace, 
 but refuses to include the Phocaeans in it. "When 
 news was brought to Athens, that Philip had 
 signed the treaty, it occasioned very great joy in 
 that city, especially among those who were averse 
 to the war, and dreaded the consequence of it. 
 
 1 Demosth. Or.it. dc falsA Lcgatione. 
 
 Among these was Isocrates." He was a citizen 
 very zealous for the commonwealth, whose pros- 
 perity he had very much at heart. The weak- 
 ness of his voice, together with a timidity natu- 
 ral to him, had prevented his appearing in pub- 
 lic, and mounting like others the tribunal. He 
 had opened a school in Athens, in which he read 
 rhetorical lectures, and taught youth eloquence 
 with great reputation and success. However 
 he had not entirely renounced the care of public 
 affairs ; and as others served their country vivd 
 voce, in the public assemblies, Isocrates endea- 
 voured to benefit it by his writings, in which he 
 delivered his thoughts ; and these being soon 
 made public, were very eagerly sought after. 
 
 On the present occasion, he wrote a piece of 
 considerable length, which he addressed to 
 Philip, with whom he held a con-espondence, buj 
 in such terms as were worthy a good and faith- 
 ful citizen. He was then very far advanced in 
 years, being at least fourscore and eight. The 
 scope of this discourse was to exhort Philip to 
 take advantage of the peace he had just before 
 concluded, in order to reconcile all the Greek 
 nations, and afterwards to turn his arms against 
 the king of Persia. The business was to en- 
 gage in this plan four cities, on which all the 
 rest depended, viz. Athens,* Sparta, Thebes, and 
 Argos. He confesses, that if Sparta or Athens 
 wei'e as powerful as formerly, he should be far 
 from making such a proposal, which he was 
 sensible they would never approve ; and Avhich 
 the pride of those two republics, whilst cherish- 
 ed and augmented by success, would reject with 
 disdain. But that now, as the most powerful 
 cities of Greece, wearied out and exhausted by 
 long wars, and humbled each in their turn by 
 fatal reverses of fortune, have equally an interest 
 in laying down their arms, and living in peace, 
 pursuant to the example which the Athenians 
 had begun to set them ; the present is the most 
 favourable opportunity Philip could have, to re- 
 concile and unite the several cities of Greece. 
 
 Jn case he should be so happy as to succeed in 
 such a project, so glorious and beneficial a suc- 
 cess would raise him above whatever had hither- 
 to appeared most august in Greece. But the 
 bare project in itself, though it should not have 
 so happy an eftect as he might expect from it, 
 would yet infallibly gain him the esteem, the 
 affection, and confidence of aU the nations of 
 Greece; advantages infinitely preferable to the 
 taking of cities, and all the conquests he might 
 hope to obtain. 
 
 Some persons indeed, who Avere prejudiced 
 against Philip, represent and exclaim against 
 him as a crafty prince, who gives a specious 
 pretext to his march, but, at the same time, hns 
 in reality no other object in view than the en- 
 slaving of Greece. Isocrates, either from a too 
 great credulity, or from a desire of bringing 
 Philip into his views, supposes, that rumours so 
 injurious as these have no manner of founda- 
 tion ; it not being probable, that a prince who 
 glories in being descended from Hercules, the 
 deliverer of Greece, should think of invadiuT 
 and tyrannizing over it. But these very reports, 
 which are so capable of blackening his name and 
 of sullying all liis glory, should prompt him to 
 demonstrate the falsity of them in the presence 
 of all Greece by proofs that cannot be suspected, 
 by leaving and maintaining each city in the fuD 
 
 £ Isocrat. Orat. ad PJulip. 
 
HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 57 
 
 possession of its "aws and liberties; by removing \ 
 with the utmost care all suspicions of partiality ; i 
 b y not espousing the in terest of one people against 
 another ; by winning the confidence of all men 
 by a noble disinterestedness and an invariable 
 love of justice ; in fine, by aspiring to no other 
 title than that of the reconciler of the divisions of 
 Greece, a title far more glorious than that of 
 conqueror. 
 
 It is in the king of Persia's dominions that 
 he ought to seek and to merit those last titles. 
 The conquest of it is open and sure to him, in 
 case he could succeed in pacifying the troubles 
 of Greece. He should call to mind, that Age- 
 silaus, with no other forces than those of Sparta, 
 shook the Persian throne, and would infallibly 
 have subverted it, had he not been recalled into 
 Greece by the intestine divisions which then 
 broke out. The signal victory of the ten thou- 
 sand under Clearchus, and their triumphant re- 
 treat in the sight of innumerable armies, prove 
 I what might be expected from the joint forces of 
 I the Macedonians and Greeks, when commanded 
 I by Philip against a prince inferior in every re- 
 I spect to him whom Cyrus had endeavoured to 
 j dethrone. 
 
 Isocrates concludes with declaring, that it 
 j seemed as if the gods had hitherto granted 
 I Philip so long a train of successes, with no 
 I other view than to enable him to form and exe- 
 cute the glorious enterprise, the plan of which 
 he had laid before him. He reduces the coun- 
 sel he gave to three heads : That this prince 
 should govern his own empire with wisdom and 
 justice; should heal the divisions between the 
 neighbouring nations, and all Greece, without 
 Jesiring to possess any part of it himself; and 
 this being done, that he should turn his victorious 
 arms against a country which in all ages had 
 been the enemy of Greece, and had often vowed 
 their destruction. It must be confessed that 
 this is a most noble plan, and highly worthy a 
 great prince. But Isocrates had a very false 
 idea of Philip, if he thought this monarch would 
 ever put it into execution. Philip did not pos- 
 sess the equity, moderation, or disinterestedness, 
 which such a project required. He really in- 
 tended to attack Persia, but was persuaded that 
 it was his business first to make himself secure 
 of Greece, which indeed he was determined to 
 do, not by kind services, but by force. He did 
 not endeavour either to win over or persuade 
 nations, but to subject and reduce them. As on 
 his side he had no manner of regard for alli- 
 ances and treaties, he judged of others by him- 
 self, and wished to bind them to himself by much 
 stronger ties than those of friendship, gratitude, 
 and sincerity. 
 
 As Demosthenes was better acquainted with 
 the state of affairs than Isocrates, so he formed 
 a truer judgment of Philip's designs. Upon his 
 return from his embassy, he declares expressly, 
 that he does not approve either of the discourse 
 or the conduct of the Macedonian king, but that 
 every thing is to be dreaded from him. On the 
 contrary, ^schines, who had been bribed, as- 
 sures the Athenians, that he had discovered no- 
 thing but the greatest candour and sincerity in 
 the promises and proceedings of this king. He 
 had engaged that Thespiae and Plataese should be 
 ! repeopled, in spite of the opposition of the The- 
 ; bans ; that in case he should succeed in subject- 
 ' ing the Phocseans, he would preserve them, and 
 ! not do them the least injury ; that he would re- 
 i store Thebes to the good order which had before 
 I been observed in it ; that Oropus should be given 
 
 up absolutely to the Athenians ; and that, as an 
 equivalent for Amphipolis, they should be put in 
 possession of Eubcea. It was to no purpose that 
 Demosthenes remonstrated to his fellow-citizens, 
 that Philip, notwithstanding all these glorious 
 promises, was endeavouring to make hinis<ilt j 
 absolute master of Phocis ; and that by aban- 
 doning it to him they would betray the com- 
 monwealth, and give up all Greece into his 
 hands. He was not attended to ; and the ora- 
 tion of ^schines, who engaged that Philip 
 would make good his several promises, prevailed 
 over that of Demosthenes. 
 
 These deliberations gave 
 A. M. 3658. that prince an opportunity 
 Ant. J. C. 346. to possess himself of Thermo- 
 pylae, and to enter Phocis.^ 
 Hitherto there had been no possibility of re- 
 ducing the Phocseans: but Philip had only to 
 appear ; the bare sound of his name filled them 
 with terror. Upon the supposition that he was 
 marching against a herd of sacrilegious wretches, 
 not against common enemies, he ordered all his 
 soldiers to wear crowns of laurel, and led them 
 to battle as under the conduct of the god himself 
 whose honour they avenged. The instant they 
 appeared, the Phocseans believed themselves 
 overcome. Accordingly, they sue for peace, and 
 yield to Philip's mercy, who gives Phalecus their 
 leader leave to retire into Peloponnesus, with the 
 8000 men in his service. In this manner Philip, 
 with very little trouble, engrossed all the honour 
 of a long and bloody war, which had exhausted 
 the forces of both parties. This victory* gained 
 him incredible honour throughout all Greece, 
 and his glorious expedition was the sole topic of 
 conversation in that country. He was consider- 
 ed as the avenger of sacrilege, and the protector 
 of religion ; and they almost ranked in the 
 number of the gods the man who had defend- 
 ed their majesty with so much couiage and 
 success. 
 
 Philip, that he might not seem to do any thing 
 by his own private authority, in an affair which 
 concerned all Greece, assembles the council of 
 the Amphictyons, and appoints them, forforni's 
 sake, supreme judges of the pains and penalties 
 to which the Phocseans had rendered themselves 
 obnoxious. Under the name of these judges, 
 who were entirely at his devotion, he decrees 
 that the cities of Phocis shall be destroyed, that 
 they should all be reduced to small towns of 
 sixty houses each, and that those towns shall be 
 at a certain distance one from the other ; that 
 those wretches who had committed the sacrilege 
 shall be irrevocably proscribed ; and that the rest 
 shall not enjoy their possessions, but upon con- 
 dition of paying an annual tribute, which shall 
 continue to be levied till such a time as the whole 
 sums taken out of the temple of Delphi shall be 
 ; repaid. Philip did not forget himself upon this 
 occasion. After he had subjected the rebellious 
 I Phocseans, he demanded that their right of ses- 
 ; sion in the council of the Amphictyons, which 
 I they had been declared to have forfeited, should 
 be transferred to him. The Amphictyons, of 
 ■ whose vengeance he had now been the instru- 
 i ment, were afraid to refuse him, and according- 
 ! ly admitted him a member of their body ; a cir- 
 
 3 Diod. 1. xvi, p. 455. 
 4 Tncredibile quantum ea res apud omnes nationes 
 Philippe glorias dedit. Ilium vindicem sacrilegii, ilium 
 ultorem religionum. Itaque Diis proximus habetur, pel 
 quem Decrum majestas vindicata sit. Justin. 1. viii. c. 2. 
 
58 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 cumstance of the highest importance to him, as 
 we shall see in the sequel, and of very dangerous 
 consequence to aU the rest of Greece. Thev 
 also gave him the superintendence of the Pythi- 
 an games, in conjunction with the Boeotians 
 and Thessalians ; because the Corinthians, who 
 possessed this privilege hitherto, had rendered 
 themselves unworthy of it, by sharing in the 
 sacrilege of the Phocaeans. 
 
 When news was brought to Athens of the 
 treatment which the Phocaeans had met with, 
 the former perceived, but too late, the wrong 
 step they had taken in refusing to comply with 
 the counsels of Demosthenes ; and in abandon- 
 ing themselves blindly to the vain and idle pro- 
 mises of a traitor, who had sold his country. 
 Besides the shame and gi-ief with which they 
 were seized, for having failed in the obligations 
 by which they were bound to the Phocaeans by 
 their confederacy with them, they found that 
 they had betrayed their own interests in aban- 
 doning their allies. For Philip, by possessing 
 himself of Phocis, was become master of Ther- 
 mopylae, which opened him the gates, and put 
 into his hands the keys, of Greece. The Athe- 
 nians,! therefore, being justly alarmed upon 
 their own account, gave orders that the women 
 and children should be brought out of the coun- 
 try into the city ; that the walls should be re- 
 paired, and the Piraeeus fortified, in order to 
 put themselves into a state of defence in case of 
 an invasion. 
 
 The Athenians had no share in the decree by 
 which Philip had been admitted among the 
 Amphictyons. They perhaps had absented 
 themselves purposely, that they might not au- 
 thorize it by their presence ; or, which was more 
 probable, Philip, in order to remove the obsta- 
 cles and avoid the impediments he might meet 
 with in the execution of his design, assembled, 
 in an irregular manner, such of the Amphic- 
 tyons alone as were entirely at his devotion. In 
 short, he conducted his intrigue so very artfully, 
 that he obtained his ends. This election might 
 be disputed as clandestine and irregular; and 
 therefore he required a confirmation of it from 
 the states, who, as members of that body, had a 
 right either to reject or ratify the new choice. 
 Athens received the circular invitation ; but in 
 an assembly of the people, which was called in 
 order to deliberate on Philip's demand, several 
 were of opinion that no notice should be taken 
 of it. Demosthenes, however, was of a contrary 
 opinion ; and though he did not approve in any 
 manner of the peace which had been concluded 
 with Philip, he did not think it would be for 
 their interest to infringe it in the present junc- 
 ture ; since that could not be done without stir- 
 ring up against the Athenians both the new 
 Amphictyon and those who had elected him. 
 His advice therefore was, that they should not 
 expose themselves unseasonably to the dangerous 
 consequences which might ensue, in case of their 
 determinate refusal to consent to the almost 
 unanimous decree of the Amphictyons; and 
 protested, that it was their interest prudently to 
 submit, for fear of worse, to the present con- 
 dition of the times; that is, to comply with ' 
 what was not in their power to prevent. This ' 
 is the subject of Demosthenes's discourse, en- 
 titled. Oration on the Peace. We may reason- • 
 ably believe that his advice was followed. 
 
 1 Demosth. de fals. Legal, p. 312. 
 
 1 SECT. V. 
 
 Philip, being returned to Macedonia, extends his conquerte 
 ' into lUyna and Thrace. He projects a league with the 
 Ihebans, the Messenians, and the Argives, to invade 
 Peloponnesus in concert with them. Athens having 
 declared in favour of the Lacedaemonians, this league is 
 dissolved. He again makes an attempt upon Eubcea, 
 but Phocion drives him out of it. Character of that 
 celebrated Athenian. PhUip besieges Perinthus and 
 Byzantium. The Athenians, animated by the orations 
 of Demosthenes, send succours to those two cities, under 
 the command of Phocion, who forces Philip to raise the 
 siege of those places. 
 
 ^fter Philip had settled 
 A. M. S660. every thing relating to the 
 Ant. J. C. 344. worship of the god, and the 
 security of the temple, of 
 Delphi, he returned into Macedonia crowned 
 with glory, and carrying with him the reputa- 
 tion of a religious prince and an intrepid con- 
 queror. Diodorus observes,^ that all those who 
 had shared in profaning and plundering the 
 temple, perished miserably, and came to a tragi- 
 cal end. 
 
 Philip,3 satisfied with having opened to him- 
 self a passage into Greece by his seizure of 
 Thermopylae; having subjected Phocis, estab- 
 lished himself one of the judges of Greece, by 
 his new dignity of Amphictyon ; and gained the 
 esteem and applause of all nations, by his zeal 
 to avenge the honour of the deity : judged very 
 prudently, that it would be proper for him to 
 check his career, in order to prevent all the 
 states of Greece from taking arms against him, 
 by discovering too soon his ambitious views 
 with regard to that country. In order, there- 
 fore, to remove all suspicion, and to soothe the 
 disquietudes which arose on that occasion, he 
 turned his arms against Illyria, purposely to 
 extend his frontiers on that side, and to keep 
 his troops always in exercise by some new ex- 
 pedition. 
 
 The same motive prompted him afterwards 
 to go into Thrace. In the very beginning of 
 his reign he had dispossessed the Athenians of 
 several strong places in that country. Philip 
 still carried on his conquests there. Suidas ob- 
 serves,* that before he took Olynthus, he had 
 made himself master of thirty-two cities in 
 Chalcis, which is part of Thrace. The Cherso- 
 nesus also was situated very commodiously for | 
 him. This was a very rich peninsula, in which I 
 there were a great number of powerful cities 
 and fine pasture lauds. It had formerly be- 
 longed to the Athenians. The inhabitants put 
 thenaselves under the protection of Lacedee- 
 monia, when Lysander had captured Athens; 
 but submitted again to their first masters, after 
 Conon, the son of Timotheus, had reinstated 
 his country. Cotys, king of Thrace, afterwards 
 dispossessed the Athenians of the Chersonesus ; ! 
 but it was restored to them by Chersobleptus,^ j 
 son of Cotys, who finding himself unable to de- i 
 fend it against Philip, gave it up to them the 
 fourth year of the 106th Olympiad ; reserving, i 
 however, to himself Cardia, which was the most I 
 considerable city of the peninsula, and formed, J 
 as it were, the gate and entrance to it. After j 
 Philip had deprived Chersobleptus of his king- j 
 dom,** which happened the second year of the i 
 
 i 
 , 
 
 2 Diod. 1. xvi. p. 456. 3 Ibid. p. 463. ! 
 
 4 In Kccjatv. 5 Diod. 1. xvl. p. 434. i 
 
 6 Ibid. p. 464. j 
 
HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 59 
 
 I09th Olympiad, the inhabitants of Cardia be- 
 ing afraid of falling into the 
 A. M. 3661. hands of the Athenians, who 
 Ant. J. C. 343. claimed their city as having 
 formerly belonged to them, 
 submitted themselves to Philip, who did not 
 fail to take them under his protection.'^ 
 
 Diopithes, the head of the 
 A. M. 3662. colony which the Athenians 
 Ant. J. C. 342. had sent into Chersonesus, 
 looking upon this step iu 
 Philip as an act of hostility against the com- 
 monwealth, without waiting for an, order, and 
 fully persuaded that it would not be disavowed, 
 marches suddenly into the dominions of that 
 prince in the maritime part of Thrace, whilst 
 he was carrying on an important war in Upper 
 Thrace ; plunders them before he had time to 
 return and make head against him, and carries 
 off a rich booty, all which he lodged safe in 
 Chersonesus. JPhilip, not being able to avenge 
 himself in the manner he could have wished, 
 contented himself with making grievous com- 
 plaints to the Athenians, by letters on that sub- 
 ject. Such as received pensions from him in 
 Athens, served him but too effectually. These 
 venal wretches loudly exclaimed against a con- 
 duct, which, if not prudent, was at least excusa- 
 ble. They declaim against Diopithes ; impeach 
 him of involving the state in war ; accuse him 
 of extortion and piracy ; insist upon his being 
 recalled, and prosecute his condemnation with 
 the utmost heat and violence. 
 
 Demosthenes, seeing at this juncture that the 
 public welfare was inseparably connected with 
 that of Diopithes, undertook his defence, which 
 is the subject of his oration on the ChersonestLS. 
 This Diopithes was father to Menander, the 
 comic poet, whom Terence has copied so faith- 
 fully. 
 
 Diopithes was accused of oppressing the allies 
 by his unjust exactions. However, Demosthenes 
 lays the least stress on this, because it was per- 
 sonal ; he nevei-theless pleads his apology (ti-an- 
 siently) from the example of all the generals, to 
 whom the islands and cities of Asia Minor paid 
 oei'tain voluntary contributions, by which they 
 purchased security to their merchants, and pro- 
 cured convoys for them to guard them against 
 the pirates. It is true, indeed, that a man may 
 exercise oppressions, and ransom allies very un- 
 seasonably. But in this case, a bare decree, an 
 accusation in due form,*^ a galley appointed to 
 bring home the recalled general ; all this is suffi- 
 cient to put a stop to abuses. But it is otherwise 
 with regard to Philip's enterprises. These can- 
 not be checked either by decrees or menaces ; 
 and nothing will do this effectually, but raising 
 troops, and fitting out galleys. 
 
 " Your orators," says he, " cry out eternally 
 to you, that we must make choice either of peace 
 or war ; but Philip does not leave this at our 
 option, he who is daily meditating some new en- 
 terprise against us. And can we doubt but it 
 was he who broke the peace, unless it is pretend- 
 ed that we have no reason to complain of him, 
 as long as he shall forbear making any attempts 
 on Attica and the Pirseeus ? But it will then 
 be too late for us to oppose him ; and it is now 
 that we must prepare strong barriers against his 
 ambitious designs. You ought to lay it down as 
 
 7 Liban. in. Demost p. 75. 
 s< It was called lld.£<x.K6t. 
 
 a certain maxim, O Athenians ! that it is you 
 he aims at ; that he considers you as his most 
 dangerous enemies ; that your ruin alone can 
 establish his tranquillity, and secure his con- 
 quests ; and that whatever he is now projecting, 
 is merely with the view of falling upon you, 
 and of reducing Athens to a state of subjection. 
 And, indeed, can any of you be so vastly simple, 
 as to imagine that Philip is so greedy of a few 
 paltry towns,^ (for what other name can we 
 bestow on those which he now attacks?) as to 
 submit to fatigues, the inclemenc;y of the seasons, 
 and dangers, merely for the sake of gaining them ; 
 but that as for the harbours, the arsenals, the 
 galleys, the silver mines, and the immense re- 
 venues, of the Athenians ; that he considers 
 these with indifference, does not covet them in 
 the least, but will suffer you to remain in quiet 
 possession of them ? 
 
 " What conclusion are we to draw from all 
 that has been said? Why, that so far from 
 cashiering the army we have in Thrace, it must 
 be considerably reinforced and strengthened by 
 new levies, in order that, as Philip has always 
 one in readiness to oppress and enslave the 
 Greeks, we, on our side, may always have one 
 on foot to defend and preserve them. " There 
 is reason to believe Demosthenes's advice was 
 followed. 
 
 The same year that this oration was spoken,'" 
 Arymbas, king of the Molossi or Epirus died. 
 He was son of Alcetas, and had a brother called 
 Neoptolemus, whose daughter Olympias was 
 married to Philip. This Neoptolemus, by the 
 influence and authority of his son-in-law, was 
 raised so high as to share the regal power with 
 his elder brother, to whom only it lawfully be- 
 longed. This first unjust action was followed 
 by a greater. For after the death of Arymbas," 
 Philip played his part so well, either by his in- 
 trigues or his menaces, that the Molossians ex- 
 pelled ^acidas, son and lawful successor to 
 Arymbas, and established Alexander, son of 
 Neoptolemus, sole king of Epirus. This prince, 
 who was not only brother-in-law, but son-in- 
 law, to Philip, whose daughter Cleopatra he 
 had married, as will be observed in the sequel, 
 carried his arms into Italy, and there died. 
 After this, iEacidas reascended the throne of his 
 ancestors, reigned alone in Epirus, and trans- 
 mitted the crown to his son, the famous Pyrrhus 
 (so celebrated in the Roman history), and se- 
 cond cousin to Alexander the Great, Alcetas 
 being grandfather to both those monarchs. 
 
 Philip, after his expedition in lUyria and 
 Thrace, turned his views towards Peloponnesus. 
 Terrible commotions prevailed at that time in 
 this part of Greece.'^ Lacedsemonia assumed 
 the sovereignty of it, with no other right than 
 that of being the strongest. Argos and Messene 
 being oppressed, had recourse to Philip. He 
 had just before concluded a peace with the Athe 
 nians, who, on the faith of their orators that had 
 been bribed by this prince, imagined he was go« 
 ing to break with the Thebans. However, so 
 far from that, after having subdued Phocis, he 
 divided the conquest with them. The Thebans 
 embraced with joy the favourable opportunity 
 which presented itself, of opening him a gate 
 through which he might pass into Peloponnesus, 
 
 9 In Thrace. 10. Died. 1. xvi. p. 465. 
 
 11 Justin, book viii. ch. 6, curtails the genealogy of thw 
 prince, and confounds this succession. 
 
 12 Demosth. in Philipp. ii. Liban. in Demosth 
 
60 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 in which country the inveterate hatred they bore 
 to Sparta made them foment divisions perpetual- 
 ly, and continue the war. They therefore soli- 
 cited Philip to join with them, the Messenians, 
 and Argives, in order to humble in concert the 
 power of Lacedaemonia. 
 
 This prince readily came into an alliance 
 which suited his views. He proposed to the 
 Amphictyons, or rather dictated to them, the 
 decree, which ordained that Lacedaemonia should 
 permit Argos and Messene to enjoy an entire 
 independence, pursuant to the tenor of a treaty 
 lately concluded ; and, upon pretence of not ex- 
 posing the authority of the states-general of 
 Greece, he ordered at the same time a large body 
 of troops to march that way. Lacedaemonia, 
 being justly alarmed, requested the Athenians 
 to succour them ; and by an embassy pressed 
 earnestly for the concluding of such an alliance 
 as their common safety might require. The 
 several powers, whose interest it was to prevent 
 this alliance from being concluded, used their 
 utmost endeavours to gain their ends. Philip 
 represented, by his ambassadors to the Atheni- 
 ans, that it would be very wrong in them to de- 
 clare war against him ; that if he did not break 
 with the Thebans, his not doing so was no in- 
 fraction of the treaties ; that before he could have 
 broken his word in this particular, he must first 
 have given it ; and that the treaties themselves 
 proved manifestly that he had not made any 
 promise to that purpose. Philip indeed said 
 true, with regard to the written articles and the 
 public stipulations; but JEschines had made 
 this promise by word of mouth in his name. 
 On the other side, the ambassadors of Thebes, 
 of Argos, and Messene, were also very urgent 
 with the Athenians; and reproached them with 
 having already secretly favoured the Lacede- 
 monians but too much, who were the professed 
 enemies to the Thebans, and the tyrants of Pe- 
 loponnesus. 
 
 But Demosthenes,' insensible to all these soli- 
 citations, and mindful of nothing but the real 
 interest of his country, ascended the tribunal, in 
 order to enforce the negotiation of the Lacedse- 
 monians. He reproached the Athenians, ac- 
 cording to his usual custom, with supineness 
 and indolence. He exposes the ambitious de- 
 signs of Philip, which he still pursues, and de- 
 clares that they aim at no less than the conquest 
 of all Greece. " You excel," says he to them, 
 I* both you and he, in that circumstance which 
 is the object of your application and your cares. 
 You speak better than he, and he acts better 
 than you. The experience of the past ought at 
 least to open your eyes, and make you more sus- 
 picious and circumspect with regard to him: 
 but this serves no other purpose than to lull 
 you asleep. At this time his troops are march- 
 ing towards Peloponnesus ; he is sending money 
 to it, and his arrival in person, at the head of a 
 powerful army, is expected every moment. Do 
 you think that you will be secure, after he shall 
 have possessed himself of the territories round 
 you ? Art has invented for the security of cities 
 various methods of defence, as ramparts, walls, 
 ditches, and the like works ; but nature sur- 
 rounds the wise with a common bulwark, which 
 covers them on all sides, and provides for the 
 security of states. What is this bulwark? It 
 is distrust." He concludes with exhorting the 
 
 i xi.thenians to rouse from their lethargy ; to send 
 immediate succour to the Lacedaemonians ; and, 
 above all, to punish directly all such domestic trai- 
 tora as have deceived the people, and brought theii 
 present calamities upon them, by spreading false 
 reports, and employing captious assurances. 
 
 The Athenians and Philip did not yet come 
 to an open rupture; whence we may conjecture, 
 that the latter delayed his invasion of Pelopon- 
 nesus, in order that he might not have too many 
 enemies upon his hands at the same time. 
 However, he did not sit slill, but turned his 
 views another way. Philip had a long time 
 considered Euboea as well calculated, from its 
 situation, to favour the designs he meditated 
 against Greece; and, in the very beginning of 
 his reign, had attempted to possess himself of it. 
 He indeed set every engine to work at that time, 
 in order to seize upon that island, which he 
 called the Shackles of Greece. But the Atheni- 
 ans, on the other side, wei'e highly interested in 
 not suffering it to fall into the hands of an ene- 
 my ; especially as it might be joined to the con- 
 tinent of Attica by a bridge. However, accord- 
 ing to the usual custom, they continued indolent 
 whilst Philip pursued his conquests. ITie lat- 
 ter, who was continually attentive and vigilant 
 over his interest, endeavoured to carry on an in- 
 telligence in the island, and by dint of presents 
 bribed those who had the greatest authority in 
 it. At the request of certain of the inhabitants," 
 he sent some troops privately thither; possessed 
 himself of several strong places; dismantled 
 Porthmos, a very important fortress in Euboea, 
 and established three tyrants or kings over the i 
 country. He also seized upon Oreum, one of 
 the strongest cities of Euboea, of which it pos- 
 sessed the fourth part ; and established five ty- 
 rants over it, who exercised an absolute autho- 
 rity there in his name. 
 
 Upon this,3 Plutarch of Eretria sent a depu- 
 tation to the Athenians, conjuring them to come 
 and deliver that island, every part of which was 
 upon the point of submitting entirely to the Ma- 
 cedonian. The Athenians upon this sent some 
 troops under the command of Phocion. That 
 general had already acquired great reputation,* 
 and will have, in the sequel, a great share in the 
 administration of affairs, both foreign and do- 
 mestic. He had studied in the Academy under 
 Plato, and afterwards under Xenocrates, and in 
 that school had formed his morals and his life, 
 upon the model of the most austere virtue. We 
 are told that no Athenian ever saw him laugh, 
 weep, or go to the public baths. Whenever he 
 went into the country, or was in the army, he 
 always walked barefoot,^ and without a cloak, 
 unless the weather happened to be insupportably 
 cold ; so that the soldiers used to say, laughing, 
 " See ! Phocion has got his cloak on ; it is a sign 
 of a hard winter." 
 
 He knew that eloquence is a necessary quality 
 in a statesman, for enabling him to execute hap- 
 pily the great designs he may undertake during 
 his administration. He therefore applied him- 
 self particularly to the attainment of it, and 
 with great success. Persuaded that it is with 
 words as with coins, of which the most esteem- 
 ed are those that with less weight have most in- 
 trinsic value, Phocion had formed a lively, close, 
 
 1 Fhilip ii. 
 
 2 Deinosth. Thilipp. iii. p. 93. 
 3 PJutarch. in Phoc. p. 746, 747. 4 Ibid. p. IAS. 74' 
 
 6 Socrates used often to walk in that manner. 
 
HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 61 
 
 concise style, which expressed eTgveat many ideas kind of W?sion and extortion he^^^^^^^ 
 in few words. Appearing one day absent in an i-n«;nnat« himself mto the ramds of men with 
 
 assembly, where he was preparing to speak, he 
 was asked the reason of it: "I am considering," 
 says he, " whether it is not possible for me to 
 retrench some part of the discourse which I am 
 to make." He was a strong reasoner, and by 
 that means prevailed over the most sublime elo- 
 quence ; which made Demosthenes, who had 
 often experienced this, whenever he appeared to 
 harangue the public, say, " There is the axe 
 which cuts away the whole effect of my words." 
 One would imagine that this kind of eloquence 
 is absolutely contrary to the genius of the vulgar, 
 who require the same things to be often repeat- 
 ed, and with greater extent, in order to their 
 being more intelligible. But it was not so 
 with the Athenians. Lively, penetrating, and 
 lovers of a hidden sense, they valued them- 
 selves upon understanding an orator at half a 
 word, and really understood him. Phocion 
 adapted himself to their taste, and in this point 
 surpassed even Demosthenes, which is saying a 
 great deal. 
 
 Phocion observing, that those persons, who 
 at this time were concerned in the administra- 
 tion, had divided it into military and civil ; that 
 one part, as Eubulus, Aristophon, Demosthenes, 
 Lycurgus, and Hyperides, confined themselves 
 merely to haranguing the people and proposing 
 decrees; that the other part, as Diopithes, 
 Leosthenes, and Chares, advanced themselves 
 by military employments ; he chose rather to 
 imitate the conduct of Solon, Aristides, and 
 Pericles, who had known how to unite both 
 talents, political science with military val- 
 our. Whilst he was in employment, peace 
 and tranquillity were always his object, as 
 being the end of every wise government ; and 
 yet he commanded in more expeditions, not only 
 than all the generals of his time, but even than 
 all his predecessors. He was honoured with the 
 supreme command five-and-forty times, without 
 having once asked or made interest for it ; and it 
 was always in his absence that he was appointed 
 to command the armies. The world was aston- 
 ished, that, being of so severe a turn of mind, 
 and so great an enemy to flattery of every kind, 
 he should know how, in a manner, to fix in his 
 own favour the natural levity and inconstancy 
 of the Athenians, though he frequently used to 
 oppose very strenuously their will and caprice, 
 without regard to their captiousness and deli- 
 cacy. The idea they had formed to themselves 
 of his probity and zeal for the public good, ex- 
 tinguished every other sentiment ; and that, ac- 
 cording to Plutarch, was what generally made 
 his eloquence so efficacious and triumphant. 
 
 I thought it necessary to 
 A. M. 8663. give the reader this slight 
 Ant. J. C. 341. idea of Phocion's character, 
 because frequent mention 
 will be made of him in the sequel. It was to 
 him the Athenians gave the command of the 
 forces they sent to the aid of Plutarch of Eretria. 
 But this traitor repaid his benefactors with in- 
 gi-atitude, set up the standard against them, and 
 endeavoured openly to repulse the very army he 
 had requested. However, Phocion was not at a 
 loss how to act upon this unforeseen perfidy ; 
 for he pursued his enterprise, won a battle, and 
 drove Plutarch from Eretria. 
 
 After this great success, Phocion returned to 
 Athens : but he was no sooner gone, than ail the 
 allies regretted the absence of his goodness and 
 justice. Though the professed enemy of every 
 
 to insinuate himself into the 
 art ; and at the same time that he made others 
 fear him, he had the rare talent of making them 
 love him still more. He one day made Chabrias 
 a fine answer, who appointed him to go with ten 
 light vessels to levy the tribute which certain 
 cities, in alliance with Athens, paid every year. 
 " To what purpose," says he, " is such a squa- 
 dron ? too strong, if 1 am only to visit allies ; but 
 too weak, if I am to fight enemies." The Athe- 
 nians knew very well, by the consequences, the 
 signal services which Phocion's great capacity, 
 valour, and experience, had done them in the 
 expedition of Euboea; for Molossus, who suc- 
 ceeded him, and who took upon himself the 
 command of the troops after that general, was 
 so unsuccessful, that he fell into the hands of the 
 
 enemy. 
 
 Philip,® Avho did not lay 
 A.M. 3664. aside the design he had form- 
 Ant. J. C. 340. ed of conquering all Greece, 
 changed his plan of attack, 
 and sought for an opportunity of distressing 
 Athens another way. He knew that this city, 
 from the barrenness of Attica, stood in greater 
 want than any other of foreign corn. To dis- 
 pose at his discretion of their supplies, and by 
 that means starve Athens, he marches towards 
 Thrace, from whence that city imported the 
 greatest part of its provisions, with an inten- 
 tion to besiege Perinthus and Byzantium. To 
 keep his kingdom in obedience during his ab- 
 sence, he left his son Alexander in it, with sove- 
 reign authority, though he was but fifteen years 
 old. This young prince gave, even at that time, 
 proofs of his courage ; having defeated certain 
 neighbouring otates, subject to Macedonia, who 
 had considered the king's absence as a very pro- 
 per time for executing the design they had formed 
 of revolting. This happy success of Alexander's 
 first expeditions was highly agi'eeable to his fa- 
 thei*, and at the same time an earnest of what 
 might be expected from him. But fearing lest, 
 allured by this dangei'ous bait, he should aban- 
 don himself inconsiderately to his vivacity and 
 fire, he sent for him in order to become his mas- 
 ter, and train him under his own eye in the art 
 of war. 
 
 Demosthenes still continued to exclaim against 
 the indolence of the Athenians, whom nothing 
 could rouse from their lethargy ; and also against 
 the avarice of the orators, who, bribed by Philip, 
 amused the people under the specious pretence 
 of a peace which he had sworn to, yet violated 
 openly every day by the enterprises he formed 
 against the commonwealth. This is the subject 
 of his orations, called the Philippics. 
 
 " Whence comes it,'" says he, " that all the 
 Greeks formerly panted so strongly after liberty, 
 and now run so eagerly into servitude? The 
 reason is, because there prevailed at that time 
 among the people, what prevails no longer among 
 us ; that which triumphed over the riches of the 
 Persians ; which maintained the freedom of 
 Greece; which never acted inconsistently on 
 any occasion either by sea or by land ; but which 
 being now extinguished in every heart, has en- 
 tirely ruined our affairs, and utterly subverted 
 the constitution of Greece. It is that common 
 hatred, that general detestation, in which they 
 
 6 Demost. pro Ctes. p, 486, 487. 
 7 Philipp. hi. p. 90. 
 
HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 held every person who had a soul abject enough 
 to sell himself to any man who desired either to 
 enslave or even corrupt Greece. In those times, 
 to accept of a present was a capital crime, which 
 never failed of being punished with death. Nei- 
 ther their orators nor their generals exercised 
 the scandalous traffic now become so common in 
 Athens, where a price is set upon every thing, 
 nd where all things are sold to the highest 
 bidder. 
 
 " In these happy times,' the Greeks lived in 
 a perfect union, founded on the love of the pub- 
 lic good, and the desire of preserving and de- 
 fending the common liberty. But in this age, 
 the states abandon one another, and give them- 
 selves up to reciprocal distrusts and jealousies. 
 All of them, without exception, Argives, The- 
 bans, Corinthians, Lacedaemonians, Arcadians, 
 and ourselves no less than others; all, all, I 
 say, form a separate interest ; and this it is that 
 renders the common enemy so powerful. 
 
 " The safety of Greece consists,^ therefore, in 
 I our uniting together against this common enemy, 
 I if that be possible. But at least, as to what 
 i concerns each of us in particular, this incontes- 
 table maxim should be deeply engraven in your 
 minds, that Philip is actually attacking you at 
 this time ; that he has infringed the peace ; that, 
 by seizing upon all the fortresses around you, he 
 opens and prepares the way for attacking you 
 yourselves ; and that he considers us as his mor- 
 tal enemies, because he knows that we are the 
 only persons capable of opposing the ambitious 
 designs he entertains of grasping universal 
 power. 
 
 " These conse(]^uently we must oppose with 
 all imaginable vigour and for that purpose 
 must ship off, without loss of time the necessary 
 aids for the Chersonesus and Byzantium : you 
 must provide instantly whatever necessaries your 
 generals may require : in fine, you must concert 
 together such means as are most proper to save 
 Greece, which is now threatened with the ut- 
 most danger. Though all the rest of the Greeks 
 should bow their necks to the yoke,* yet you, O 
 Athenians ! ought to persist in fighting always 
 for the cause of liberty. After such preparations 
 made in presence of all Greece, let us excite all 
 other states to second us ; let us acquaint every 
 people with our resolutions, and send ambassa- 
 dors to Peloponnesus, Rhodes, Chio, and espe- 
 cially to the king of Persia ; for it is his interest, 
 as well as ours, to check the career of that 
 man." 
 
 The sequel will show, that Demosthenes's 
 advice was followed almost exactly. At the 
 time he was declaiming in this manner, Philip 
 was marching towards the Chersonesus. He 
 opened the campaign with the siege of Perin- 
 thus, a considerable city of Thrace. The Athe- 
 nians having prepared a body of troops to suc- 
 cour that place,^ the orators prevailed so far by 
 their speeches, that Chares was appointed com- 
 mander of the fleet. This general was universally 
 despised, for his manners, rapine, and mean ca- 
 pacity ; but intrigues and influence supplied the 
 place of merit on this occasion, and faction pre- 
 vailed over the counsels of the most prudent and 
 I virtuous men, as happens but too often. The 
 j success answei-ed the rashness of the choice 
 which had been made: but what could be ex- 
 
 1 Philipp. IV. p. 102. 2 Ibid. p. 97. 
 
 3 Ibid. iii. p. 88. 4 Ibid. p. 94, 95, 
 
 6 Plutarch, in Phoc. p. 7-17. 
 
 pected froin a general whose abilities were at 
 small as his voluptuousness was great ;^ wlu 
 took along with him, in his military expeditions 
 a band of musicians, both vocal and instru- 
 mental, who were in his pay, and whose salary 
 was defrayed out of the moneys appointed foi 
 the service of the fleet! In short, the citicb 
 themselves, to whose succour he was sent, would 
 not suffer him to come into their harbours ; so 
 that his fidelity being tiniversally suspected, he 
 was obliged to sail from coast to coast, ransom- 
 ing the allies, and contemned by the enemy. 
 
 In the mean time,^ Philip was carrying on 
 the siege of Perinthus with great vigour. He 
 had 30,000 chosen troops, and military engines 
 of all kinds without number. He had raised 
 towers eighty cubits high, which far outtopped 
 those of the Perinthians. He therefore had a 
 gi-eat advantage in battering their walls. On 
 one side he shook the foundations of them by 
 subterraneous mines ; and on the other he beat 
 down whole masses with his battering-rams : 
 nor did the besieged make a less vigorous resist- 
 ance ; for as soon as one breach was made, 
 Philip was surprised to see another wall behind 
 it, just raised. The inhabitants of Byzantium 
 sent them all the succours necessary. The 
 Asiatic satrapse, or governor, by the" king of 
 Persia's order, to whom we have seen the Athe- 
 nians had applied for assistance, likewise threw 
 forces into the place. Philip, in order to deprive 
 the besieged of the succours the Byzantines gave 
 them, went in person to form the siege of thai 
 important city, leaving half his army to carry 
 on that of Perinthus. 
 
 He was desirous to appear (in outward show) 
 very tender of giving umbrage to the Athenians, 
 whose power he dreaded, and whom he endeav- 
 oured to amuse bv fine woi-ds. At the time we 
 now speak of, J^hilip, by way of precaution 
 against tiieir disgust of his measures, wrote a 
 letter to them, in which he endeavours to shake 
 off the edge of their resentments, by reproaching 
 them in the strongest terms for their infraction 
 of the several treaties, which he boasts he had 
 observed very religiously : in this piece he, in- 
 terspersed very artfully (for he was a great 
 master of eloquence) such complaints and me- 
 naces as are best calculated to restrain mankind, 
 either from a principle of fear or shame. This 
 letter is a masterpiece in the original. A ma- 
 jestic and persuasive vivacity shines in every 
 part of; a strength and justness of reasoning 
 sustained throughout ; a plain and unaffected 
 declaration of facts, each of which is followed 
 by its natural consequence ; a delicate irony ; in 
 fine, that noble and concise style which is so 
 well suited to crowned heads. We might here 
 very justly apply to Philip, what was said of 
 Csesar,^ " That he handled the pen as well as 
 he did the sword." 
 
 This letter is so long, and, besides, is filled 
 with so great a number of particular facts 
 (though each of these are important), that it 
 will not admit of being reduced to extracts, or 
 to have a connected abridgment made of it. ] 
 shall therefore cite but one passage, by which 
 the reader may form a judgment of the rest. 
 
 At the time of our most open ruptures," 
 says Philip to the Athenians, " you went nt 
 farther than to fit out privateers against me ; tt 
 seize and sell the merchants that came to trade 
 
 6 Athen. 1. xii. p. 5r.O. 7 Diod. \. xvi. p. 466—468. 
 8 Eodem anirao dixit, quo beilavii Quintil. 1. x. c. ' 
 
HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 63 
 
 in my dominions ; to favour any party that op- | 
 posed my measures ; and to infest the places ' 
 subject to me by your hostilities: but now you i 
 carx-y hatred and injustice to such prodigious 
 lengths, as even to send ambassadors to the 
 Persian, in order to excite him to declare war 
 against me. This must appear a most astonish- 
 ing circumstance ; for before he had made him- 
 self master of Egypt and Phoenicia, you had re- 
 solved, in the most solemn manner, that in case 
 he should attempt any new enterprise, you then 
 would invite me, in common with the rest of 
 the Greeks, to unite our forces against him : 
 snd, nevertheless, at this time you carry your 
 hatred to such a height as to negotiate an alli- 
 ance with him against me. I have been told, 
 that formerly your fathers imputed to the son 
 of Pisistratus, as an unpardonable crime, his 
 having requested the succour of the Persians 
 against the Greeks ; and yet you do not blush to 
 commit yourselves what you were perpetually 
 condemning in the person of your tyrants." 
 
 Philip's letter did him as much service as a 
 good manifesto, and gave his pensioners in 
 Athens a fine opportunity of justifying him to 
 people who were very desirous of easing them- 
 selves of political inquietudes, and greater ene- 
 mies to expense and labour, than to usurpation 
 and tyranny. The boundless ambition of Philip 
 and the eloquent zeal of Demosthenes were per- 
 petually clashing. There was neither a peace 
 nor a truce between them. The one covered 
 very industriously, with a specious pretence, his 
 enterprises and infractions of the treaty ; and 
 the other endeavoured as strongly to reveal the 
 true motives of them to a people whose resolu- 
 tions had a great influence with respect to the 
 fate of Greece. On this occasion, Demosthenes 
 was sensible how highly necessary it was to 
 erase, as soon as possible, the first impressions 
 which the perusal of this letter might make on 
 the minds of the Athenians. Accordingly, that 
 zealous patriot immediately ascends the tribunal. 
 He at first speaks in an affirmative tone of voice, 
 which is often more than half, and sometimes 
 the whole proof in the eyes of the multitude. 
 He affixes to the heavy complaints of Philip the 
 idea of an express declaration of war ; and then, 
 to animate his fellow-citizens, to fill them with 
 confidence in the resolution vv^ith which he in- 
 spires them, he assures them that all things por- 
 tend the impending ruin of Philip; the gods, 
 Greeks, Persians, Macedonians, and even Philip 
 himself. Demosthenes does not observe, in his 
 harangue, the exact rules of refutation ; he 
 avoids contesting facts which might have been 
 disadvantageous, so happily had Philip disposed 
 them, and so well had he supported them by 
 proofs that seemed unanswerable. 
 
 The conclusion which this orator draw»s from 
 all his arguments is this -.^ " Convinced of these 
 truths, O Athenians ! and strongly persuaded 
 that we can no longer be allowed to affirm that 
 we enjoy peace (for Philip has now declared 
 war against us by his letter, and has long done 
 the same by his conduct), you ought not to spare 
 either the public treasure or the possessions of 
 private persons; but when occasion shall re- 
 quire, haste to your respective standards, and 
 set abler generals at your head than those you 
 have hitherto employed. For no one among 
 you ought to imagine, that the same men who 
 
 have ruined your affairs will be able to restore 
 them to their former happy situation. Think 
 how infamous it is, that a man fi-om Macedon 
 should contemn dangers to such a degree, that, 
 merely to aggrandize his empire, he should rush 
 into the midst of combats, and return from bat- 
 tle covered with wounds ; and that Athenians, 
 whose hereditary right it is to obey no man, bu^ 
 to impose laws on others sword in hand ; that 
 Athenians, I say, merely through dejection of 
 spirit and indolence, should degenerate from the 
 glory of their ancestors, and abandon the interest 
 of their country." 
 
 At the very time they were examining this 
 afiair, news was brought of the shameful recep- 
 tion Chares had met with from the allies, which 
 raised a general murmur among the people, who 
 now, fired with indignation, greatly repented 
 their having sent aid to the Byzantines. Pho- 
 cion then rose up, and told the people, '< That 
 they ought not to be exasperated at the distrust 
 of the allies, but at the conduct of the generals 
 who had occasioned it. For it is these," continued 
 he, " who render you odious and formidable 
 even to those who cannot save themselves from 
 destruction without your assistance." And in- 
 deed Chares, as we have already observed, was 
 a general without valour or military knowledge. 
 His whole merit consisted in having gained a 
 great ascendant over the people by the haughty 
 and bold air which he assumed. His presump- 
 tion concealed his incapacity from himself; and 
 a sordid principle of avarice made him commit 
 as many blundex's as enterprises. 
 
 The people, struck with 
 A. M. S665. this discourse, immediately 
 Ant. J. C. 3S9. changed their opinion, and 
 appointed Phocion himself 
 to command a body of fresh troops, in order to 
 succour the allies upon the Hellespont. This 
 choice contributed more than any thing to the 
 preservation of Byzantium. Phocion had al- 
 ready acquired great reputation, not only for his 
 valour and ability in the art of war, but still 
 more for his probity and disinterestedness. The 
 Byzantines, on his arrival, opened their gates to 
 him with joy, and lodged his soldiers in their 
 houses, as if they had been their own brothers 
 and children. The Athenian officers and sol- 
 diers, struck with the confidence reposed in 
 them, behaved with the utmost prudence and 
 modesty, and were entirely irreproachable in 
 their conduct. Nor were they less admired for 
 their courage ; and in all the attacks they sus- 
 tained, discovered the utmost intrepedity, which 
 seemed to be animated by the sight of danger. 
 Phocion's prudence,'" seconded by the bravery 
 of his troops, soon forced Philip to abandon his 
 design upon Byzantium and Perinthus. This 
 very much diminished his fame and glory ; for 
 he hitherto had been thought invincible, and no- 
 thing had been able to oppose him. Phocion 
 took some of his ships, recovered many for- 
 tresses which he had garrisoned; and having 
 made several descents upon different parts of his 
 territories, he plundered all the open country, 
 till a body of forces having assembled to check 
 his progress, he was obliged to retire, after hav- 
 ing been wounded. 
 
 The Byzantines and Perinthians testified 
 their gratitude to the people of Athens by a very 
 honourable decree," preserved by Demosthenes 
 
 9 Plut. in Phoc. p. 748, 
 
 10 Diud. 1. xvi. p. 468. 11 Demosth. pro Ctes. p. 4S7, 488 
 
HISTORY OF PHILIP, 
 
 in one of his orations, the substance of which I 
 shall repeat here. " Under Bosphoricus the 
 Pontiff/ Damagetus, after having desired leave 
 of the senate to speak, said, in a full assembly : 
 Inasmuch as in times past the constant good 
 will of the people of Athens towards the Byzan- 
 tines and Perinthians, united by alliance and a 
 common origin, has never failed upon any oc- 
 casion ; as this good will, so often signalized, 
 has lately displayed itself, when Philip of Mace- 
 don ( and bad taken up arms to destroy Byzan- 
 tium and Perinthus) battered our walls, burnt 
 our country, cut down our forests ; as in a 
 I season of so great calamity this beneficent people 
 i has succoured us with a fleet of 120 sail, furnish- 
 ed with provisions, arms, and forces ; as they 
 have saved us from the greatest danger ; in fine, 
 as they have restored us to the quiet possession 
 of our government, our laws, and our tombs : 
 the Byzantines and Perinthians, by a decree, 
 grant to the Athenians liberty to settle in the 
 countries belonging to Perinthus and Byzan- 
 ] tium ; to many in them, to purchase lands, and 
 j to enjoy all the prerogatives of citizens : they 
 also grant them a distinguished place at public 
 shows, and the right of sitting both in the senate 
 and the assembly of the people, next to the pon- 
 tiffs: and farther, that every Athenian, who 
 shall think proper to settle in either of the two 
 cities above mentioned, shall be exempted from 
 taxes of any kind : that, in the harbour, three 
 statues of sixteen cubits each shall be set up, 
 which statues shall represent the people of 
 Athens crowned by those of Byzantium and 
 Perinthus : and, besides, that presents shall be 
 sent to the four solemn games of Greece; and 
 that the crown we have decreed to the Athe- 
 nians shall there be proclaimed : so that the 
 Game ceremony may acquaint all the Greeks, 
 both with the magnanimity of the Athenians, 
 and the gratitude of the Perinthians and Byzan- 
 tines." 
 
 The inhabitants of the Chersonesus made a 
 like decree, the tenor of which is as follows : 
 " Among the nations inhabiting the Chersone- 
 sus, the people of Sestos, of Eleontum, of Mady- 
 tis, and of Alopeconnesus, decree to the people 
 and senate of Athens a crown of gold of sixty 
 talents ;^ and erect two altars, the one to the god- 
 dess of gratitude, and the other to the Athenians, 
 for their having, by the most glorious of all 
 benefactions, freed fi-om the yoke of Philip the 
 people of the Chersonesus, and restored them to 
 the possession of their country, their laws, their 
 liberty, and their temples : an act of beneficence 
 which they will fix eternally in their memories, 
 and never cease to acknowledge to the utmost of 
 their power. All which they have resolved in 
 full senate." 
 
 Philip,^ after having been forced to raise the 
 siege of Byzantium, marched against Atheas, 
 king of Scythia, from whom he had received 
 some personal cause of discontent, and took his 
 son with him in this expedition. Though the 
 Scythians had a very numerous army, he defeat- 
 ed them without any difficulty. He got a very 
 great booty, which consisted not in gold or sil- 
 ver, the use and value of which the Scythians 
 were not as yet so unhappy as to know ; but in 
 
 cattle, in horses, and a great number of womer 
 and children. 
 
 At his return from Scythia, the Triballi, a 
 people of Mcesia, disputed his passage, laying 
 claim to part of the plunder he was carrying off. 
 Philip was forced to come to a battle ; and a very 
 bloody one was fought, in which great numbers 
 on each side were killed on the spot. The king 
 himself was wounded in the thigh, and with 
 the same thrust had his horse killed under him. 
 Alexander flew to his father's aid ; and, cover- 
 ing him with his shield, killed or put to flight 
 all who attacked him. 
 
 SECT. VI. 
 
 Philip, by his intrigues, succeeds in getting himself ap- 
 pointed generalissimo of the Greeks, in the council of 
 the Amphictyons. He possesses himself of Elataea. The 
 Athenians and Thebans, alarmed by the conquest oi 
 this city, unite against Philip. He makes overtures of 
 peace, which, upon the remonstrances of Demosthenes, 
 are rejected. A battle is fought at Chaeronaea, where 
 Philip gains a signal victory. Demosthenes is accused 
 and brought to a trial by iEschines. The latter is banish 
 ed, and goes to Rhodes. 
 
 The Athenians had considered the siege of 
 Byzantium as an absolute rupture, and an open 
 declaration of war. The 
 
 A. M. 3666. king of Macedon," who was 
 Ant. J. C. 338. apprehensive of the conse- 
 quences of it, and dreaded 
 very much the power of the Athenians, whose 
 hatred he had drawn upon himself, made over- 
 tui-es of peace, in order to soften their resent- 
 rnents.^ Phocion, little suspicious, and apprehen- 
 sive of the uncertainty of the events of war, 
 was of opinion that the Athenians should accept 
 his offers. But Demosthenes, who had studied 
 the genius and character of Philip more than 
 Phocion, and was persuaded that, according to 
 his usual custom, his only view was to amuse 
 and impose upon the Athenians, prevented their 
 listening to his pacific proposals. 
 
 It was very much the interest of this prince 
 to terminate immediately a war,* which gave 
 him great cause of disquiet, and particularly 
 distressed him by the frequent depredations of 
 the Athenian privateers, who infested the sea 
 bordering upon his dominions. They entirely 
 interrupted all commerce, and prevented hi.« 
 subjects from exporting any of the products oi 
 Macedonia into other countries, or foreigners 
 from importing into his kingdom the merchan- 
 dise it wanted. Philip was sensible that it would 
 be impossible for him to put an end to this war, 
 and free himself from the inconveniences attend- 
 ing it, otherwise than by exciting the ThessaliaUf 
 and Thebans against Athens. He could not yel 
 attack that city with any advantage, either by 
 sea or land. His naval forces were at this timr 
 inferior to those of that republic ; and the passage 
 by land to Attica would be shut against him, at 
 long as the Thessalians should refuse to join 
 him, and the Thebans should oppose his passage. 
 If, with the view of prompting them to declare 
 war against Athens, he were to ascribe no other 
 motive for it than his private enmity, he was 
 very sensible that it would have no effect with 
 either of the states ; but in that case he could 
 
 I He probably was the chief magistrate. 
 2 Sixty thousand French crowns. 
 3 Justin. 1. ix. c. 2, 3. 
 
 4 Plutarch, in Phoc p. 748. 
 5 Demost. pro Ctes. p. 497 498. 
 
HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 65 
 
 once prevail with them to appoint him their 
 chief (upon the specious pretence of espousing 
 their common cause), he then hoped it would be 
 easier for him to make them acquiesce in his de- 
 sires, either by persuasion or deceit. 
 
 This was "his aim ; the smallest traces of 
 which it highly concerned him to conceal, in 
 order not to give the least opportunity for any 
 one to suspect the design he meditated. In 
 every city he retained pensioners who sent him 
 notice of* whatever passed, and by that means 
 were of great use to him, and were accordingly 
 well paid. By their machinations he raised 
 divisions among the Locri Ozolse, otherwise 
 called the Locrians of AmjMssa, from the name 
 of their capital city : their country was situated 
 between iEtolia and Phocis ; and they were ac- 
 cused of having profaned a spot of sacred ground, j 
 by ploughing up the Cyrrhean field, which lay I 
 very near the temple of Delphi. The reader I 
 has seen that a similar cause of complaint occa- 
 sioned the first sacred war. The affair was to 
 be heard before the Amphictyons. Had Philip 
 employed in his own favour any known or sus- 
 picious agent, he plainly saw that the Thebans 
 and the Thessalians would infallibly suspect his 
 design ; in whieh case, all paj"ties would not fail 
 to stand upon their guard. * 
 
 But Philip acted more artfully, by carrying 
 on his designs by persons in the dark, which 
 entirely prevented their being discovered. By 
 the assiduity of his pensioners in Athens, he 
 had caused ^schines, who was entirely devoted 
 to him, to be appointed one of the Pylagori, by 
 which name those were called who were sent 
 fay the several Greek cities to the assembly of 
 the Amphictyons. The instant he came into it, 
 he acted the more effectually in favour of Philip, 
 as, from being a citizen of Athens, which had 
 declared openly against this pi-ince, he was less 
 suspected. Upon his remonsti'ances, a visit to 
 the place was appointed, in order to inspect the 
 spot of ground, of which the Amphissians had 
 hitherto been considered the lawful possessors, 
 but which they now were accused of usurping 
 by a most sacrilegious act. 
 
 Whilst the Amphictyons were visiting the 
 spot of ground in question, the Locrians fall 
 upon them unawares, pour in a shower of darts, 
 and oblige them to fly. So open an outrage 
 kindled the flames of resentment and war against 
 these Locrians. Cottyphus, one of the Am- 
 phictyons, took the field with the army intended 
 to punish the rebels; but many not coming to 
 the rendezvous, the army retired without act- 
 ing. In the following assembly of the Am- 
 phictyons, the affair was debated very seriously. 
 It was there that tlie orators previously bribed 
 by Philip exerted all their eloquence, and, by a 
 studied oration, proved to the deputies, that they 
 must either assess themselves to support foreign 
 soldiers and punish the rebels, or else elect Philip 
 for their general. The deputies, to save their 
 respective states the expense, and secure them 
 from the dangers and fatigues of a war, resolved 
 upon the latter. Upon which, by a public de- 
 cree, " ambassadors were sent to Philip of Mace- 
 don, who, in the name of Apollo and the Am- 
 phictyons, implore his assistance, beseech him 
 not to neglect the cause of that god which the 
 impious Amphissians make their sport ; and 
 notify to him, that for this purpose all the 
 Greeks, associated in the council of the Am- 
 phictyons, eiect him for their general, with full 
 power to act as he shall think proper." 
 
 This was the honour to which Philip had 
 
 long aspired; the aim of all his viewp, and end 
 of all the engines he had set at work till that 
 time. He therefore did not lose a moment, but 
 immediately assembles his forces ; and feigning 
 to direct his march towards the CyiThean field, 
 forgetting now both the Cyrrheans and Locri- 
 ans, who had only served as a specious pretext 
 for his journey, and for whom he had not the 
 least regard; he possessed himself of Elalsea 
 the greatest city in Phocis, standing on thsj 
 river Cephissus, and the most happily situated 
 for the design he meditated, of awing the The- 
 bans, who now began to open their eyes, and to 
 perceive the danger they were in. 
 
 This news being brought to Athens in the 
 evening,^ spread terror through every part of 
 the city. The next morning an assembly was 
 summoned, when the herald, as was the usual 
 custom, cries with a loud voice, " Who among 
 you will ascend the tribunal?" However, no 
 person appears for that pui'pose : upon which 
 he repeated the invitation several times : but 
 still no one rose up, though all the generals and 
 orators were present; and although the common 
 voice of the country, with repeated cries, con- 
 jured somebody to propose some salutary coun- 
 sel : For, says Demosthenes (from whom these 
 particulars are taken), whenever the voice of the 
 herald speaks in the name of the laws, it ought 
 to be considered as the voice of the country. 
 During this general silence, occasioned by the 
 universal alarm with which the minds of the 
 Athenians were seized, Demosthenes, animated 
 at the sight of the great danger his fellow-citi- 
 zens were in, ascends the tribunal, and endeav- 
 ours to revive the spirits of the drooping Athe- 
 nians, and inspire them with sentiments suitable 
 to the present conjuncture and the necessities of 
 the state. Excelling equally in politics and 
 eloquence, by the extent of his superior genius, 
 he immediately suggests a plan which includes 
 all that was necessary for the Athenians to per.- 
 form both at home and abroad, by land as well 
 as by sea. 
 
 The people of Athens were under a double 
 error with regard to the Thebans, and he there- 
 fore endeavours to undeceive them. They imag- 
 ined that people were inviolably attached, both 
 from interest and inclination, to Philip ; but he 
 proves to them, that the majority of the Thebans 
 waited only an opportunity to declare against 
 that monarch, and that the conquest of Elatfea 
 has apprized them of what they are to expect 
 from him. On the other side, they looked upon 
 the Thebans as their most ancient and most 
 dangerous enemies, and therefore could not pre- 
 vail with themselves to afford them the least aid 
 in the extreme danger with which they were 
 threatened. It must be confessed, that there 
 had always been a declared enmity between the 
 Thebans and Athenians, which rose so high that 
 Pindar was sentenced by the Thebans to pay a 
 considerable fine for having applauded the city 
 of Athens in one of his poems.' Demosthenes, 
 notwithstanding that prejudice had taken such 
 deep root in the minds of the people, yet declarer 
 in their favour; and proves to the Athenians 
 
 fi Demostb. pro C:es. p. 501—504. Diod. lib. xvj 
 p. 477. 
 
 7 He had called Athens a flourishing and renowned 
 city, the bulwark of Greece. A/Vaja/ xa.) u.clli[/.a.i, "EX- 
 kv.'io; te;iitrf/,tx., xXuvee.) ' kQr,'ia.i, But the Athenians not 
 01 ly indemnified the poet, and sent him money to pay his 
 fine, but even erected a statue in honour of him. 
 
HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 that their own interest lies at stake ; and that 
 they could not please Philip more, than in leav- 
 ing Thebes to his mercy, the ruin of which would 
 open him a free passage to Athens. 
 
 Demosthenes afterwards unfolds to them the 
 views of Philip in taking that city. " What then 
 is his design, and wherefore did he possess him- 
 self of Elataea ? He is desirous, on one side, to 
 encourage those of his faction in Thebes, and to 
 inspire them with greater boldness, by appear- 
 ing at the head of his army, and advancing his 
 power and forces around that city. On the 
 other side, he wishes to strike unexpectedly the 
 opposite faction, and stun them in such a man- 
 ner as may enable him to get the better of it 
 either by terror or force. Philip," says he, 
 " prescribes the manner in which you ought to 
 act, by the example he himself sets you. As- 
 semble, at Eleusis, a body of Athenians, of an 
 age fit for service, and support these by your 
 cavalry. By this step you will show all Greece 
 that you are ready armed to defend yourselves ; 
 I and inspire your partisans in Thebes with such 
 resolution, as may enable them both to support 
 their reasons, and to make head against the op- 
 posite party, when they shall perceive, that as 
 those who sell their country to Philip, have 
 forces .in Elataea ready to assist them upon occa- 
 sion, in like manner those who are willing to 
 ^ fight for the preservation of their own liberties, 
 j have you at their gates ready to defend them in 
 1 case of an invasion." Demosthenes added, that 
 i it would be proper for them to send ambassadors 
 immediately to the different states of Greece, 
 j and to the Thebans in particular, to engage them 
 in a common leagae against Philip. 
 
 This prudent and salutary advice was follow- 
 ed in every particular : and in consequence 
 thereof a decree was formed, in which, after 
 enumerating the several enterprises by which 
 I Philip had infringed the peace, it continues 
 thus : " For this reason the senate and people of 
 Athens, calling to mind the magnanimity of 
 their ancestors, who preferred the liberty of 
 Greece to the safety of their own country, have 
 resolved, that, after offering up prayers and sa- 
 I crifices to call down the assistance of the tutelar 
 gods and demi gods of Athens and Attica, 200 
 sail of ships shall be put to sea. That the ad- 
 j miral of their fleet shall go, as soon as possible, 
 and cruise on the other side of the pass of Ther- 
 mopylae ; while at the same time the generals by 
 land, at the head of a considerable body of horse 
 and foot, shall march and encamp in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Eleusis. That ambassadors shall 
 likewise be sent to the other Greeks ; but first 
 to the Thebans, as these are most threatened 
 by Philip. Let them be exhorted not to have 
 any dread of Philip, but to maintain courage- 
 ously their individual independence, and the 
 common liberty of all Greece. And let it be de- 
 clared to them, that though formerly some sub- 
 jects of discontent may have cooled the recipro- 
 cal friendship between them and us, the Athe- 
 nians, however, obliterating the remembrance 
 of past transactions, will now assist them with 
 men, money, darts, and all kinds of military 
 weapons ; persuaded that such as are natives of 
 Greece may, very honourably, dispute with one 
 another for pre-eminence; but that they can 
 never, without sullying the glory of the Greeks, 
 and derogating from the virtue of their an- 
 cestors, suffer a foreigner to despoil them of 
 that pre-eminence, nor consent to so ignomini- 
 ous a slavery." 
 
 Demosthenes, who was at the head of this em- 
 
 bassy,' immediately set out for Thebes : and in- 
 deed he had no time to lose, since Philip might 
 reach Attica in two days. This prince also 
 sent ambassadors to Thebes. Among these Py- 
 thon was the chief,^ who distinguished himself 
 greatly by his lively and persuasive eloquence, 
 which it was scarce possible to withstand ; so 
 that the rest of the deputies were mere babblers 
 in comparison to him : however, he here met 
 with a superior. And,^ indeed, Demosthenes, 
 in an oration where he relates the services he 
 had done the commonwealth, expatiates very 
 strongly on this, and places the happy success of 
 so important a negotiation at the head of his po 
 litical exploits. 
 
 It was of the utmost importance for the 
 Athenians to draw the Thebans into the alli- 
 ance,* as they were neighbours to Attica, and 
 covered it ; had troops excellently well dis- 
 ciplined, and had been considered, ever since 
 the famous victories of Leuctra and Mantinea, 
 as holding the first rank among the several 
 states of Greece for valour and military skill. 
 To effect this was no easy matter; not only be- 
 cause of the great service which Philip had late- 
 ly done them during the war of Phocis, but 
 likewise because o/ the ancient inveterate anti- 
 pathy between Thebes and Athens. 
 
 Philip's deputies spoke first. They display- 
 ed, in the strongest light, the kindnesses with 
 which Philip had loaded the Thebans, and the 
 innumerable evils which the Athenians had 
 made them suffer. They represented, in the 
 most forcible manner, the great benefit they 
 might reap from laying Attica waste, the flocks, 
 goods, and power of which would be carried 
 into their city ; whereas, by joining in a 
 league with the Athenians, Boeotia would 
 thereby become the seat of war, and would 
 alone suffer the losses, depredations, burnings, 
 and all the other calamities which are the ine- 
 vitable consequences of it. They concluded 
 with requesting, either that the Thebans would | 
 join their forces with those of Philip against | 
 the Athenians ; or, at least, permit him to pass j 
 through their territories to enter Attica. } 
 
 The love of his country, and a just indigna- i 
 tion at the breach of faith and usurpations of j 
 Philip, had already suflBciently animated De- 
 mosthenes : but the sight of an orator, who 
 seemed to contest with him the superiority of 
 eloquence, inflamed his zeal, and inspired him 
 with new vigour. To the captious arguments 
 of Python he opposed the actions themselves of 
 Philip, and particularly the late taking of Ela- 
 taea, which evidently discovered his designs. 
 He represented him as a restless, enterprising, 
 ambitious, crafty, perfidious prince, who had 
 formed the design of enslaving all Greece; but 
 who, to succeed the better in his schemes, had 
 the caution to attack the different states of it 
 singly: a prince, whose pretended beneficence 
 was only a snare for the credulity of those who 
 did not know him, in order to disarm those 
 whose zeal for the public liberty might be an 
 obstacle to his enterprises. He proved to them, 
 that the conquest of Attica, so far from satiating 
 
 1 Pint, in Demosth. p. 85S, 854. 
 2 This Python was a native of Byzantium. The Athe- 
 nians had presented him with the freedom of their city; 
 after which he went over to Fhilip. Demosth. p. 193 
 7i5. 
 
 3 Demosth. in Orat. pro Coron p. TOQ. 4 liiid 
 
67 
 
 j the inordinate avidity of this usurper, would 
 1 only give him an opportunity of subjecting 
 j Thebes and the rest of the cities of Greece. 
 That therefore the interests of the two common- 
 wealths being henceforward inseparable, they 
 I ought to erase entirely the remembrance of their 
 I former divisions, and unite their forces to repel 
 the common enemy. 
 
 The Thebans were not long in forming their 
 resolution.* The nervous eloquence of Demos- 
 thenes, says an historian, rushing into their souls 
 like an impetuous wind, rekindled there so ar- 
 dent a zeal for their country and so mighty a 
 passion for liberty, that, banishing from their 
 minds every idea of fear, of prudence, or ingrati- 
 tude, his discourse transported and ravished them 
 like a fit of enthusiasm, and iniiamed them sole- 
 \ ly with the love of true glory. Here we have 
 I a proof of the power which eloquence has over 
 j the minds of men, especially when it is height- 
 ] ened by a love and zeal for the public good, 
 j One single man swayed all things at his will 
 in the assemblies of Athens and Thebes, in both 
 which cities he was equally loved, respected, and 
 feared. 
 
 Philip, quite disconcerted by the union of these 
 two nations, sent ambassadors to the Athenians, 
 to request them not to levy an armed force, but 
 to live in harmony with him. However, they 
 were too justly alarmed and exasperated, to lis- 
 ten to any accommodation ; and would no longer 
 depend on the word of a prince, whose sole aim 
 was to deceive. In consequence, preparations 
 for war were made with the utmost diligence, 
 and the soldiery discovered incredible ai-dour. 
 Many evil-disposed persons endeavoured to ex- 
 tinguish or damp it, by relating fatal omens and 
 terrible predictions which the priestess of Delphi 
 was said to have uttered : but Demosthenes con- 
 fiding firmly in the arms of Greece, and encour- 
 aged wonderfully by the number and bravery of 
 the troops, who desired only to march against 
 the enemy, would not suffer them to be amused 
 with these oracles and frivolous predictions. It 
 was on this occasion he said that the priestess 
 Philippized, implying by this expression that it 
 was Philip's money that inspired the priestess, 
 opened her mouth, and made the god speak what- 
 ever she thought nroper. He bade the Thebans 
 remember their ^Ipaminondas, and the Athe- 
 nians their Pericles, who considered these ora- 
 cles and predictions as idle scarecrows, and 
 consulted reason alone. The Athenian army 
 set out immediately, and marched to Eleusis; 
 and the Thebans, surprised at the diligence of 
 their confederates, joined them and waited the 
 approach of the enemy. 
 
 JPhilip, on the other side, not having been able 
 to prevent the Thebans from uniting with A- 
 thens, nor to draw the latter into an alliance 
 with him, assembles all his forces, and enters 
 Boeotia. His army consisted of 30,000 foot and 
 2000 horse : that of his enemy was not quite so 
 numerous. The valour of the troops may be said 
 to have been equal on both sides ; but the merit 
 of the chiefs was not so. And indeed, what 
 warrior could be compared at that time to Philip ? 
 Iphicrates, Chabrias, Timotheus, all famous 
 Athenian captains, were no more. Phocion, 
 indeed, might have opposed him : but, not to 
 mention that this war had been undertaken 
 
 against his advice, the contrary faction had ex- 
 cluded him from the command, and had ap- 
 pointed as generals. Chares, who was universally 
 despised, and Lysicles, distinguished for nothing 
 but his rash and presumptuous audacity. It 
 is the choice of such leaders as these, by the 
 means of cabal alone, that paves the way to the 
 ruin of states. 
 
 The two armies encamped near Chaeronsea, a 
 city of Bceotia. Philip gave the command of 
 his left wing to his son Alexander, who was then 
 but sixteen or seventeen years old, having posted 
 his ablest officers near him ; and took the com- 
 mand of the right wing upon himself. In the 
 opposite army, the Thebans formed the right 
 wing, and the Athenians the left. 
 
 At sun-rise, the signal was given on both sides. 
 The battle was obstinate and bloody, and the 
 victory a long time dubious, both sides exerting 
 themselves with astonishing valour and bravery. 
 Alexander, even at that time, animated with a 
 noble ardour for glory, and endeavouring to sig- 
 nalize himself, in order to answer the confidence 
 his father reposed in him, under whose eye he 
 fought, and made his first essay as a commander, 
 discovered in this battle all the capacity which 
 could have been expected from a veteran gen- 
 eral, together with all the intrepidity of a young 
 warrior. It was he who broke, after a long and 
 vigorous resistance, the sacred battalion of the 
 Thebans, which was the flower of their army. 
 The rest of the troops who were round Alexan- 
 der, being encouraged by his example, entirely 
 routed them. 
 
 On the right wing, Philip, who was deter- 
 mined not to yield to his son, charged the Athe- 
 nians with great vigour, and began to make them 
 give way. However, they soon, resumed their 
 courage, and recovered their first post. Lysicles,* 
 one of the two generals, having broken into 
 some troops which formed the centre of the 
 Macedonians, imagined himself already victori- 
 ous ; and hurried on by I'ash confidence, cried 
 out, «' Come on, my lads, let us pursue them 
 into Macedonia." Philip, perceiving that the 
 Athenians, instead of profiting by the advantage 
 they had gained, to take his phalanx in flank, 
 pursued his troops too vigorously, said coolly, 
 " The Athenians do not know ho w to conquer. " 
 Immediately he commanded his phalanx to 
 wheel about to a little eminence ; and perceiv- 
 ing that the Athenians, in disorder, were wholly 
 intent upon pursuing those they had broken, he 
 charged them with his phalanx ; and attacking 
 them both in flank and rear, entirely routed 
 them. Demosthenes, who was a greater states- 
 man than a warrior, and more capable of giving 
 wholesome counsel in his harangues, than of 
 supporting them by an intrepid courage, threw 
 down his ai-ms, and fled with the rest. It is 
 even said, that in his flight his robe being caught 
 by a bramble, he imagined that some of the 
 enemy had laid hold of him, and cried out, 
 « Spare my life." More than 1000 Athenians 
 were left upon the field of battle, and above 
 2000 taken prisoners, among whom was Demades 
 the orator. The loss was as great on the Theban 
 side. 
 
 Philip, after having erected a trophy, and of- 
 fered to the gods a sacrifice of thanksgiving foi 
 
 4 Thecpom. apud Plut. in vit. Demosth. p. 854. 
 
 1 
 
 5 Polysen. Stratag. \ib iv. 
 6 Plut. in. vit. decern. Orat. p. 845. 
 
 3fi % 
 
68 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 his victory, distributed rewards to the officers 
 and soldiers, to each according to his merit and 
 the rank he held. 
 
 His conduct after this victory shows, that it 
 is much easier to overcome an enemy than to 
 conquer one's self, and triumph over one's own 
 passiops. Upon his coming from a grand enter- 
 tainment which he had given his officers, being 
 equally transported with joy and the fumes of 
 wine, he hurried to the spot where the battle 
 had been fought, and there, insulting the dead 
 bodies with which the field was covered, he 
 turned into a song the beginning of the decree 
 which Demosthenes had prepared to excite the 
 Greeks to this war, and sang thus (himself beat- 
 ing time), "Demosthenes the Peanian, son of 
 Demosthenes, has said." Every body was 
 shocked to see the king dishonour himself by 
 I this behaviour, and sully his glory by an action 
 I so unworthy a king and a conqueror; but all 
 1 kept silence. Demades the orator, whose soul 
 was free, though his body was a prisoner, was 
 , the only person who ventured to make him sen- 
 sible of the indecency of this conduct. " Ah, 
 I sir," said he, " since fortune has given you 
 : the part of Agamemnon, are you not ashamed 
 j to act that of Thersites?" These words spoken 
 I with so generous a liberty, opened his eyes, and 
 j brought him to himself. And, so far from be- 
 ing displeased with Demades, he esteemed him 
 I the more for them, treated him with the utmost 
 I respect and friendship, and conferred all possible 
 : honours upon him. 
 
 From this moment Philip seemed quite 
 j changed both in his disposition and behaviour ; 
 i as if, says an historian,' the conversation of 
 j Demades had softened his temper, and intro- 
 I duced him to a familiar acquaintance with the 
 j Attic gi-aces. He dismissed all the Athenian 
 I captives without any ransom, and gave the 
 I greatest part of them clothes ; with the view of 
 i acquiring, by this favourable treatment, the 
 j good will of so powerful a commonwealth as 
 ! Athens. In which, says Polybius,* he gained 
 I a second triumph, more glorious for himself, 
 and even more advantageous, than the first : for 
 in the battle, his courage had prevailed over 
 none but those who were present in it ; but on 
 this occasion, his kindness and clemency ac- 
 quired him a whole city, and subjected every 
 heart to him. He renewed with the Athenians 
 the ancient treaty of friendship and alliance, and 
 granted the Boeotians a peace, after having left 
 a strong garrison in Thebes. 
 
 We are told that Isocrates,^ the most cele- 
 brated rhetorician of that age, who loved his 
 country with the utmost tenderness, could not 
 survive the loss and ig-nominy with which it 
 was covered, by the event of the battle of Chss- 
 ronea. The instant he received the news of it, 
 being uncertain what use Philip would make of 
 his victory, and determined to die a freeman, he 
 hastened his end by abstaining from food. He 
 was fourscore and eighteen years of age. 
 ^ Demosthenes seemed to have been the prin- 
 cipal cause of the terrible shock which Athens 
 received at this time, and which gave its power 
 such a wound as it never recovered. But at the 
 very instant that the Athenians heard of this 
 bloody overthrow,* which affected so great a 
 
 oui\r,QivTa tetis 'Attixous 
 
 (ttri. Diod. 
 
 2 Polyb. 1. V. p. 359. 3 Plut. in Isocr. p. 8J7. 
 4 Demosth. pro Ctes. p. 514. I'lut. in Demosth. p. 855. 
 
 number of families, when it would have l>een 
 no wonder, had the multitude, seized with ter- 
 ror and alarms, given way to an emotion of 
 bhnd anger against the man whom they might 
 consider in some measure as the author of this 
 dreadful calamity ; even at this very instant, I 
 say, the people submitted entirely to the coun- 
 sels of Demosthenes. The precautions that were 
 taken to post guards, to raise the walls, and to 
 repair the ditches, were all in consequence of 
 his advice. He himself was appointed to supply 
 the city with provisions and to repair the walls, 
 which latter commission he executed with so 
 much generosity, that it acquired him the great- 
 est honour; and for which, at the request of 
 Ctesiphon, a crown of gold was decreed him, as 
 a reward for his having presented the common- 
 wealth with a sum of money out of his own 
 estate, sufficient to defray what was wanting of 
 the sums for repairing the walls. 
 
 On the present occasion, that is, after the 
 battle of Chseronea, the orators who opposed 
 Demosthenes, having all risen up in concert 
 against him, and having cited him to take his 
 trial according to law, the people not only de- 
 clared him innocent of the several accusations 
 laid to his charge, but conferred more honours 
 upon him than he had enjoyed before ; so strongly 
 did the veneration which they had for his zeal 
 and fidelity overbalance the efforts of calumny 
 and malice. 
 
 The Athenians (a fickle wavering people, and 
 apt to punish their own errors and omissions in , 
 the persons of those whose projects were often ' 
 rendered abortive, for no other reason but be- ' 
 cause they had executed them too slowly) in j 
 thus crowning Demosthenes, in the midst ot a j 
 public calamity which he alone seemed to have i 
 brought upon them, pay the most glorious hom- i 
 age to his abilities and integrity. By this wise ! 
 and brave conduct, they seem in some measure 
 to confess their own error, in not having fol- I 
 lowed his counsel either fully or early enough ; ■ 
 and to confess themselves alone guilty of all the i 
 evils which had befallen them. ' 
 
 But the people did not stop here.* The bones i 
 of such as had been killed in the battle of Chje- i 
 ronea, having been brought to Athens to be in- 
 terred, they appointed Demosthenes to pronounce 
 the eulogium of those brave men ; a manifest 
 proof that they did not ascribe to him the ill 
 success of the battle, but to Divine Providence 
 only, who disposes of human events at pleasure ; 
 a circumstance which was expressly mentioned 
 in the inscription engraved on the monument of 
 those illustrious deceased warriors. 
 
 This earth entombs those victims to the state 
 
 Who fell a glorious sacrifice to zeal. 
 
 Greece, on the point of wearrng tyrant chains. 
 
 Did, by their deaths alone, escape the yoke. 
 
 This Jupiter decreed: no effort, mortals. 
 
 Can save you from the mighty will of fate. 
 
 To gods alone belong the attribute 
 
 Of being free from crimes, with never-ending joy. 
 
 Demosthenes opposed jEschines," v/ho was 
 perpetually reproaching him with having occa- 
 sioned the loss of the battle in question, with 
 this solid answer: " Censure me," says he, " for 
 the counsels I gave, but do not calumniate me 
 for the ill success of them. For it is the Supreme 
 Being who conducts and terminates all things; 
 
 5 Plut in Demosth. p. 855. Demosth. pro Ctes p. 51? 
 6 Uemosth. pro Ctes. p. ;)05. 
 
HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 69 
 
 whereas it is from the nature of the counsel it- 
 self, that we are to judge of the intention of him 
 who offers it. If therefore the event has de- 
 clared in favour of Philip, impute it not to me 
 as a crime ; since it is God, and not myself, who 
 disposed of the victory. But if you can prove 
 that I did not exert myself with probity, vigi- 
 lance, and an activity indefatigable, and superi- 
 or to my strength : if with these I did not seek, 
 1 did not employ, every method which human 
 jjrudence could suggest ; and did not inspire the 
 most necessary and noble resolutions, such as 
 were truly worthy of Athenians ; show me 
 this, and then give what scope you pleas3 to 
 your accusations." 
 
 He afterwards uses that bold and sublime 
 figure,'' which is looked upon as the most beau- 
 tiful passage in his oration, and is so highly ap- 
 plauded by Longinus.^ Demosthenes endea- 
 vours to justify his own conduct, and prove to 
 the Athenians, that they did not do wrong in 
 giving Philip battle. He is not satisfied with 
 merely citing in a frigid manner, the example 
 of the great men who had fought for the same 
 cause in the plains of Marathon, at Salamis, 
 and before Platsese. No, he makes a quite dif- 
 ferent use of them, says this rhetorician ; and, 
 on a sudden, as if inspired by some god, and 
 possessed with the spirit of Apollo himself, cries 
 out, swearing by those brave defenders of 
 Greece : " No, Athenians, you have not erred. 
 I swear by those illustrious men who fought by 
 land at Marathon and Piataaj ; by sea before 
 Salamis and Artemisium; and all those who 
 have been honoured by the commonwealth with 
 the solemn rites of burial ; and not those only 
 who have been crowned with success, and came 
 off victorious." Would not one conclude, adds 
 Longinus, that by changing the natural air of 
 the proof into this grand and pathetic manner of 
 affirming by oaths of so extraordinary a nature, 
 he deifies, in some measure, those ancient citi- 
 zens; and makes all who die in the same glori- 
 ous manner so many gods, by whose names it is 
 proper to swear ? 
 
 I have already observed in another place, how 
 naturally apt these orations (spoken in a most 
 solemn manner,^ to the glory of those who lost 
 their lives in fighting for the cause of liberty) 
 were to inspire the Athenian youth with an ar- 
 dent zeal for their country, and a warm desire 
 to signalize themselves in battle. Another 
 ceremony observed with regard to those children 
 whose fathers had died in the bed of honour,'" 
 was no less efficacious to inspire them with the 
 love of virtue. In a celebrated festival, in which 
 shows were exhibited to the whole people, a 
 1 herald came upon the stage, and producing the 
 ' young orphans dressed in complete armour, pro- 
 claimed with a loud voice : " These young or- 
 phans whom an untimely death in the midst of 
 dangers has deprived of their illustrious fathers, 
 have found in the people a parent, who has 
 taken care of them till no longer in a state of in- 
 fancy. And now they send them back, armed 
 cap-a-pie to follow under the most happy aus- 
 pices, their own affairs ; and invite them to 
 
 7 Demosth. pro Ctes. p. 508. 
 
 8 Longin. de sublim. c. xiv. 
 
 9 Demosthenes, in his oration against Leptines, p. 5CrJ, 
 observes, that the Athenians were the only people who 
 caused funeral orations to be spoken in honour of sucli 
 (arsons, as had lost their lives in the defence of theii 
 -ountry. 
 
 10 ^Efchin. contra Ctesiph. p. 452. 
 
 emulate one another in deserving the chief em- 
 ployments of the state." By such methods 
 martial bravery, the love of one's country, and 
 a taste for virtue and solid glory, are perpetuat- 
 ed in a state. 
 
 It was the very year of the battle of Chaero- 
 nea, and two years before the death of Philip, 
 that ^schines, jealous of the glory of his rival, 
 impugned the decree which had granted him a 
 crown of gold, and drew up an accusation 
 against Ctesiphon, or rather against Demos- 
 thenes. But the cause was not pleaded till 
 seven or eight years after, about the fifth or 
 sixth year of the reign of Alexander. I shall 
 relate the event of it in this place, to avoid break- 
 ing in upon the history of the life and actions of 
 that prince. 
 
 No cause ever excited so much curiosity, nor 
 was pleaded with so much pomp. People flocked 
 to it from all parts (says Cicero) and they had 
 great reason for so doing ; for what sight could 
 be nobler, than a conflict between two orators, 
 each of them excellent in his way ; both foiToed 
 by nature, improved by art, and animated by 
 perpetual dissensions and an implacable animosi- 
 ty against each other ? 
 
 These two orations have always been con- 
 sidered as the masterpieces of antiquity, especial- 
 ly that of Demosthenes. Cicero had translated 
 the whole of it,'^ a strong proof of the high 
 opinion he entertained of it. Unhappily for 
 us, the preamble only to that performance is 
 now extant, which is sufficient to make us very 
 much regret the loss of the rest. 
 
 Amidst the numberless beauties which are 
 conspicuous in every part of these orations, me- 
 thinks there appears (if I may be allowed to 
 censure the writings of such great men) a con- 
 siderable defect, that very much lessens their 
 perfection, and which appears to me directly re- 
 pugnant to the rules of solid and just eloquence; 
 and that is, the gi'oss, injurious terms in which 
 the two orators reproach one another. The 
 same objection has been made to Cicero, with 
 regard to his orations against Antony. I have 
 already declared, that this style, this assemblage 
 of gross, opprobrious expressions, are the very 
 reverse of solid eloquence; and indeed, every 
 speech, which is dictated by passion and re- 
 venge, never fails of being suspected by those 
 who judge of it; whereas an oration that is 
 strong and invincible from its reason and argu- 
 ment, and which at the same time is conducted 
 with reserve and moderation, wins the heart, 
 whilst it informs the understanding ; and per- 
 suades no less by the esteem jt inspires for the 
 orator, than by the force of his arguments. 
 I The times seemed to favour ^schines very 
 I much ; for the Macedonian party, whom he al- 
 ) ways befriended, was very powerful in Athens, 
 ' especially after the ruin of Thebes. Neverthe- 
 less, ^schines lost his cause, and was justly 
 sentenced to banishment for his rash accusation. 
 He thereupon went and settled himself in 
 Rhodes, where he opened a school of eloquence, 
 the fame and glory of which continued for 
 many ages. He began his lectures with the 
 two orations that had occasioned his banish- 
 
 11 Ad quod judicium concursus dicitur 6 totS Grsecifi 
 factus esse. Quid enim aut tani vifcndum, aut tarn audi, 
 endum fuit, quam sutnmorum oratorum, in grevissimfi 
 cau-'-a, accurata et inimicitiis incensa contentio ' Cicet- 
 dc ojit. gen. Orat. n. '22. 
 
 Dp opt. pen. Orat 
 
ro 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 ment. Great encomiums were given to that of 
 iEschines ; but when they heard that of De- ; 
 mosthenes, the plaudits and acclamations were ' 
 redoubled. And it was then that he spoke these I 
 words, so highly worthy of praise in the mouth, 
 of an enemy and a rival ; " But what applauses 
 would you not have bestowed, had you heard i 
 Demosthenes speak it himself !" j 
 To conclude, the victor made a good use of his 
 conquest. For at the time that /Eschines was 
 leaving Athens, in order to embark for Rhodes, 
 Demosthenes ran after him, and forced him to 
 accept of a purse of money; an offer which must 
 have obliged him so much the more, as he had ' 
 less room to expect it. On this occasion iEschines 
 cried out : " How will it be possible for me not 
 to regret a counti-y,' in which I leave an enemy 
 more generous than I can hope to find friends in ; 
 any other part of the world !" 
 
 SECT. VII. 
 
 Philip, in the assembly of the Amphictvons, is declared 
 general of the Greeks against the Persians, and prepares 
 for that important expedition. Domestic troubles in his 
 household. He divorces Oh-mpias, and marries another 
 wife. He solemnizes the marriage of Cleopatra his 
 daughter with Alexander king of Epii us, and is killed 
 at the nuptials. 
 
 A. INI. 3657. 
 Ant. J. C. 33^ 
 
 The battle of Charonea 
 may be said to have enslaved 
 Greece. IMacedon at that 
 time, with no more than 
 30,0CK) soldiers, gained a point which Persia, ' 
 with millions of men, had attempted unsuccess- 
 fully at Plataese, at Salamis, and at Marathon, j 
 Philip, in the first years of his reign, had re- ' 
 pulsed, divided, and* disarmed his enemies. In 
 the succeeding ones, he had subjected, by artifice ' 
 or force, the most powerful states of Greece, and ' 
 had made himself its arbiter ; but now he pre- ' 
 pares to revenge the injuries which Greece had 
 received from the Barbarians, and meditates no 
 less a design than the destruction of their em- i 
 pire. The greatest advantage he gained by his 
 last victory^ (and this was the object he long had 
 in view, and never lost sight of J was to get him- 
 self appointed, in the assembly of the Greeks, 
 their generalissimo against the Persians. In 
 this quality he made preparations, in order to ; 
 invade that mighty empire. He nominated, as 
 leaders of part of' his forces. Attains and Par- 
 menio, two of his captains, on whose valour and 
 wisdom he chiefly relied, and made them set out 
 for Asia Minor. 
 
 But whilst every thing abroad was glorious 
 and happy for Philip,^ he found the utmost un- 
 easiness at home ; division and trouble reigning 
 in every part of his family. The ill temper of 
 Olympias, who was naturally jealous, choleric, 
 and vindictive, raised dissentions perpetually in 
 it, which made Philip almost out of love with 
 life : not to mention that, as he himself was not 
 a faithful husband, it is said that he experienced, 
 on his wife's part, the infidelity he had so justly 
 deserved. But whether he had a just subject of 
 complaint, or whether it was from fickleness and 
 inconstancy, it is certain he proceeded so far as 
 
 1 Some authors ascribe these words to Demosthenes ; 
 when, three years after, he met with the same fate as 
 .SL-chines, and was also banished from Athens. 
 
 8 Diod. I. x\i. I). 47^. 3 Plut. in Alex. p. 6o9. 
 
 to divorce her. Alexander, who had been dis- 
 gusted upon several other accounts, was highly 
 offended at this treatment of his mother. 
 
 Philip, after divorcing Olympias, married 
 Cleopatra, niece to Attains, a very young lady, 
 whose beauty, however, was so exquisite that he 
 could not resist its charms. In the midst of 
 their rejoicings upon occasion of the nuptials, 
 and in the heat of wine, Attains, who was uncle 
 to the new queen by the mother's side, took it 
 into his head to say that the Macedonians ought 
 to beseech the gods to give them a lawful succes- 
 sor for their king. Upon this Alexander, who 
 was naturally choleric, exasperated at such an 
 insult, cried out, " Wretch, dost thou then take 
 me for a bastard ?" and at the same time flung 
 the cup at bis bead. Attains returned the com- 
 pliment ; upon which the quarrel grew wanner. 
 Philip, who sat at another table, was very much 
 offended to see the feast interrupted in this man- 
 ner ; and not recollecting that he was lame, drew 
 his sword, and ran directly at his son. Happily 
 the father fell, so that the guests had an oppoi'- 
 tunity of stepping in between them. The great- 
 est difficulty was, to keep Alexander from rush- 
 ing upon his ruin. Exasperated at a succession 
 of such heinous affronts, in spite of all the guests 
 could sav, concerning the duty be owed Philip 
 as his father and his sovereign, he vented his 
 resentments in this bitter sneer : " The Mace- 
 donians, indeed, have a captain there, vastly 
 able to cross from Europe into Asiaj be who 
 cannot step fi-om one table to another, without 
 i-unning the hazard of breaking his neck!" 
 After these words, he left the hall; and tak- 
 ing Olympias, his mother, along with him, 
 who had been so highly affronted, he conduct- 
 ed her to Epirus, and himself went over to the 
 Illvrians. 
 
 In the mean time, Demaratus of Corinth, who 
 was connected with Philip by the ties of fi-iend- 
 ship and hospitality, and was very free and 
 familiar with him, arrived at his court. After 
 the first civilities and caresses were over, Philip 
 asked him whether the Greeks were at peace 
 among themselves? " It indeed becomes you, 
 Sir," replied Demaratus, " to be concerned 
 about Greece, who have filled your own house 
 with feuds and dissentions," The prince, sen- 
 sibly affected with this reproach, came to him- 
 self, acknowledged his error, and sent Dema- 
 ratus to Alexander to persuade him to return 
 home. 
 
 Philip did not lose sight of 
 A. M. S66S. the conquest of Asia. Full 
 Ant. J. C. 336, of the mighty project which 
 he was revolving in his mind, 
 he consults the gods to know what would be the 
 event of it. The priestess replied, " The victim 
 is already crowned, his end draws nigh, and he 
 will soon be sacrificed." Philip hearing this, did 
 not hesitate a moment, but interpreted an oracle 
 in his own favour, the ambiguity of which ought 
 at least to have kept him in sonic suspense. In 
 order, therefore, that he might be in a condition 
 to apply himself entirely to his expedition against 
 the Persians, and devote himself solely to the 
 conquest of Asia, he despatches with all possible 
 diligence his domestic affairs. After this, he 
 offers up a solemn sacrifice to the gods ; and pre- 
 pares to celebrate, with incredible miignificence, 
 in ^Egse, a city of Macedonia, the nuptials of 
 Cleopatra, his daughter, whom he gave in mar- 
 riage to Alexander king of Epirus, and brother 
 to Olympias his queen. He had invited to it 
 the most considerable persons of Greece; aiid . 
 
HISTORY OP' PHILIP. 
 
 71 
 
 ' I heaped upon them every mark of friendship and 1 
 ; 1 honour, to testify his gratitude for their having i 
 i i elected him generalissimo of the Greeks. The i 
 I i cities made their court to him in emulation of 
 
 I each other, hy sending him golden crowns ; and 
 i Athens distinguished herself above all the rest 
 ' by her zeal. Neoptolemus the poet had written, 
 j purposely for that festival, a tragedy, entitled 
 
 i i Cinyras,'* in vi'hich, under borrowed names, he 
 j i represented this prince as already victor over 
 I Darius, and master of Asia. Philip listened to 
 
 I I these happy presages with joy ; and, comparing 
 j them with the answer of the oracle, assured 
 
 himself of conquest. The day after the nuptials, 
 games and shows were solemnized. As these 
 formed part of the religious worship, there were 
 carried in it, with great pomp and ceremony, 
 twelve statues of the gods, carved with inimi- 
 table art. A thirteenth, that surpassed them 
 all in magnificence, was that of Philip, which 
 represented him as a god. The hour for his 
 leaving the palace being arrived, he went forth 
 in a white robe ; and advanced with a majestic 
 air, in the midst of acclamations, towards the 
 I theatre, where an infinite multitude of Mace- 
 donians, as well as foreigners, waited his com- 
 i ing with impatience. His guards marched be- 
 } fore and behind him, leaving, by his order, a 
 1 considerable space between themselves and him, 
 ] to give the spectators a better opportunity of 
 I surveying him ; and also to show that he con- 
 ' sidered the affection which the Grecians bore him 
 I as his safest guard. 
 
 j But all the festivity and pomp of these nup- 
 ' tials ended in the murder or Philip ; and it was 
 ' his refusal to do an act of justice that occasioned 
 I his death. Some time before. Attains, inflamed 
 i with wine at an entertainment, had insulted, in 
 I the most shocking manner, Pausanias, a young 
 i Macedonian nobleman. The latter had long 
 ; endeavoured to revenge the cruel affront, and 
 I was perpetually imploring the king to interpose 
 ! his power. But JPhilip, unwilling to disgust 
 1 Attains, uncle to Cleopatra, whom, as was be- 
 fore observed, he had married after having di- 
 I vorced Olympias his first queen, would never 
 listen to Pausanias's complaints. However, to 
 console him in some measure, and express the 
 I high esteem and the gi'eat confidence he reposed 
 j in him, he made him one of the chief oflBcers of 
 j his life-guard. But this was not what the 
 1 yoimg Macedonian required, whose anger now 
 1 swelling to fury directs itself against his judge, 
 ) and he forms the design of wiping out his 
 1 shame, by imbruing his hands in a most horrid 
 murder. 
 
 When once a man is determined to die, he is 
 vastly strong and formidable. Pausanias, the 
 better to put his bloody design in execution, 
 j chose the instant of that pompous ceremony ; 
 when the eyes of the whole multitude were 
 fixed on the prince ; doubtless to make his yen- 
 1 geance more conspicuous, and proportion it to 
 the greatness of the injury which he had re- 
 i ceived, and for which he conceived he had a 
 ] right to make the king responsible, as he had 
 ' long solicited that prince in vain for the satis- 
 faction due to him. Seeing him therefore alone, 
 ! in the space which his guards left round him, 
 
 I 
 
 he advances forwards, stabs him with a dagger, 
 and lays him dead at his feet. Diodorus ob- 
 serves, that he was assassinated the very instant 
 his statue entered the theatre. The assassin 
 had prepared horses ready for his escape, and 
 would have got off, had not an accident hap- 
 pened which stopped him, and gave the pursuers ] 
 time to overtake him. Pausanias was imme- 
 diately cut to pieces upon the 
 A. M. 3668. spot. Thus died Philip,^ at 
 Ant. J. C. 336. forty-seven years of age, after 
 having reigned twenty-four. 
 Artaxerxes Ochus, king of Persia, died £dso the 
 same year. 
 
 Demosthenes had private notice sent him of 
 Philip's death ; and in order to prepare the 
 Athenians to resume their courage, he went to 
 the council with an air of joy, and said, that the 
 night before he had had a dream, which pro- 
 mised some great felicity to the Athenians. A 
 little after, couriers arrived with the news of 
 Philip's death, on which occasion the people 
 abandoned themselves to the transports of im- 
 moderate loy, which far exceeded all bounds of 
 decency. Demosthenes particularly had inspired 
 them with these sentiments ; for he himself ap- 
 peared in public crowned with a vvrreath of 
 flowers, and dressed with the utmost magnifi- 
 cence, though his daughter had been dead but 
 seven days. He also engaged the Athenians to 
 offer sacrifices, to thank the gods for the good 
 news ; and, by a decree, ordained a crown to 
 Pausanias, who had committed the murder. 
 
 On this occasion we do not recognise either 
 Demosthenes or the Athenians; and we can 
 scarce conceive how it came to pass that, in so 
 detestable a crime as the murder of a king, 
 policy, at least, did not induce them to dissemble 
 such sentiments as reflected dishonour on them, 
 without being at all to their advantage; and 
 which showed that honour and probity were 
 utterly extinct in their minds. 
 
 SECT. VIII. 
 
 Memorable actions and sayings of Philip. Good and 
 bad qualities of that prince. 
 
 There are, in the lives of great men, certain 
 facts and expressions, which often give us a \ 
 better idea of their character than their most , 
 shining actions ; because in the latter they gener- j 
 ally study their conduct, act a borrowed part, 
 and propose themselves to the view of the world ; 
 whereas in the former, as they speak and act 
 from nature, they exhibit themselves such as 
 they really are, without art and disguise. M. de 
 Tourreil has collected with suflQcient industry 
 most of the memorable actions and sayings of 
 Philip, and he has been particularly careful to 
 , draw the character of this prince. The reader 
 . is not to expect much order and connection in 
 , the recital of these detached actions and say- 
 ings. 
 
 t Though Philip loved flattery so far as to re- 
 [ ward the adulation of Thrasideus with the title 
 of king in Thessaly, he, however, at some in- 
 tervals loved truth. He permitted Aristotle 
 ' to give him precepts on the art of reigning. He 
 * declared, that he was obliged to the Athenian 
 orators for having corrected him of his errors, 
 
 5 .S^schin. contra Ctesiph. p. 440. 
 6 Arist. Epist. Plutarch, in Apoph. p. 177. .Elian. 1)> 
 I viii. c. 15. 
 
 4 Suetonius, among the presages of Caligula's death, 
 who died in much the same manner as Philip, observes, 
 that Mnester, the Pantomime, exhibited the same piece 
 which Neoptolemus had represented the very day Philip 
 vas TTHirdered. 
 
72 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 by frequently reproauhiug him with them. He 
 kept a man in his service to tell him every day, 
 before he gave audience, " Philip, remember 
 thou art mortal," 
 
 He' discovered great moderation,^ even when 
 he was spoken to in oiFensive and injurious 
 terms ; and also, which is no less worthy of ad- 
 miration, when truth was told him ; a great 
 I quality, says Seneca, in kings, and highly con- 
 ducive to the happiness of their reign. At the 
 ' I close of an audience which he gave to some 
 ' Athenian ambassadors, who were come to com- 
 plain of some act of hostility, he asked, whether 
 he could do them any service? " The greatest 
 service thou couldst do us," said Demochares, 
 " would be to hang thyself." Philip, without 
 the least emotion, though he perceived all the 
 persons present were highly offended at these 
 • words, made the following answer : " Go, 
 I tell your superiors, that those who dare to make 
 ' , use of such insolent language are more haughty, 
 i and less peaceably inclined, than they who can 
 forgive them." 
 
 lieing present,^ in an indecent posture, at the 
 sale of some captives, one of them, going up to 
 j him, whispered in his ear, " Let down the lap- 
 ! pet of your robe ;" upon which Philip replied, 
 ' " Set the man at liberty; I did not know tiU 
 j now that he was one of my friends." 
 ' ; The whole court soliciting him to punisli the 
 1 1 ingratitude of the Peloponnesians,* who bad 
 I j hissed him publicly in the Olympic games ; 
 I, " What wont they attempt," replied Philip, 
 ' " should I do them any injury, since they laugh 
 i j at me, after having received so many favours at 
 
 I my hand ?" 
 
 j His courtiers advising him to drive from him 
 ! a certain person who spoke ill of him :^ " Yes, 
 j I indeed," said he, " and so he'll go and speak in- 
 ' i juriously of me every where." Another time, 
 i I when they advised him to dismiss a man of pro- 
 
 I I bity, who^ had reproached him : " Let us first 
 i take care," says he, "that we have not given 
 i j him reason to do so." Hearing afterwards that 
 
 ! the person in question was but in poor circum- 
 j 1 stances, and in no favour with the courtiers, he 
 j was very bountiful to him : on which occasion 
 I his reproaches were changed into applauses, 
 { j which^ occasioned another fine saying of this 
 prince's : " It is in the power of kings to make 
 themselves beloved or hated." 
 
 Being urged to assist,** with the influence and 
 authority he had with the judges, a person 
 whose reputation would be quite lost, by the 
 sentence which was going to be pronounced 
 against him ; " I had rather," says he, <' he 
 should lose his reputation, than I mine." 
 
 Philip,^ rising from an entertainment at 
 which he had sitten several hours, was ad- 
 dressed by a woman^ who begged him to exa- 
 mine her cause, and to hear several reasons she 
 had to allege, which were not pleasing to him. 
 He accordingly heard it, and gave sentence 
 against her; upon which she replied very calm- 
 ly, " I appeal." " How!" says Philip, "from 
 your king? To whom then?" " To Philip 
 when fasting," replied the woman. The man- 
 ner in which he received this answer would do 
 
 honour to the most sober prince. He gave the 
 cause a second hearing; acknowledged the in- 
 justice of his sentence, and condemned himself 
 to make amends for it. 
 
 A poor woman used to appear often before 
 him,^ to sue for audience, and to beseech him to 
 put an end to her law-suit; but Philip always 
 told her he had no time. Exasperated at these 
 refusals, which had been so often repeated, she 
 replied one day with emotion ; " If you havr 
 not time to do me justice, be no longer king." 
 Philip was strongly affected with this rebuke, 
 which a just indignation had extorted from this 
 poor woman ; and far from being offended at it, 
 he satisfied her that instant, and afterwards be- 
 came more punctual in giving audience. He 
 was sensible, that in fact a king and a judge are 
 the same thing ; that the throne is a tribunal ; 
 that the sovereign authority is a supreme power, 
 and at the same time an indispensable obligation 
 to do justice; that to distribute it to his subjects, 
 and to grant them the time necessary for that 
 purpose, was not a favour, but a duty and a 
 debt ; that he ought to appoint persons to assist 
 him in this function, but not to disburden him- 
 self absolutely from it ; and that he was no less 
 obliged to be a judge than a king. All these 
 circumstances are included in this natural, un- 
 affected, and very sensible expression, " Be no 
 longer king;"^ and Philip comprehended all its 
 force. 
 
 He understood raillery,'" was very fotid of 
 smart sayings, and very happy at them himself. 
 Having received a wound near the throat, and 
 his surgeon importuning him daily with some 
 new request; " Take what thou wilt," says he, 
 " for thou hast me by the throat." 
 
 It is also related," that after hearing two vil- ; 
 lains, who accused each other of various crimes, 
 he banished the one, and sentenced the other to 
 follow him. 
 
 Menecrates,'^ the physician, who was so mad 
 as to fancy himself Jupiter, wrote to Philip in 
 these terms : " Menecrates Jupiter, to Philip 
 greeting." Philip answered, " Philip to Mene- 
 crates, health and reason." But this king did 
 not stop here ; for he hit upon a pleasant reme- 
 dy for his visionary correspondent. Philip in- j 
 vited him to a gi'and entertainment. Mene- 
 crates had a separate table, where nothing was , 
 served up to him but incense and perfume, ' 
 whilst all the other guests fed upon the most , 
 exquisite dainties. The first transports of joy ' 
 with which he was seized, when he found his \ 
 divinity acknowledged, made him forget that | 
 he was a man ; but hunger afterwards forcing i 
 him to recollect his being so, he was quite tired I 
 with the character of Jupiter, and took leave o!:' : 
 the company abruptly. I 
 
 Philip made an answer which redounded 
 highly to the honour of his prime minister.'^ 
 That prince being one day reproached with de- j 
 voting too many hours to sleep ; * I indeed ! 
 sleep, ' says he, * but Antipater wakes. ' 
 
 Parmenio,'-^ hearing the ambassadors of aU 
 Greece mui muring one day because Philip lay 
 too long in bed, and did not'give them audience: 
 " Do not wonder," says he, " if he sleeps 
 
 1 Senec. de Ird, 1. iii. c. 23. 1 
 2 Hi qua alia in Fhilippo virtus, fuit et contumelianini ' 
 patientia, mgens instrumentum ad tutelam regni. 
 
 3 ^luL 4 Ibid. 5 Pint, in Anophth. 
 
 6 riut. 7 Ibid. 1 
 
 8 Plut. 9 KaJ /Lcr, /3«r/ASiS. 10 Plut. 
 
 11 Id. IS JKlian. lib. xii. cap. 51. 
 13 T.he Greek word hiotimv signifies both these thijig*. 
 14 Plutarch. 15 Id. 
 
HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 whilst wake ; for he waked whilst you 
 
 slept." By this he wittily reproached them for 
 their supineness in neglecting their interests 
 whilst Philip was very vigilant in regard to his. 
 This Demosthenes was perpetually observing to 
 them with his usual freedom. 
 
 Every one of the ten tribes of Athens used to 
 elect a new general every year.'® These did 
 their duty by turns, and every general for the 
 day commanded as generalissimo.^ But Philip 
 joked upon this multiplicity of chiefs, and said, 
 " In my whole life I could never find but one 
 general (Parmenio), whereas the Athenians can 
 find ten every year at the very instant they want 
 them." 
 
 j The letter which Philip wrote to Aristotle 
 ! on the birth of his son, proves the i*egard that 
 prince paid to learned men ; and at the same 
 time, the taste he himself had for the polite arts 
 and sciences. The other letters of his, which 
 are still extant, do him no less honour. But 
 his great talent was that of war and policy, in 
 which he was equalled by few ; and it is time 
 to consider him under this double character. I 
 beg the reader to remember, that M. de Tour- 
 reil is the author of most of the subsequent par- 
 ticulars, and that it is he who is going to give 
 the picture of king Philip. 
 
 It would be difficult to determine whether 
 this prince were greater as a warrior or a states- 
 man. Surrounded from the very beginning of 
 his reign, both at home and abroad, with power- 
 ful and formidable enemies, he employed some- 
 times artifice, and sometimes force, to defeat them. 
 He uses his endeavours with success to divide his 
 opponents. To strike the surer, he eludes and 
 wards off the blows which were aimed at him- 
 self; equally prudent in good and ill foi'tune, he 
 does not abuse victory ; equally ready to pursue 
 or wait for it, he either hastens his pace or 
 slackens it, as necessity requires ; he leaves no- 
 thing to the caprice of chance, but what cannot 
 be directed by wisdom : in fine, he is ever im- 
 moveable, ever fixed within the just bounds 
 which divide boldness from temerity. 
 
 In Philip we perceive a king nearly as much 
 master of his allies as of his own subjects, and 
 no less formidable in treaties than in battles ; a 
 vigilant and active monarch, who is his own 
 superintendent, his own prime minister and 
 generalissimo. We see him fired with an insa- 
 tiable thirst of glory, searching for it where it is 
 sold at the highest price; making fatigue and 
 danger his dearest delights ; forming incessantly 
 that just, that speedy harmony of reflection and 
 action which military expeditions require; and 
 with all these advantages turning the fury of his 
 arms against commonwealths, exhausted by long 
 wars, torn by intestine divisions, sold by their 
 own citizens, sei'ved by a body of mercenary or 
 undisciplined troops; obstinately deaf to good 
 advice, and seemingly determined on their ruin. 
 
 He unites in himself two qualities which 
 are commonly found incompatible, viz. a steadi- 
 ness and calmness of soul that rendered him at- 
 tentive to take advantage of every juncture, and 
 to seize the favourable moment without being 
 disconcerted by disappointments ; this calmness, 
 I say, was united with an activity, ardour, and 
 vivacity, which were regardless of intervals for 
 rest, of the difference of seasons, or the greatest 
 of dangers. No warrior was ever bolder, or 
 
 16 Plutaich. in Apoph. p. 177. 
 
 more intrepid in fight. Demosthenes, who can 
 not be suspected of flattering him, gives a glo- i 
 rious testimony of him on this head ; for which j 
 reason I will cite his own words. " I saw,"" I 
 says this orator, " this very Philip, with whom 
 we disputed for sovereignty and empire ; I saw j 
 him, though covered with wounds, his eye } 
 struck out, his collar-bone broken, maimed both > 
 in his hands and feet, still resolutely rush into 
 the midst of dangers, and ready to deliver up to \ 
 fortune any other part of his body she might ; 
 desire, provided he might live honourably and 
 gloriously with the rest of it." 
 
 Philip was not only brave himself, but in- 
 spired his whole army with the same valour, j 
 Instructed by able masters in the science of war, j 
 as the i-eader has seen, he had brought his troops 
 to the most exact, regular discipline; and trained 
 up men capable of seconding him in his great 
 enterprises. He well knew how, without less- 
 ening his own authority, to familiarize himself 
 with his soldiers ; and commanded rather as a 
 father of a family, than as the general of an 
 army, whenever it was consistent with disci- 
 pline. And indeed from this affability, which 
 merited so much the greater submission and re- 
 spect, as he required less, and seemed to dispense 
 with it, his soldiers were always ready to follow 
 him to the gi'eatest dangers, and paid him the 
 most implicit obedience. 
 
 No general ever made a greater use of militarv 
 stratagems than Philip. The dangers to which 
 he had been exposed in his youth, had taught 
 him the necessity of precautions, and the art of 
 resources. A wise diffidence, which is of ser- 
 vice, as it shows danger in its true light, made 
 him not fearful and irresolute, but cautious and 
 prudent. What reason soever he might have to 
 flatter himself with the hope of success, he never 
 depended upon it; and thought himself superior 
 to the enemy only in vigilance. Ever accurate 
 in his projects, and inexhaustible in expedients ; 
 his views were unbounded: his genius was won- 
 derful, in fixing upon proper junctures for the 
 executing of his designs : and his dexterity in 
 not suffering his designs to be discove i-ed no less 
 admirable. Impenetrable as to his secrets, even 
 to his best friends, he was capable of attempting 
 or concealing any thing. The reader may have 
 observed, that he strenuously endeavoured to 
 lull the Athenians asleep, by a specious outside 
 of peace ; and to lay silently the foundations of 
 his grandeur, in tlieir credulous security, and 
 blind indolence. 
 
 But these exalted qualities were not without 
 imperfections. Not to mention his excess in 
 eating and carousing, to which he abandoned 
 himself with the utmost intemperance; he also 
 has been reproached with the most dissolute and 
 abandoned manners. We may form a judgment 
 of this from those who were most intimate with 
 him, and the company which usually frequented 
 his palace. A set of profligate debauchees, buf- 
 foons, pantomimes, and wretches worse than 
 these, flatterers I mean, whom avai-ice and am- 
 bition draw in crowds round the great and 
 powerful ; such were the people who had the 
 greatest share in his confidence and bounty. 
 Demosthenes is not the only person who re- 
 proaches Philip with these vices; for this might 
 be suspected in so avowed an enemy ; but Theo- 
 pompus, a famous historian,'" who had written 
 
 17 Demostli. pro Ctes. p. 483. 
 
 18 Diod Sicul. 1. xvi. p. 40S. 
 
74 
 
 HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 the history of that prince in fifty-eight books, of 
 which unhappily a few fragments only are ex- 
 I tant, gives a still more disadvantageous chai-acter 
 I ufhim. " Philip," savs he,i "despised modesty 
 I and regularity of life. He lavished his esteem 
 I and liberality on men abandoned to debauchery 
 j and the last excesses of licentiousness. He was 
 I pleased to see the companions of his pleasures 
 < excel no less in the abominable arts of injustice 
 and malignity, than in the science of debauch- 
 ery. What species of infamy,, what sort of i 
 ! crimes, did they not commit !"'&c. j 
 But a circumstance, in my opinion, which j 
 reflects the greatest dishonour on Philip, is : 
 that very one for which he is chiefly esteemed 
 by many persons ; I mean his politics. He is 
 : considered in this respect as a prince of the i 
 1 greatest abilities that ever lived. And, indeed, I 
 ; the reader may have observed, by the history of { 
 his actions, that in the \ery beginning of his \ 
 reign, he had laid down a plan, from which he • 
 ! never deviated ; and this was to raise himself to 
 1 the sovereignty of Greece. When scarce seated I 
 I on his throne, and surrounded on every side 
 with powerful enemies, what probability was 
 : there that he could form, at least that he' could 
 epcute, such a project as this ? However, he 
 did not once lose sight of it. Wars, battles, 
 treaties of peace, alliances, confederacies ; in 
 short, every thing terminated in that point. 
 He was very lavish of his gold and silver, 
 merely to engage creatures in his service. He 
 carried on a private intelligence with all the 
 cities of Greece; and by the assistance of pen- 
 sioners, on whom he had settled very large 
 stipends, he was informed very exactly of all 
 the resolutions taken in them, and generally 
 succeeded in causing the deliberations to take a 
 turn in his own favour. By this means, he 
 deceived the prudence, eluded the efforts, and 
 lulled asleep the vigilance of states, who till 
 then had been looked upon as the most active, 
 the wisest and most penetrating, of all Greece. 
 In treading in these steps for twenty years to- 
 gether, we see him proceeding with great order, 
 and advancing regiilai-ly towards the mark on 
 which his eye was fixed ; but alwavs by wind- 
 ings and subterraneous passages, 'the' outlets 
 alone of which discovered the design. 
 
 Polyaenus shows us evidently the methods 
 whereby he subjected Thessaly,^ which was of 
 great advantage to the comple'ting of his other 
 designs. " He did not," says he, " can-y on an 
 open war against the Thess'alians, but took ad- 
 vantage of the discord that divided the cities 
 and the whole country into different factions. 
 He succoured those who sued for his assistance; 
 and whenever he had conqueredj he did not en- 
 tirely ruin the vanquished, he did not disarm 
 them, nor raze their walls ; on the contrai-y, he 
 protected the weakest, and endeavoured to 
 weaken £ind subject the strongest: in a word, 
 he rather fomented than appeased their divi- 
 sions, having in every place orators in his pay, 
 those artificers of discord, those firebrands of 
 commonwealths. And it was bv these strata- 
 gems, not by his arms, that Philip subdued 
 Thessaly." 
 
 All this is a masterpiece,^ a miracle, in point 
 of politics. But what engines does this art set 
 to work, what methods does it employ to com- 
 
 pass its designs? Deceit, craft, fraud, false 
 hood, perfidy, and perjury. Are these the 
 weapons of virtue? We see in this prince a 
 boundless ambition, conducted by an artful, in- 
 sinuating, knavish, subtle genius; but we do 
 not find him possessed of the qualities which 
 form the truly great man. Philip had neither 
 faith nor honour; every thing that could con- 
 tribute to the aggrandizing of his power, was in 
 j his opinion just and lawful. He gave his word 
 j with a firm resolution to break it ; and made 
 promises which he would have been very sorry to 
 j keep. He thought himseU' skilful in proportion 
 as he was perfidious, and made his glory consist 
 in deceiving aU with whom he treated. He did 
 not blush to say,* That children were amused 
 with play-things, and men with oaths." 
 
 How shameful was it for a prince to be dis- 
 tinguished by being more artful, a greater dis- 
 sembler, more profound in malice, and more a 
 knave than any other person of his age, and to 
 leave so infamous an idea of himself to all pos- 
 terity ! What idea should we form to ourselves 
 in our intercourse with the world, of a man 
 who should value himself upon tricking others, 
 and rank insincerity and fraud among virtues ? 
 Such a character in private life is detested as 
 the bane and ruin of society. How then can it 
 become an object of estee'm and admiration in 
 princes and ministers of state, persons who are 
 bound by stronger ties than the rest of men (be- 
 cause of the eminence of their stations, and the 
 importance of the employments they fiU) to re- 
 vere sincerity, justice, and above all, the sanctity 
 of treaties and oaths ; to bind which they invoke 
 the name and majesty of a God, the inexorable 
 avenger of perfidy and impiety? A bare pro- 
 mise among private persons ought to be sacred 
 and inviolable, if they have the least sense of 
 honour ; but how much more ought it to be so 
 among princes ? '< We are bound'^" says a cele- 
 brated writer,^ « to speak truth to oxir neigh- 
 bour; for the use and application of speech 
 imply a tacit promise of truth ; speech having 
 been given us for no other purpose. It is not a 
 compact between one private man with another; 
 it is a common compact of mankind in gene- 
 ral, and a kind of right of nations, or rather a 
 law of nature. Now, whoever tells an untruth, 
 violates this law and common compact.*' How 
 greatly is this enormity increased, when the 
 sanctity of an oath has intervened, and the 
 name of God been called upon to witness it, as 
 is the custom always in treaties ! " Were sin- 
 cerity and truth banished from every part of the 
 earth, said John I. king of France, upon his 
 being solicited to violate a treaty, " they ought 
 to be found in the hearts and in the mo'uths of 
 kings." 
 
 Ihe circumstance which prompts politicians 
 to act in this manner, is, their being persuaded 
 that it is the only means to make a negotiation 
 succeed. But though this were the case, yet : 
 can it ever be lawful to purchase such success at ' 
 the expense of probity, honour, and religion ? 
 " If your father-in-law" (Ferdinand the Catho- 
 lic),' said Lewis XII. to Philip archduke ot 
 Austria, *' has acted perfidiously, I am deter- 
 mined not to imitate him ; and I am much 
 
 1 Theopom. apud Athen. L ri. p. 260, 
 8 Polysn 1. \v. c. 19. S Demosth. Olynth. ii. p. 
 
 4 ^lian. 1. vii. c. 12. 
 5 M. Nicole, on the epistle of the 19th Sunday afte* 
 Whiisuniide. 
 
 6 Mezerai. 7 Ibid. 
 
HISTORY OF PHILIP. 
 
 more pleased in having lost a kingdom (Naples) 
 which I am able to recover, than I should have 
 been had 1 lost my honour, v/hich can never be 
 recovered." 
 
 But those politicians who have neither honour 
 nor religion, deceive themselves even in this 
 very particular. I shall not have recourse to the 
 Christian world for princes and ministers, whose 
 notions of policy were very different from these. 
 To go no farther than our Greek history, how 
 many great men have we seen perfectly success- 
 ful in the administration of public affairs, in- 
 treaties of peace and war ; in a word, in the 
 most important negotiations, without once mak- 
 
 ing use of artifice and deceit ! An AristKles, a 
 Cimon, a Phocion, and so many more, some of 
 whom were so very scrupulous in matters relat- 
 ing to truth, as to believe they were not allowed 
 to tell a falsehood, even laughing and in sport. 
 Cyrus, the most famous conqueror of the east, 
 thought nothing was more unworthy of a prince, 
 nor more capable of drawing upon him the con-. 
 tempt and hatred of his subjects, than lying and 
 deceit. It therefore ought to be looked upon as 
 a certain truth, that no success, how brilliant 
 soever, can or ought to cover the shame and 
 ignominy which arise from breach of faith and 
 perjury. 
 
THE 
 
 HISTOET OF ALEXANDEE, 
 
 BOOK XV. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Alexander's birth. The temple of Ephesus is burned the 
 same day. The happy natural inclinations of that prince. 
 Aristotle is appoi ited his preceptor, who inspires him 
 with a surprising taste for learning. He breaks Buce- 
 phalus. 
 
 A. M. S648. 
 Ant. J. C. 356. 
 
 ALEXANDER was born 
 in the first year of the 
 106th Olympiad.* 
 The very day he came into the world, the 
 celebrated temple of Diana at Ephesus was 
 burned. It is well known that this temple was 
 one of the seven wonders of the world. It had 
 been built in the name and at the expense of all 
 Asia Minor. A great number of years * were 
 employed in building it. Its length was 425 feet, 
 and its breadth 220. It was supported by 127 
 columns, threescore feet high, which as many 
 kings ' had caused to be wrought at a great ex- 
 pense, and by the most excellent artists, who 
 endeavoured to excel one another on this occa- 
 sion. The rest of the temple corresponded in 
 magnificence with these columns. 
 
 Hegesias'' of Magnesia,^ according to Plu- 
 tarch, says, " That it was no wonder the temple 
 was burned, because Diana was that day em- 
 ployed at the delivery of Olympias, to facilitate 
 the birth of Alexander :" a reflection, says our 
 author, so very cold,^ that it might have extin- 
 guished the fire. Cicero,^ who ascribes this say- 
 ing to Tiraseus, declares it a very smart one, at 
 which I am very much surprised. Possibly the 
 
 1 Plin. 1. xxxvi. c. 14. 
 2 Pliny says 220 years, which is not probable. 
 3 Anciently almost every city was governed by its par- 
 ticular king. 
 
 4 Plut. in Alex. p. 6n5. 
 
 5 He was an historian, and lived in the time of Ptolemy 
 eon of Lagus. 
 
 6 I do not know whether Plutarch's reflection be not 
 still colder. 
 
 7 Concinnd, ut multa, Timjeus ; qui, ciim in historic 
 dixisset, qua nocte natus Alexander esset, cddem Dianae 
 Ephesiae templum deflagravisse, adjunxit : minimd id 
 esse mirandum, qu5d Diana, cum in partu Olvmpiadis 
 adesse voluisset, abtuisset domo. De nat. de'or. L ii. 
 n. 69. 
 
 fondness he had for jokes, made him not very 
 delicate in things of this kind. 
 
 One Erostratus^ had set fire to the temple on 
 purpose. Being put to the torture, in order to 
 force him to confess his motive for committing 
 so infamous an action, he owned that it was 
 with the view of making himself known to pos- 
 terity, and to immortalize his name, by destroy- 
 ing so noble a structure. The states general of 
 Asia imagined they should prevent the success 
 of his view, by publishing a decree, prohibiting 
 the mention of his name. However, their pro- 
 hibition only excited a greater curiosity; for 
 scarce one of the historians of that age has omit- 
 ted to mention so monstrous an extravagance, 
 and at the same time to tell us the name of the 
 criminal. 
 
 The ruling passion in Alexander," even from 
 his tender years, was ambition, and an ardent 
 desire of glory ; but not for every species of glory. 
 Philip, like a sophist, valued himself upon his 
 eloquence and the beauty of his style ; and had 
 the vanity to cause to be engraved on his coins 
 the several victories he had won at the Olympic 
 games in the chariot-race. But it was not to 
 this his son aspired. His friends asking him 
 one day, whether he would not be present at the 
 games above mentioned, in order to dispute the 
 prize, for he was very swift of foot ; he answer- 
 ed, " That he would contend in them, provided 
 kings were to be his antagonists." 
 
 Every time news was brought him, that his 
 father had taken some city, or gained some 
 great battle, Alexander, far from sharing in 
 the general joy, used to say, in a plaintive 
 tone of voice, to the young persons that were 
 brought up with him, *' Friends, my father will 
 possess himself of every thing, and leave nothing 
 for us to do." 
 
 One day some ambassadors from the king of 
 Persia being arrived at court during Philip's ab- 
 sence, Alexander gave them so courteous and so 
 polite a reception, and regaled them in so noble \ 
 and generous a manner, as charmed them all. 
 
 8 Valor. Max. 1. viii. c. 14. 
 S PI It. in vit. Alex. p. 665— 6t>8. Id. de Fortun. Alex, 
 p. 342. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 But that which most surprised them was, the ' 
 good sense and judgment which he discovered in 
 tiie several conversations they had with him. 
 He did not propose to them any thing tliat was 
 trifling, as might be expected from one of his 
 age ; such, for instance, as inquiring about the 
 so-much-boasted gardens suspended in the air, 
 the riches and magnificence of the palace and 
 court of the king of Persia, which excited the 
 admiration of the whole world ; the famous 
 golden planetree; and that golden vine,'" the 
 grapes of which were of emeralds, carbuncles, 
 rubies, and all sorts of precious stones, under 
 which the Persian monarch was said frequently 
 to give audience to ambassadors : Alexander ask- 
 ed them questions of a quite different nature, 
 inquiring which was the road to Upper Asia ; 
 the distance of the several places ; in what the 
 strength and power of the king of Persia con- 
 sisted ; in what part of the battle he fought ; how 
 he behaved towards his enemies ; and in what 
 manner he governed his subjects. These am- 
 bassadors admired him all the while : and per- 
 ceiving even at that time what he might one day 
 become, they pointed out, in a few words, the 
 difference they found between Alexander and 
 ! Artaxerxes," by saying one to another, " This 
 ' young prince is great, and ours is rich."'^ That 
 i man must be very insignificant, who has no 
 ; other merit than his riches ! 
 I So ripe a judgment in this young prince, was 
 owing as much fo the good education which had 
 been given him, as to the excellence of his natural 
 abilities. Several preceptors were appointed to 
 I teach him whatsoever was worthy the heir to a 
 ! great kingdom ; and the chief of these was Le- 
 I onidas, a relation of the queen, and a person of 
 ! the most severe morals. Alexander himself re- 
 i lated afterwards, that this Leonidas, in their 
 i journeys together, used frequently to look into 
 I the trunks where his beds and clothes were laid, 
 i in order to see if Olympias his mother had not 
 put something superfluous into them, which 
 might administer to delicacy and luxury. But 
 the greatest service Philip did his son, was ap- 
 pointing Aristotle his preceptor, the most famous 
 and the most learned philosopher of his age, 
 whom he intrusted with the whole care of his 
 education. One of the reasons'^ which prompt- 
 ed Philip to choose him a master of so con- 
 spicuous a reputation and merit was, as he 
 himself said, that his son might avoid commit- 
 ting a great many faults, of Avhich he himself 
 had been guilty. 
 
 Philip was sensible, how great a treasure he 
 possessed in the person of Aristotle ; for which 
 reason he settled a very considerable stipend upon 
 him, and afterwards rewarded his pains and care 
 in an infinitely more glorious manner ; for hav- 
 ing destroyed and laid waste the city of Stagira,'* 
 the native place of that philosopher, he rebuilt it, 
 pui'ely out of affection for him ; reinstated the 
 inhabitants who had fled from it, or were made 
 slaves ; and gave them a fine park in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Stagira, as a place for their studies 
 and assemblies. Even in Plutarch's time, the 
 stone seats which Aristotle had placed there were 
 
 1 . 
 
 10 Athen. 1. xii. p. 539. 11 Artaxerxes Ochus. 
 
 12 'O trous ouTOtt fiotenXihs o Ss rif^iTe^eSt v>^ou- 
 
 13 Plut. in Apophthpg. p. 178. 
 14 A city of Macedor, near the sea-shorc. 
 
 standing ; as also spacious avenues of trees, under 
 which those who walked were shaded from the 
 sun-beams. 
 
 Alexander likewise discovered no less esteem 
 for his master, whom he believed himself bound 
 to love as much as if he had been his father ; 
 declaring, " That he was indebted to the one for 
 living, and to the other for living well."^^ The 
 progress of the pupil was equal to the care and 
 abilities of the preceptor. He grew passionately 
 fond of philosophy and learned the several 
 branches of it, but with the discrimination suit- 
 able to his birth. Aristotle endeavoured to im- 
 prove his judgment by laying down sure and 
 certain rules, by which he might distinguish just 
 and solid reasoning from what is merely spe- 
 cious ; and by accustoming him to separate in dis- 
 course all such parts as only dazzle, from those 
 which are truly solid, and should constitute its 
 whole value. He also exercised him in meta- 
 physics, which may be of great benefit to a prince, 
 provided he appiieshimself to them with modera- 
 tion, as they explain to him the nature of the 
 human mind ; how greatly it differs from mat- 
 ter ; in what manner he perceives spiritual 
 things ; how he is sensible of the impression of 
 those that surround him, and many other ques- 
 tions of the like import. The reader will na- 
 turally suppose, that he did not omit either the 
 mathematics, which are so well calculated to 
 give the mind a just turn of thinking ; or the 
 wonders of nature, the study of which, besides 
 a great many other advantages, shows how very 
 incapable the mind of man is to discover the se- 
 cret principles of the things to which he is daily 
 an eye-witness. But Alexander applied himself 
 chiefly to morality, which is properly the science 
 of kings, because it is the knowledge of mankind, 
 and of all their duties. This he made his seri- 
 ous and profound study ; and considered it, even 
 at that time, as the foundation of prudence and 
 wise policy. How much must such an educa- 
 tion contribute to enable a prince to conduct 
 himself well with regard to his own interests 
 and the government of his people ! 
 
 The greatest master of rhetoric" that antiqui- 
 ty could ever boast, and who has left so excellent 
 a treatise on that subject, took care to make 
 that science part of his pupil's education : and 
 we find that Alexander, even in the midst of 
 his conquests, was often very urgent with Aris- 
 totle to send him a treatise on that subject. To 
 this we owe the work entitled Alexanders Rhe- 
 toric; in the beginning of which, Aristotle proves 
 to him the vast advantages a prince may reap 
 from eloquence, as it gives him the greatest as- 
 cendant over the minds of men, which he ought 
 to acquire as well by his wisdom as authority. 
 Some answers and letters of Alexander, which 
 are still extant, show that he possessed, in its 
 greatest perfection, that strong, that manly elo- 
 quence, which abounds with sense and ideas; 
 and which is so entirely free fi'om superfluous 
 expressions, that every single word has its mean- 
 ing ; which, properly speaking, is the eloquence 
 of kings. 
 
 His esteem, or rather his passion, for Homer, 
 shows, not only with what figure and success 
 
 16 Ketinuit ex sapientia modum. Tacit. 
 17 Aristot. in Rhetor, ad Alex. p. 608, 6(». 
 18 Imperatoria brevitate. Tacit. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 I he applied himself to polite literature, but the 
 judicious use he made of it, and the solid advan- 
 
 I tages he proposed to himself from it. He was 
 not prompted to peruse this poet merely out of 
 curiosity, or to unbend his mind, or from a great 
 fondness for poesy; but his Tie>v in studying 
 this admirable writer was, in order to borrow 
 such sentiments from him as are worthy a great 
 king and conqueror ; courage, intrepidity, mag- 
 nanimity, temperance, prudence ; the art of 
 commanding well in war, and governing well 
 in pe^ce. And, indeed, the verse which pleased 
 him most in Homer,' was that where Agamem- 
 non is rei)resented as a good king and a brave 
 warrior. 
 
 After this it is no wonder that Alexander 
 ehould have so high an esteem for this poet. 
 I Thus, when after the battle of Arbela, the 
 Macedonians had found among the spoils of 
 Darius a gold casket (enriched with precious 
 stones), in which the exquisite perfumes used 
 by that princ* were put ; Alexander, who was 
 j quite covered with dust, and regardless of es- 
 : sences and perfumes, destined this rich casket to 
 j hold Homer's poems, which he considered the 
 I most perfect and the most precious production 
 j of the human mind.* He admired particularly 
 I the Iliad, which he called. The best provision for 
 i a wai-rior.^ He always had with him that edi- 
 I tion of Homer which Aristotle had revised and 
 » corrected, and to which the title of the Edition 
 of the Casket was given ; and he laid it, with his 
 sword, every night, under his pillow. 
 
 Fond,* even to excess, of every kind of glory, 
 he was displeased with Aristotle, his master, for 
 having published, in his absence, certain meta- 
 physical pieces, which he himself desired to pos- 
 sess alone ; and even at the time when he was 
 j employed in the conquest of Asia, and the pur- 
 j suit of Darius, he wrote to him a letter which 
 ' is still extant, wherein he complains upon that 
 I very account. Alexander says in it, at he 
 had much rather surpass the rest of men in the 
 I knowledge of sublime and excellent things, than 
 in the greatness and extent of his power. He 
 in like manner requested Aristotle,^ not to show 
 the treatise of rhetoric above mentioned to any 
 I person but himself. I will confess, tnat there 
 I i is an excess in this strong desire of glory, which 
 j ! prompts him to suppress the merit of others, in 
 I order that his alone may appear ; but then we 
 ! at least must confess, that it discovers such a 
 I passion for study as is very laudable in a prince ; 
 and the very reverse of that indifference, not to 
 say contempt and aversion, which most young 
 persons of high birth expi'ess for all things that 
 relate to learning and study. 
 
 Plutarch points out to us, in a few words, 
 the infinite advantage that Alexander reaped 
 from this taste, with which his master (than 
 whom no man possessed greater talents for the 
 education of youth) had inspired him from his 
 most tender infancy. " He loved," says that 
 
 ^ Iliad. 3. V. 179. 
 
 2 Pretiosissimum humani animi opus. PUn. 1. vii. c. 29. 
 I S ^oXifx-iKyii k^iTVii iqiohiov. The word, which I have 
 I ' not been able to render better, signifies, that in the Iliad 
 ' are found whatever relates to the art of war, and the quali- 
 I ties of a general : in a word, all things necessary lo form 
 I I a good commander. 
 I 4 Aul. Gel. 1. XX. c. 5. 
 
 ! 6 'Ej-op ^euXoifAYiv «v rx7s jteji t« iitfr» tfixu^ionf. 
 Tout lvy*tfMffi}> htc^i^uv. 
 
 6 Arist. p. 609. 
 
 author, " to converse with learned men, to im- 
 prove himself in knowledge, and to study ;"' 
 three sources of a monarch's happiness, which 
 enable him to secure himself from numberless 
 diificulties ; three certain and infallible methods 
 of learning to reign without the assistance of 
 others. The conversation of persons of fine 
 sense instructs a prince while it amuses him, 
 and teaches him a thousand curious and useful 
 things without costing him the least trouble. 
 The lessons which able masters give him, on 
 the most exalted sciences, and pai'ticularly upon j 
 politics, improve his mind wonderfully, and j 
 furnish him with rules to govern his subjects j 
 with wisdom. And lastly, study, especially j 
 that of history, crowns all the rest, and is to j 
 him a preceptor for all seasons and for all hours, j 
 who, without ever growing troublesome, ac- j 
 quaints him with truths which no one else | 
 would dare to tell him, and, under fictitious i 
 names, exhibits the prince to himself ; teaches | 
 him to know himself as well as mankind, who ■. 
 are the same in all ages. Alexander owed all 
 these advantages to the excellent education which 
 Aristotle gave him. 
 
 He had also a taste for the whole circle ol 
 arts,^ but such as becomes a prince ; that is, he j 
 knew the value and usefulness of them. Music, 
 painting, sculpture, architecture, flourished in 
 his reign, because they found in him both a 
 skilful judge and a generous protector,® who was 
 able to distinguish and reward merit, wherever 
 displayed. 
 
 But he despised certain trifling feats of dex- 
 terity,"' that were of no use. Much admiration 
 was lavished on a man, who employed himself 
 very earnestly in throwing small pease through j 
 the eye of a needle," which he would do at a ! 
 considerable distance, and without once missing. 
 Alexander seeing him thus engaged, ordered 
 him, as we ai-e told, a present suitable to hie 
 employment, viz. a basket of pease. 
 
 Alexander was of a lively disposition ; reso- 
 lute, and very tenacious of his opinion, which 
 never gave way to compulsion, hut at the same 
 time would submit immediately to reason and 
 good sense. It requires great judgment and de- 
 licacy to manage such a disposition. Philip 
 accordingly, notwithstanding his double author- 
 ity of king and father, believed it necessary to 
 employ persuasion rather than constraint with 
 respect to his son, and endeavoured to make 
 himself beloved rather than feared by him. 
 
 An accidental occurrence made him entertain 
 a vei-y advantageous opinion of Alexander. 
 There had been sent from Thessaly to Philip a 
 war-horse, a noble, fiery, generous beast, called 
 Bucephalus.'* The owner offered to sell him for 
 thirteen talents, about 1900/. sterling. The king 
 went into the plains, attended by his courtiers, 
 in order to make trial of this horse ; but he ap- 
 peared so very fierce, and reared so when any 
 one came near him, that no one dared to mount 
 him. Philip, being angi-y that so furious and 
 unmanageable a creature had been sent him, 
 
 8 Flut. de Fortun. Alex. Serm. ii. p. 333. 
 9 Ma|Ty«ot iXaficv xa.) ^tctrviV, rev u^itrTOt xfiyccJ TO xoc- 
 Topdooju-iiov, XXI fjUxXjo-TO, k[ju'i'\/a.irQa.i ^vvxfMvoy. 
 
 10 Quintil. lib. ii. cap 21. 
 
 11 We may suppose it was some instrument in the shape 
 of a needle. ' ^ 
 
 12 Some think hfi was called so, because his hejn wa? 
 like that of an ox. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 79 
 
 ordered him back again. Alexander, who was 
 present, cried out, " What a noble horse they 
 are going to lose, for want of address and bold- 
 ness to back him !" Philip, at first, considered 
 these words as the effect of folly and rashness, 
 so common to young men : but as Alexander in- 
 sisted still more upon what he had said, and was 
 very much vexed to see so noble a creature just 
 going to be sent home again, his father gave 
 him leave to try what he could do. The young 
 prince, overjoyed at this permission, goes up to 
 Bucephalus, takes hold of his bridle, and turns 
 his head to the sun ; having observed that what 
 frighted him was his own shadow, he seeing it 
 dance about, or sink down, in proportion as he 
 moved. He, therefore, first stroked him gently 
 with his hand, and soothed him with his voice ; 
 then seeing his fierceness abate, and artfully 
 taking his opportunity, he let fall his cloak, and 
 springing swiftly upon his back, first slackened 
 the rein, without once striking or vexing him : 
 and when he perceived that his fire was cooled, 
 that he was no longer so furious and violent, 
 and wanted only to move forward, he gave him 
 the rein, and spurring him with great vigour, 
 animated him with his voice to his full speed. 
 While this was doing, Philip and his whole 
 court trembled for fear, and did not once open 
 their lips ; but when the prince, after having 
 run his first heat, returned with joy and pride, 
 ; at his having broken a horse which was judged 
 , absolutely ungovernable, all the courtiers in gen- 
 eral endeavoured to outvie one another in their 
 applauses and congratulations ; and, we are told, 
 Philip shed tears of joy on this occasion, and 
 embracing Alexander after he was alighted, and 
 kissing his head, said to him, " My son, seek a 
 kingdom more worthy of thee, for Macedon is 
 j below thy merit." 
 
 I We are told a great many surprising particu- 
 I lars of this Bucephalus ; for whatever had any 
 i relation to Alexander, was to be of the marvel- 
 lous kind. When this creature was saddled and 
 equipped for battle,'^ he would suffer no one to 
 back him but his master ; and it would not have 
 been safe for any other person to go near him. 
 Whenever Alexander wanted to mount him, he 
 would kneel down upon his fore- feet. Accord- 
 ing to some historians, in the battle against 
 Porus, where Alexander had plunged too im- 
 prudently amidst a body of the enemy, his horse, 
 though covered with wounds, did however exert 
 himself in so vigorous a manner that he saved 
 his master's life ; and notwithstanding the deep 
 wounds he had received, and though almost spent 
 through the great effusion of blood, he brought 
 off Alexander from among the combatants, and 
 carried him with inexpressible vigour to a place 
 of security ; where perceiving the king was no 
 longer in danger, and overjoyed in some measure 
 to die after the service he had done him, he ex 
 pired. This indeed is a very noble end for a 
 horse. Others say, that Bucephalus, quite worn 
 out, died at thirty years of age. Alexander be- 
 wailed his death bitterly, believing that he had 
 lost in him a most faithful and affectionate 
 friend ; and afterwards built a city on the very 
 spot where he was buried, near the river Hydas- 
 pes, and called it JBucephalia, in honour of him. 
 
 I have related elsewhere that Alexander, at 
 sixteen years of age, was appointed regent of 
 
 13 Aul. Cell. 1. V. 0. 2. 
 
 H Et domini jam superstitis securus, quasi cum seiisiis 
 huuiani solatio, animam expiravit. Aul. Gell. 
 
 Macedonia, and invested with absolute authority 
 during his father's absence ; that he behaved 
 with gi-eat prudence and bravery ; and that after- 
 wards he distinguished himself in a most signal 
 manner at the battle of Chaeronea. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 Alexander, after the death of Philip, ascends the throne 
 at twenty years of age. He subjects and reduces the na- 
 tions contiguous to Macedon, who had revolted. He 
 goes into Greece, to dissolve the alliance formed against 
 him. He captures and destroys Thebes, and pardons the 
 Athenians. He procures himself to be nommated, in 
 the diet or assembly at Corinth, generalissimo of ihe 
 Greeks against Persia. He returns to Macedon, and 
 makes preparations for carrying his arms into Asia. 
 
 Darius and Alexander be- 
 A. M. 3668. gan to reign the same year:" 
 Ant. J. C. 336. the latter was but twenty 
 when he succeeded to the 
 crown. His first care was to solemnize the 
 funeral obsequies of his father with the utmost 
 pomp, and to revenge his death. 
 
 Upon his accession to the throne, he saw him- 
 self surrounded on every side with extreme 
 dangers. The barbarous nations against whom 
 Philip had fought during his whole reign, and 
 from whom he had made several conquests, which 
 he had united to his crown, after having de- 
 throned their natural kings ; thought proper to 
 take the advantage of this juncture, in which a 
 new prince, who was but young, had ascended 
 the throne, for recovering their liberty, and unit- 
 ing against the common usurper. Nor was he 
 under less apprehensions from Greece. Philip, 
 though he had permitted the several cities and 
 commonwealths to continue to all outward ap- 
 pearance their ancient form of government, had 
 however entirely changed it in reality, and made j 
 himself absolute master of it. Though absent, 
 he nevertheless predominated in all the assem- 
 blies ; and not a single resolution was taken, but 
 in subordination to his will. Though he had 
 subdued all Greece, either by the terror of his 
 arms, or the secret machinations of policy, he had 
 not had time suflacient to subject and accustom 
 it to his power, but had left all things in it in 
 great ferment and disorder, the minds of the van- 
 quished not being yet calmed nor moulded to sub- 
 jection. 
 
 The Macedonians reflecting on this precarious 
 situation of things, advised Alexander to relin- 
 quish Greece, and not to persist in his resolution 
 of subduing it by force ; to recover by gentle 
 methods the barbarians who had taken arms, and 
 to soothe, as it were, those glimmerings of re- 
 volt and innovation by prudent reserve, compla- 
 cency, and insinuations, in order to conciliate 
 affection. However, Alexander would not listen 
 to these timorous counsels, but resolved to secure 
 and support his affairs by boldness and magnani- 
 mity ; firmly persuaded, that should he relax in 
 any point at first, all his neighbours would fall 
 upon him ; and that were he to endeavour to 
 compromise matters, he should be obliged to give 
 up all Philip's conquests, and thus to confine his 
 dominions to the narrow limits of Macedon. He 
 therefore made all possible haste to check the 
 arms of the barbarians by marching his troops 
 with the greatest expedition to the banks of the 
 
 15 Plut. in Alex. p. 670. 672 Diod. 1. xvii. p. 486— 48a 
 Arrian. 1. i. de Expedit. Alex. p. 2 — 2.'). 
 
80 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDEEL 
 
 , Danube, -wliich he rrossod in one night. He 
 i , defeated the king of the Triballi in a great hat- 
 1 tie • made the Getee fly at his approach ; subdued 
 several barbarous nations, some by the terror of 
 i his name, and other-s by force of arms ; and not- 
 withstanding the arrogant answer of their am- 
 ; bassadors,' he taught "them to dread a danger 
 i I still more near them than the falling of the sky 
 • ' and planets. 
 
 I ! "Whilst Alexander was thus employed at a 
 1 1 distance against the barbarians, all the cities of 
 ' Greece, who were animated more particularly 
 I ■ by Demosthenes, formed a powerful alliance 
 i ; asaiust that prince. A false report which pre- 
 : ' vailed of his death, inspired the Thebans with a 
 i ' boldness that proved their ruin. Thev cut to 
 i pieces part of the 3Iacedonian garrison in their 
 I citadel. Demosthenes,^ on the other side, was 
 I everv dav haranguing the people; and fired with 
 i contempt for Alexander, whom he called a ckild,'^ 
 ; and a hair-brained boy, he assured the Athe- 
 nians, with a decisive tone of voice, that they 
 • had nothing to fear from the new king of 3Iace- 
 don, who did not dare to stir out of his kingdom ; 
 but would think himself vastly happy, could he 
 j sit peaceably on his throne. At the same time 
 { he wrote letters upon letters to Attains, one of 
 : Philip's lieutenants in Asia 3Iinor. to excite 
 i him to rebel. This Attains was uncle to Cleo- 
 \ patra, Philip's second wife, and was very much 
 \': disposed to listen to Demosthenes's proposals. 
 I '■ Nevertheless, as Alexander was grown very 
 1 • diffident of him, for which he knew there was 
 j i but too much reason; he, therefore, to eradicate 
 I ■ from his mind all the suspicions which he might 
 i ] entertain, and the better to screen his designs, 
 I ' sent all Demosthenes's letters to that prince. 
 : But Alexander saw through all his arrifices, and 
 1 thereupon ordered Hecata?us, one of his com- 
 I manders, whom he had sent into Asia for that 
 j ' purpose, to have him assassinated, which was 
 I . executed accordingly. Attalus's death restored 
 I ; tranquillity to the army, and entirely destroyed 
 j : the seeds of discord and rebellion. 
 ]; "When Alexander had se- 
 
 ' A. M. 3669. cured his i.ingdom from the 
 Ant. J. C. 335. barbarians, he marched with 
 the utmost expedition to- 
 wards Greece, and passed Thermopylse. He 
 i then said to those who accompanied him : " De- 
 ; mosthenes called me, in his orations, a child, 
 ! when I was in lllyria, and among the Triballi; 
 i he called me a young man when 1 was in Thes- 
 ;! saly ; and I rnust now show him, before the 
 ■ ; walls of Atliens, that 1 am a man grown." He 
 i| appeared so suddenly in Breotia, that the Thebans 
 could scarce believe* their eyes.-* When he came 
 
 ■ : 1 Alexander, imagining that his name only had struck 
 i these people with terror, a^ked their ambassadors what 
 
 • things thev dreaded most ? They repUed, with a haughty 
 tone of vd'ice, tliat they were afraid of nothing but the 
 falling of the tkv and : tars. 
 
 ; ! 2 iEschin. contra Clesipli, p. 4.^3. 
 
 ' ' 3 It is MKjv/rr? in Greek, a word which has many sig- 
 mfications in that language, 
 ■i The Tribalii inhabited what is now called Bulgaria, or 
 ' the tract between M..unt Haemus and the Danuce, atfcr- 
 ' I wards denominated Lower Moesia. Straho indeed places 
 ! ; them in Thrace ; but the ancient geographers, as Thny and 
 j ' others, extended it to the Ister or Danube ; and Herodo- 
 : tus called it the largest countrv in the world except India. 
 . ' This first expedition of Alexander was an eminent instance 
 
 • ; of tlial promptitude and vigour wliich he ever after dis- I 
 ! ! played, and which qualified Ir.m to be the greatest conquer- ; 
 i i or that ever appeared in the ancient world, 'lhat he should j 
 
 j iiave marched in thirteen days to the most northern mouth ! 
 
 before their walls he was willing to give them 
 time to repent, and only demanded to have Phce- 
 nix and Prothutes, the two chief ringleaders of 
 the revolt, delivered up to him ; and published by ; 
 sound of trumpet, a general pardon to all who : 
 should come over to him. But the Thebans, by ■ 
 way of insult, demanded to have Philotas and ! i 
 Antipater delivered to them; and i'nylted, in 
 the same manner, aU who were solicitous for : \ 
 the liberty of Greece, to join with them in its ; ; 
 defence. ^ j i 
 
 Alexander, finding it impossible for him to ■ 
 get the better of their obstinacy by offers of 
 1 peace, saw with grief that he should be forced 
 j to employ his power, and decide the atfair by 
 force of arms. A great battle was thereupon 
 fought, in which the^Thebans exerted themselves 
 with a bravery and ardour much beyond their 
 strength, for the enemy exceeded them vastly iii 
 numbers: but after a long and vigorous resist- 
 ance, such as survived of the Macedonian garri- 
 son in the citadel, coming down fi'om it and 
 charging the Thebans in the rear, being thus 
 surrounded on all sides, the greatest part of 
 them were cut to pieces, and the city was taken , : 
 and plundered. j i 
 
 It would be impossible for words to express I ; 
 the dreadful calamities which the Thebans suf- : ' 
 fered on the occasion. Some Thracians having 1 
 puUed down the house of a virtuous lady of ; 
 quality, Timoclea by name, carried olf all her I \ 
 goods 'and treasui-es'; and their captain having j = 
 seized the lady, and satiated his brutal lust with ' 
 her, afterwards inquired whether she had not 1 
 concealed gold and silver. Timoclea, animated j 
 bv an ardent desire of revenge, replying that she ; 
 had hid some, took him with herself only into j 
 her garden, and showing him a well, told him, j 
 that" the instant she saw the enemy enter the . 
 city, she herself had thrown into it the most i 
 valuable things in her possession. The officer, j 
 overjoved at what he heard, drew near the well, j 
 and stooping down to see its depth, Timoclea, j 
 who was behind, pushing him with all her | 
 strength, threw him into Ihe well, and after- | : 
 wards killed him with great stones which she j 
 threw upon him. She was instantly seized by ! 
 the Thracians, and being bound in chains, was j 
 carried before Alexander. The prince perceived 
 immediately by her mien, that she was a woman 
 I of qualitv andgTeat spirit, for she followed those 
 I brutal wretches with a hanghty air, and without 
 discovering the least astonishment or fear. Alex- 
 ander asking her who she was, Timoclea replied. 
 I am sister" to Theagenes, who fought against 
 ! Philip for the liberty"of Greece, and was killed 
 I in the battle of Chsei'onea, where he commanded. 
 
 of the Danube from Philippi, and across the lofty and rug- 
 ged ridge of the Balkhan, and in three days from the 
 summit of that ran-e to the embouchure of the stream 
 mentioned above, was an astonishing instance of that ra. 
 piditvof militarv movements which subsequently distm- 
 guished the campaigns of a Caesar and a Buonaparte. The 
 distance from the Hsmus or Balkhan, to the most north- 
 ern branch of the Danube, is iOO British miles— a distance 
 so great to be traversed in that short space of time, is 
 i h:irdlv credible, and would induce a suspicion of exaggera- . 
 tion in the historian or corruption in the text. It seems \ 
 impossible that he should have m.irehed nigh TO nr:les a day j 
 The isle of Feuce lies oit the most northern mouth at a i 
 small distance ; and is, according to Dr. Clark, placed 15 j 
 m.inules too far north in all the moderr. m.aps. The lllv. i 
 lians, whom Alexander reduced on his return from the ' 
 banks of the Danube, lav to the N. \V. of Z^Iacedonia, and 
 inhabited the tract now called Upper or >orthern AJ- 
 bania.— £<i. • 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 81 
 
 The prince admiring the generous answer of the 
 lady, and still more the action that she had done, 
 gave orders that she should have leave to retire 
 wherever she pleased with her children. 
 
 Alexander then debated in council, how to act 
 with regard to Thebes. The Phocaeans and the 
 people of Platajifi, Thespise, and Orchomenus, 
 who were all in alliance with Alexander, and 
 had shared in his victory, represented to him 
 the cruel treatment they had met with from the 
 j Thebans, who had destroyed their several cities ; 
 and reproached them with the zeal which they 
 had always discovered in favour of the Persians 
 against the Greeks, who held them in the ut- 
 most detestation ; the proof of which was, the 
 oath they had all taken to destroy Thebes, after 
 they should have vanquished the Persians. 
 
 Cleades, one of the prisoners, being permitted 
 to speak, endeavoured to excuse, in some mea- 
 sure, the revolt of the Thebans ; a fault which, 
 in his opinion, should be imputed to a rash and 
 credulous imprudence, rather than to depravity of 
 will and declared perfidy. He demonstrated, that 
 his countrymen, upon a false i-eport of Alexan- 
 der's death, which they had too eagerly credited, 
 had indeed broke into rebellion, not against the 
 king, but against his successors ; that what 
 I crimes soever they might have committed, they 
 had been punished for them with the utmost 
 severity, by the dreadful calamity which had 
 befallen their city : that there now remained in 
 it none but women, children, and old men, from 
 whom nothing was to be feared ; and who were 
 so much the greater objects of compassion, as 
 j they had been no ways concerned in the revolt, 
 i He concluded with reminding Alexander, that 
 Thebes, which had given birth to so many gods 
 and heroes, several of whom were that king's 
 ancestors, had also been the cradle of his father 
 Philip's rising glory, and like a second native 
 country to him. 
 
 These motives, which Cleades urged, were 
 very strong and powerful ; nevertheless, the 
 anger of the conqueror prevailed, and the city 
 was destroyed. However, he set at liberty the 
 priests ; all such as had right of hospitality with 
 the Macedonians; the descendants of Pindar, 
 the famous poet, who had done so much honour 
 to Greece ; and such as had opposed the revolt : 
 ! but all the rest, in number about 30,000, he sold, 
 I and upwards of 6000 had been killed in battle. 
 
 The Athenians were so sensibly afflicted at the 
 1 sad disaster which had befallen Thebes, that 
 j being about to solemnize the festival of the great 
 ! mysteries, they suspended them, upon account 
 of their extreme grief, and received with the 
 greatest humanity all those who had fled from 
 the battle and the sack of Thebes, and made 
 Athens their asylum. 
 
 Alexander's so sudden arrival in Greece, had 
 very much abated the haughtiness of the Atheni- 
 ans, and extinguished Demosthenes's vehemence 
 and fire ; but the ruin of Thebes, which was 
 still more sudden, threw them into the utmost 
 consternation. They, therefore, had recourse 
 to entreaties, and sent a deputation to Alex- 
 ander, to implore his clemency. Demosthenes 
 was among the deputies ; but he was no sooner 
 arrived at mount Cytheron, than dreading the 
 anger of that prince, he quitted the embassy, and 
 returned home. 
 
 Immediately Alexander sent to Athens, re- 
 quiring the citizens to deliver up to him ten 
 orators, whom ho supposed to have been the 
 chief instruments in forming the league which 
 Philip his father had defeated at Chseronea. 
 II 
 
 It was on this occasion that Demosthenes 
 related to the people the fable of the wolves and 
 dogs, in which it is supposed, " That the wolves 
 one day told the sheep, that in case they desired 
 to be at peace with them, they must deliver up 
 to them the dogs who were their guard." The 
 application was easy and natural, especially 
 with respect to the orators, who were justly 
 compared to dogs, whose duty is to watch, to 
 bark, and to fight, in order to save the lives of 
 the flock. 
 
 In this extreme difficulty in which the Athe- 
 nians were involved, who could not prevail with 
 themselves to deliver up their orators to certain 
 death, though they had no other way to save 
 their city, Demades, whom Alexander had 
 honoured with his friendship, off'ered to under- 
 take the embassy alone, and intercede for them. 
 The king, whether he had satiated his revenge, 
 or endeavoured to blot out, if possible, by some 
 act of clemency, the barbarous action he had 
 just before committed ; or rather, willing to re- 
 move the several obstacles which might retard 
 the execution of his grand design, and by that 
 means not leave, during his absence, the least 
 ground or pretence for murmurs, waved his 
 demand with regard to the delivery of the ora- 
 tors, and was pacified by their sending Carid©- 
 mus into banishment, who being a native of 
 Orea,* had been presented by the Athenians 
 with the freedom of their city, for the services 
 he had done the republic. He was son-in-law 
 to Chersobleptus, king of Thrace ; had learned 
 the art of war under Iphicrates, and had him- 
 self frequently commanded the Athenian ar- 
 mies. To avoid the persecution of Alexander, 
 he took refuge with the king of Persia. 
 
 As for the Athenians, he not only forgave 
 them the several injuries he pretended to have 
 received, but expressed a particular regard for 
 them, exhorting them to apply themselves vigor- 
 ously to public affairs, and to keep a watchful 
 eye over the several transactions which might 
 happen ; because, in case of his death, their 
 city was to give laws to the rest of Greece. 
 Historians relate, that many years after this 
 expedition, he was seized with deep remorse for 
 the calamity he had brought upon the The- 
 bans, and that this made him behave with 
 much greater humanity towards many other 
 nations. 
 
 So dreadful an example of sevei'ity towards so 
 powerful a city as Thebes, spread the terror of 
 his arms through all Greece, and made all things 
 give way before him. He summoned, at Co- 
 rinth, the assembly of the several states and free 
 cities of Greece,^ to obtain from them the same 
 supreme command against the Persians as had 
 been granted his father a little before his death. 
 No diet ever debated on a more important sub- 
 ject. It was the Western world deliberating 
 upon the ruin of the East, and the methods for 
 executing a revenge that had been suspended 
 more than an age. The assembly held at this 
 time will give rise to events, the relation of 
 which will appear astonishing and almost in- 
 credible ; and to revolutions which will change 
 the appearance of things nearly throughout the 
 world. 
 
 5 A city of Euboea. 
 6 Plutarch places this diet or assembly here, but others 
 fix it earlier ; whence Dr. Pridejtux supposed that it was 
 summoned twice. 
 
 V 
 
82 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 To form such a design required a prince, b.)ld, 
 enterprising, and experienced in war; one of 
 enlarged views, who had acquired a great name 
 by his exploits, was not to be intimidated by 
 dangei-s nor checked by obstacles ; but above all, 
 a monarch who had a supreme authority over 
 all the states of Greece, none of which singly 
 was powerful enough to make so arduous an 
 attempt ; and which required, in order to their 
 acting in concert, to be subject to one chief, who 
 might give motion to the several parts of that 
 great body, by making them all concur to the 
 same end. Such a prince was Alexander. It 
 was not difficult for him to rekindle in the minds 
 of the people their ancient hatred of the Per- 
 sians, their perpetual and irreconcilable enemies; 
 whose destruction they had more than once 
 sworn, and whom they had determined to ex- 
 tirpate, in case an opportunity should ever pre- 
 sent itself for that purpose ; a hatred which the 
 intestine feuds of the Greeks might indeed have 
 suspended, but could never extinguish. The 
 immortal retreat of the 10,000 Greeks, notwith- 
 standing the vigorous opposition of the prodi- 
 gious army of the Persians ; the terror which 
 Agesilaus, with a handful of men, had struck 
 even as far as Susa ; showed plainly what might 
 be expected from an army, composed of the 
 flower of the forces of all the cities of Greece 
 and those of Macedon, commanded by generals 
 and officers formed under Philip; and, to say 
 all in a word, led by Alexander. The deliber- 
 ations of the assembly were therefore very short, 
 and that prince was unanimously appointed 
 generalissimo against the Persians. 
 
 Immediately" a great number of officers and 
 governors of cities, with many philosophers, 
 waited upon Alexander, to congratulate him 
 upon his election. He flattered himself, that 
 Diogenes of Sinope, who was then at Corinth, 
 would also come like the rest, and pay his com- I 
 plimente. This philosopher, who entertained a 
 very mean idea of grandeur, thought it improper 
 to congratulate men just upon their exaltation 
 to any dignity ; but that mankind ought to wait 
 till those persons have worthily fulfilled the 
 duties attached to their station. Diogenes there- 
 fore did not stir out of his house : upon which 
 Alexander, attended by all his courtiers, made 
 him a visit. .The philosopher was at that time 
 lying down in the sun; but seeing so great a 
 crowd of people advancing towards him, he sat 
 up, and fixed his eyes on Alexander. This 
 prince, surprised to see so famous a philosopher 
 reduced to such extreme poverty, after saluting 
 him in the kindest manner, asked whether he 
 wanted any thing? Diogenes replied, Yes, that 
 you would stand a little out of my sun-shine." 
 This answer raised the contempt and indigna- 
 tion of all the courtiers ; hut the monarch, struck 
 with the philosopher's greatness of soul, " Were 
 I not Alexander," says he, " I would be Dio- 
 genes." A very profound sense lies hid in this 
 expression, which shows perfectly the bent and 
 disposition of the heart of man. Alexander is 
 sensible that he is formed to possess all things ; 
 such is his destiny, in which he makes his hap- 
 piness consist: but then, in case he should not 
 be able to compass his ends, he is also sensible, 
 that to be happy, he must endeavour to bring 
 his mind to such a frame as to want nothing. 
 In a word, all or nothing presents us with the 
 true image of Alexander and Diogenes. How 
 great anil powerful soever that prince might 
 think himself, he could not on this occasion 
 deny himself to be inferior to a man, to whom 
 
 he could give, and from whom he could take, 
 nothing. • 
 
 Alexander, before he set out for Asia, was de 
 termined to consult the oracle of Apollo, on the 
 event of the war. He therefore went to Delphi ; 
 but happened to arrive there during those daya 
 which are called unlucky, a season in which peo- 
 ple were forbid consulting the oracle ; and ac- 
 cordingly the priestess refused to go to the ' 
 temple. But Alexander, who could not bear | 
 any contradiction to his will, took her forcibly j 
 by the arm ; and, as he was leading her to the | 
 temple, she cried out, " My son, thou art irre- 
 sistible."'* This Avas all he desired ; and catchiug j 
 at these words, which he considered as spoken j 
 by the oracle, he set out for Macedonia, in order | 
 to make preparations for his great expedition. j 
 
 I shall here give, in one view, a short account 
 of those countries through which Alexander 
 passed, till his return from India. 
 
 Alexander sets out from Macedonia, which is 
 part of Turkey in Europe, and crosses the Hel- 
 lespont, or the Straits of the Dardanelles. 
 
 He crosses Asia Minor (Natolia), where he 
 fights two battles; the first at the passage of 
 the river Granicus, and the second near the city 
 of Issus. 
 
 After this second battle, he enters Syria and 
 Palestine; goes into Egypt, where he builds 
 Alexandria, on one of the arms of the Nile ; 
 advances as far as Libya to the temple of Jupiter 
 Ammon; whence he returns back, arrives at 
 Tyre, and from thence marches towards the 
 Euphrates. 
 
 He crosses that river, then the Tigris, and 
 gains the celebrated victory of Arbela ; possesses 
 himself of Babylon,^ and Ectabana, the chief 
 city of Media. 
 
 From thence he passes into Hyrcania, to the 
 sea which goes by that name, otherwise called 
 the Caspian Sea; and enters Parthia, Dran- 
 giana, and the country of Paropamisus. 
 
 He afterwards goes into Bactriana and Sog- 
 diana; advances as far as the river laxarthes, 
 caUed by Quintus Curtius the Tanais, the far- 
 ther side of which is inhabited by the Scythians, 
 whose country forms part of Great Tartary. 
 
 Alexander, after having gone through various ! 
 countries; crosses the river Indus ; enters India | 
 which lies on this side the Ganges, and forms ; 
 part of the Great Mogul's empire, and advances | 
 very near the river Ganges, which he also in- \ 
 tended to pass, had not his ai-my refused to fol- I 
 low him. He therefore contents himself with ; 
 marching to view the ocean, and goes down the j 
 river Indus to its mouth. 
 
 From Macedonia to the Ganges, very near to 
 which river Alexander marched, is computed at 
 least 1100 leagues. 
 
 Add to this the A^arious turnings in Alexan- 
 der's marches, first, from the extremity of 
 Cilicia, where the battle of Issus was fought, to 
 the temple of Jupiter Ammon in Libya; and 
 his returning from thence to Tyre, a journey of 
 300 leagues at least, and as much space at least 
 for the windings of his route in different places ; | 
 we shall find that Alexander, in less than eight | 
 years, marched his army upwards of 1700 i 
 
 1 Homo supra mensuram humanas superbiiK tumenSj 
 vidit aliqucni, cui nee dare quidquam posset, neceriperc. 
 Senec. de Bencf. 1. v. c. 6. 
 
 2 'Av/;i»jrs? ef, ^ 5roi7. 
 3 The capital of Babylonia. 
 
83 
 
 leagues, without including his return to Ba- 
 bylon. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 Alexander sets out from Macedon upon his expedition 
 against the Persians. He arrives at Ilion, and pays 
 great honour to the tomb of Achilles. He fights the 
 first battle against the Persians at the river Granicus, 
 and obtains a famous victory. 
 
 Alexander* being arrived 
 A. M. 3670. inhis kingdom, held a council 
 Ant. J. C. 334. with the chief officers of his 
 ax*my and the grandees of 
 his court, on the expedition which he meditated 
 against Persia, and the measui*es to be taken in 
 order to ensure success. The whole assembly 
 was unanimous, except on one article. Antipa- 
 ter and Parmenio were of opinion, that the 
 king, before he engaged in an enterprise which 
 would necessarily be a long one, ought to make 
 choice of a consort in order to secure himself a 
 successor to his throne. But Alexander, who 
 was of a violent, fiery temper, did not approve 
 of this advice ; and believed, that after he had 
 been nominated generalissimo of the Greeks, and 
 that his father had left him an invincible army, 
 it would be a shame for him to lose his time in 
 solemnizing his nuptials, and waiting for the 
 fruits of it ; for which reason he determined to 
 set out immediately. 
 
 Accordingly he offered up very splendid sacri- 
 fices to the gods, and caused to be celebrated at 
 Dia, a city of Macedon, scenical games, that 
 had been instituted by one of his ancestors in 
 honour of Jupiter and the Muses.* This festi- 
 val continued nine days, agreeable to the num- 
 ber of those goddesses. He had a tent raised 
 large enough to hold a hundred tables, on which, 
 consequently, 900 covers might be laid. To this 
 feast, the several princes of his family, all the 
 ambassadors, generals, and officers, were in- 
 vited. He also treated his whole army. It was 
 then he had the famous vision, in which he was 
 exhorted to march speedily into Asia, of which 
 mention will be made in the sequel.** 
 
 Before he set out on his expedition, he settled 
 the affairs of Macedon, over which he appointed 
 Antipater as viceroy, with 12,000 foot, and 
 nearly the same number of horse, 
 j He also inquired into the domestic affairs of 
 j his friends, giving to one an estate in land, to 
 j another a village, to a thii'd the revenues of a 
 town, to a fourth the toll of a harbour. And 
 I as all the revenues of his demesnes were already 
 employed and exhausted by his donations, Per- 
 diccas said to him, " My lord, what is it you 
 reserve for yourself?" Alexander replying, 
 *' Hope;" " The same hope," says Perdiccas 
 " ought therefore to satisfy us ;" and very gen- 
 erously refused to accept of what the king had 
 assigned to him. 
 
 The knowledge of the human heart, and the 
 art of gaining it, is of great importance to a 
 princo. Now Alexander was sensible that this 
 art consists in making it the interest of evei'y 
 individual to promote his grandeur ; and in 
 1 governing his subjects in such a manner, that 
 : they should feel his power by no other marks 
 than his bounty. It is then the interest of 
 
 4 Diod. 1. xvii. p. 499—503. Arrian. 1. i. p. 23—36. 
 Plut. in Alex. p. 672, 673. Justin 1. xi. c. 5, 6. 
 
 5 Theatrical representations were so called. 
 b Joseph. Antiq. lib. \i. 
 
 every person unites with that of the jjrince. 
 They are one's own possessions, one's own hap- 
 piness, which we love in his person ; and we are 
 so many times attached to him (and by as close 
 I ties) as there are things we love and receive 
 ' from him. All the sequel of this history will 
 i show, that no person ever made a more happy 
 j use of this maxim than Alexander, who thought 
 himself raised to the throne, merely that he 
 might do good ; and indeed his liberality, which 
 was truly royal, was neither satisfied nor ex- 
 hausted by the noblest acts of beneficence. 
 
 Alexander, after having completely settled 
 affairs in Macedonia, and used all the precau- 
 tions imaginable, to prevent any troubles from 
 arising in it during his absence, set out for Asia 
 in the beginning of the spring. His army con- 
 sisted of little more than 30,000 foot and 4 or 
 3,000 horsey but then they were all brave men ; 
 were well disciplined, and inured to fatigues ; 
 had made several campaigns under Philip ; and 
 were each of them, in case of necessity, capable 
 of commanding.'' Most of the officers were near 
 threescore years of age ; and when they were 
 either assembled, or drawn up at the head of a 
 camp, they had the air of a venerable senate.^ 
 Parmenio commanded the infantry. PhUotas, 
 his son, had 1800 horse under him ; and CaUas, 
 the son of Harpalus, the same number of Thes- 
 salian cavalry. The rest of the horse, who were 
 composed of natives of the several states of 
 Greece, and amounted to 600, had their parti- 
 cular commander. The Thracians and Pseoni- 
 ans, who were always in front, were headed by 
 Casaander. Alexander began his route along 
 the lake of Cercina, towards Amphipolis j cros- 
 sed the river Strymon near its mouth ; after- 
 wards the Plebrus, and arrived at Sestus after 
 twenty days' march. He then commanded 
 Parmenio to cross over from Sestos to Abydos, 
 with all the horse, and part of the foot ; which 
 he accordingly did by the assistance of ICO 
 galleys and several flat-bottomed vessels. As 
 for Alexander, he went from Eleontum to the 
 port of the Achaians, himself steering his own 
 galley ; and being got to the middle of the Hel- 
 lespont, he sacrificed a bull to Neptune and the 
 Nereides, and made libations in the sea from a 
 golden cup. It is also related, that after having 
 thrown a javelin at the land, as if thereby to 
 take possession of it, he landed the first in Asia ! 
 and leaping from the ship, completely armed, 
 and in the highest transports of joy, he erected 
 altars on the shore to Jupiter, to Minerva, and 
 to Hercules, for having favoured him with so 
 propitious a descent. He had done the same at 
 his leaving Europe. He depended so entirely 
 on the happy success of his arms, and the rich 
 spoils he should find in Asia, that he had made 
 very little provision for so great an expedition ; 
 persuaded that war, when carried on success- 
 fully, would supply all things necessary for war. 
 He had but seventy talents'" in money to pay 
 his army, and only a month's provision. I be- 
 fore observed, that on leaving Macedon he had 
 divided his patrimony among his generals and 
 officers ; and a circumstance of still greater im- 
 portance is, that he had inspired his soldiers 
 
 7 Ut non tarn milites, quSm magistros militis clectos 
 putares. Justin. 1. xi. c. 6. 
 
 8 Ut, si principia castrorum cerncres, senatum te all 
 cujus priscffi reip. videre diceres. Id. 
 
 9 These were all Macedonians. 
 10 Seventy thousand crowns. 
 F-2 
 
4 
 
 HISTORY OF 4.LEXANDER 
 
 84 
 
 with so much courage and confidence, that they 
 fancied they marched, not to precarious war, but 
 certain victory. 
 
 "When he came within a short distance of the 
 city of Lampsacus,' * which he had determined 
 to destroy in order to punish the rebellion of its 
 inhabitants, he saw Anaximenes, a native of 
 that place, coming to him. This man, who was 
 a famous historian, had been very intimate with 
 Philip his father ; and Alexander himself had 
 a great esteem for him, having been his pupU. 
 The king, suspecting the business he was come 
 upon, to be beforehand with him, swore, in ex- 
 press terms, that he would never grant his re- 
 quest. " The favour I have to desire of you," 
 says Anaximenes, " is that you would destroy 
 Lampsacus." By this witty evasion, the his- 
 torian saved his coimtry. 
 
 From thence Alexander arrived at lUion, 
 where he paid great honours to the manes of 
 Achilles, and caused games to be celebrated 
 
 1 Val. Max. 1 vii. c. 3. 
 • As Alexander crossed the Hellespont at Eleus, at the 
 S. W. point of the straits, near the modern castles of the 
 Dardanelles, whilst Parmenio, with the gross of the army, 
 crossed them at the N. E. point, namely, from Sestos to 
 Abydos, he would land on the shore of Ancient Troy, 
 within three miles of New Ilium, which, as Strabo in- 
 forms us, was only a small village at that time distinguish- 
 ed by a temple dedicated to Minerva. "We are told that 
 he sacrificed to that goddess, and took down some armour 
 which had hung there from the days of the Trojan war, 
 and consecrated his own in their stead. This is a very 
 improbable story— on the supposition that the Greeks had 
 i quite destroyed the city— unless we imagine them to have 
 erected that edifice, and hung up these arms as trophies of 
 their conquest In that case, the temple must have been 
 very ancient, being upwards of 800 years old, and the arms 
 of equal antiquity. That he should have exchanged 
 his own armour for armour 800 years old, would have 
 been an act more worthy of a Don Quixote, the comba- 
 tant of the wind-mills, than of the conqueror of Asia. Re- 
 specling the site of Troy, modern inquirers and classical 
 antiquarians have been wofully at a loss, since the days of 
 Jacob Bryant, who wrote and published an essay on set 
 purpose to demonstrate the whole story of the Trojan war 
 to have been a poetical fiction ; and that such a place as 
 Troy never existed but in the pages of Homer. The plain 
 of Troy has been repeatedly visited by classical travellers, 
 in order to verify Homer's description of the site of llus's 
 tomb : the green fig-trees j the hot and cold springs ; the 
 sources and courses of the Scamander, Simois, and Thym- 
 brius ; but none of them have agreed in fixing the locali- 
 ties of the Iliad, though furnished with copies of that im - 
 mortal poem and Strabo. The learned and inquisitive 
 reader, who wishes to see collected into one view the 
 discrepancies of classical tourists, and the great difficulty, 
 if not impossibility, of reconciling the Homeric topogra- 
 phy of that small district with the actual state of things, 
 mav consult the second volume of Mr. Hobhouse's travels. 
 That learned and judicious gentleman seems to have ex. 
 hausted the subject ; and his elaborate and erudite Essay 
 may be used as a good salvo for antiquarian credulity. 
 
 From Ilium, Alexander marched to Lampsacus, and 
 would of course join the gross of his army which, under 
 Parmenio, had landed at Abydos. Lampsacus is about SO 
 miles British, in direct distance from Ilium, and was once 
 renowned for its safe and capacious harbour at the en- 
 trance of the Propontis or sea of Marmora, opposite Calli- 
 polis, now Gallipoli in the Thracian Chersonesus, and its 
 noble temple, dedicated to Cybele the Phrygian goddess ; 
 and its excellent wine, on which last account, it was given 
 to Themistocles the Athenian exile, by Artaxerxes Longi- 
 manus. According to Olivier, vol. ii. p. 84—102, its ruins 
 have been lately discovered at a village called Tchardack ; 
 and that the modern Lamsaki or Lepsick, was only a 
 suburb of the ancient city. The order of Alexander's 
 march, as given in the text, is wrong- as he is first made 
 to visit Lampsacus and then Ilium ; as in that case, Alex- 
 ander made an unneces.>ary and fatiguing march to Ilium, 
 and returned thence to Lampsacus. As he himself landed 
 on the shore of Ilium, Lampsacus lay in his way from 
 thence to the Granicus, where the Persian satraps had 
 collected a large force to oppose his farther progress.— 
 EcL 
 
 round his tomb. He admired and envied the 
 double felicity of that renowned Grecian, in hav- 
 ing found, during his lifetime, a faithful friend j 
 in Patroclus; and, after his death, a herald, 
 worthy the greatness of his exploits, in Homer. ! 
 And, indeed, had it not been for the Iliad,^ the j 
 name of Achilles would have perished in the 
 same grave with his body. j 
 
 At last Alexander arrived on the banks of the 
 Granicus,^ a river of Phrygia. The satrapcc, or 
 deputy-lieutenants, waited his coming on the 
 other side of it, firmly resolved to dispute the 
 passage with him. Their army consisted of 
 100,000 foot, and upwards of 10,000 horse.* 
 Memnon, who was a Rhodian, and commanded 
 under Darius all the coast of Asia, had advised 
 the generals not to venture a battle ; but to lay 
 waste the plains, and even the cities, thereby to 
 starve Alexander's army, and oblige him to re- 
 turn back into Europe. Memnon was the most 
 able of all Darius's generals, and had been the 
 principal agent in his victories. It is not easy 
 to determine what we ought to admire most in 
 him ; whether his great wisdom in council, his 
 courage and capacity in the field, or his zeal and 
 attachment to his sovereign. The counsel he 
 gave on this occasion was excellent, when we 
 consider that his enemy was fiery and impetu- 
 ous ; had neither town, magazine, nor place of 
 retreat ; that he was entering a country to which 
 he was absolutely a stranger, inhabited by ene- 
 mies ; that delays alone would weaken and ruin 
 him ; and that his only hope and resource lay in 
 gaining a battle immediately. But Arsites, 
 satrap of Phrygia, opposed the opinion of 
 Memnon, and protested he would never sufi'er 
 the Grecians to make such havoc in the terri- 
 tories he governed. This bad advice prevailed 
 over the judicious counsel of the foreigner 
 (Memnon), whom the Persians, to their great 
 prejudice, suspected of a design to protract the 
 war, and by that means make himself necessary 
 to Darius. 
 
 Alexander, in the mean time, marched on at 
 the head of his heavy-armed infantry drawn up 
 in two lines, with the cavalry in the wings : the 
 baggaee followed in the rear. Being arrived 
 upon the banks of the Granicus, Parmenio ad- 
 vised him to encamp there in battle-array, in 
 order that his forces might have time to rest 
 themselves, and not to pass the river till next 
 morning, because the enemy would then be less 
 able to prevent him. He added, that it would 
 be too dangerous to attempt crossing a river in 
 sight of an enemy, especially as that before them 
 was deep, and its banks very craggy : so that the 
 
 2 CClm in Sigjeo ad Achillis tumulum constitisset : O 
 fortunate, inquit, adolesrens, qui tus virtutis Homerum 
 prfficonem inveneris! Et vere. Nam, nisi Ilias ilia exti. 
 tisset, idem tumulus, qui corpus ejus contexerat, etiam 
 nomen obruisset Cic. pro Arch. n. 2i. 
 
 3 The Granicus is a narrow, deep, and rapid stream, 
 originating in the northern slope of the range of Ida, and 
 running a E. coarse of 40 geographical miles to the 
 Propontis. Its western banks are reported by travellers j 
 to be high, steep, and rugged. Its modern name is the j 
 Oostrola, and not Sousoughirli, as affirmed iu the Ancient 
 Universal History, vol. 5th. This latter appellation be- 
 longs to the Rhyndacus, a river that falls into the Propon. j 
 tis, 80 British miles east of the Granicus— the .aisejius i 
 running between. The Granicus lay 35 British miles to | 
 the east of Lampsacus in direct distance — Ed. 
 
 4 According to Justin, their army consisted of 600,OOU 
 foot, whereas Arrian declares there were no more than i 
 20,000. Both these accounts arc improbable, and there is 
 doubtless some fault in the text, and cherefore I follow 
 Diodorus Siculus. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 85 
 
 Persian cavalry, who waited their coming in 
 battle-array on the other side, might easily de- 
 feat them before they were drawn up : that be- 
 sides the loss which would be sustained on this 
 occasion, this enterprise, in case it should prove 
 unsuccessful, would be of dangerous consequence 
 to their future affairs ; the fame and glory of 
 arms depending on the first actions. 
 
 However, these reasons were not able to make 
 the least impression on Alexander, who declar- 
 ed, that it would be a shame, should he, after 
 crossing the Hellespont, suffer his progress to 
 be retarded by a rivulet, for so he called the 
 Granicus out of contempt : that they ought to 
 take advantage of the terror, which the sudden- 
 ness of his arrival, and the boldness of his at- 
 tempt, had spread among the Persians ; and an- 
 swer the high opinion the world conceived of 
 his courage, and the valour of the Macedonians. 
 The enemy's horse, which was very numerous, 
 lined the whole shore, and formed an extended 
 front, in order to oppose Alexander, wherever 
 he should endeavour to pass; and the foot, which 
 consisted chiefly of Greeks in Darius's service, 
 was posted behind, upon an easy ascent. 
 
 The two armies continued a long time in 
 sight of each other on the banks of the river, as 
 if dreading the event. The Persians waited till 
 the Macedonians should enter the river, in or- 
 der to charge them to advantage upon their 
 binding; and the latter seemed to be making 
 choice of a place pi-oper for crossing, and ob- 
 serving the disposition of their enemies. Upon 
 this, Alexander, having ordered his horse to be 
 brought, commanded the noblemen of the court 
 to follow him, and behave gallantly. He him- 
 self commanded the right wing, and Parmenio 
 the left. The king first caused a strong detach- 
 ment to march into the river, himself following 
 it with the rest of the forces. He made Par- 
 menio advance afterwards with the left wing. 
 He himself led on the right wing into the river, 
 followed by the rest of the troops ; the trumpets 
 sounding, and. the whole army raising cries of 
 joy. 
 
 The Persians seeing this detachment advance 
 forward, began to let fly their arrows, and march 
 to a place where the declivity was not so great, 
 in order to keep the Macedonians from landing. 
 And now the horse engaged with great fury ; 
 one part endeavouring to land, and the other 
 striving to prevent them. The Macedoni- 
 ans, whose cavalry was far inferior in num- 
 ber, besides the disadvantage of the ground, 
 were wounded with the darts that were shot 
 from the eminence ; not to mention that the 
 flower of the Persian horse were drawn to- 
 gether in this place ; and that Memnon, in con- 
 cert with his sons, commanded there. The 
 Macedonians therefore at first gave ground, af- 
 ter having lost the first ranks, which made a 
 vigorous dei'ence. Alexander, who had followed 
 them close, and reinforced them with his best 
 troops, puts himself at their head, animates them 
 by his presence, pushes the Persians, and routs 
 them ; upon which the whole army follow af- 
 ter, cross the river, and attack the enemy on all 
 sides. 
 
 Alexander first charged the thickest part of 
 the enemy's horse, in which the generals fought. 
 He himself was particularly conspicuous by his 
 shield, and the plume of feathers that over- 
 shadowed his helmet, on the two sides of which 
 there rose two wings, as it were, of a great 
 length, and so vastly white, that they dazzled 
 
 the eyes of the beholder. The charge was vevy 
 furious about his person ; and though only horse 
 engaged, they fought like foot, man to man, 
 without giving way on either side : every one 
 striving to repuloe his adversary, and gain 
 ground of him. Spithrobates, lieutenant-gover- 
 nor of Ionia, and son-in-law to Darius, distin- 
 guished himself above the rest of the generals by 
 his superior bravery. Being surrounded by 
 forty Persian lords, all of them his relations, of 
 experienced valour, and who never moved from 
 his side, he carried terror wherever he moved. 
 Alexander observing in how gallant a manner 
 he signalized himself, clapped spurs to his horse, 
 and advanced towards him. Immediately they 
 engage, and each having thrown a javelin, 
 wounded the other, though but slightly. Spi- 
 throbates falls fui'iously, sword in hand, upon 
 Alexander, who, being prepared for him, thrusts 
 his pike into his face, and lays him dead at his 
 feet. At that very moment. Rosaces, brother 
 to that nobleman, charging him on the side, 
 gives him so furious a blow on the head with 
 his battle-axe, that he beat off his plume, but 
 went no deeper than the hair. As he was go- 
 ing to repeat his blow on the head, which now 
 appeared through his fractured helmet, Clitus 
 cuts off Rosaces' hand with one stroke of bis 
 scimitar, and by that means saves his sovereign's 
 life. The danger to which Alexander had been 
 exposed, greatly animated the courage of his 
 soldiers, who now perform wonders. I'he Per- 
 sians in the centre of the cavalry, upon whom 
 the light-armed troops, who had been posted in 
 the intervals of the horse, poured a perpetual 
 discharge of darts, being unable to sustain any 
 longer the attack of the Macedonians, who 
 struck them all in the face, began to give 
 ground, and the two wings were immediately 
 broke and put to flight. Alexander did not 
 pursue them long, but turned about immediate- 
 ly to charge the foot. 
 
 These, says the historian, at first stood their 
 ground, which was owing to the surprise they 
 were seized with, rather than bravery. But 
 when they saw themselves attacked at the same 
 time by the cavalry, and the Macedonian pha- 
 lanx, which had crossed the river, and that the 
 battalions were now engaged ; those of the Per- 
 sians did not make either a long or a vigorous 
 resistance, and were soon put to flight, the Gre- 
 cian infantry in Darius's service excepted. This 
 body of foot, retiring to a hill, demanded a pro- 
 mise from Alexander to let them march away 
 unmolested ; but following the dictates of his 
 wrath, rather than those of reason, he rushed 
 into the midst of this body of foot, and presently 
 lost his horse (not Bucephalus), who was killed 
 with the thrust of a sword. The battle was so 
 hot round him, that most of the Macedonians 
 who lost their lives on this occasion, fell here ; 
 for they fought against a body of men who were 
 well disciplined, had been inured to war, and 
 fought in despair. They were all cut to pieces, 
 2000 excepted, who were taken prisoners. 
 
 A great number of the chief Persian com- 
 manders lay dead on the spot. Arsites fled 
 into Phrygia, where it is said he laid violent 
 hands upon himself, through regret that he had 
 been the cause that the battle was fought. It 
 would have been more glorious for him had he 
 died in the field. Twenty thousand foot, and 
 2500 horse, were killed in this engagement, on 
 the side of the barbarians ; and on that of the 
 Macedonians, twenty-five of the royal horse 
 
86 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 were killed at the first attack.^ Alexander or- 
 dered Lysippus to make their statues in brass, 
 all which were set up in a city of Macedon 
 called Dium, from whence they were many 
 years after carried to Rome by Q,. Metellus. 
 About threescore of the other horse were killed, 
 and near thirty foot, who, the next day, were 
 all laid with their arms and equipage in one 
 grave ; and the king granted an exemption to 
 their fathers and children from every kind of 
 ti'ibute and service. 
 
 He also took the utmost care of the wounded, 
 visited them, and saw their wounds dressed. 
 He inquired very particularly into their adven- 
 tures, and permitted every one of them to relate 
 his actions in the battle, and boast his bravery. 
 A prince gains many advantages by such a 
 familiarity and condescension. He also granted 
 the rites of sepulture to the grandees of Persia, 
 and did not even refuse it to such Greeks as 
 died in the Persian service ; but all those whom 
 he took prisoners he laid in chains, and sent 
 them to work as slaves in Macedonia, for hav- 
 ing fought under the barbarian standards against 
 their country, contrary to the express prohibi- 
 tion made by Greece upon that head. 
 
 Alexander made it his duty and pleasure to 
 share the honour of his victory with the Greeks; 
 and sent particularly to the Athenians SOO 
 shields, being part of the plunder taken from 
 the enemy, and caused the glorious inscription 
 following to be inscribed on the rest of the 
 &poils : Alexander, son of Philip, with the Greeks 
 (the Lacedcemonians excepted J, gained these 
 spoils from the Barbarians who inhabit Asia. A 
 conduct of this kind evinces a very uncommon 
 and amiable greatness of soul in a conqueror, 
 who generally cannot, without great reluctance, 
 admit others to share in his glory. The greatest 
 part of the gold and silver plate, the purple car- 
 pets, and other articles of Persian luxury, he 
 sent to his mother. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 Alexander conquers the greatest part of Asia Minor. He 
 is seized with a dangerous disease, occasioned by bathing 
 in the river Cydnus. Philip the physician cures him in 
 a few days. Alexander passes the defiles of Cilicia. 
 Darius advances at the same time. The bold and free 
 answer of Caridemus to that prince, which costs him his 
 life. Description of Darius's march. 
 
 The success of the battle 
 A. M. 8670. of the Granicus,^ had all 
 Ant. J. C. 334. the happy consequences that 
 could natui-ally be expected 
 from it. Sardis,^ which was in a manner the 
 
 1 According to this account, the Macedonians lost only 
 115 men, whilst their antagonists lost not less than 2250, 
 or nigh 200 to 1. Is it to be believed, that in the combat 
 with the Greek mercenaries, men of equal courage to 
 their opponents, though no doubt inferior in military dis- 
 cipline, that they should have been all killed on the spot 
 but 2000, after a long and brave defence, without a pro- 
 portionate carnage on the side of the Macedonians ? We 
 have only the Greek version of the story. Arrian's ac- 
 count of the number of the Persian army, which makes it 
 to be only 40,000 strong, seems the most probable of any. 
 It was only a provincial army, and levied in haste, and 
 could not have been very numerous. — Ed. 
 
 2 Diod. 1. xvii. p. 503-511. Arrian. 1. i. p. 36—^9. et 1. 
 ii. p. 60—66 Plut. in Alex. p. 673, 674. Q Curt. 1. iii. 
 c. 1—3. Justin. 1. xi. c. 7, 8. Strab. 1. xiv. p. 640. Solin. 
 c. xl. 
 
 3 Sardis lay about 120 geographical, or 138 British miles, 
 in direct distance, S. E. of the Granicus ; to which place 
 Alexander inarched directly after his victory. From this 
 
 bulwark of the barbarian empire on the side 
 next the sea, surrendered to Alexander, who 
 gave the citizens their liberty, and permitted 
 them to live after their own laws. Four days 
 after he arrived at Ephesus, carrying with him 
 those who had been banished from thence for 
 being his adherents, and restored its popular 
 form of government. He assigned to the temple 
 of Diana the tributes which were paid to the 
 kings of Persia. He offered a great number of 
 sacrifices to that goddess ; solemnized her voys- 
 teries with the utmost pomp, and conducted the 
 ceremony with his whole army drawn up in 
 battle array. The Ephesians had begun to re- 
 build the temple of Diana, which had been 
 burned the very night of Alexander's birth, as 
 was before observed, and the work was now 
 very far advanced. Dinocrates, a famous archi- 
 tect, who superintended the building of the 
 temple, was afterwards employed by this king 
 to build Alexandria in Egypt. Alexander 
 offered to pay the Ephesians all the expenses 
 they had already been at, and to furnish the re- 
 mainder, provided they would inscribe the 
 temple with his name alone : for he was fond, 
 or rather insatiable, of every kind of glory. 
 The inhabitants of Ephesus, not being willing 
 to consent to it, and nevertheless afraid to refuse 
 him that honour openly, had recourse to an artful 
 fiattery to enable them to evade this request. They 
 told him that it was inconsistent for one god to 
 erect monuments to another. Before he left 
 Ephesus, the deputies of the cities of Tralles and 
 Magnesia waited upon him with the keys of 
 those places. 
 
 He afterwards marched to Miletus,* which 
 city, flattered with the hopes of a stidden and 
 powerful support, shut their gates against him ; 
 and indeed, the Persian fleet, which was very 
 considerable, made a show as if it would succour 
 that city ; but after having made several fruitless 
 attempts to engage that of the enemy, it was 
 forced to sail away. Memnon had shut himself 
 up in this fortress, with a great number of his 
 soldiers who had escaped from the battle, and 
 was determined to make a good defence. Alex- 
 ander, who would not lose a moment's time, 
 attacked it, and planting scaling-ladders on all 
 sides, the scalado was carried on with no less 
 intrepidity, though Alexander sent fresh troops 
 to relieve one another without the least inter- 
 mission ; and this lasted several days. At last, 
 finding his soldiers were every where repulsed, 
 and that the city was provided with every re- 
 quisite for a long siege he planted all his 
 machines against it, made a great number of 
 breaclies, and whenever these were attacked, a 
 new scalado was attempted. The besieged, 
 after sustaining aU these efforts with prodigious 
 bravery, capitulated, for fear of being taken by 
 storm. Alexander treated all the Milesians 
 with the utmost humanity, and sold all the 
 foreigners who were found in it. The histori- 
 ans do not make any mention of Memnon, but 
 
 again he marched S. W. to Ej-hesus, about 63 Roman 
 miles in direct distance.— £d. 
 
 4 Miletus lay 28 B. miles S. E. of Ephesus, in direct dis. 
 tance, on the Lalmian Gulf, now supposed to be the Lake 
 of Ufa Bashee ; the low grounds between that lake and the 
 sea, being considered as alluvial matter, formed by the in. 
 undations of the Meander. At any rate, the Lalmian 
 Gulf is no longer in being ; and the ruins ot Miletus have 
 not yet been so clearly recogni.'^ed, so as to fix with preci 
 sion the exact site of tliat once celebrated city.— £ti. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 87 
 
 we may reasonably suppose that he marched out , siege the citadel, it being of little importance 
 with the garrison. i after the city was destroyed, which he deraol- 
 
 Alexander, seeing that the enemy's fleet had 
 sailed away, resolved to destroy his own, the 
 expense of it being too great, not to mention 
 that he wanted money for things of greater im- 
 portance. Some historians are even of opinion, 
 that as he was upon the point of coming to a 
 battle with Darius, which was to determine the 
 fate of the two empires 
 
 prive his soldiers of all hopes of retreat, and to 
 leave them no other resource than that of vic- 
 tory. He therefore retained such vessels only 
 of his fleet, as were absolutely necessary for 
 transporting the military engines, and a small 
 number of other galleys 
 
 shed to the very foundations. He thought it 
 sufiicient to encompass it with strong walls, and 
 left some good troops in the country. 
 
 After the death of Artemisia, queen of Caria, 
 Idrieus her brother reigned in her stead. The 
 sceptre, according to the custom of the country, 
 devolved upon Ada, sister and wife of Idrieus ; 
 he was resolved to de- i but she was dethroned by Pexodorus, whose 
 successor, by Darius's command, was Oronto- 
 bates, his son-in-law. Ada, however, was still 
 possessed of a fortress called Alindse, the keys of 
 which she had carried to Alexander, the instant 
 she heard of his arrival in Caria, and had adopt- 
 ed him for her son. The king was so far from 
 
 After possessing himselfof Miletus, he marched contemning this honour, that he left her the 
 
 " quiet possession of her own city ; and after hav- 
 
 ing taken Halicarnassus, as he by that means 
 was master of the whole country, he restored 
 
 into Caria, in order to lay siege to Halicarnas- 
 ] sus.^ The city was of most difficult access from 
 1 its happy situation, and had been strongly forti- 
 I fied. Besides, Memnon, the ablest as well as 
 } the most valiant of all Darius's commanders, 
 \ bad thrown himself into it with a body of choice i 
 i soldiers, with design to signalize his courage and i 
 fidelity to his sovereign. He accordingly made 
 a very noble defence, in which he was seconded 
 by Ephialtes, another general of great merit. 
 Whatever could be expected from the most in- j 
 trepid bravery, and the most consummate know- ] 
 ledge in the science of war, was conspicuous on | 
 both sides on this occasion. After the besiegers \ 
 had, with incredible labour, filled up part of the 
 ditches, and brought their engines near the 
 walls, they had the grief to see their works de- 
 molished in an instant, and their engines set on 
 fire, by the frequent vigorous sallies of the be- 
 sieged.' After beating down part of the wall 
 with their battering-rams, they were astonished 
 to see a new one behind it ; which was so sud- 
 denly built up, that it seemed to rise out of the 
 ground. The attack of these walls, which were 
 built in a semi-circular form, destroyed a pro- 
 digious number of men, because the besieged, 
 from the top of the towers that were raised on 
 the several sides, took the enemy in flank. It 
 was evidently seen at this siege, that the strong- 
 est fortifications of a city are the valour and 
 courage of its defenders. The siege was long, 
 and attended with such surprising difficulties as 
 would have discouraged any warrior but an 
 Alexander ; yet the view of danger served only 
 to animate his troops, and their patience was at 
 last successful. Memnon, finding it impossible 
 for him to hold out any longer, was forced to 
 abandon the city. As the sea was open to him, 
 after having put a strong garrison into the cita- 
 del, which was well stored with provisions, he 
 took with him the surviving inhabitants, with 
 all their riches, and conveyed them into the 
 island of Cos, which was not far from Halicar- 
 nassus. Alexander did not think proper to be- 
 
 5 Halicarnassus lay 40 British miles south-east of Mile. 
 
 the government to Ada 
 
 This lady,^ as a testimony of the deep sense 
 she had of the favours received from Alexander, 
 sent him every day meats dressed in the most 
 exquisite manner ; delicious pastry of all sorts ; 
 and the most excellent cooks of every kind. 
 Alexander answered the queen on this occasion, 
 *« That all this train was of no service to him, 
 for that he was possessed of much better cooks, 
 whom Leonidas' his governor had given him ; 
 one of whom prepared him a good dinner, and 
 that was, walking a great deal in the morning 
 very early ; and the other prepared him an ex- 
 cellent supper, and that was, dining very moder- 
 ately." 
 
 Several kings of Asia Minor submitted vol- 
 untarily to Alexander. Mithridates, king of 
 Pontus, was one of these, who afterwards ad- 
 hered to this prince, and followed him in hia 
 expeditions. He was son to Ariobarzanes, gov- 
 ernor of Phrygia, and king of Pontvis, of whom 
 mention has been made elsewhere. He is com- 
 puted to be the sixth king from Artabazus,^ 
 who is considered as the founder of that king- 
 dom, of which he was put in possession by Da- 
 rius, son of Hystaspes, his father. The famous 
 Mithridates, who so long employed the Roman 
 armies, was one of his successors.^ 
 
 direct distance; nothing but a mass of ruins attests i old men among the besieged, seeing n 
 fipr .^randPnr and anrient site. It lay between the bility of a longer defence, the place hav 
 
 tus, in 
 
 its former grandeur and ancient site. 
 
 6 Plut. in Alex. p. 677. 
 
 AiMVi^Bv "^iho/jLtyov; a.vrSi' tr^os pclv to a^icrrov vvxrcao^ietft 
 tr^h; Ss T6 ^ii^vov oKtya,oiirTia.v. 
 
 8 Florus, I iii. c. 5. 
 9 The last action of this military campaign was with the 
 Marmarians, as Diodorus Siculns affirms, an inconsider. 
 able people, inhabiting the western border of Lycia. Their 
 city was placed on a rock, and therefore by themselves 
 accounted impregnable. These rude mountaineers, eithei 
 from attachment to the Persians, or (which is more proba- 
 ble,) for the sake of plunder, fell on the rear of the Mace- 
 donian army, cut a great number of them to pieces, and 
 captured a great part of their baggage. This exceedingly 
 incensed Alexander, who immediately invested their 
 stronghold, and stormed it for two successive days. The 
 ' ■ ■ - ' eeing no prospect or possi- 
 nng no fortifications 
 
 Ceramic and Jasian bays, and was famous for the stately j but those of nature, would have persuaded them to sur- 
 
 mausoleum, or tomb, erected in honour of her husband, 
 Mausolu?, by Artemisia his widowed queen. Mausolus 
 reigned over Caria, of which this city was the capital. It 
 was, however, still more honoured in being the birth-place 
 of Herodotus, the father of history, and Dionysius the 
 Greek historian of Rome ; but of whose work the greater 
 part hag been unfortunately lost. The poets Heraclitus 
 and Callimachus were also natives of this city. The penin- 
 sula bet ween the two bays formed the ancient Doris and 
 narilLme Caria, and is about 40 British miles in length 
 rom west to east, and about 15 from north to south.— ^d. 
 
 render. But the young men of the tribe resolutely refused 
 their advice, and declared, that they would never surren- 
 der. Their elders, seeing their determined resolution,, 
 advised them to put all the superannuated men, together 
 with their women and children to death, and then, if pos- 
 sible, to force their way through the Macedonians. This 
 advice was immediately obeyed. Every one going home 
 made a great feast, and after eating and drinking plentifully 
 with his wife and children, shut the door of his house, and 
 then set it on fire. Soon as the flames began to rage, they, 
 to the number of 600, forced their way through the J ace- 
 
88 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 Alexander, before he went into winter-quar- 
 ters, permitted all such of bis soldiers as had 
 inarried that year to return into Macedonia, 
 there to spend their winter with their wives, 
 upon condition that they would return in the 
 spring. He appointed three officers to lead 
 them thither and to bring them back. This 
 agrees exactly with the law of Moses and, as 
 we do not find that this law or custom was used 
 by any other nation, it is very probable that 
 Aristotle had learned it from some Jew, with 
 whom he became acquainted in Asia ; and that 
 approving it as a very wise and just custom, he 
 therefore had recommended it to his pupil, who 
 remembered it on this occasion. 
 
 The next year Alexander 
 
 A. M. 3671. began the campaign very 
 Ant. J. C. 333. early. He had debated, whe- 
 ther be should march direct- 
 ly against Darius, or should first subdue the rest 
 of the maritime provinces. The latter plan ap- 
 peared the safest, since he thereby would not be 
 molested by such nations as he should leave be- 
 hind him. His progress was a little interrupted 
 at first.^ Near Phaselis,^ a city situated between 
 
 donian guards, and escaped to the mountains. This appel- 
 lation of Marmarians still exists in Marmarissa or Mar- 
 morice, the name of a bay on the S. E. side of the gulf of 
 Macri or the ancient Sinus Glaucus, on the west of Lycia ; 
 and which was the first place on the coast of Asia Minor 
 at which the British fleet and army, under the command 
 of Sir Ralph Abercromby, touched at on their way to 
 Egypt, in 1801. The present inhabitants are described as 
 being the same rude and predatory race as iheir ancestors, 
 the ancient Marmarians. — Ed. 
 
 1 Deut. xxiv. 5. 2 Strab. 1. xiv. p. 666. 
 
 3 Pbast lis was a small sea-port, on the west side of the gulf 
 of Attalia JSataliah), and on the eastern shore of the Lycian 
 Peninsula. Its ancient inhabitants were mostly pirates, 
 and made use of a sort of brig'antine, from tbaice deno. 
 minated Phaselus. They were so poor, according to the 
 ancients, that they sacrificed nothing but salt fish to their 
 deities ; hence the proverb sacrificium Phaselitarum, to 
 denote a mean present or offering. In the after days of 
 the Roman Commonwealth, it was a complete nest of 
 pirates, and was therefore reduced by Servilius the Roman 
 genera), together with Isaure, Olympus, and Coricus, all 
 cities of Lycia, whence he obtained the appellation of Isau- 
 ricus. Near Phaselis the mountains come close upon the 
 shore, as related in the text, lining the whole western 
 side of the gulf of Satalia. They are of great elevation, 
 and hence Taurus is said to commence here— that ridge so 
 highly famed in ancient geography. The Taurian range 
 in this region is called the Chelidonian Taurus, from a 
 cluster of small desert isles lying oflF the S. E. point of the 
 Lycian peninsula. This peninsula was bounded on the 
 N. W. by the Glaucus Sinus or gulf of Macri, by which it 
 was separated from the ancient Cdria, and on the east by 
 the gulf of Satalia ; and on the north it was separated from 
 the great body of Asia Minor, by the high upland districts 
 of Milyas and Cabalia, which may be denominated the 
 Northern Lycia. The Lycian peninsula is 80 British miles 
 in its greatest length N. E. and S. W. or from the head of 
 the gulf of Satalia S. W. to that of the gulf of Macri, and 
 50 British miles in breadth, from N. to S. or from the Sa- 
 crum Promontorium, to tiie main land. According to 
 Strabo, the Lycian coast commenced on the N. W. at 
 mount Daedala, at the head of the Glaucian gulf, and 
 ran S. E. to the Sacrus Promontorium ; and from thence 
 north to the mouth of the Cataractes, at the N.W. point of 
 the gulf of Satalia, where it met the Pamphylian frontier, 
 having a circumnavigation of 17i'6 stadia. This is equal 
 to 170 British miles, allowing his scale to be 700 stades to 
 a degree of a great circle, as Rennel has demonstrated. 
 This measurement is wonderfully accurate, as the same 
 coast measured on Captain Beaufort's chart, done from 
 actual survey, is 166 British miles— a striking coincidence 
 and strong proof of the accuracy of Strabo, at least in this 
 particular. Lycia was divided into three districts — ^namely, 
 the maritime part, or that which fronted the sea, and was 
 full of sea-ports ; the interior, a high upland, separated 
 from the maritime part by the 'J'aurian range ; and lastly, 
 tlie northern division, consisting of the two districts of 
 
 Milyas bounded on the N, W. by Caria, and Cabalia bound- 
 
 Lydia and Pamphylia, is a defile along the sea- 
 shore, which is always dry at low water, so that 
 travellers may pass it at that time ; but when 
 the sea rises, it is all under water. As it was 
 now winter, Alexander, whom nothing could 
 daunt, was desirous of passing it before the 
 waters fell. His forces were, therefore, obliged 
 to march a whole day in the water, which came 
 up to their waist. Some historians, purely to 
 embellish this incident, relate that the sea, by 
 the Divine command, had submitted spontane- 
 ously to Alexander, and had opened a way to 
 him, contrary to the usual course of nature; 
 among these writers is Quintus Curtius. It is 
 surprising that Josephus, the historian, to weak - 
 en the authority of the miracle of the Jews pass- 
 ing through the Red Sea on dry land, should 
 have cited this circumstance by way of example, 
 the falsity of which Alexander himself had re- 
 futed. For Plutarch relates, that he merely 
 wrote in one of his letters, " That when he left 
 the city of Phaselis he marched on foot through 
 the pass of the mountain called Climax:" and 
 it is very well known that this prince, who was 
 vastly fond of the marvellous, never let slip 
 
 ed by Pamphylia on the east. Cabalia is called Carbalia 
 by Ptolemy, and is placed by him partly in Pamphylia, 
 whilst the western division belongs to Lycia. Termessus 
 and Milyas are placed in the Pamphylian part of Cabalia. 
 Lycia, according to Strabo, was completely a mountainous 
 region. Tota montana regio. The 1 aurian range encircles 
 the whole of the interior ; presenting a bold precipitous 
 front round the whole coast of this peninsula ; and so lofty 
 as to be visible, according to Dr. Clark, at one-third of tiie 
 whole breadth of the Mediterranean, or upwards of 130 
 British miles. Strabo extends the Taurian range as far 
 N. W. as the Mseander ; but says, that its elevation is noS 
 remarkably great till i^ reaches Lycia. The chief summits 
 mentioned by him are, Mount Daedala on the western ex- 
 tremity, then Anti.Cragus and Cragus, which latter is a 
 steep range fronting the sea, having eight promontories or 
 lofty capes. This, in Rennel's large map, is denominated 
 the Seven Capes. Then Olympus, the mountain and val- 
 ley of Chimaera, Solyma, and finally Climax, between 
 which mountain and the shore Alexander marched with 
 his army. The mountain Solyma overhangs the city oi 
 Phaselis. Respecting the famed mountain Chimaera- so 
 celebrated in poetic mythology— its very existence till late- 
 ly, was called in doubt : but this doubt arose solely from 
 our ignorance of the coast. This mountain, now called 
 Taktalu, is in the vicinity of Deliktash, and five miles from 
 the shore. Captain Beaufort, who examined ihe whole oi 
 this coast, ascended its summit elevated 7800 feet above the 
 sea. It emits a constant brilliant flame during the night, 
 consisting of ignited hydrogen gas. The flame is most 
 briUiant during the time of heavy rains, or previous to 
 their approach— a phenomenon exactly resembling the 
 Pictra Mala of the Apennines. Behind it rises the Taurian 
 range to the height of 10,000 feet above the sea. As physi- 
 cal phenomena are generally ascribed by the ignorant to 
 preternatural causes, this flaming mountain was converted 
 by the fancy of the poets into a monster, with the head of 
 a lion, the body of a goat, and the tail of a serpent, van- 
 quished by the famed BeJlerophon and his horse Pegasus. 
 
 . Dire Chimsera's conquest was enjoin'd : 
 
 A mingled monster of no mortal kind ; 
 Behind, a dragon's fiery tail was spread ; 
 A goat's rough body, bore a lion's head ; 
 Her pitchy nostrils flaky flames expire— 
 Her caping throat emits infernal fire. 
 
 ^ ^ ^ Iliad, B. vi. 219-224. 
 
 Forma erat huic capitis triplex, trucis una leonis, 
 Et levis una caprte, et torvi fiiit una draconis. 
 Ante leo, retroque draco, medioque capella. 
 
 Hesiod. 
 
 Prima leo, postrema draco, media ipsa Chimaera. 
 
 Lucretius. 
 
 Quibus ilia relictis 
 
 — . ■ ■ I I ■ ■ ■ ^^LliUUO Jilt* 
 
 Caras, et armiferos Lelegas, Lyciamque pererrat 
 Jam Cragon, et Lymiren, Xanthique reliquerat undas, 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 any opportunity of pei'suading the people, that 
 the gods protected him in a very singular man- 
 ner. 
 
 While he was in the neighhourhood of Pha- 
 selis, he discovered a conspiracy which was 
 carrying on by Alexander, son of Ei'opus, 
 whom he had a little before appointed general 
 of the Thessalian cavalry, in the room of Galas, 
 whom he had made governor of a province. 
 Darius, upon the receipt of a letter which this 
 traitor had sent him, promised him a reward of 
 1000 talents* of gold, with the kingdom of Mace- 
 donia, in case he could murder Alexander ; 
 thinking that he could not pay too dear for a 
 crime which would rid him of so formidable an 
 enemy. The messenger who carried the king's 
 answer being seized, made a full confession, by 
 which means the traitor was brought to condign 
 punishment. 
 
 Alexander, after having settled aiFairs in Ci- 
 licia, and Famphylia,^ marched his army to 
 
 Quoque ChiniEera jugo mediis in partibus ignem, 
 Pectus et ora leas, caudam serpentis habebant. 
 
 Ovid. Met. Lib. ix. L 643—647. 
 
 Flammisque armata Chimaera. 
 
 Firg. Mn. Lib. vi. 1. 288. 
 
 And vain ChiniEera vomits empty flame. Dryden. 
 
 Bochart, who will have it that the fables of the poets 
 convey some moral or historical truth, imagines the triple 
 monster to represent the three deities worshipped by the 
 Solymi, the ancient inhabitants of Lycia. Canaan, Lib, I. 
 cap. viii. p. 393. Fol. Cadom. 1646. Others, as signifying 
 the sorts of enemies with whom Bellerophon had to con- 
 tend; the Solymi, the Amazons, and the Lycians, adum- 
 brated by the lion, the goat, and the serpent. But this 
 is flatly contradicted by Homer in the following lines : 
 
 This pest he slaughter'd, (for he read the skies, 
 And trusted Heav'n's informing prodigies) ; 
 Then met in arms the Solymsean crew, 
 (Fiercest of men) ; and those the warrior .•s'ew. 
 Mext the bold Amazon's whole force he tried, 
 And conquer'd still ; for Heav'n was on his side. 
 Nor ended here his toils : his Lycian foes. 
 At his return, a treacherous ambush rose. 
 With levell'd spears, along the winding shore ; 
 There fell they breathless, and return 'd no more. 
 
 According to this, the conquest of these succeeded that 
 of the triple formed Chimasra. Others will have it, that 
 the poetical picture represents the state of the mountain, 
 when Bellerophon visited Lycia: namely, that its foot 
 was infested with serpents ; its middle as affording pasture 
 for goats ; and that its summit was inhabited by lions ; and 
 that Bellerophon was the first who rendered it habitable, 
 by clearing it of these animals and reptiles, and was there- 
 fore said to have killed the triple monster. One would 
 imagine, that if the mountain was infested with lions and 
 serpents at the summit and foot, the goats would "have 
 but a sorry chance for their lives, and could not of course 
 be very numerous. Bochart derives the name of Solymi 
 from the Hebrew, Selem, or darkness, from the thick 
 woods with which the mountains and their summits were 
 covered ; so that Solymi with him was a name given them 
 by the Phoenicians, as a people dwelling amidst dense and 
 dark forests. He also deduces the name Cabalia from the 
 Hebrew and Arabic, Gebal, a mountain ; and that, agree- 
 able to the Hebrew orthography, it would be first called 
 Gabalia, or Al Gebal, the mountainous country, answer- 
 ing to the Gebalene of the Greeks. As Strabo makes the 
 ancient name of the Xan thus, the chief river of the Lycian 
 peninsula, to be Sirbes, Bochart of course derives it from 
 the Hebrew and Arabic verb, Zarab, to flow ; whence the 
 Arabic noun, Zerb in Giggeius, signifying a running 
 stream ; whence Zerbis, or the modem Zab, the ancient 
 Assyrian river. Lycia once contained twenty-three large 
 cities, the chief of which were Telmessus, Xantlius, Pina- 
 ra, Patara, Olympum, Limyra, and Myra. Pliny says, that 
 Lycia once contained 60 cities ; 24 of which existed in his 
 time.— Ed. 
 
 4 About 1,500,000/. sterling. 
 5 From Phaselis, Alexander marched to PergainPam- 
 phylia, on the river Cestrus; and from thence to Aspen- 
 duSj on the river Eurymecion, east of Perga ; wliich, 
 
 Celsense, a city of Phrygia, watered by the 
 river Marsyas, which the fictions of poets have 
 made so famous. He summoned the garrison 
 of the citadel, whither the inhabitants were re- 
 tired, to surrender; but these believing it im 
 pregnable, answered haughtily, that they would 
 first die. However, finding the attack carried 
 on with great vigour, they desired a truce of 
 sixty days, at the expiration of which they pro- 
 mised to open their gates, in case they were not 
 succoured ; and accordingly, no aid arriving, 
 they surrendered themselves upon the day 
 fixed. 
 
 Fi-om thence the king marched into Phrygia, 
 the capital of which was called Gordium, the 
 ancient and famous residence of king Midas, 
 situated on the river Sangarius. Having taken 
 the city, he was desirous of seeing the famous 
 chariot, to which the Gordian knot was tied. 
 This knot, which fastened the yoke to the beam, 
 was tied with so much art, and the strings were 
 twisted in so intricate a manner, that it was 
 impossible to discover where it began or ended. 
 According to an ancient tradition of the coun- 
 try, an oracle had foretold, that the man who 
 could untie it, should possess the empire of Asia. 
 As Alexander was firmly persuaded that this 
 promise related to himself, after many fruitless 
 trials, he cried, " It is no matter which way it 
 be untied," and thereupon cut it with the 
 sword, and by that means, says the historian, 
 either eluded or fulfilled the oracle.' 
 
 though a strong and well fortified place, surrendered by 
 capitulation, without standing a siege. From hence Alex- 
 ander marched north-west to the pass of Telmessus, a 
 very strong defile in the Taurian range ; and which, had 
 the inhabitants of that place known how to avail them- 
 selves of the advantageous position of their city, which 
 commanded the pass on one side, as a high mountain did 
 the same on the opposite side, they might have defended 
 it against all Alexander's attempts to penetrate through it 
 into Phrygia, and compelled him to attempt a passage m 
 some other quarter. Telmessus was situated on the top of 
 a high and craggy rock, having another of equal height 
 over against it, whilst the narrow, steep, and craggy 
 pass led through between both. This pass the Telmessi- 
 ans had seized, and might well have defended. Alexander 
 encamped at the foot of this pass at the close of night, hop- 
 ing that the fear of an attack would induce them to with- 
 draw. To his great joy, the 'I'elmessians had, as he had 
 hoped, abandoned the pass during the night, and retired 
 into their city ; so that he passed through without any ob- 
 struction, declining for the present the siege of their city. 
 Herein he acted as wisely as the Telmessians had done 
 foolishly. The end was accomplished by the possession of 
 the pass ; and in his present circumstances, the capture of 
 the city was a matter of inferior consequence. His great 
 object was to gain possession of the interior of Asia Minor ; 
 which being obtained, the cities on the coasts would fall of 
 course, and time would not be unnecessarily wasted. 
 This Telmessus must not be confounded with the city of 
 Telmessus on the south-east angle of the Gulf of Maori, 
 which Dr. Clark visited, and where he found a vast num. 
 ber of Sarcopliagi, and other remains, which prove it to 
 have been once a large and flourishing" city. From this 
 city, that part of the Macrine Gulf was called the Bay of 
 Telmessus. From the Stena, or Defile of Telinessiis, or 
 Termessus, as Strabo writes it, Alexander crossed the 
 high upland of Milyas, which Bochart deduces from the 
 Phoenician word mulia, an elevated mound, and mules, 
 mountainous places, to Celienje, 75 geographical miles 
 north-west, which surrendered after a truce of sixty days 
 granted by him, at the expiration of which they promised 
 that, if no succours came, they would yield the city.— 
 Ed. 
 
 6 Sortem oraculi vel elusit, vel implevit. Quint. Curt. 
 
 7 Gordium, according to Kennel's map, M. S. lay 105 geo- 
 graphical, or upwards of 120 British miles north, a little east 
 of CelsenEB. In his march thither, he had to cross the lofty 
 chain, now called the Moorad Dagh, the south boundary 
 of Phrygia Parorias, or the great inland tract of Asia 
 Minor. It is difficult precisely to fix the site of Gordium, 
 the ancient capital of Phrygia. That it stood on the San. 
 garins all agree. Kinnicr, though his route lay ne.ir Khc 
 
90 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXA.NDEB- 
 
 In the mean lime Darius was setting every . about 4, 5, or 600,000 men, for historians diffffl 
 en<rine at work, in order to make a vigorous , very much with respect to the number, 
 defence. IMemuon the Rhodian advised him to Alexander having left Gordmm,' 
 
 marched 
 
 into Paphlagouia and Cappadocia, which he 
 
 carry the -R-ar into INIaoedonia, which counsel 
 seemed the most proper to extricate him from 
 the present danger ; for the Lacedemonians. 
 
 and several other Greek nations, who had , ^ ^^^^^ c-ordi-am Alexander ir.arched east to Ancvra, 
 no aflection for the 3lacedonians, would have , ^ city of uhat part cf Fhngia afterwards caiUd Gaiatw, 
 been ready to ioiu him ; bv which means Alex- | from the Gauls who seized upon it. It lay 5o geographical 
 ander mu*-t have been forced to leave Asia, and \ miles south-east of Uie assumed site • f Gordium m Ren- 
 rerurn suddenly o.er the sea ,o defend his own ! nd. .=,p. ^^^^^^-^ f^^ 
 country. Danus approved tnis counsel, and g^^^^^^j plain.' It possesses a very fine appearance at a 
 having' determined to follow it, committed the ■ d-stance, seeminelv crowning the"suramits of successive 
 exet-ution of it to the original proposer. Ac- t;r..!;ences, ar.d With its glittering minarets and battle- 
 cordinolv Memnon .-as dedared admM of the ^'i^^^^^^'S^^^^^^STZ 
 tieet, and o^ptain-general ol all the torcea de- f^.^ned one of the three capitals of Galatia, the other two 
 signed for that expedition. being Tavium and Fessinus It was taken by the consul 
 
 Darius could not possiblv have made a better Cneius Manlius Vulso, after the defeat of the Gauls. It 
 AlAmn.-in -ct-is fVip'ablp^iT o-pneral in his afterwards, through the favour of Augustus, raised to 
 choice. Menanon was tbe ablest general in ^^^^ meiropoliun citv of that province, and 
 
 service, had fought a great many years under ^^p^ned with verv manv sutely ediaces. In gratitude to 
 the Persian standards with the utmost fidelity, its munificent patron, 'it assumed the name of Sebaste, 
 Had his advice been taken, the battle of Graui- paid him divine honours, and erected a marble temple to 
 cus had not been fought. He did not abandon memory. It stiU continued to flourish af:er the death 
 , . s , of that prince, consecrated manv temples to the succeeding 
 
 his master's interests atter that mistortune, but ^l^^^j.^^ ^^d when the apostite Julian came thiiher, on 
 had assembled the scattered remains ot the army, ^is way to the Persian war, the priests of Ancyra came to 
 and immediatelv withdi'ew first to IMiletus. from meet h'im with their idols. It was here the apostle of tlie 
 the.ce to Halicarnassus, and lastly into the r-g^l^o Gala^^^ 
 
 island of Cos, where he was when he recer.ed episcopal see In the reign of Herachus it was cap- 
 his new commission. This place was the ren- tured by the generals of Chosroes Purvez, and afterwardj 
 dezvous for the fleet; and Memnon was now tv the renowned Haroim al Raschid, or t.he Just. It wai 
 meditating whollv uptm the manner how to put finally lost to tibe empire by the iny;^ion of the pnr.ces oi 
 uiruii.rt.iii_, >>i.v.xi. ^ v,?^.~^l^ the house of Se juk, retaken by tlie Crusaders m A. D. 
 
 his design into execution. _ He made himself ^^5.. afterwlrds seized in A. D. 1339, by Mcorad 1. 
 I master of the island ot Chios, and aU J^esbos, in its vicinity 11 Der-.m Bayaiid, the successor of Moo rad, 
 ' the citv of IMitvlene excepted. Jr'rom thence he was cefeated'and taken prisoner I y T;m( or Bek. It wag 
 ! was preparin? to pass over into Euboja. and to hosvever restored to the Tiirks, in whose hands it has suU 
 I n,akf Greece and |laced„nia theseatof the war \ -^-^ ^tHi^;!^ ^^'S^^^ 
 I but died betore 3litylene, which city he had i facturing importiince- l"he city is encircled by a range o! 
 • been forced to besiege. His death was the ereat- mountains on the north and east, and iu castle, like thaj 
 ! est misfortune that could possiblv have happened I of Edinburgh, occupies the suinmit of a high rock, perp^. 
 I tn Ppr^ia We ^ee on this occasion the mesti- i ^^u-ar three sides, and graaually sloping to the nonh ; 
 
 to x-ersia. \> e see on tuis uLLdsiuii uie | and mav have, in consequence, appeared mipregnable in 
 
 1 mable worth ot a man ot merit, whose death is^ former times. There is a chain of outworks to a consider- 
 I sometimes the ruin of a state. The loss of ' able extent, occupying all the high grounds. 
 Memnon frustrated the execution of the plan he * ' " > = ^— - 
 
 had formed ; for Darius not having one general 
 in his army who was able to supply ZVlemnon's 
 place, abandoned entirely the only enterprise 
 which could have saved his empii-e. His sole 
 resource, therefore, now lay in the armies of the 
 East. Darius, dissatisfied with all his generals, 
 
 It is curiovis to remark tlie discordances of modern 
 travellers. Kinnier says, that the castle is not cn.y in a 
 ruinous and dilapidated state, but also commanded by an 
 adjacent mountain. On the contrary, Mr. Brown sjys, 
 that the citv must have been strong, being commanded 
 by no adjace'nt height. There is ground of suspicion that, 
 in manv cases, travellers speak of a puce just as they have 
 been used. Now the Turkish Pashaw would not allow 
 Kinnier to look at the city, and told him, that the sooner 
 
 resolved to command in person, and appointed ; he departed the better. This made a strong impression on 
 Babvlon for the rendezvous of his army ; where, j his feelings, which seems to have Unged his description 
 
 upon being mustered, they were fomid to be 
 
 snpposed site of that city, was unable to gain any inforroa- ! 
 tio.i respecting it, but places it in his map near the modern ; 
 Bevbazaar, cmisiderably to the east of Sever Hissar. All we 
 kn''W is, that it stood 'somewhere on the Sangarius, not 
 lar from its source. Rennel identifies it in his map, with 
 the modem Sever Hissar, built oti the s.de of a range of 
 craggy rocks, opening towards the south on the great plain 
 of Pnrygia Saluraris, whereas Kinnier m.akes it to be the 
 ancient Abrostola. The whole of this part of Phr\g;a, 
 once covered with towns and villages, is now a treeless de- 
 solate plain. Gordium, though founded by Gordius, did 
 not long retain its honours, but was soon feviuced to a 
 poor, mean village, as Strabo informs us. It however re- 
 covered its importance in tlie time of the Triumvirate, 
 when it was again made a city, and called Juliot-o'is, in 
 honour of Augustus CEesar, by one Cico, a noted robber, 
 and native of that place. 
 
 ITiis story of the Gordian knot is taken from Curt'.us, 
 but liis authority is not to be compared to that of Aris. 
 tobulus, who Wis an eye-w.tness of the f.ict, and who ex.- 
 aressly declares that -Alexander did not cut it, to wh;ch 
 Plutarch agrees. Aristobulus assures us that he wresteil 
 a wooden pin out of the beam of the waggon, which be.ng 
 driven in across the beam, held it up, and so took the yoke 
 from A.— Ed. 
 
 Mr. Brown declares .\ngora to have been one of the r.eat- | 
 est cities he had seen in all his travels, with streets excel- 1 
 lentiv paved with large blocks of granite, but without 
 footpaths, snd iliat its inhabitants were the most pohshed 
 in Asiatic Turkev. There are a great many classical ruins 
 of temples and other buildings yet to be seen, attesting iti 
 former magnificei.ee. Kinr.ier copied not kss than 
 Greek inscriptions hera The iracie of Angora is chiefly 
 in varn of which our shalloons are ir-.-oe, and their own 
 mauuf.icti.re of Angora stufis. Of tliese latter. Brown 
 was infcra-.ed from 15,0 0 to ^t ,CU> pieces were annually 
 made. Each of these pic-ces cor.tains 5< starnboul pikes, or 
 nearly 25 vards. 1 he place is famed for its bri ed of j-oats, 
 distinguished for the leng-.h and fineness of their hair. 
 Kinnier visited an old Annenian lady, who, with her lour 
 daughters, were reclir.ing on velvet cushions, each em- 
 ployed in spinning with a distaff the silken fleece of the 
 goat. Each goat pioduces an annual average of £ or 3U0 
 drams weigiit of tliis fleece. It is taken from tlie whole 
 body, and not tiie belly alone. 'l>.cy are si. cm once a- 
 ycar, the sheep twice, whose wc-oi is also peculi;;riy fine 
 and long. Of the goats they have made, as repwrted, 
 shawls equal in qiuility to ilie cashmerian, and as wide. 
 1 hey cost the maker iCO piastres each ; but they have not 
 yet been ab'.e to work flowers in them. 'ITiey have also m.ade 
 good cloth, but this n.a!;ufact„re was abandoned for want 
 of encouraaemeut ; a special regulation obliges the weaver 
 to work U-iC shalloons witli double thread, otherwise they 
 misrht be made much finer. The best of the -\rgc ra stuff:^ 
 worked by the piece, according to Brown, are 3i. luj, 01 
 
 I 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 sjibdued. It was there he heard of Memnon's 
 death, the news whereof confirmed him in the re- 
 solution he had taken of marching immediately 
 into the provinces of Upper Asia. Accordingly 
 he advanced by hasty marches into Cilicia, and 
 arrived in the country called Cyrus's camp.^ 
 
 2 Quintus Curtius supposes it to be so called from Cyrus 
 f he Great, and Arrian from the younger Cyrus, which 
 opinion appears the most probable. 
 
 31. 15s. prime cost. No wool is used in the manufacture 
 of camlets. 
 
 The cats of Angora are equally famous as the goats, for 
 their great size, and the length and fineness of their hair. 
 The sheep wool is particularly so. The breed of goats is 
 said to be declining. There is, however, a great extent of 
 country capable of supplying food to their flocks, so that, 
 with proper management, the number might be easily 
 augmented. The consul informed Kinnier, that this 
 beautiful animal is only to be found within the limits of 
 Wullis Khan on the west, and the Halys on the east If 
 carried beyond these limits, the hair immediately loses its 
 fineness. This statement was confirmed, as Kinnier 
 thinks, by his own experience, as he never saw any fine- 
 haired goats either to the east or west of these limits. 
 Angora is also famous for its fruits, having numerous 
 gardens in its vicinity, especially for its excellent pears, 
 which are generally sent as presents to Constantinople. 
 Angora, as might be expected, is a large and populous 
 place, about 2 hours walk in circuit. But as is the case 
 with all Asiatic cities, and especially those under the 
 Turkish dominion, travellers are wonderfully discordant 
 in their estimates of their population. By Dr. Pococke 
 the population of Angora was estimated at 100,000 j by 
 others at 80,000 ; and finally by Kinnier at 20,000 ; one 
 third of which are Catholic Armenians. Tiiis is a most 
 extraordinary discordance, and shows how little reliance 
 can be placed on such statements. "What can such birds 
 of passage know from a transient view of a city, what 
 number of inhabitants it contains ? 
 
 From Ancyra Alexander proceeded north to Paph'a- 
 gonia, crossing the very lofty ridge of Olympus, whirh 
 separates Galatia from Eithynia and Paphlagonia. 'Ihc 
 terminus of this march in this direction seems to have been 
 the city of Sora, 83 British miles in direct distance from 
 Ancyra. From thence he marched south-east by the 
 Halys and mount Taurus to Cilicia, crossing, in his way, 
 the same pass by which the younger Cyrus had entered 
 that country. This was a march of 430 British miles 
 direct. From Tarsus he advanced to Myriandrus, a city 
 now no longer in being ; then situated on the sea-shore, 
 but now several miles inland, its site being filled up with 
 alluvion, brought down by the rivers, which rush with 
 rapid force from the Jofty brow of Amanus to the Gulf of 
 Issus. The distance from Tarsus to Myriandrus is about 
 126 Roman miles, or 117 British miles. The Cydnus, in 
 which Alexander bathed, is a small stream, 40 yards in 
 Dreadth, clear and limpid, with a gentle and winding cur- 
 rent. "While at Tarsus, he marched west to Anchialos, 
 and thence to Soli. The inhabitants of this latter city, he 
 compelled, we are told, to pay a contribution of 20,000 
 talents, or 3,875,000/. valuing each talent at 193/. 15s. This 
 sum is so enormous, to be levied on the inhabitants of a 
 single city, and that not of the first importance, whether 
 f(ir magnitude or wealth, as to seem quite incredible. 
 There is either a corruption in the text, or the story is a 
 mere fabrication. Soli could never have contained such 
 wealth as to have enabled its inhabitants to have paid such 
 an excessive contribution, or else it must, at that time, 
 have been one of the wealthiest cities in the I'ersian em- 
 pire. 
 
 Cilicia, which Alexander had now entered, was a long, 
 narrow tract, enclosed between motmt Taurus on the 
 north and the Mediterranean on the south, the rocks of 
 Tsauria on the west and mount Amanus, or the Alma, 
 dagh on the east. It was divided into two parts ; Cilicia Tra- 
 chea, (or the mountainous and rugged,) and Cilicia Cam- 
 pestres, (or the plain,) directly fronting the Mediterranean. 
 Successively subjected to the Assyrians, Persians, and the 
 successors of Alexander, it was reduced into a Roman 
 province by Pompey. In the time of Cicero's government, 
 the province of Cilicia comprehended Cilicia Proper, Isau. 
 ria, Pisidia, Lycaonia, and part of Phrygia. The Roman 
 governor generally resided at Laodicea in Phrygia. It was 
 subsequently conquered by the Saracens, \mder the famed 
 khalif Haroun al Kashid; then by the Seljookian Turk.s ; 
 
 From thence there is no more than fifty stadia 
 (two leagues and a half) to the pass of Cilicia, 
 which is a very narrow defile, through which 
 persons are obliged to go from Cappadocia to 
 Tarsus. The officer who guarded it in Darius'a 
 name, had left but few soldiers in it, and those 
 
 afterwards by the Sultans of the race of Caraman ; and 
 finally, by the Othman Sultan, Bayazid 11. Tarsus, the 
 capital, lay on the river Cydnus, 12 miles north of its 
 mouth, and SO miles south of the southern brow of the 
 Taurian pass, through which Alexander had passed. This 
 city rose to great eminence in the days of Augustus, and 
 rivalled even Athens, Antioch, and Alexandria, in wealth 
 and grandeur, in literature and science. It was called 
 Juliopolis, in honour of Julius Cssar, who .spent several 
 days here, during his march against Pharnaces, and here 
 it was that Antony had his finst interview with the fasci- 
 nating Cleopatra. Here was born the great apostle of the 
 Gentiles, with whose name that of Tarsus will be ever as- 
 sociated. It has been subjected to so many misfortunes 
 during the political changes which so frequently occur in 
 eastern countries, that hardly a vestige remains of its for 
 mer magnificence, nor does the modern city perhaps oc- 
 cupy one-fourth of the area of the ancient. Hie Cydnus 
 once ran through the middle of the town, as we are told 
 by Strabo. It now runs half a mile to the east of it, which 
 is at present watered by a number of small canals, drawn 
 from the river. The vicinity was subjected to great and 
 frequent inundations of the river, from the melting of 
 the snows, and the remains of a canal, cut by the com- 
 mand of the emperor Jus;inian, to drain off the redundant 
 waters, can still be traced. 
 
 Kinnier, who spent a week at Tarsus, could not discover 
 a single inscription, or any monument of beauty, magnifi- 
 cence, or art. On the N. W. the hills advance to the walls 
 of the town ; whilst to the S. E. the plain extends beyond 
 the reach of sight. The houses are intersected with gar- 
 dens and orchards. They seldom exceed a story in height, 
 are flat roofed for the accommodation of the people in hot 
 weather, and the greater part of them are built of hewn 
 stone ; to furnish which the more ancient edifices have 
 been levelled with the ground. There is a castle built, it 
 is said, by Bayazid II., and a portion of the city is sur- 
 rounded by a wall, probably the remains of that erected by 
 Haroun Al Raschid. Kinnier traced the foundations of 
 another and more ancient wall, which appears to have ex- 
 tended far beyond the limits of the modern city ; and on 
 an eminence at the S. W. Kinnier observed the ruins of a 
 spacious edifice, the form of which being circular, induced 
 him to believe that it was the ruins of the ancient gymna- 
 sium : two hundred yards farther west stood an ancient 
 gateway almost entire. Beyond the walls to the N. W. 
 Kinnier was shown in a garden a very extraordinary super- 
 structure of an oblong shape, 120 paces long, by half that 
 in breadth, with walls 17 feet high and 15 feet thick, com- 
 posed of small round stones and mortar, which from age, 
 had acquired the solidity of rock. The building had two 
 internal divisions, was without doors or windows, but had 
 a large opening at either side; and towards the extremities 
 a solid mass of masonry 16 paces square each way. This 
 structure has neither beauty nor ornament; nor is it 
 easy to determine the purposes for which it was built. 
 From its figure and construction, it could never have been 
 the habitation of a living being ; but is perhaps tlie mau- 
 soleum of a distinguished personage, probably that of the 
 unfortunate Julian, whose ashes were conveyed at his dy- 
 ing request to Tarsus, by Procopius his kinsman, according 
 to Ammianus and Zosimus, where they were interred m 
 a magnificent mausoleum. 
 
 Tarsus at present contains two public bath', a number of 
 mosques, several handsome caravanserai, and a church, 
 said to have been erected by the Apostle Paul. It is very 
 small ; but some parts of it bear marks of great antiquity ; 
 and in the burying ground by which it is surrounded, 
 stands a small tree, planted by the Apostle's own hand — 
 undoubtedly a monkish tale— as we never heard of a tree 
 1800 years old. The city contains 30,000 inhabitants during 
 the winter season, of which number 200 families were Ar- ) 
 menians, 100 Greeks, and the remainder Turks and Turk- | 
 mans, who remove during the hot season with their fami- 
 lies to the mountains. I'he adjoining villages are chiefly 
 inhabited by Greeks, who prefer agricultural pursuits to a 
 city life. The French consul informed Kinnier that he 
 himself had visited the ruins of a city 12 hours S. W. of 
 Tarsus, and close to the sea, where was an amphitheatre 
 almost entire, 200 standing columns and a quay built of 
 stono ;'.nd clamped with iron. The soil in the vicinity of 
 ' Tarsus is excecdn)g fertile, producing exuberant crops of , 
 wheat, barley, sesame, and cotton, which are also brought i 
 
92 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 fled the instant they heard of the enemy's arrival. 
 Upon this, i^lexander entered the pass, and, 
 after viewing very attentively the situation of 
 the place, he admired his own good fortune; 
 and confessed that he might have been very 
 easily stopped and defeated there, merely by the 
 throwing of stones: for, not to mention thai 
 this pass was so narrow, that four men com- 
 pletely ai-med could scarcely walk abreast in it ; 
 the top of the mountain hung over the road, 
 which was not only narrow, but broken up in 
 several places, by the fall of torrents from the 
 mountains. 
 
 Alexander marched his whole army to tne 
 city of Tarsus, Avhere it arrived the very instant 
 the Persians were setting fire to that place, to 
 prevent his deriving any benefit from the plun- 
 der of so opulent a city. But Parmenio, whom 
 the king had sent thither with a detachment ot 
 horse, arrived very seasonably to stop the pro- 
 gress of the fire, and marched into the city, 
 which he saved; the Barbarians having fled the 
 moment they heard of his arrival. 
 
 Through this city the Cydnus runs, a river not 
 so remarkable for the breadth of its channel, as 
 for the beauty of its waters, which are clear and 
 limpid ; hut at the same time excessively cold, 
 because of the tufted trees with which its banks 
 are overshadowed. It was now about the end 
 of summer, Avhich is excessively sultry in Cili- 
 cia, and in the hottest part of the day, when the 
 king, who was quite covered with sweat and 
 dust, arriving on its banks, had a mind to bathe 
 
 in that river, invited by the beauty and clearness 
 of the stream. However, the instant he plunged 
 into it, he was seized with so violent a shiver- 
 ing, that all the standers-by fancied he was dy- 
 ing. Upon this, he was carried to his tent, 
 after fainting away. The news of this sad dis- 
 aster threw the whole army into the utmost 
 consternation. They all burst into tears, and 
 breathed their plaints in the following words 
 «' The greatest prince that ever lived is torn 
 from us in the midst of his prosperity and con- 
 quests ; not in a battle, or at the storming of a 
 city, but dies by his bathing in a river. Darius, 
 who is coming up with us, will conquer before 
 he has seen his enemy. We shall be forced to 
 retire, like so many fugitives, through those 
 very countries which we entered with triumph ; 
 and as the places through which we must pass 
 are either desert or depopulated, hunger alone, 
 should we meet t o other enemy, will itself de- 
 stroy us. But who shall guide us in our flight, 
 or dare to set himself up in Alexander's stead ? 
 And should we be so happy as to arrive at 
 the Hellespont, how shall we furnish ourselves 
 with vessels to cross it?" After this, directing 
 their whole thoughts to the prince, and forget- 
 ting themselves, they cried aloud : " Alas : how 
 sad is it that he was our king, and the compani- 
 on of our toils; a king in the flower of his 
 youth, and in the course of his gi-eatest prospe- 
 rity, should be taken off, and in a manner torn 
 from our arms!" 
 
 from the upper country and exported to Malta, and thence 
 to Spain and Portugal. Copper from Maaden, and gall- 
 nuts from the mountains are staple articles ; while the im. 
 ports consist of rice and sugar from Damascus ; coftee 
 from Yenun : and sometimes coffee, sugar, and hardware, 
 from Malta. The plain of Tarsus is surrounded on three 
 sides by mountains, which are chequered with plantations 
 of fir trees and vineyards. The city itself, at the distance 
 of 10 miles N. E. is not visible, nothing being seen but the 
 extensive gardens by which it is encircled. It lies iio geo- 
 granhical miles N. E. of Soli or Pompeiopolis. _ 
 
 Adana, to which Alexander marched after leaving t ar- 
 sus, lay 28 Roman, or 26 British, miles due east of the 
 latter, on the right or west bank of the Sams, erroneously 
 called the Vharus, in the Anabasis of Xenophon, in N 
 lat. 37. This river is said by Xenophon to be 300 teet 
 wide ; but, according to Kinnier, who crossed it at the 
 same spot, it is not above half that breadth. So much lor 
 the guesses of travellers. Adana is a large city, better 
 built than Tarsus, and the population, chiefly composed of 
 Turks and Turkmans, is nearly equal to it in number. 
 It is situate on a rising grouml, surrounded on all sides by 
 groves of fruit trees and vineyards. This is the city named 
 Ma^arsus in the text, p. 47, and also Megornes. Ihere is 
 a bridge over the Sarus (Seihoon), said to h ive been built 
 by Justinian : part of the ancient walls still remam, and a 
 noble gateway in the middle of the bazar or market-place 
 forms a lively contrast with the grovelling architecture of 
 the Turks The castle which has been erected on the t^anK 
 of the river, not far from the bridge, consists of a high 
 stone wall, flanked with towers, about a quarter of a mile 
 in circuit, and is, to all appearance, a Saracenic work. 
 From Adana Alexander marched to Mallos, British 
 miles in direct distance, almost due south of Adana, and 
 the southernmost projection of the coast between larsus 
 and the head of the Issic Gulf, and half-way between the 
 mouths of the Sarus (Seihoon) and Fyramus (Jeihoon). It 
 is now a decayed village. From hence he pursued his 
 march N. E. to Castabala, the modern Catabola or Kas- 
 tanla;, a city amongst hills, fronting the head or innermost 
 r-iiv.ss of the gulf. In his way thither, he crossed the 
 Jeihoon, a large stream a stadium broad, according to 
 Xenophon, and 160 yards in breadth, according to Arrow- 
 smith's map of Syria. The level plain between the Sarus 
 and Fyramus, near the shore, is called in ancient geogra- 
 phy the Alcius Campus (Alcian plain). The distance 
 from Mallos point, alongst the N. W. side of the gulf 
 to Castabala, is upwards of fifty British miles direct. 
 From this place, according to Kinncir, three miles dis- 
 
 tant, commences a defile of five miles long, through the 
 hills, to a narrow belt of level shore, stretching two miles 
 nearly E and W. and about three quarters of a mile broad, 
 from the foot of the hills to the sea ; and at the foot ot 
 these hills to the west, is the ruined town of Ayasse, the 
 ancient Mgesses. The mouth of this defile is called Kara 
 Capi, or the Black Gate. Along this belt the road runs 
 to Issus ; and then turning south, round the east side of 
 the Gulf, the road runs through a sandy beach, with a 
 swamp on the left hand, and the sea on the right ; and to 
 the east, long mounds of sand, intermingled with long 
 reeds, which grow in the swamp, meet the eye. lhat 
 Demir-Capi, and Kara-Capi, mean the same place as 
 Catabolo, is manifest from a comparison of Kinnier s 
 route with the Jerusalem, Antonine, and Iheodosian 
 tables, which make the distance from Mopsuestia, now 
 called Messis and Masisiyah, to that place, ol Roman 
 miles by the road ; whilst the distance travelled by Kin- 
 nier is computed by himself at 28 miles : thus, from Messis 
 to Kastanlffi (the ancient Castaballa), 20, and from thence 
 to the mouth of the defile towards the Gulf, 8 miles. So 
 that the Demir.Capi of Niebuhr, Rennel, and Arrow- 
 smith, agrees exactly with his Kara-Capi. _ Travels, 
 p. 141. So that KastanlcB represents the ancient Casta- 
 bala: whilst Demir-Capi, or Kara-Capi, the mouth 
 of the defile, answers to Catabolo. That Kastanl^ is the 
 ancient Castabala, is also evident from the distance given 
 by Kinneir from Messis to it, which he makes 20 miles, 
 which with 19 from Adana to Missis, make 39 ; to which, 
 if 8 be added from Kastaiilffi to the mouth of the jiass, 
 make just 47, which is only three quarters of a mile more 
 than is given in the Itineraries above-mentioned It must 
 be remarked, that what he calls Kastanlae in his text, is 
 named Koord Kulaghi in his map, and occupies the same 
 position relative to Kara-Cape, as the same place does in 
 those of Rennel and Arrowsmith. It must be also ob 
 served, that the routes of the younger Cyrus and Alex- 
 ander differ in this, that whilst the former marched 
 straight east from Tarsus to I.vsus, the latter took the route 
 from Adana to Mallos, and from thence alongst the whole 
 north-west shore of the Gulf to Issus : so that his march 
 from Tarsus to Castabala, occupied more than 110 British 
 miles ; whilst that of Cyrus was only 72 miles. Ihe Al- 
 eian plains, through which he despatched Philotas with 
 the cavalry, were so denominated from the fable of Belle- 
 rophon, who, when he fell from his horse Pegasus, wan- 
 dcred wretched and mourning through the plains. Ihey 
 are called the Halenian plains in the Latin translation of 
 Strabo, which is undoubtedly a typographical error.- 
 Ed. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 93 
 
 At last the king recovered his senses by de- 
 grees, and began to know the persons who stood 
 round him ; though the only symptom he gave 
 of hia I'ecovery was, his being sensible of his ill- 
 ness. But he was moi'e indisposed in mind 
 than in body, for news was brought that Darius 
 might soon arrive. Alexander bewailed per- 
 petually his hard fate, in being thus exposed 
 naked and defenceless to his enemy, and robbed 
 I of so noble a victory since he was now reduced 
 i to the melancholy condition of dying obscurely 
 in his tent, and far from having attained the 
 glory he had promised himself. Having order- 
 ed his confidential friends and physicians to 
 come into his tent, " You see," said he, « my 
 friends, the sad extremity to which fortune re- 
 duces me. Methinks I already hear the sound 
 of the enemy's arms, and see Darius advancing. 
 He undoubtedly held intelligence with my evil 
 genius,^ when he wi'ote letters to his lieutenants 
 in so lofty and contemptuous a strain; however, 
 he shall not obtain his desire, provided my phy- 
 sicians will attempt to cure me in the manner I 
 desire. The present condition of my affairs will 
 not admit either of slow remedies or fearful 
 physicians. A speedy death is more eligible to 
 me than a slow cure. In case the physicians 
 think it is in their power to do me any good, 
 they are to know, that I do not so much wish to 
 live as to fight." 
 
 This sudden impatience of the king spread a 
 universal alarm. The physicians, who were 
 sensible they should be answerable for the event, 
 j did not dare to hazard violent and extraordinary 
 vemedies; especially as Darius had published, 
 j that he would reward with 1000 talents^ the 
 I man who should kill Alexander. However, 
 Philip, an Acarnanian, one of his physicians, 
 who had always attended upon him from his 
 youth, loved him with the utmost tenderness, 
 not only as his sovereign but his child ; raising 
 himself (merely out of affection to Alexander) 
 above all prudential considerations, offered to 
 give him a dose, which, though not very violent, 
 would nevertheless be speedy in its effects ; and 
 desired three days to prepare it. At this pro- 
 posal every one trembled, but he alone whom it 
 most concerned ; Alexander being afilicted upon 
 j no other account, than because it would keep 
 him three days from appearing at the head of 
 his army. 
 
 _While these things were doing, Alexander re- 
 ceived a letter from Parmenio, who was left 
 behind in Cappadocia, in whom Alexander put 
 greater confidence than in any other of his cour- 
 tiers ; the purport of which was, to bid him be- 
 ware of Philip, for that Darius had bribed him, 
 by the promise of 1000 talents and his sister in 
 marriage. This letter gave him great uneasi- 
 ness,^ for he was now at full leisure to weigh all 
 the reasons he might have to hope or to fear. 
 But the confidence in a physician, whose sin- 
 cere attachment and fidelity he had proved from 
 his infancy, soon prevailed, and removed all his 
 doubts. He folded up the letter, and put it 
 
 1 Darius, who imagined himself sure of overcoming 
 Alexander, had written to his lieutenants, that they should 
 chastise this young madman ; and after clothing him in 
 purple, out of derision, they should send him bound hand 
 and foot to the court. Freinsheim in Quint. Curt 
 2 About 145,{X)(«. sterling. 
 
 3 Ingentem animo solicitudinem literas incusserant ; et 
 quicquid in utramque partem aut metus aut spes subjece- 
 rat. secrets astimatione pensabat. Q. Curt. 
 
 ■ under his bolster, without acquainting any one 
 [ with the contents of it. 
 
 I The day being come, Philip enters the tent 
 with his medicine, when Alexander, taking the 
 letter from under the bolster, gives it Philip to 
 1 read. At the same time he takes the cup, and fixing 
 his eyes on the physician, swallows the draught 
 without the least hesitation, or without discover- 
 ing the slightest suspicion or uneasiness. Philip, 
 as he perused the letter, had showed greater 
 signs of indignation than of fear or surprise; 
 and throwing himself upon the king's bed — • 
 " Royal Sir," says he, with a resolute tone of 
 voice, " your recovery will soon clear me of the 
 guilt of parricide with which I am charged. 
 The only favour I beg is, that you would be 
 easy in your own mind; and suffer the draught 
 to operate, and not regard the intelligence you 
 have received from servants, who indeed have 
 shown their zeal for your welfare; a zeal, how- 
 ever, very indiscreet and unseasonable." These 
 words did not only revive the king, but filled 
 him with hope and joy ; so, taking Philip by the 
 hand, " Be you yourself easy," says he to him, 
 " for I believe you are disquieted upon a double 
 account ; first for my recovery, and secondly for 
 your own justification." 
 
 In the mean time, the physic worked so vio- 
 lently, that the accidents which attended it 
 sti'engthened Parmenio's accusation ; for the 
 king lost his speech and was seized with such 
 strong fainting fits, that he had hardly any pulse 
 left, or the least symptoms of life. Philip em- 
 ployed all the powers of physic to recover him, 
 and in every lucid interval diverted him with 
 agreeable subjects ; conversing with him at one 
 time about his mother and sisters, and another, 
 about the mighty victory which was advancing, 
 with hasty steps, to crown his past triumphs. 
 At last the physician's art having gained the 
 ascendant, and diffused through every vein a 
 salutary and vivific virtue ; his mind first began 
 to resume its former vigour, and afterwards his 
 body, much sooner than had been expected. 
 Three days after he showed himself to the army, 
 who were never satisfied with gazing upon him, 
 and could scarce believe their eyes; so much 
 had the gi'eatness of the danger terrified and de- 
 jected them. No caresses were enough for the 
 physician; every one embracing him with the 
 utmost tenderness, and returning him thanks 
 as to a god, who had saved the life of their 
 sovereign. 
 
 Besides the respect which these people had 
 naturally for their kings, words can never ex- 
 press how greatly they admired this monarch 
 more than any othei', and the strong affection 
 they bore him. 
 
 They were persuaded, that he did not under- 
 take any thing without the immediate assistance 
 of the gods ; and as success always attended his 
 designs, even his rashness conduced to his 
 glory, and seemed to have something divine in 
 it. His youth, which one would have conclud- 
 ed incapable of such mighty enterprises, and 
 which, however, overcame all difficulties, gave 
 a fresh merit, and a brighter lustre to his ac- 
 tions.* Besides, certain advantages that gene- 
 rally are little i-egarded, which yet engage in a 
 wonderful manner the hearts of the soldiery, 
 gi'eatly augmented'^the merit of Alexander; such 
 
 4 Quae leviora haberi sclent, plerumque in re militari 
 gratiora vulgo sunt. Q. Curt. 
 
94. 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANT3ER. 
 
 as his taking delight in bodily exercises ; his dis- 
 covering a skill and excellency in them ; his going 
 clothed like the common soldiers, and knowing 
 how to familiarize himself with inferiors, with- 
 out lessening his dignity ; his sharing in toils 
 and dangers with the most laborious and intre- 
 pid ; qualities which, whether Alexander owed 
 
 hitherto by the sole aids and precepts of pover- 
 ty. Are they hungry? they satisfy their appe- 
 tite with any kind of food. Are they w^eary i* 
 they repose themselves on the bare ground, and 
 in the day-time are always upon their feet. Do 
 you fancy that the Thessalian cavalry, and that j 
 of Acarnania and iEtolia, who are all armed 
 
 them to nature, or had acquired them by reflec- i csp-a-pie, are to be repulsed by stones hurled 
 - - - - " from slines, and with sticks burned at the end .•' 
 
 tion, made him equally beloved and respected by 
 ! his soldiers. 
 
 I During this interval, Darius was on his 
 i march, full of a vain confidence in the immense 
 number of bis troops, and forming a judgment 
 of the two armies merely from their disparity 
 in that point. The plains of Assyria, in which 
 he was encamped, gave him an opportunity of 
 extending his horse as he pleased, and of avail- 
 ing himself of the advantage which numbers gave 
 him. But led astray by his arrogance, he en- 
 tangles himself in narrow passes, where his 
 cavalry, and the multitude of his troops, so far 
 from doing him any service, would only encum- 
 ber one another; and advances towards the 
 enemy, for whom he should have waited, and 
 runs visibly to his own destruction. Neverthe- 
 less, the ffi-andees of his court, whose custom it 
 was to flatter and applaud his every action, con- 
 gi-atulated him beforehand on the victory he 
 would soon obtain, as if it had been certain and 
 inevitable. There was at that time, in the army 
 of Darius, one Caridemus, an Athenian, a man 
 of great experience in war, who personally hated 
 Alexander, for having caused him to be banished 
 from Athens. Darius, turning to this Atheni- 
 an, asked him, whether he believed him power- 
 ful enough to defeat his enemy. Caridemus, 
 who had been brought up in the bosom of liber- 
 ty, forgetting that he was in a country of slavery, 
 where to oppose the inclination of a prince is of 
 the most dangerous consequence, replied as fol- 
 lows : " Possiblv, Sir, you may not be pleased 
 with my telling' you the truth; but, in case I 
 do not do it now', it will be too late hereafter. 
 This splendid parade of war, this prodigious 
 number of meu which has drained all the East, 
 mio-ht indeed be formidable to your neighbours. 
 Gold and purple glitter in every part of your 
 array, which is so prodigiously splendid, that 
 those who have not seen it, could never form an 
 idea of its magnificence. But the soldiers who 
 compose the ]Macedonian army, terrible to be- 
 hold, and bristling in every part with arms, do 
 not amuse themselves with such idle show. 
 1 Their only care is to draw up in a regular man- 
 : ner their' battalions, and to cover themselves 
 1 clo=e with their bucklers and pikes. Their 
 i phalanx is a body of infantry, which engages 
 i without flinching ; and keeps so close m their 
 I ranks, that the soldiers and their arms form a 
 ^ kind of impenetrable work. In a word, every 
 i sinde man among them, the offioers as well as 
 I soldiers, are so well trained, so attentive to the 
 1 command of their leaders, that, whether they 
 i were to assemble under their standards, to turn 
 ' to the rioht or left, to double their ranks, and 
 face about to the enemy on all sides, at the least 
 «:i<^nal thev make every motion and evolution ot 
 the art of 'war. But that you may be persuad- 
 ed these ;}.L\cedonians are not invited hither 
 from the hopes of gaining gold and silver;' 
 know, that this excellent discipline has subsisted 
 
 1 Et ne auri arsertique studio teneri putes, adhuc ilia 
 djsciplina paupertate magistra stctit. Q. Curt. 
 
 Troops like themselves will be necessary to 
 check their career ; and succours must be pro- 
 cured from their country to oppose them. Send 
 therefore thither all the useless gold and silver 
 which I see here, and purchase with it formid- 
 able soldiers. " Darius^ was naturally of a mild, 
 tractable disposition ; but good fortune will cor- 
 rupt the most happy tenrper. Few monarchs 
 are resolute and courageous enough to withstand 
 their own power, to repulse the fiatteiy of the 
 manv people who are perpetually inflaming 
 their* passions, and to esteem a man who loves 
 them so well, as to contradict and displease 
 them, by telling them the genuine triith. Da- 
 rius, no't having strength of mind sufiicient for 
 this, gave orders for dragging to execution a man 
 who had fled to him for protection, was at that 
 time his guest, and gave him at that time the 
 best counsel that could have been proposed to 
 him. However, as this cruel treatment could j 
 not silence Caridemus, he cried aloud, with his ' 
 usual freedom : " My avenger is at hand, in the ; 
 person of that very man in opposition to whom ) 
 I gave vou counsel, and he will soon punish you , 
 for despising it. As for you, Darius,^ in whom | 
 sovereign power has wrought so sudden a change, r 
 you will teach posterity, that when once men 
 abandon themselves to the delusion of fortune, 
 she erases from their minds all the seeds of 
 goodness implanted in them by nature." Darius 
 soon repented his having put to death so valuable 
 a person ; and experienced, but too late, the truth 
 of all he had told him. 
 
 The king advanced with his troops towards 
 the Euphrates. It was a custom long used by 
 the Persians, never to set out upon a march till 
 after sunrise, at which time the trumj>et was 
 sounded for that purpose ft-om the king's tent. 
 Over this tent was exhibited to the view of the 
 whole army, the image of the sun set in crys- 
 tal. The order they observed in their march 
 was this. , . , , 
 
 First, were carried silver altars, on which lay 
 the fire, called bv them sacred and eternal ; and 
 these were followed by the Magi, singing hymns 
 after the manner of their country. They were 
 accompanied by S65 youths (agreeable to the 
 number of dav's in a year) clothed in purple 
 robes. Afterwards came a car consecrated to 
 Jupiter,* drawn by white horses, and followed 
 bv a courser of a prodigious size, to which they 
 cave the name of the sun's horse : and the equer- 
 ries were dressed in white, each having a golden 
 rod in his hand. _ 
 
 Ten chariots, adorned with sculptures in gold 
 and silver, followed after. Then marched a 
 
 2 Erat Dario mite ac tractabile ingenium, nisi etiain 
 suam naturam plerumque fortuna corrumperet. Q. Curt 
 1 suspect the particle suam. 
 
 3 'l"u quidem Ucer.tia rogni sub;t& mutitus^ docuuieu- 
 turn eris posteris, homines, cilm se permisere lortuns, 
 etiam naturam dediscere. Q. Curt. _ n, ^ 
 
 4 Jupiter was a god unknown to the Persians. Qumtus 
 Ciirtius, therefore, in all probability, '^^ 
 greatest of their gods by that name. 
 
 calls the first and 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 95 
 
 body of horse, composed of twelve nations, ! 
 r/hose manners and customs were various, and 
 all armed in a different manner. Next ad- 
 vanced those whom the Persians called The 
 Immortals, amounting to 10,000, who surpassed 
 the I'est of the Barbarians in the sumptuousness 
 of their apparel. They all wore golden collars, 
 were clothed in robes of gold tissue, with sur- 
 touts (having sleeves to them) adorned with 
 precious stones. 
 
 Thirty paces from them, followed those called 
 the king's cousins or relations,* to the number 
 of 15,000, in habits very much resembling those 
 of women, and more remarkable for the vain 
 pomp of their dress than, the glitter of their 
 arms. j 
 
 Those called the Doi-yphorl^ came after ; they | 
 carried the king's cloak, and walked before his I 
 chariot, in which he appeared seated as on a : 
 high throne. This chariot was enriched on 
 both sides with images of the gods in gold and ; 
 silver; and from the middle of the yoke, which i 
 was covered with jewels, rose two statues a | 
 cubit in height, the one representing War, the \ 
 other Peace, having a golden eagle between 
 them, with wings extended, as ready to take its 
 flight. 
 
 But nothing could equal the magnificence of 
 the king. He was clothed in a vest of purple, 
 striped with silver, and over it a long robe glit- 
 tering all over with gold and precious stones, on 
 which were represented two falcons rushing 
 from the clouds, and pecking at one another. 
 Around his waist he wore a golden girdle,' 
 after the manner of women, whence his scime- 
 tar hung, the scabbard of which flamed all over 
 with gems. On his head he wore a tiara or 
 mitre, round which was a fillet of blue mixed 
 with white. 
 
 On each side of him walked 200 of his nearest 
 relations, followed by 10,000 pikemen, whose 
 pikes were adorned with silver and tipped with 
 gold ; and, lastly, 30,000 infantry, who com- 
 posed the rear-guard. These were followed 
 by the king's horses (400 in number), all which 
 vt^ere led. 
 
 About 100, or 120 paces from thence, came 
 Sysigambis, Darius's mother, seated on a cha- 
 riot, and his consort on another, with the several 
 female attendants of both queens riding on horse- 
 back. Afterwards came fifteen large chariots, in 
 which were the king's children, and those who 
 had the care of their education, with a band of 
 eunuchs, who are to this day in great esteem 
 with those nations. Then marcherl the concu- 
 bines, to the number of 360, in the equipage of 
 queens, followed by 600 mules and 300 camels, 
 which carried the king's treasure, and were 
 guarded by a great body of archers 
 
 After these came the wives of the crown offi- 
 cers, and of the greatest lords of the court ; then 
 the sutlers, and servants of the army, seated also 
 in chariots. 
 
 In the rear were a body of light-armed troops, 
 with their commanders, who closed the whole 
 march. 
 
 "Would not the reader believe, that he had 
 been reading the description of a tournament, 
 not the march of an army? Could he imagine 
 
 5 This was a title of dignity. Possibly a great number 
 of the king's relations were in this body. 
 
 6 These were guards who carried a half-pike. 
 7 Cidaris. 
 
 that princes of the least reason would have been 
 so stupid, as to incorporate with their forces no 
 cumbersome a train of women, princesses, con- 
 cubines, eunuchs, and domestics of both sexes ? 
 But the custom of the country was reason suffi- 
 cient. Darius, at the head of 600,000 men, and 
 surrounded with this mighty pomp, prepared for 
 himself alone, fancied he was great, and formed 
 still higher notions of himself. Yet should we 
 reduce him to his just proportion and his per- 
 sonal worth, how little would he appear ! But 
 he is not the only one in this way of thinking, 
 and of whom we may form the same judgment. 
 But it is time for us to bring the two monarchs 
 to blows. 
 
 SECT. V. 
 
 Alexander gains a famous victory over Darius, near the 
 city of Issus The consequences of that victory. 
 
 For the clearer under- 
 A. M. S671. standing of Alexander's 
 Ant. J. C. 333. march and that of Darius, 
 and the better fixing the 
 situation of the spot where the second battle was 
 fought, %ve must distinguish three defiles or pas- 
 ses. The first of these is immediately at the 
 descent from mount Taurus,^ in the way to the 
 city of Tarsus, through which, as has been al- 
 ready seen, Alexander marched from Cappadotia 
 into Cilicia. The second is the pass of Ciiicia 
 or Syria, leading from Cilicia into Syria ; and 
 the third is the pass of Amanus, so called from 
 that mountain. This pass, which leads into 
 Cilicia from Assyria, is much higher than the 
 pass of Syria, northward. 
 
 Alexander had detached Parmenio with part 
 of the army to seize the pass of Syria, in order 
 to secure a free passage for his army. As for 
 himself, after marching from Tarsus, he ar- 
 rived the next day at Anchiala, a city which 
 Sardanapalus is said to have built. His tomb 
 was still to be seen in that city with this inscrip- 
 tion, " Sardanapuhis built Anchiala and Tarsus in 
 one day : Go, passenger, eat, drink, and re- 
 joice, FOR THE REST IS NOTHING." From heilCC 
 
 he came to Soli, where he offered sacrifices to 
 ^sculapius, in gratitude for the recovery of his 
 health. Alexander himself headed the cere- 
 mony with lighted tapers, followed by the 
 whole army, and he there solemnized games; 
 after which he returned to Tarsus. Having com- 
 manded Philotas to march the cavalry through 
 the Aleian plains, towards the river Pyramus, 
 he himself went with the infantry and his 11 fo- 
 guards to Magarsus, whence he arrived at Mal- 
 los, and afterwards at Castabala. Advice had 
 been brought him, that Darius, with his whole 
 army, was encamped at Sochos in Assyria, two 
 days' journey from Cilicia. Alexander held a 
 council of war upon that news; when all his 
 generals and officers entreating him to lead them 
 against the enemy, he set out the next day to 
 meet the Persians. Parmenio had taken the 
 little city of Issus, and, after possessing himself 
 of the pass of Syria, had left a body of forces to 
 secure it. The king left the sick in Issus, 
 marched his whole army through the pass. 
 
 8 Diod. 1. xvii. p. .512—518. Arrian. 1. ii, p. 65—82. Plut. 
 in Alex. p. 676, 676, Q. Curt. 1. iii. c. 4—12. Justin, I. xi. 
 
 c. 9 & 19- 
 
9G 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 and encamped near the city of Myriandros, the passes of SjTia H.s queen and tnother: 
 where the hadness of the weather obliged him | with the prm cesses his daughters, and tne little 
 to halt. . ! r^""}'^'^ ^^'^ 
 
 In the mean time, Darius was in the plains 
 of Assyria, which were of great extent. Tlie 
 Grecian commanders who were in his service, 
 and formed the chief strength of his army, ad- 
 vised him to wait there the coming up of the 
 enemy. For, besides that this spot was open 
 on all' sides, and very advantageous for his horse, 
 it was spacious enough to contain his numerous 
 liost, with all the basgasre and other things be- 
 
 followed the army, according 
 to the custom of the Pei'sians, but remained in 
 the camp during the battle. When he had ad- 
 vanced a little way into Cilicia (from east west- 
 ward) he turned short towards Issus, not know- 
 ing that Alexander was behind ; for he had been 
 assured that this prince fled before him, and 
 was retiring in great disorder into Syria; and 
 tiierefore Uai ius was now considering how he 
 midit best pursue him. He barbarously put 
 
 longing to the army. However, if he should to death all the sick who were 
 not^approve of tlieir counsel, they then advised 
 him to separate this multitude, and select such 
 only as were the flower of his troops ; and con- 
 sequently not venture his whole army upon a 
 single battle, which perhaps might be decisive. 
 However, the courtiers, with whom the e^jurts 
 af mouarchs, as Arrian observes, for ever abouiul, 
 called these Greeks an unfaithful nation, and 
 venal wi'etches ; and hinted to Darius, that the 
 only motive of their counselling the king to 
 divide his troops was, that, after they should 
 once be separated from the rest, they might have 
 an easier opportunity of delivering up into tlie 
 enemy's hands ^^-hatever might be in their 
 power ; but that the safest way would be, to 
 surround them with the whole army, and cut 
 them to pieces, as a memorable example of the 
 punishment due to traitors. This proposal was 
 shocking to Darius, who was naturally of a 
 very mild and humane disposition. He there- 
 fore answered, " That he Avas far from ever de- 
 signing to commit so horrible a crime ; that 
 should he be guilty of it, no nation would aftei'- 
 wards give the least credit to his promises ; that 
 it was never known that a person had been put 
 to death for giving imprudent counsel that no 
 man Avould ever venture to give his opinion, if 
 it were attended with such danger, a circum- 
 stance that would be of the most fatal conse- 
 quence to princes." He then thanked the Greeks 
 for their zeal and good will, and condescended 
 to lay before them the reasons which prompted 
 him not to follow their advice. 
 
 The courtiers had persuaded Darius, that 
 Alexander's long delay in coming up with 
 them, was a proof and an effect of the terror 
 with which the approach of the Pei-sian army 
 had filled him (for they had not heard a word 
 of his indisposition); that fortune, merely for 
 their sake, had led Alexander into defiles and 
 narrow passes, whence it would be impossible 
 for him to get out, in case they should fall upon 
 him immediately ; that they ought to seize this 
 favourable opportunity, for fear the enemy 
 should fly, by which means Alexander would 
 escape tliem. Upon this, it was resolved in 
 council, that the army should march in search 
 of him ; the gods, says an historian,* blinding 
 the eyes of that prince', that he might rush down 
 
 the precipice they had prepared for him, and _ j ^ , . , • a 
 
 thereby make way for the destruction of the] to march and fight, ben.g command. 
 Persian monarchy ' greater speed, arrived by daybreak at 
 
 Darius, having sent his treasure with his posts assigned them ; but now the couriers 
 most precious effects to Damascus, a city of 
 
 the city of 
 
 l<sus, a few soldiers excepted, whom he dis- 
 missed, after making them view every part of 
 his camp, in order that they might be spectators 
 of the prodigious multitude of his forces. These 
 soldiers accordingly brought Alexander word of 
 Darius's approach, whicli he could scarce be- 
 lieve, from its great improbability, though there 
 was nothing he desired more earnestly. But he 
 himself" was soon an eye-witness to the truth of 
 it, upon which he began to think seriously of 
 preparina: for battle. 
 
 Alexander fearing, as the Barbarians were so 
 numerous, that they would attack him in his 
 camp, fortified it with ditches and palisadoes, 
 discovering an incredible joy to see his desire 
 fulfilled, which was to engage in those passes, 
 whither the gods seemed to have led Darius ex- 
 pressly to deliver him into his hands. 
 
 And, indeed, this spot of ground, which was 
 but wide enough for a small army to act and 
 move at liberty in, reduced, in some measure, 
 the two armies' to an equality. By this means 
 the Macedonians had space sufficient to employ 
 their whole army ; whereas the Persians had 
 not room for the twentietli pai-t of theirs. 
 
 Nevertheless, Alexander, as frequently hap- 
 pens even to the greatest captains, felt some 
 emotion when he saw that he was going to 
 hazard all at one blow. The more fortune had 
 favoured him hitherto, the more he now dreaded 
 her frovnis; the tnoment approaching which 
 was to determine his fate. But, on the other 
 side, his courage revived from the reflection, that 
 the rewards of his toils exceeded the dangers of 
 them ; and though he was uncertain with re- 
 gard to the victory, he at least hoped to die 
 eloriouslv, and lik'e Alexander. However, he 
 did not divulge these thoughts to any one, well 
 knowing, that upon the ajiproach of a battle, a 
 general ought not to discover the least marks of 
 sadness or perplexity ; and that the troops should 
 read nothing but resolution and intrepidity in 
 the countenance of their commandei". 
 
 Having made his soldiers refresh themselves, 
 and ordered them to be ready for the third 
 watch of the night, which began at twelve, he 
 went to the top of a mountain,^ and there, by 
 torch- light, sacrificed after the manner of his 
 country, to the gods of the place. _ As soon as 
 the signal was given, his army, which was ready 
 anded to make 
 the several 
 
 pr . , 
 
 Syria, under a small convoy, marched the main 
 body of the ai'my towards' Cilicia, and entered 
 it by the pass of Amanus, which lies far above 
 
 1 Neminera stolidum consilium capite luere debere; 
 defuturos enim qui suaderent, si suasisse periculum esset. 
 G. Curt. 
 
 2 Arrian. 
 
 incr word that Darius was not above thirty fur- 
 longs from them, the king caused his army to 
 halt, and then drew it up in battle array. The 
 peasants in the greatest terror came also and 
 acquainted Darius with the arrivjil of the ene- 
 my, which he would not at first believe, imagin- 
 
 5 The ancients used to offer up their sacrifices upon 
 eminences. 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 ! I )ng, as we have observed, that Alexander fled 
 
 j i before him, and was endeavouring to escape. 
 
 I ] This news threw his troops into the utmost 
 i confusion, who in that surprise ran to their 
 : arms with great precipitation and disorder. 
 I The spot where the battle was fought lay near 
 I the city of Issus, and was bounded by moun- 
 ■ tains on one side, and the sea on the other. The 
 i plain, that was situated between them both, 
 must have been of considerable extent, as the 
 two armies encamped in it ; and. I before ob- 
 served, that Darius's was vastly numerous. 
 : The river Pinarus ran through the middle of 
 I this plain from the mountain to the sea, and 
 j divided it very near into two equal parts. The 
 ! mountain formed a hollow like a gulf, the ex- 
 ! tremity of which in a curve line bounded part 
 
 i of the plain.* 
 
 4 Geographers have been much divided in their opinions 
 I respecting the exact site of the city of Issus, and con- 
 i sequently of the precise spot where that celebrated bat- 
 I tie was fought. According to D'Anville, the ruins of 
 I Ayasse represent the ancient Issus. Kinnier places the 
 site of ancient Issus at Pias, whilst Reiinel and Arrowsmith 
 6x it on the site of Oscler, called Karabolat by the Turks. 
 Respecting the first of these opinions, Ayasse cannot be 
 Issus, neither according to Strabo nor Ptolemy. Ayasse 
 is the .ffigceas of Strabo and the JEgas of Ptolemy, and 
 placed by both on the north-west side of the gulf, whereas 
 Issus stood on the east side of the gulf. » Post Mallum," 
 says Strabo, " sunt JEgasx oppidum quod stationem habet 
 Post id sunt Araanides port^ quse stationem habent in 
 quas Amanus desinit a Tauro descendens, qui ultra Cili, 
 ciara est Orientem versus. Semper a tyrannis occupatus 
 loca munitissima obtinentibus. Post ^g^as est Issus oppi. 
 dum quod stationem habet." — Vol. ii. p. 396, 397. Ed. Amst. 
 1652, Here we have first Mallos, then Mgseee, then the 
 defile of Amanus, or the gates of Amanus, the range which 
 separates Cilicia from Syria ; then the city of Issus and the 
 river Pindus (Pinarus), after .fflgasae, near the foot of 
 i Amanus. The Amanides portae are clearly the mouth of 
 the defile, leading west to Kastanlae, or Koord kulaghi, 
 I tCastabala,) called Demir-Capi and Kara-Capi, the Iron 
 Gate and the Black Gate. Rennel will have it, that the 
 f Amanides Pyte, here mentioned, is the pass of Bailan, 
 : or the lower pass of Amanus, leading from Pagrs, or 
 ; Bagras, to Scanderoon. The passage of Strabo, above 
 quoted, seems to me to convey a different meaning, when 
 compared with the sentence immediately following : " Item 
 Issicus sinus in quo Rhossus civitas est, et Myriandrus 
 civitas, et Alexandria civitas, et Nicopolis, et Mopsi domi- 
 cihum, et quas portse appellantur Cilicum et Syrorum con- 
 finium." Here he commences his description on the op- 
 posite side of the gulf of Issus, and makes Rhossus the last 
 city of Cilicia, towards Syria, as he says in the second 
 sentence following ; " Prima civitas Syrorum, post Cili- 
 ciam est Seleucia in Pleria;" therefore Hhossus must be 
 the first city of Cilicia. Therefore all the other cities fol- 
 lowing, as Myriandrus, Alexandria, Nicopolis, and Mop. 
 saestia, belong to Cilicia; and he connects the ports, or 
 gates, the common boundary of the Cilicians and Syrians, 
 with the Domicilium Mopsi, or Mopsuesiia, It is impossi- 
 ble to reconcile this with the hypothesis, that these portse 
 are the pass of Bailan, a place at least half a degree dis- 
 tant. The only place where I conceive the pass of Bailan 
 is intended by Strabo, is in the sixteenth Book. " Gindaro 
 j Pagrae conjunguntur, locus Antiochensis agri munitissi- 
 tnusjuxta Amani transcetisum, ex Amanitibus portis in 
 ; Syriam positus. Quare Antiochas campus Pagr« subjacet." 
 ! p. 521. The fact is, that Amanus was a large range of 
 I mountainous ridges, running north and south, skirting 
 , the whole east side of the gulf of Issus, and had several 
 portse, or gates, the western of which looked towards, or 
 I opened to, Cilicia, and the eastern towards Syria. Now, 
 I when Strabo connects in one place, Amanides portse with 
 JEgee^ and Issus, and in another, the same portze, or gates, 
 with Mopsuestia, he surely must mean the western Portee, 
 or Demir. Capi, What says Kinnier: " after leaving Kastan. 
 See, (Castabala,) we directed our course, for the first three 
 miles, over a sort of table land, abounding in partridges, 
 hares, and antelopes, when we entered a narrow valley, 
 or rather defile, clothed with thick copsewood and everl 
 greens. At the eighth mile, the rocks on either side ap- 
 proached each other, and we passed under an arch, or old 
 gateway, built of black granite, and called Kara-Capij or 
 
 ALHX.ANDER. 97 
 
 Alexander drew up his army in the following 
 order. He posted at the extremity of the l ight 
 wing, which stood near the mountain, the Ar- 
 gyraspides,* commanded by Nicanor ; then the 
 phalanx of Ccenus, and afterwards that of Per- 
 uiccas, which terminated in the centre of tlie 
 main army. On the extremity of the left wing 
 he posted the phalanx of Amyntas, then that of 
 Ptolemy, and lastly, that of Meleager. Thus 
 the famous Macedonian phalanx was formed, 
 which we find was composed, of six distinct 
 corps or brigades. Each of those brigades was 
 headed by able generals; but Alexander v/as 
 always commander-in-chief, and directed all 
 the movements. The horse were placed on the 
 two wings; the Macedonians, with the Thes- 
 salians, on the right, and those of Peloponnesus, 
 with the other allies, on the left. Craterus 
 
 5 This was a body of infantry, distinguished by thoir 
 silver shields, but more so by their great bravery. 
 
 the Black Gate. This building was, without doubt, much 
 more extensive than it now is. It is evidently intended to 
 defend the entrance into the defile, and I should guess it 
 to have been constructed at a period antecedent to the 
 conquests of the Turks. The pass expanded immediately 
 when we had quitted the gate, and after a gentle descent 
 of about a mile, we entered a narrow belt, having the gulf 
 of Scanderoon close on our right hand, and at the foot of 
 the hills, near the shore, the ruined town of Ayasse 
 (Mgseve).'' ' 
 
 This description certainly better suits the Amanides (Py. 
 Iffi) of Strabo, connected, as these are, in his description, with 
 Mgasas and Issus, than the pass of Bailan. It is very pro- 
 bable the phrase— et Mopsi domicilium et qu3^ portse ap. 
 pellantur— answer the narrow defile 3 miles east of Messis, 
 or Mopsuestia, which led for 6 miles, with a narrow and 
 rocky path, through a range of mountains, then a descent 
 into a valley, surrounded on all sides by brown and arid 
 hills. Then commenced, after a journey of 9 miles, an- 
 other descent of 2 miles to Kastanize, (Castabala,) and then 
 the other defile of 5 miles, opening close on the head of 
 the gulf, with Ayasse to the south-west, and Issus to the 
 south and south-east. 
 
 If it be said that the phrase quae est confinium Cilicum, et I 
 Syrorum, applies to the pass of Bailan and not to Demir- 
 Kape, or the vicinity of Mopsuestia, it may be replied that 
 Strabo's description must be exceeding general, in taking 
 a leap at once from the town of JEgeees to the pass of 
 Bailan, passing over all the intermediate cities round the 
 gulf, and his connecting these gates with the Domicile of 
 Mopsus. With him Myriandrus and Rhossus are cities of 
 Cilicia, though with Xenophon, the former of these belongs 
 to Syria; and both Myriandrus, Rhossus, and Alexandria 
 (Scanderoon), are all cities of Syria. I apprehend that the 
 political boundaries of Syria and Cilicia have been different 
 at different times; and that, in the days of Xenophon, I 
 these limits on the Syrian side extended to the torrent of 
 Kersus, eight miles south of Scanderoon. Perhaps, by the 
 term Syrians and Cilicians, he does not mean the political 
 boundaries of Syria and Cilicia, l;)ut the physical boundaries 
 of these different people or nation.s — or more probably he 
 means the Leuco Syrians or White Syrians, in contradis. 
 ti notion to the Syrians to the east of Amanus and south of 
 Taurus. It is clear, however, that Strabo distinguislies 
 Issus from JEgwai, and therefore, that Ayasse is not Issus, 
 Ptolemy agrees with Strabo in distinguishing Issus from 
 JCgeese, and places the former 20 minutes south and 4 
 minutes east of the latter. Tabula Asise I. p. 125. Ed. 
 Magini. Arnhem. 1617. Ayasse, therefore, cannot be Is- 
 sus. In the opinion of Rennel, the modern village of 
 Oseler, called Karabolat Ijy the Turks, is the ancient Issus, 
 v^fhilst Kinnier supposes it to be represented by the town of 
 Pias or Bayas, once populous and wealthy, and the residence 
 of a Pashaw, but now reduced to ruins bv the Kapudan 
 Pashaw, in consequence of the rebellion of its chief, who 
 plundered the caravans of the merchants of Aleppo, and 
 laid the neighbouring districts under contribution. This 
 place is just 6f miles south of Oscler. The opinion of 
 Rennel seems preferable, as it is supported by the authori- 
 ty of Xenophon, the Jerusalem Itinerary, and a menr. of 
 five different reports of modern travellers. Kinnier's 
 
98 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 commanded all the foot of the left wing, and 
 Parmenio the whole wing. Alexander had re- 
 served to himself the command of the right. ±le 
 had desired Parmenio to keep as near the sea as 
 possible, to prevent the Barbarians from sur- 
 rounding him; and Nicanor, on the contrary, 
 was ordered to keep at some distance from the 
 mountains, in order to be out of the reach ot the 
 arrows discharged by those who were posted on 
 
 them. He covered the horse of his right wing 
 with the light horse of Protomachus and the i 
 Pseonians, and his foot with the bowmen of j 
 Antiochus. He reserved the Agrians' (com- \ 
 manded by Attalus), who were greatly esteem- ; 
 ed, and some forces that were newly arrived 
 from Greece, to oppose those which Darius had j 
 posted on the mountains. j 
 
 opinion is supported by the authority of Ptolemy and Dr. 
 Pococke. In a point where precision cannot be obtained 
 we must be satisfied with probability. Xenophon says that 
 Tssus was the last city of Cilicia towards Syria, and that it 
 was a populous, rich, and commercial place, and di^^tant 15 
 parasangs or 45 Roman miles from the Pyramus Jeihoon) 
 fn one direction, and 5 do. or 15 Roman miles from the 
 Syrian Straits in another, in all 60 Roman miles. In the 
 Kalem Itinerary, the distance from the PyramuS to 
 Alexandria, is 64 Roman miles, or tour more than Xeno- 
 phon, who places the city of Myriandrus 5 parasangs or 15 
 Soman miles south of the Syrian straits, or / south of the 
 modern Scanderoon or Alexandria fhe mean of the 
 modern authorities places Oseler 42 Roman miles or o9 
 British do. from Messis or Mopsuestia, on the Pyramus 
 fjeihoonrto Oieler, or 3 miles short of Xenophon's report. 
 KstanU in the Anabasis. All these authorities com 
 bined show a near approximation to truth, ^^''^8 the 
 Bite of Issus at Oseler. Now, Bayas or Pias by the report, 
 of modern travellers, is 57 Roman m les fyo-^/he Pyra- 
 mus, or 12 miles more than Xenophon's estimate; and by 
 that of Kinnier, who traversed all that space, it is not ess 
 than 55 British miles distant from Messis or 10 Br. h 
 miles more than Xenophon's account, m. es south 
 
 of the defile of Demir-Capi, or Kara-Capi,or 13 more 
 than that given by modern authorities for the site of Ose- 
 er, which is full 13 British miles south of the same pointy 
 On these accounts, I prefer the opinion of Rennel, m 
 making Oseler, and not Pias or Bayas, as Kinmer has 
 S, t1ie ancient Issus. Further, Kinnier p aces the nyer 
 P°n!rus-rhe stream that ran through the plain where the 
 battle was fought-at 12 miles south of Pias, 25 -south of 
 OsellrTand 4 north of Alexandria. 'Ihis position would 
 n^ace the scene of action in Syria, and not in Cilicia, as 
 That stream is 4 miles south of Makersy or the Syrian 
 Sraits ; as in Xenophon's time, Syria reached nort^i to 
 that strait ; and, as this engagement took p ace about /O 
 years after we cannot suppose that any political change 
 Cd hen tken place in its political boundaries, further, 
 Arrian says, that Alexander, as soon as he heard of Da- 
 rius" approach, returned from Myriandrus, and seized 
 [mon the straits which he was obliged to Pf ^ the evemng 
 before the battle. Now, these passes or straits could not 
 Ee the pass of Bailan, as'through them he was "ot obliged 
 to nass in order to meet Darius, who had crossed by the 
 upEer pass, and was returning south t;rom Issus by the 
 maritime pass to intercept him, and which, in order to 
 nrpvent they seized. These straits are a narrow border of 
 End'at the foot of high steep cliffs, with a small stream 
 running through it into the sea, called by Xencphon Ker- 
 sus, and at this day Mahersy. Arrian further says tha at 
 flav break they began to descend from the hills, heing 
 Sfined to a very narrow front, by reason of the straitness 
 of"he ground. The battle, therefore, could not have been 
 Sht at the small stream four miles north of Alexan- 
 dr^f and as many south of those very straits which A ex- 
 fnder selzedThe evening before. Further between Pias 
 and Scanderoon, the mountains approach the sea so close as 
 not to admit of room sufficient for military evolutions, or o 
 rnntain such armies as described in the text; whereas, to 
 Z north of S, or between it and Oseler the moun. 
 ainrgradually recede from the shore. Therefore the 
 Srus must lie to the north of Pias, and south of Oseler, 
 
 and thit other which Rennol has denominated the Pina- 
 rls the h lis approach very close to the shore, and of 
 TouVs" where neitLr army could act ; whereas four miles 
 furt er norlh, and beyond the Pinarus the low^grotmds 
 oetween the shore and the lofty mountains of Amanus, 
 STe is a space of more than five miles. Kinmer says 
 Eat to the north of Pias there is no river but one flovving 
 through a morass, nine miles to the north of it, p. 144 , 
 but hi p. 156, he says he crossed four other streamlets ; 
 and in his map there is a stream laid down apparently 
 
 large enough to answer the Pinarus, half way between 
 Ayasse and Pias. He further places the Syrian gates de- 
 scribed by Xenophon, and the Syrian straits of Ar nan, to 
 the south of Scanderoon, whereas they are 8 miles north 
 of that place. On these accounts, I prefer the authority 
 of Niebuhr, Rennel, Drummond, and Arrowsmith, to his ; 
 and think that their position of Issus at the modern viU 
 laee of Oseler, is nearest the truth, in a point where pre- 
 ci«ion cannot kt present be obtained. It is true mdeed, 
 
 cision cannot at present oe ouiaineu. i.. .o Vf ~r~' 
 
 that Ptolemy places Alexandria 16 minutes south of Issu;., 
 which is precisely the distance between Pias and Scande- 
 Ton, and agrees with the Jerusalem Itinerary, which | 
 places Alexandria 16 Roman miles south of Baiae, but | 
 
 he does not say that Baias is Issus. . , ^ . . , ^ i 
 
 The lower pass of Amanus, by which Darius had come, 
 is the pass of Bailan, leading from Scanderoon on the sea. , 
 shore, out of the interior of Syria. Over the mountain j 
 Bailan, is the ancient Pictanus, nine miles south-east ot ; 
 Scanderoon, and near the summit of the pass, and six 
 miles of ascent from the foot of the pass. It is romanti- 
 call? situated, having its houses built along the cbtt* ana , 
 precipices which overhang on each side, and a dark abyss, i 
 down the centre of which dashes a furious torrent in a 
 succession of cataracts. Kinnier takes this to be the 
 Kersus of Xenophon ; a most improbable opinion, founded 
 on his notion that the Syrian gates lay south of Alexan. 
 dria, whereas it runs into the sea south of Scanderoon. 
 The summit of the pass is a little above the town ; is nar. 
 row, and of difficult ascent. After a winding descent oi | 
 seven miles, the traveller reaches the extensive plain ol \ 
 Antioch. Here, at the entrance of the gorges of the | 
 mountains, is the ancient Pagr^. or Pagros, a fortress in 
 excellent condition, large, and magnificent: it js now 
 called Begrass, and is seventeen miles Irom Scanderoon, 
 including the rise and the descent, in a south-east direc. 
 tion The camp of Darius lay at Sochos, the mooern 
 Dubesak, ten geographical miles north-east of Pagrs, m 
 the great plain on the river Aswad. From this to the foot o 
 he upper pass of Amanus, is 20 geographical miles direct 
 north From this across the ridge to the supposed scene of 
 action on the Pinarus, is a distance of 10 geographical miles 
 direct This pass leads from KiUis, through the ridge to 
 Ayasse. We have consequently four Pa/ses connected 
 with the history of this engagement. 1st T at from 
 Cilicia to Tarsus ; 2d, the maritime pass by whioh the 
 younger Cyrus came, and which Alexander seized eturn. 
 ing from Myriandrus the night previous to the battle and 
 called the Syrian gates at the river Kersus, the moucrn 
 Mahersv, eight miles south of Alexandria; 3d. the pass 
 of Bailan or the lower pass of Amanus, which Danus 
 avoided; 41^, and last, the upper P^ss of Amanus, by 
 which Darius'came, and by which ho fled after his defeat. 
 The maritime pass is not mentioned in the text, i ne 
 plains of Syria, where Darius lay encamped, are called he 
 plains of Assyria by Arrian ; and he gates of Syria or the 
 maritime pass, are also called by the same name in Arrian. 
 It is difficult to assign the reason of this denomination. 
 The real Assyrians were the descendants ot Ashur : ana 
 the Syrians were the progeny of Aram, or Aramites, or 
 Aramians. However it be, it is certain that, with the 
 Greek and Latin writers, the term Assyria often compre- 
 hended all the tract from the Mediterranean to the river 
 Indus With Macrobius, the Phoenicians are Assyrians. 
 Jpud Asstjrios sive Plicenices liigens tnduat tn Dea. 
 Saturnal. Lib. I. cap. 27. And also with Virgd : 
 
 Alba nee Assyrio fucatur lana veneno. 
 
 Georg. Lib. 11. 
 
 That is, Tvrian purple. And even mount Lebanon is , 
 called the "Assyrian Libanus by the poet Monnus. ihe , 
 pSn of Syria is of vast extent, reaching north to mount 
 ■rkurus, and west to Amanus; south to the sea ; east to 
 the Euphrates ; and south-east to the chain of Lebanon , 
 and fs c'ai^ble of supporting the whole of ^y^-^^ co^^ 
 being of exuberant fertility ; but which ,s now posses. ea 
 by hordes of Turkmans, v^ho pasture their cattle on it 
 and will not allow it to be cultivated, regarding it as their 
 
 TSwaTa^clly between the mountains Hcsmus and 
 Rhodope. 
 
99 
 
 As for Darius's army, it was drawn up in the 
 following order. Having heard that Alexander 
 was marching towards him in battle array, 
 he commanded 30,000 horse and 20,000 bow- 
 men to cross the river Pinarus, that he might 
 have an opportunity to draw up his army in a 
 commodious manner on the hither side. In the 
 c-entre he posted the 30,000 Greeks in his ser- 
 vice, who, doubtless, were the flower and chief 
 strength of his army, and were not at all inferi- 
 or in bravery to the Macedonian phalanx, with 
 30,000 Cardacians on their right, and as many 
 on their left ; the field of battle not being able 
 to contain a greater number. These were all 
 heavily armed. The rest of the infantry, dis- 
 tinguished by their several nations, were ranged 
 behind the first line. It were to be wished that 
 Arrian had told us the depth of each of those 
 two lines ; but it must have been prodigious, if 
 we consider the extreme narrowness of the pass, 
 and the amazing multitudes of the Persian 
 forces. On the mountain which lay to their 
 left, against Alexander's right wing, Darius 
 posted 20,000 men, who wei'e so ranged (in con- 
 sequence of the several windings of the moun- 
 tain) that some were behind Alexander's armv, j 
 and others before it. * I 
 
 Darius, after having 
 
 craggy to be secured with palisadoes, whence the 
 Macedonians concluded that he was already 
 afraid of being defeated. The two armies being 
 come in sight, Alexander, riding along the 
 ranks, called, by their several names, the princi- 
 pal officers both of the Macedonians and foreign- 
 ers; and exhorted the soldiers to si^jnalize them- 
 selves, speaking to each nation accoiding to its 
 peculiar genius and disposition. To the Mace- 
 donians he represented, " the victories they had 
 formerly gained in Europe ; the still recent glory 
 of the battle of the Granicus ; the great number 
 of cities and provinces they had left behind them, 
 all which they had subdued." He added that 
 " one single victory would make them masters 
 of the Persian empire ; and that the spoils i>f 
 the east would be the reward of their bravery 
 and toils." The Greeks he animated, " by the 
 remembrance of the many calamities which the 
 Persians (those irreconcilable enemies to Greece) 
 had brought upon them; and set before them 
 
 set his army 
 
 array, made his horse cross the river again, and 
 despatched the greatest part of them towards the 
 sea against Parmenio, because they could fight 
 on that spot with the greatest advantage : the 
 rest of his cavalry he sent to the left towards the 
 mountain. However, finding that these would 
 be of no service on that side, because of the too 
 great narrowness of the spot, he caused a great 
 part of them to wheel about to the right. As 
 for himself, he took his post in the centre of his 
 army, pursuant to the custom of the Persian 
 znonarchs. 
 
 Alexander, observing that most of the enemy's 
 horse was to oppose his left wing, which con 
 
 the famous battles of Marathon, of Thermopylee, 
 of Salamis, of Platssse, and the many others by 
 which they had acquired immortal glory." He 
 bid the Iliyrians and Thracians, nations who 
 used to subsist by plunder and rapine, "view 
 , the enemy's army, every part of which shone 
 battle wjth gold and purple, and was not loaded so much 
 
 with arms as with booty : that they therefore 
 |Should push forward (they who were men), and 
 (strip all those women of their ornaments ; and 
 exchange their mountains, covered perpetually 
 Avith ice and snow, for the smiling plains and 
 rich fields of Persia." The moment he had 
 ended, the whole army set up a shout, and 
 eagerly desired to be led on directly against the 
 enemy. 
 
 Alexander had advanced at first veiy slowly 
 to prevent the ranks, or the front of his phalanx,' 
 from breaking, and halted by intervals: but 
 when he was got within bow-shot, he com- 
 manded all his right wing to plunge impetuously 
 
 sisted only of those of Peloponnesus, and of jinto the river, purposely that thev misht 
 
 some Other allies, detached immediately to it the 
 Thessalian cavalry, which be caused to wheel 
 round behind his battalions, to prevent their be- 
 ing seen by the Barbarians. On the same side 
 (the left) he posted before his foot, the Cretan 
 bowmen, and the Thracians of Sitalces (a king 
 
 prise the bsrbarians, come sooner to a close 
 engagement, and be less exposed to the enemy's 
 arrows ; in all of which he was very successful. 
 Both sides fought with the utmost bravery and 
 resolution ; and being now forced to fight close, 
 they charged on both sides sword in hand, when 
 
 of Thrace), who were covered by the horse, i a di-eadful slaughter ensued ; for they eno^aged 
 The foreigners in his swvice were behind all the ^ nian to man, each aiming the point of his sword 
 
 j at the face of his opponent. Alexander, who 
 Perceiving that his right wing did not extend performed the duty both of a private soldier and 
 so far as the left of the Persians, which might ' of a commander, wishing nothing so ardentlv as 
 surround and attack it in flank, he drew from I the glory of killing, with his own hand, Darius 
 the centre of his armv two rpaimpnfs! nf fnr^+ who hpino- ao^i-oA nn o „t — ' 
 
 i centre of his army two regiments of foot, 
 which he detached thither, with orders for them 
 to march behind, to prevent their being seen by 
 the enemy. He also reinforced that wing with 
 the forces which he had opposed to the Barbari- 
 ans on the mountains ; for, seeing they did not 
 come down, he made the Agrians and some 
 other bowmen attack them, and drive them to- 
 wards the summit of it ; so that he left only 
 SOO horse to keep them in check, and sent the 
 rest, as I observed, to reinforce his right wing, 
 which by this means extended farther than tliat 
 of the Persians. 
 
 The two armies being thus drawn up in order 
 of battle, Alexander marched very slowly, that 
 his soldiers might take a little breath ; so that it 
 was supposed they would not engage till very 
 late : for Darius still continued with his army 
 on the other side of the river, in order not to 
 lose the advantageous situation of his post ; and 
 even caused such parts of the shore as were not 
 
 who being seated on a high chariot, was con 
 spicuous to the whole army ; and by that means 
 was a powerful object, both to encourage his 
 own soldiers to defend, and the enemy to attack 
 him. And now the battle grew more furious 
 and bloody than before ; so that a great number 
 of Persian noblemen were killed. Each side 
 fought with incredible bravery. Oxathres, 
 brother to Darius, observing that Alexander 
 was going to charge that monarch with the ut- 
 most vigour, rushed before his chariot with the 
 horse under his command, and distinguished 
 himself above all the rest. The horses that 
 drew Darius's chariot, being quite covered with 
 wounds, began to prance about ; and shook the 
 yoke so violently, that they were upon the point 
 of overturning the king, who, afraid of fallino 
 alive into the hands of his enemies, leaped down, 
 and mounted another chariot. The rest, ob- 
 serving this, fled as fast as possible, and throw- 
 ing down their arms, made the best of their 
 
 G2 
 
100 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 way. Alexander had received a slight wound 
 in his thigh, but happily it was not attended 
 with ill consequences. 
 
 Whilst part the Macedonian mfantiy 
 (posted to the right) were pursuing the advan- 
 tage they had gained against the Persians, the 
 r^ainder of them who engaged the Greeks 
 met with greater resistance. These observing 
 that the body of infantry in question were no 
 longer covered by the right wing of Alexander s 
 army, which was pursuing the enemy, came 
 and attacked it in flank. The engagement was 
 very bloody, and victory a longtime doubttul. 
 i The Greeks endeavoured to push the Macedo- 
 ' nians into the river, and to recover the disorder 
 ' into which the left wing had been thrown. 1 he 
 Macedonians also signalized themselves with 
 the utmost bravery, in order to preserve the 
 advantage which Alexander had just before 
 ! gained, and support the honour of their phalanx, 
 which had always been considered as invincible, 
 i There was also a perpetual jealousy between 
 these two nations (the Greeks and Macedo- 
 nians) which greatly increased their courage, 
 and made the resistance on each side very vigor- 
 ous On Alexander's side, Ptolemy the son ot 
 Seleucus lost his life, with 120 other consider- 
 able officers, who aU had behaved with the ut- 
 most gallantry. . 
 
 In the mean time the right wing, which was 
 victorious under its monarch, after defeating all 
 who opposed it, wheeled to the left against those 
 Greeks who were fighting with the rest of the 
 Macedonian phalanx, charged them vigorously ; 
 I and attacking them in flank, entirely routed 
 
 At* the very beginning of the engagement, the 
 Persian cavalry which was in the right wing 
 (without waiting for their being attacked by the 
 Macedonians) had crossed the river, and rushed 
 upon the Thessalian horse, several of whose 
 squadrons were broken by it. Upon this, the 
 remainder of the latter, in order to avoid the 
 impetuosity of the first charge, and induce the 
 Persians to break their ranks, made a feint ot 
 retiring, as if terrified by the prodigious num- 
 bers of- the enemy. The Persians seeing this, 
 were filled with boldness and confidence, and 
 thereupon the greatest part of them advancing 
 without order or precaution, as to a certain vic- 
 tory, had no thoughts but of pursuing the ene- 
 my. Upon this, the Thessalians seeing thein 
 in such confusion, faced about on a sudden, and 
 renewed the fight with fresh ardour. The Per- 
 sians made a brave defence, till they saw Darius 
 put to flight and the Greeks cut to pieces by the 
 
 ^^The routing of the Persian cavalry completed 
 the defeat of the army. The Persian horse 
 Buffered very much in the retreat, from the great 
 weight of the arms of their riders ; not to men- 
 tion, that as they retired in disorder, and crowd- 
 ed in great numbers through the defiles, they 
 bruised and unhorsed one ^"'^ 
 more annoyed by their own soldiers than by the 
 enemy. Besides the Thessalian cavalry pursued 
 them with so much fury, that they were as 
 much shattered as the infantry and lost as many 
 
 ""with regard to Darius, as we before observed, 
 the instant he saw his left wing broke, he was 
 one of the first who fled in his chariot ; but get- 
 tine afterwards into craggy rugged places, he 
 mounted on horseback, throwing down his bow, 
 shield, and royal mantle. Alexander, however, 
 did not attempt to pursue him, till he saw his 
 
 phalanx had conquered the Greeks, and the 
 Persian horse put to flight; and this allowed 
 the fugitive monarch to gain the start of his 
 pursuers considerably. , 
 
 About 8000 of the Greeks that were in Da- 
 rius's service (with their officers at their head, 
 who were very brave), retired over the moun- 
 tains, towards Tripoli in Syria, where, finding 
 the transports which had brought them from 
 Lesbos upon dry ground, they fitted out as many 
 of them as suited their purpose, and burnt the 
 rest, to prevent their being pursued. 
 
 As for the Barbarians, having exerted them- 
 
 selves with bravery enough in the first attack, 
 they afterwards gave way in the most shameful 
 manner; and being intent upon nothing but 
 saving themselves, they took different ways. 
 Some struck into the high road which led 
 directly to Persia, others ran into woods and 
 lonely mountains; and a small number returned 
 to their camp, which the victorious enemy had 
 already taken and plundered. 
 
 Svsigambis, Darius's mother, and that mon- 
 arch's queen, who also was his sister, had re- 
 mained in it with two of the king s daughters, 
 a son of his (a child), and some Persian ladies. 
 For the rest of the women had been carried to ! 
 Damascus, with part of Darius's treasul^e, and j 
 all such things as contributed only to the luxury i 
 and magnificence of his court. No more than , 
 3000 talents' were found in his camp ; but the | 
 rest of the treasure fell afterwards into the ; 
 hands of Parmenio, at his taking the city ot | 
 Damascus. . .1 
 
 Alexander, weary of pursuing Darius, seeing 
 nieht draw on, and that it would be impossible 
 for him to overtake that monarch, returned to 
 the enemy's camp, which his soldiers had just 
 before plundered. Such was 
 A M 3672. the end of this memorable 
 Ant. J. C. 332. battle, fought the fourth year 
 of Alexander's reign. Ihe 
 Persians," either in the engagement or the route, 
 lost a great number of their forces, both horse 
 and foot ; but very few were kiUed on Alexan- 
 der's side. , , J e 
 That very evening he invited the grandees of 
 his court, and his chief officers, to a feast, at 
 which he himself was present, notwithstanding 
 the wound he had received, it having only grazed 
 the skin. But they were no sooner set down at 
 table, than they heard from a neighbouring tent, 
 a great noise, intermixed with groans, which 
 frighted all the company; insomuch that the 
 soldiers, who were upon guard before the king s 
 tent, ran to their arms, being afraid of an in- 
 surrection. But it was found, that the persons 
 ■who made this clamour were the mother and 
 wife of Darius, and the rest of the captive ladies, 
 who, supposing that prince dead, bewailed his 
 loss, accm-ding to the custom of the barbarians, 
 with dreadful cries and bowlings. A eunuch, 
 who had seen Darius's cloak in the hands of a 
 soldier, imagining he had killed him, and after- 
 wards stripped him of that garment, had carried 
 them that false account. 
 
 It is said that Alexander, upon being toU the 
 reason of this false alarm, could not retrain from 
 
 1 About 440,O00Z. sterling. 
 2 According to Quintus Curtius and Arrian, the Persians 
 
 i probable. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDKR. 
 
 101 
 
 tears, when he considered the sad calamity of 
 Darius, and the tender disposition of those prin- 
 i cesses, who seemed to have forgotten their own 
 ! misfortunes, and to be sensible of his alone. He 
 ! thereupon sent Leonatus, one of his chief cour- 
 I tiers, to assure them, that the man whose death 
 { they bewailed was alive. Leonatus, taking some 
 soldiers with him, came to the tent of the prin- 
 cesses, and sent word, that he was come to pay 
 I them a visit in the king's name. The persons 
 j who were at the entrance of the tent, seeing a 
 ! band of armed men, imagined that their mis- 
 tresses were undone ; and accordingly ran into 
 the tent, crying aloud, that their last hour was 
 come, and that soldiers were despatched to mur- 
 der them ; so that these princesses being seized 
 I i with the ntmost distraction, did not make the 
 I least answer, but waited in deep silence for the 
 j orders of the conqueror. At last, Leonatus hav- 
 I ing staid a long time, and seeing no one appeal', 
 j left his soldiers at the door, and came into the 
 j : tent ; but their terror increased when they saw 
 I i a man enter among them without being intro- 
 j I duced. They thereupon threw themselves at 
 his feet, and entreated, that " before he put them 
 ! • to death, they might be allowed to bury Darius 
 ; ! after the manner of their country ; and that 
 i ! when they had paid this last duty to their king, 
 : they should die contented." Leonatus answered, 
 that " Darius was living ; and that, so far from 
 giving them any offence, they should be treated 
 ! ; as queens, and live in their former splendour." 
 I i Sysigambis hearing this, began to recover her 
 i I spirits, and permitted Leonatus to give her his 
 i j hand, to raise her from the ground. 
 ! I The next day Alexander, after visiting the 
 ; j wounded, caused the last honours to be paid to 
 I the dead, in presence of the whole army, drawn 
 i up in order of battle, in their richest accoutre- 
 ments. He treated the Persians of distinction 
 in the same manner, and permitted Darius's 
 mother to bury whatever persons she pleased, 
 according to the customs and ceremonies prac- 
 tised in her country. However, this prudent 
 princess used that permission in regard only to 
 I a few who were her near relations ; and that 
 with such a modesty and reserve as she thought 
 suited her present condition. The king testified 
 I his joy and gratitude to the whole army, espe- 
 cially to the chief officers, whose actions he ap- 
 plauded in the strongest terms, as well those of 
 which he himself had been an eye-witness, as 
 thdse which had been only related to him ; and 
 he made presents to all, according to their merit 
 ; and rank. 
 
 After Alexander had performed these several 
 duties, truly worthy of a great monarch, he sent 
 a message to the queens, to inform them that he 
 was coming to pay them a visit ; and accord- 
 ingly, commanding all his train to withdraw, 
 he entered the tent, accompanied only by He- 
 phsestion. He was his favourite ; and as they 
 had been brought up together, the king revealed 
 j Ji-ll his secrets to him ; and nobody else dared to 
 j speak so freely to him ;^ but even Hephsestion 
 j made so cautious and discreet a use of that 
 { liberty, that he seemed to take it, not so much 
 j out of inclination, as from a desire to obey the 
 king, who would have it so. They were of the 
 same age, but Hephsestion was taller, so that 
 
 3 Libertatis quoque in eo admonendo noi^ alius jus 
 habebat ; quod tamen ita usurpabat, ut magis ^ rege 
 pcrmissura quara vindicatum ab eo videretur. Quint. 
 Curt. 
 
 1 
 
 the queens took him at first for the king, and 
 paid him their respects as such : but some cap- 
 tive eunuchs showing them Alexander, Sysi- 
 gambis fell prostrate before him, and begged his 
 pardon ; declaring, that as she had never seen 
 him, she hoped that consideration would plead 
 her apology. The king, raising her from the 
 ground, replied, " Dear mother, you are not 
 mistaken, for he also is Alexander:" a fine ex- 
 pression,* which does honour to both ! Had 
 Alexander always thought and acted in this 
 manner, he would have justly merited the title 
 of Great; but fortune had not yet corrupted his 
 mind.^ He bore her at first with moderation 
 and wisdom ; but at last she overpowered him, 
 and he became unable to resist her. 
 
 Sysigambis, strongly affected with these marks 
 of goodness and humanity, could not forbear 
 testifying her gratitude upon that account.— 
 " Great prince," said she to him, "what words 
 shall I find to express my thanks, in such a 
 manner as may answer your generosity ! You 
 call me your mother, and honour me still with 
 the title of queen, whereas 1 confess myself your 
 captive. I know what I have been, and what 
 I now am.® I know the whole extent of my 
 past grandeur, and find I can support all the ' 
 weight of my present ill fortune. But it will i 
 be glorious for you, as you now have an absolute 
 power over us, to make us feel it by your cle- 
 mency only, and not by ill treatment." 
 
 The king, after comforting the princesses, 
 took Darius's son in his arms. The little child, 
 without discovering the least terror, embraced 
 Alexander, who being affected with his con- 
 fidence, and turning about to Hephsestion, said 
 to him : " O that Darius had had some portion 
 of his tender disposition !" 
 
 It is certain that Alexander, in this beginning 
 of his career, behaved in such a manner, that 
 he surpassed, in clemency and goodness, all the 
 kings his predecessors ; and proved himself su- 
 perior to a passion which conquers and enslaves 
 the strongest. Darius's consort was the most 
 lovely princess in the world, as Darius himself 
 was the most beautiful of princes, and of a very 
 tall and most majestic shape ; and the princesses 
 their daughters resembled them. They were, 
 says Plutarch, in Alexander's camp, not as in 
 that of an enemy, but as in a sacred temple, and 
 a sanctuary assigned for the asylum of chastity 
 and modesty, in which all the princesses lived 
 so retired, that they were not seen by any per- 
 son, nor did any one dare to approach their 
 apartments. 
 
 We even find, that aftei the first visit above- 
 mentioned, which was a respectful and cere- 
 monious one, Alexander, to avoid exposing him- 
 self to the dangers of human frailty, took a 
 solemn resolution never to visit Darius's queen 
 any more. He himself informs us of this memo- 
 rable circumstance,' in a letter written by him 
 to Parmenio, in which he commanded him to 
 put to death certain Macedonians who had forced 
 the wives of some foreign soldiers. In this let- 
 ter, the following words occur : " For, as to 
 
 4 O donum inclyte vocis, danti pariter atque accipienti 
 speciosum ! J^al. Max. 1. iv. c. 7. 
 
 5 Sed noridum fortuna se animo ejus infuderat. Itaque 
 orientem earn moderatd et prudenter tnlit: ad ultimum 
 magnitudinem ejus non cepit. Quint. Curt. 
 
 6 Et praeteritas fortunse fastigium ce^jio, et prsesentis 
 jugum pati possum. Quint, Ctirt. 
 
 7 Plut. in Alex. 
 
102 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 myself, it wiU be found that I neither even saw, children after them ; so ^gjl^^j^ 
 no^r would see, the wife of Darius; and did not | jects of compassion, i^^^^f J^^^^^^^ 
 suffer any person to speak of her beauty before 
 me." We are to remember that Alexander was 
 young, victorious, and free, that is, not engaged 
 iu marriage, as has been observed of the first 
 Scipio on a like occasion.* Etjuvenis, et coelebs, 
 ct victor. 
 
 To conclude, he treated these princesses with 
 such humanity, that nothing but the remem- 
 brance that they were captives, could have made 
 them sensible of their calamity ; and of all the 
 advantages they possessed before, nothing was 
 wanting with regard to Alexander, but that 
 irust and confidence, which no one can repose 
 in an enemy, how .kindly soever he behaves. 
 
 SECT. VI. 
 
 \lexander marches victorious into Syria. The treasures 
 deposited in Damascus are delivered to him. Danus 
 writes a letter to Alexander in the most haughty terms, 
 which he answers in the same style. The gates of the 
 city of Sidon are opened to him. Abdolonymus is 
 placed upon the throne against his will. Alexander 
 lays siege to Tyre, which, after having made a vigorous 
 defence of seven months, is taken by storm. The ful- 
 filling of different prophecies relating to lyre. 
 
 Alexander set out towards 
 A. M. 3672. Syria,^ after having conse- 
 Ant. J. C. 832. crated three altars on the 
 river Pinarus, the first to 
 Jupiter, the second to Hercules, and the third to 
 
 their misfortune. Among these were three 
 young princesses, daughters of Ochus, who had 
 reigned before Darius; the widow of this 
 Ochus ; the daughter of Oxathres, brother to 
 Darius; the wife of Artabazus, the greatest 
 lord of the court, and his son Ilioneus. There 
 were also taken prisoners the wife and son of 
 Pharnabazus, whom the king had appointed ad- 
 miral of all the coasts ; three daughters of Men- 
 tor ; the wife and son of Memnon, that illus- 
 trious general ; indeed, there was scarcely one 
 noble family in all Persia but shared in this 
 calamity. 
 
 There also were found in Damascus the am- 
 bassadors of the Grecian cities, particularly 
 those of Lacedsemon and Athens, whom Darius 
 thought he had lodged in a safe asylum, when 
 he put them under the protection of that 
 traitor. 
 
 Besides money and plate, which was after- 
 wards coined, and mounted to immense sums, 
 30,000 men and 7000 beasts laden with baggage 
 were taken. Parmenio,* in his letter to Alex- 
 ander, informs him that he found in Damascus 
 329 of Darius' s concubines, all admirably well 
 skilled in music ; and also a multitude of officers, 
 whose business was to regulate and prepare 
 every thing relating to entertainments ; such as 
 to make wreathes, to prepare perfumes and es- 
 sences, to dress viands, to make the pastry, to 
 preside over the wine cellars, to give out the 
 wine, and similar offices. There were 492 of 
 these officers ; a train worthy a prince who runs 
 to meet his ruin ! 
 
 Darius, who a few hours before was at the 
 head of so mighty and splendid an army, and 
 who came into the field mounted on a chariot, 
 
 Minerva, as so many monuments of his victory. 
 He had sent Parmenio to Damascus, in which 
 Darius's treasure was deposited.^ The gover- 
 nor of the city, betraying his sovereign, from 
 whom he had now no farther expectations, 
 
 wrote to Alexander to acquaint him, that he , -- .i.^^ 
 
 was ready to deliver up into his hands all the | with the pride of a conqueror, rather than vrith 
 treasure and other rich stores of Darius. But | the equipage of a warrior, was flying over plains, 
 being desirous of covering his treason with a which, from being before covered with the in- 
 specious pretext, he pretended that he was not : finite multitude of his force^ now appeared like 
 \r} thp .Itv. so caused, bv dav-break, all I a desert of vast solitude. This lU-fated prince 
 
 rode swiftly the whole night, accompanied by a 
 very few attendants ; for all had not taken the 
 
 secure m the city, so caused, by day-break, all 
 the money and the richest things in it to be put 
 on men's backs, and fled away with the whole, 
 seemingly with intention to secure them, but in 
 
 same road, and most of those who accompanied 
 
 reality 'to deliver them up to the enemy, as he i him could not keep up with him, as he often 
 had aLeed with Parmenio, who had opened the 1 changed his horses. At last he arrived at 
 lette?\ddressed to the king. At the first sight Sochos,^ where he assembled the remains of his 
 of the forces which this general headed, those army, which amounted only to 4000 men^ m- 
 
 who carried the burdens being frighted, threw 
 them down, and fled away, as did the soldiers 
 who convoyed them, and the governor himself, 
 who appeared more terrified than the rest. On 
 this occasion immense riches were seen scattered 
 up and down the fields ; all the gold and silver 
 designed to pay so great an army ; the splendid 
 equipages of so many great lords and ladies ; the 
 golden vases and bridles, magnificent tents, and 
 carriages abandoned by their drivers: in a word, 
 whatever the long prosperity and frugality of so 
 many kings had amassed during many ages, was 
 abandoned to the conquei'or. 
 
 But the most moving part of this sad scene 
 was to see the wives of the satraps and grandees 
 of Persia, most of whom dragged their little 
 
 Justin. 
 
 1 Val. Max. 1. iv, c. 3. 
 
 2 Diod. 1. xvii. p. 517, 518. Arrian, 1. ii. 
 Plut. in Alex. p. 678. Quint. Curt. 1. iv. c. 
 1. xi. c. 10. 
 
 3 The march of Parmenio to Damascus must have 
 been very rapid, as he accomplished it in four days, the 
 direct distance from Issus being at least 220 British 
 miles.— £d. 
 
 eluding Persians as well as foreigners 
 hence he made all possible haste to Thapsacus, 
 in order to have the Euphrates between him 
 and Alexander. 
 
 In the mean time Parmenio having carried 
 all the booty into Damascus, the king com- 
 manded him to take care of it, and likewise of 
 the captives. Most of the cities of Syria sur- 
 rendered at the first approach of the conqueroi-. 
 Being arrived at Marathos, he received a letter 
 from Darius, in which he stjded himself king, 
 without bestowing that title on Alexander. He 
 commanded rather than entreated him, " to ask 
 any sum of money he should think proper, by 
 way of ransom for his mother, his Avife, and 
 children : that with regard to their dispute for 
 the empire, he might, if he thought proper, de- 
 cide it in one general battle, to which both par- 
 ties should bring an equal number of ti'oops; 
 but that in case he were still capable of com- 
 
 4 Athen. 1. xiii. p. 607- 
 5 This city was two or three days' journey from the place 
 where the battle was foughU 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 103 
 
 plying with good advice, he would recommend 
 to him to rest contented with the kingdom of his 
 ancestors, and not invade that of another ; that 
 they might henceforward live as good friends 
 and faithful allies ; that he himself was ready to 
 swear to the observance of these articles, and to 
 receive Alexander's oath." 
 
 This letter, which breathed so unseasonable a 
 pride and haughtiness, exceedingly offended Al- 
 exander. He therefore wrote the following 
 answer : " Alexander the king to Darius. The 
 ancient Darius, whose name you assume, in 
 former times entirely ruined the Greeks, who 
 inhabit the coasts of the Hellespont, and the lo- 
 nians, our ancient colonies. He next crossed 
 the sea at the head of a powerful army, and car- 
 ried the war into the very heart of Macedonia 
 and Greece. After him, Xerxes made another 
 descent with a dreadful number of Barbarians, 
 in order to fight us ; and having been overcome 
 in a naval engagement, he left, at his retiring, 
 Mardonius in Greece, who plundered our cities, 
 and laid waste our plains. But who has not 
 heard that Philip, my father, was assassinated 
 by wretches suborned thereto by your partisans, 
 in hopes of a great reward ? For it is customary 
 with the Persians to undertake impious wars, 
 and when armod in the field, to set a price upon 
 the heads of their enemies. And even you your- 
 self, very lately, though at the head of a vast 
 army, promised nevertheless 1000 talents to any 
 person who should kill me. I therefore only 
 defend myself, and am not the aggressor. And 
 consequently the gods, who always declare for 
 the just cause, have favoured my arms; and, 
 aided by their protection, I have subjected a great 
 part of Asia, and defeated you, Darius, in a 
 pitched battle. However, though I ought not to 
 grant any request you make, since you have not 
 acted fairly in this war ; nevertheless, in case 
 you will appear before me in a supplicating pos- 
 ture, I will give you my word, that I will re- 
 store to you, without any ransom, your mother, 
 your wife, and children. I will let you see 
 that I know how to conquer, and to oblige 
 the conquered.*^ If you are afraid of surren- 
 dering yourself to me, I now assure you, upon 
 my honour, that you may do it without the least 
 danger. But remember, when you next write 
 to me, that you write not only to a king, but to 
 your king." Thersippus was ordered to carry 
 this letter. 
 
 Alexander, marching from thence into Phoe- 
 nicia, the citizens of Byblos opened their gates 
 to him. Every one submitted as he advanced, ! 
 but no people did this with gi-eater pleasure than I 
 the Sidonians. We have seen in what manner j 
 Ochus had destroyed their city eighteen years { 
 before, and put all the inhabitants of it to the 
 sword. After he was returned into Persia, 
 those of the citizens, who, upon account of their 
 traffic, or for soijtie other cause, had been absent, 
 and by that means had escaped the massacre, re- 
 turned hither, and rebuilt their city. But they 
 had retained such an abhorrence of the Persians, 
 on account of this barbarous act, that they were 
 overjoyed at this opportunity to throw off their 
 yoke : and consequently they were the first in 
 that country who sent to make their submission 
 to the conqueror, in opposition to Strato their 
 king, who had declared in favour of Darius. 
 
 6 Et vincere, et consulere viclis scio. Q. Curt. 
 
 Alexander dethroned him, and permitted He- 
 phsestion to elect in his stead whomsoever of the I 
 Sidonians he should judge v/orthy of so exalted 
 a station. 
 
 This favourite was quartered at the house of 
 two young men who were brothei's, and of the 
 most considerable family in that city; to these 
 he offered the crown ; but they refused it, telling [ 
 him, that according to the laws of their countrj', ! 
 no person could ascend the throne unless he were i 
 of the blood royal. Hephsestion admiring this j 
 greatness of soul, which could contemn what j 
 others strive to obtain by fire and sv»'ord : " Con- j 
 tinue," says he to them, " in this way of think- j 
 ing ; you, who are the first that ever were sensible 
 that it is much more glorious to refuse a diadem ; 
 than to accept it. However, name me some per- | 
 son of the royal family, who may remember, | 
 when he is king, that it was you who set the I 
 crown on his head." The brothers observing 
 that several through excessive ambition aspired ; 
 to this high station, and to obtain it paid a ser- | 
 vile court to Alexander's favourites, declared : 
 that they did not know any person more worthy j 
 of the diadem than one Abdolonymus, descend- | 
 ed, though remotely, from the royal line; but | 
 who at the same time was so poor, that he was ! 
 obliged to get bis bread by day labour in a garden 
 without the city. His honesty and integrity had 
 reduced him, as well as many more, to such ex- ! 
 treme poverty. Solely intent upon his labour, i 
 he did not hear the clashing of the arms which j 
 had shaken all Asia. j 
 
 Immediately the two brothers went in search i 
 of Abdolonymus, with the royal garments, and [ 
 found him weeding his garden. They then sa- I 
 luted him king, and one of them addressed him | 
 thus : *' You must now change your tattei's for 
 a dress I have brought you. Put off the mean 
 and contemptible habit in which you have grown 
 old ;^ assume the sentiments of a prince ; but 
 when you are seated on the throne, continue to 
 preserve the virtue which made you worthy of 
 it. And when you shall have ascended it, and 
 by that means become the supi'eme dispenser of 
 life and death over all your citizens, be sure 
 never to forget the condition in which, or rather 
 for which, you were elected." Abdolonymus 
 looked upon the whole as a dream, and, un- 
 able to guess the meaning of it, asked if they 
 were not ashamed to ridicule him in that 
 manner. But, as he made a greater resist- 
 ance than suited their inclinations, they them- 
 selves washed him, and threw over his shoul- 
 ders a purple robe, richly embroidered with 
 gold ; then, after repeated oaths of their being 
 in earnest, they conducted him to the palace. 
 
 The news of this was immediately spread over 
 the whole city. Most of the inhabitants were 
 overjoyed at it, but some murmured, especially 
 the rich, who, despising Abdolonymus's former 
 abject state, could not forbear showing their re- 
 sentment upon that account in the king's court. 
 Alexander commanded the new-elected prince 
 to be sent for, and after surveying him atten- 
 tively a long time, spoke thus ; " Thy^ air and 
 
 7 Cape Regis animum, et in earn fortunam qua dignus 
 es, istam continentiam prefer. Et, c\Xm in regali solio 
 residebis, vita2 necisque omnium ci«ium dominus, cave 
 obliviscaris hujus status in quo accipis regnum, imb her- 
 cule, propter quem. Quin. Curt. 
 
 8 Corporis, inquit, habitus famse generis non rcpugnat 
 Sed libet scire, inopiam qr k patientia tuleris. Turn tilt ; 
 
104 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 mien do not contradict what is related of thy 
 extraction ; but I should be glad to know with 
 what frame of mind thou didst bear thy pov- 
 erty ?"— " Would to the gods," replied he, |' that 
 I may bear this crown with equal fortitude. 
 These hands have procured me all I desired; 
 and whilst I possessed nothing, I wanted no- 
 thing." This answer gave Alexander a high 
 idea of Abdolonymus's virtue ; so that he pre- 
 sented him not only with all the rich furniture 
 which had belonged to Strato, but with part 
 of the Persian plunder, and likewise annexed 
 one of the neighbouring provinces to his do- 
 minions. 
 
 Syria and Phoenicia were already subdued by 
 the 'Macedonians, the city of Tyre excepted.' 
 This city was justly entitled the queen of the 
 sea, that element bringing to it the tribute of all 
 nations. She boasted of being the first that in- 
 vented navigation, and taught mankind the art 
 of braving the wind and waves by the assist- 
 ance of a frail bark. The happy situation of 
 Tyre, the convenience and extent of its ports, 
 the character of its inhabitants, who were in- 
 dustrious, laborious, patient, and extremely 
 courteous to strangers, invited thither mer- 
 chants from all parts of the globe; so that it 
 might be considered, not so much as a city be- 
 longing to any particular nation, as the com- 
 mon city of ail nations, and the centre of their 
 commerce. 
 
 Upon Alexander's advancing towards it, the 
 Tyrians sent him an embassy with presents for 
 himself, and refreshments for his army. They 
 were willing to have him for their friend, but 
 not for their master ; so that when he discov- 
 ered a desire of entering their city, in order to 
 offer a sacrifice to Hercules, its tutelar god, 
 they refused him admission. But this conquer- 
 or, after gaining so many victories, had too 
 haughty a spirit to put up with such an affront, 
 and thereupon was resolved to force them to it 
 by a siege, which they, on the other side, were 
 determined to sustain with the utmost vigour. 
 The spring was now coming on. Tyre was at 
 that time seated in an island of the sea, about a 
 quarter of a league^ from the continent. It was 
 surrounded with a strong wall 150 feet high, 
 which the waves of the sea washed: and the 
 Carthaginians (a colony from Tyre), a mighty 
 people, and sovereigns of the ocean, whose am- 
 bassadors were at that time in the city, offering 
 to Hercules, according to ancient custom, an 
 annual sacrifice, had engaged themselves to suc- 
 cour the Tyrians. It was this that made them 
 so haughty. Firmly determined not to surren- 
 der, they fix machines on the ramparts and on 
 the towers, arm their young men, and build 
 work-houses for the artificers, of whom there 
 were great numbers in the city ; so that every 
 part resounded with the noise of warlike pre- 
 parations. They likewise made iron grapples 
 to throw on the enemy's works, and tear them 
 
 Utinam, inquit, eodem animo regnum* pati possim ! Hse 
 roanus sufFecere desiderio raeo. Mihil habenti, nihil de- 
 fuit. Quint. Curt. 
 
 1 Diod. 1. xvii. p. 518—525. Arrian. 1. ii, p. 87—100. 
 Plut. in Alex. p. 678 et 679. Quint. Curt. 1. iv. c. 2, 3, 4. 
 Justin. 1. xi. c. 10. 
 
 2 Four furlongs. 
 
 * The tiiought Is teautiful and just. He considers the regal 
 power as a burden, more difficult to be borne than poverty : regnum 
 
 ■pate. 
 
 away ; as also cramp-irons, and such like In- 
 struments, invented for the defence of cities. 
 
 Alexander imagined that there were essential 
 reasons why he should possess himself of Tyre. 
 He was sensible that he could not invade Egypt 
 easily, so long as the Persians should be masters 
 of the sea, nor pursue Darius with safety, in | 
 case be should leave behind him so large an ex- j 
 tent of country, the inhabitants of which vvere j 
 either enemies, or suspected to be so. He like- 
 wise was afraid, lest some insurrection should 
 break out in Greece; and that his enemies, after 
 having retaken in his absence the maritime cities 
 of Asia Minor, and increased their fleet, might 
 make his country the seat of war while he was 
 employed in pursuing Darius in the plains of 
 Babylon. These apprehensions were the more 
 justly grounded, as the Lacedaemonians had de- 
 clared openly against him, and the Athenians 
 sided with him more out of fear than affection. 
 But, in case he should conquer Tyre, all Phoe- 
 nicia being then subject to him, he would be 
 able to dispossess the Persians of half their naval 
 army, which consisted of the fleet of that pro- [ 
 vince ; and would soon make himself master of i 
 the island of Cyprus and of Egypt, which could I 
 not resist him the instant he was become master j 
 at sea. I 
 
 On the other side, it should seem, that, ac- 
 cording to all the rules of war, Alexander, after 
 the battle of Issus, ought to have pursued Da- 
 rius vigorously, and neither given him an op- 
 portunity of recovering from the fright into 
 which his defeat had thrown him, nor allowed 
 him time to raise a new army ; the success of 
 the enterprise, which appeared infallible, being 
 the only thing that could make him formidable 
 and superior to all his enemies. Add to this, 
 that in case Alexander should fail in his attempt 
 to take this city (which was not very unlikely), | 
 he would discredit his own arm.s, would los® j 
 the fruit of his victories, and prove to the ene- j 
 my that he was not invincible. But God, who ! 
 had appointed this monarch to chastise the pride i 
 of Tyre, as will be seen hereafter, did not once j 
 permit those thoughts to enter his mind ; but j 
 determined him to lay siege to the "place, in | 
 spite of all the difficulties which opposed so \ 
 hazardous a design, and the many reasons which j 
 should have prompted him to pursue quite dif- 
 ferent measures. 
 
 It was impossible to come near this city in 
 order to storm it, without making a causeway 
 which would reach from the continent to the 
 island ; and an attempt of this kind would be 
 attended with difficulties that were seemingly 
 insurmountable. The little arm of the sea, | I 
 which separated the island from the continent, 
 was exposed to the west wind, which often 
 raised such dreadful storms there, that the waves 
 would in an instant sweep away all his works. 
 Besides, as the city was surrounded on all sides ; 
 by the sea, there was no fixing scaling-ladders, 
 nor erecting batteries, but at a distance in the \ 
 ships; and the wall which projected into the [ 
 sea towards the lower part, prevented people | 
 from landing ; not to mention that the military I 
 engines, which might have been put on board 
 the galleys, could not do much execution, the 
 waves were so very tumultuous. 
 
 But nothing was capable of checking or van- 
 quishing the resolution of Alexander, who was 
 determined to carry the city at any rate. How- 
 ever, as the few vessels he possessed lay at a 
 great distance from him, and the siege of so 
 I strong a place might possibly last a long time. 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 105 
 
 nd so retard his other enterprises, he thought 
 proper first to attempt an accommodation. Ac- 
 cordingly, he sent heralds, who proposed a 
 peace het ween Alexander and their city ; but these 
 the Tyrians killed, contrary to the law of nations, 
 and threw them from the top of the walls into the 
 sea. Alexander, exasperated at so cruel an out- 
 rage, formed a resolution at once, and employed 
 his whole attention in raising a dike. He found 
 in the ruins of old Tyre, which stood on the conti- 
 nent, and was called False- Tyrus, materials to 
 make piers, and he took all the stones and rubbish 
 from it. Mount Libanus, which was not far 
 distant from it, so famous in scripture for its 
 cedars, furnished him with wood for piles and 
 other timber work. 
 
 The soldiers began the pier with great alacrity, 
 being animated by the presence of their sover- 
 eign, who himself gave out all the orders ; and 
 who knowing perfectly how to insinuate him- 
 self into the good will,* and to gain the affections 
 of his troops, excited some by praises, and others 
 by slight reprimands, intermixed with kind ex- 
 pressions, and softened by promises. At first 
 they advanced with pretty great speed, the piles 
 being easily driven into the slime, which served 
 as mortar for the stones ; and as the place where 
 these works were carrying on was at some dis- 
 tance from the city, they went on without in- 
 terruption. But the farther they went from the 
 shore, the greater difficulties they met with : 
 because the sea was deeper, and the workmen 
 were very much annoyed by the dai'ts discharged 
 from the top of the walls. The enemy, who 
 were masters of the sea, coming forward in 
 boats, and raking the dike on each side, pre- 
 vented the Macedonians from carrying it on 
 with vigour. Then adding insults to their at- 
 tacks, they cried aloud to Alexander's soldiers, 
 *' That it was a noble sight to see those con- 
 querors, whose names were so renowned all the 
 world over, can-ying burdens on their backs like 
 80 many beasts." And they would afterwai-ds 
 ask them in a contemptuous tone of voice, 
 " Whether Alexander were greater than Nep- 
 I tune ; and whether he pretended to prevail over 
 I that god?" 
 
 But these taunts did but inflame the courage 
 i of the soldiers. At last the causeway appeared 
 1 above water, began to show a level of consider- 
 ! able breadth, and to approach the city. Then 
 j the besieged perceiving with terror the vastness 
 of the work, which the sea had till then kept 
 I from their sight, came in barks in order to view 
 j the bank, which was not yet firm. These barks 
 were full of slingers, bowmen, and others, who 
 I hurled javelins, and even fire ; and being spread 
 to the right and left about the bank, they shot 
 on all sides upon the workmen, several of whom 
 were wounded ; it not being possible for them 
 to ward off the blows, because of the great ease 
 and swiftness with which the boats moved 
 backwards and forwards; so that they were 
 obliged to leave the work to defend themselves. 
 It was therefore resolved, that skins and sails 
 should be spread to cover the workmen; and 
 that two wooden towers should be raised at the 
 head of the bank, to prevent the approaches of 
 the enemy. 
 
 j On the other side, the Tyrians made a descent 
 on the shore, out of the view of the camp, where 
 
 4 Haudquaquam rudis tractandi militares animos. 
 Q. Curt. 
 
 they landed some soldiers, who cut to pieces 
 those that carried the stones; and on mount 
 Libanus there also were some Arabian peasants, 
 who jneeting the Macedonians straggling up 
 and down, killed near thirty of them, and took j 
 prisoners very near the same number. These 
 small losses obliged Alexander to separate his j 
 troops into different bodies. • j 
 
 The besieged, in the mean time, employed i 
 every invention, every stratagem that could bs { 
 devised, to ruin the enemy's works. They took | 
 a transport-vessel, and filling it with vine- | 
 branches and other dry materials, made a large 
 enclosure near the prow, wherein they threw 
 all these things, with sulphur and pitch, and 
 other combustible matters. In the middle of 
 this enclosure they set up two masts, to each of 
 which they fixed two sail-yards, on which were 
 hung kettles full of oil, and such like unctuous 
 substances. They afterwards loaded the hinder 
 part of the vessel with stones and sand, in order 
 to raise the prow; and taking advantage of a 
 favourable wind, they towed it to sea ty the I 
 assistance of their galleys. As soon as they 
 were come near the towers, they set fire to the 
 vessel, and drew it towards the extremity of the 
 causeway. In the mean time, the sailors, who 
 were in it, leaped into the sea and swam away. 
 Immediately the fire catched, with great vio- 
 lence, the towers, and the rest of the works 
 which were at the head of the causeway ; and 
 the sail-yards being driven backward and for- 
 ward, threw oil upon the fire, and increased the | 
 flame. And, to prevent the Macedonians from 
 extinguishing it, the Tyrians, who were in their ! 
 galleys, were perpetually hurling at the towers j 
 fiery darts and burning torches, insomuch that \ 
 there was no approaching them. Several Mace- j 
 donians lost their lives in a miserable manner | 
 on the causeway; being either shot through | 
 with arrows, or burned to death ; whilst others, 
 thi'owing down their arms, leaped into the sea. 
 But as they were swimming away, the Tyrians, 
 choosing to take them alive rather than kill 
 them, maimed their hands with clubs and 
 stones ; and after disabling them, carried them 
 off. At the same time, the besieged, coming out 
 of the city in little boats, beat down the edges of 
 the causeway, tore up its stakes, and burned the | 
 rest of the engines. j 
 
 Alexander, though he saw most of his designs 
 defeated, and his works demolished, was not at | 
 all dejected with his loss and disappointment, i 
 His soldiers endeavoured, with redoubled vigour, j 
 to repair the ruins of the causeway ; and made | 
 and planted new machines with such incredible j 
 celerity, as quite astonished the enemy. Alex- 
 ander himself was present on all occasions, and 
 superintended every part of the works. His 
 presence and great abilities caused them to ad- 
 vance still more than the multitude of hands 
 employed in them. The whole was near finish- 
 ed, and brought almost to the wall of the city, 
 when there arose on a sudden an impetuous 
 wind, which drove the waves with so much 
 fury against the bank, that the cement and 
 other things that bound it gave way, and the 
 water rushing through the stones, broke it in 
 the middle. As soon as the great heap of • 
 stones which supported the earth was thrown | 
 down, the whole sunk at once, as into au i 
 abyss. 
 
 Any other than Alexander would that in- 
 stant have quite laid aside his enterprise ; and 
 indeed he himself debated whether he should 
 not raise the siege. But a superior power, who f 
 
lOG 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 had foretold and sworn the ruin of Tyre, and 
 whose orders, without being conscious of it, 
 this prince only executed, prompted him to 
 continue the sies^e, and dispelling all his fear and 
 anxiety, inspire^d him with courage and con- 
 fidence, and fired the breasts of his whole army 
 with the same sentiments. For now the sol- 
 diefs, as if but that moment arrived before the 
 city, forgetting all the toils they had undergone, 
 began to raise a new mole, at which they worked 
 incessantly. 
 
 ^ Alexander was sensible that it would not be 
 possible for him either to complete the cause- 
 way, or take the city, as long as the Tyrians 
 should continue masters at sea. He therefore 
 resolved to assemble before Sidon his feAV re- 
 maining galleys. At the same time, the kings 
 of Aradus and Byblos,^ hearing that Alexander 
 had conquered their cities, abandoned the Per- 
 sian fleet, and joined him with their vessels, 
 and those of the Sidonians, which made in all 
 eighty sail. There arrived also, much about the 
 same time, ten galleys from Rhodes, three from 
 Soli and Mallos, ten from Lycia, and one from , 
 Macedonia of fifty oars. A little after, the 
 kings of Cvprus, hearing that the Persian army 
 had been defeated near the city of Issus, and 
 that Alexander had possessed himself of Phoe- 
 nicia, brought him a reinforcement of upwards 
 of 120 galleys. 
 
 The king, whilst his soldiers were ijrepanng 
 i the ships and engines, took some ti'oops of horse, 
 I with his own regiment of guards, and marched 
 i towards a mountain of Arabia, called Antihba- 
 i nus.=* The tender regard he had for his old 
 i tutor, who was absolutely resolved to follo^y his 
 ; pupil, exposed Alexander to very great danger, 
 i This v/as Lysimachus, who gave the name of 
 ' Achilles to his scholar, and called himself 
 Phoenix.^ When the king was got to the foot 
 : of the mountain, he leaped from his horse, and 
 began to walk. His troops got a considerable 
 way before him. It was already late, and Alex- 
 ander not being willing to leave his preceptor, 
 who was very corpulent, and scarce able to 
 ! walk, was by that means separated from his 
 little army, accompanied only by a very few 
 soldiers ; and in this manner spent the whole 
 night very near the enemy, Avho were so nume- 
 ( rous, that they might easily have overpowered 
 1 him. However, his usual good fortune and 
 ; courage extricated him from this danger ; so 
 i that, coming up afterwards with his forces, he 
 i advanced forward into the country, took all the 
 strono- places, either by force or capitulation, 
 and returned the eleventh day to Sidon, where 
 
 1 Cities of Phoenicia. 
 
 2 Antihbanus is not a mountain of Arabia, though now 
 inhabited by many Arab tribes, but the ridge that ^^V^rftes 
 Palestine from Syria. Opposite Tyre, the river E^uthe- 
 rus, the modern Teitane, discharges i^elf mto the sea 
 This stream, which rises a little to the north of Balbec, or 
 the ancient Heliopolis, divides the two chajns of Libanus 
 and Antilibanus, during its whole course of , 0 geographical 
 miles from north-east to south-west ; the former being tlie 
 chain that runs along the whole coast of Ph^e^if f ' 
 south to north ; and the latter running a parallel course 
 with the former, terminating near the shore, a little to the 
 south of Tyre. The space between these parallel ranges, 
 forms the valley of Svria, called by the Greek wri ers 
 Coelo-Syria, or the h611ow Syria. To the north-east of 
 Balbec and the source of the Eleatherus, rises the Orontcs, } 
 tl.e greatest river of Syria, which watered the once famed , 
 city of Antioch. It was the range on the opposite side ot . 
 Elcutherus which Alexander visited.— trf. | 
 
 3 It is well known that Phcenix w as governor to j 
 Achilles. 
 
 he found Alexander, son of Ptolemocrates, v ho 
 I had brought him a reinforcement of 4(X)U Greeks 
 I from Peloponnesus. 
 
 The fleet being ready, Alexander took some 
 I soldiers from among his guards, and these he 
 ! embarked with him, in order to employ them in 
 i close fight with the enemy ; and then set sail 
 I towards Tyre in order of battle. He himself 
 I was on the'extremity of the right wing, which 
 extended itself towards the main ocean, being 
 accompanied by the kings of Cyprus and Ph(B- 
 nicia; the left was commanded by Craterus. 
 The TjTians were at first determined to give 
 battle; but after they heard of the uniting of 
 these forces, and saw the army advance, which 
 made a grand appearance (for Alexander^ had 
 halted to wait the coming up of his left winp;), 
 they kept all their galleys in the harbours to 
 prevent the enemy from entering them. \\ hen 
 the king saw this,' he advanced nearer the city ; 
 and finding it would be impossible for him to ^ 
 force the port which lay towards Sidon, because j 
 of the extreme narrowness of the enti'ance, and 
 its being defended by a large number of galleys, 
 1 all whose prows were turned towards the maiit 
 I ocean, he only sunk three of them which lay 
 I without, and afterwards came to an anchor with 
 : his whole fleet, pretty near the mole, along the 
 I shore, where his ships rode in safety. 
 
 Whilst all these things were doing, the new 
 ' mole was carried on with gi'eat vigour, ihe 
 workmen threw into tbe sea whole trees with 
 all their branches on them ; and laid great 
 stones over these, on which they put other trees, 
 and the latter they covered witb a kind ot 
 unctuous eai-th, which served instead of mortar. 
 Afterwards heaping more trees and stones on 
 these, the whole thus joined together formed 
 one entire body. This causeway was made 
 wider than the former, in order that the towers 
 that were built in the middle might be out 
 of the reach of such arrows as should be shot 
 irom those ships which might attempt to break 
 down the edges of the bank. The besieged, on 
 the other side, exerted themselves with extraor- 
 dinary bravery, and did all that lay in their 
 power to stop' the progi-ess of the work. iSut 
 , nothing was of so much service to them as their 
 divers, who swimming under water, came un- 
 ! perceived quite up to the bank, and with hooks 
 ' drew such branches to them as projected be- 
 yond the work ; and pulling forward with great 
 strength forced away every thing that was over 
 them? This was one expedient by which the 
 work was retarded ; however, after many de- 
 lavs the patience of the workmen surmounting 
 ev'ery obstacle, it was at last finished in its utmost 
 perfection. The Macedonians placed military en- 
 gines of all kinds on the causeway, in order to 
 shake the walls with battering-rams, and hurl on 
 the besieged arrows, stones, and burning torches. 
 
 ^t the same time, Alexander ordered th3 
 Cyprian fleet, commanded by Andromachus, to 
 ta'ke its station before the harbour which lay 
 towards Sidon ; and that of Phanicia before the 
 harbour on the other side of the causeway tacing 
 Eo^ypt ; towards that part where his own tent 
 was pitched ; and made preparations for attack- 
 ing the city on every side. The Tyrians, in their 
 ttirn, prepared for a vigorous defence. On that 
 side which lay towards the causeway, they had 
 erected tower's on the wall, which was of a pro- 
 digious height, and of a proportional breadth, 
 the whole built with great stones cemented to- 
 gether with mortar. The access to any other 
 part was very near as difficult, the enemy hav- 
 
 L 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 icg fenced the foot of the wall with great stones, 
 to keep the enemy from approaching it. The 
 business then was, fii-st to drawj;hese away, 
 which could not be done but with* the utmost 
 difficulty, because the soldiers could not keep 
 very firm on their legs in the ships. Besides, 
 the Tyrians advanced with covered galleys, and 
 cut the cables which held the ships at anchor : 
 so that Alexander was obliged to cover, in like 
 manner, several vessels of thirty rowers each, 
 and to station these across, to secure the anchors 
 from the attacks of the Tyrian galleys. But still 
 the divers came and cut them unperceived, so 
 that they were at last forced to fix them with 
 iron chains. After this, they drevi^ these stones 
 with cable-ropes, and carrying them off with 
 engines, they were thrown to the bottom of the 
 sea, where it was not possible for them to do 
 any farther mischief. The foot of the wall be- 
 ing thus cleared, the vessels had very easy access 
 to it. In this manner the Tyrians were invest- 
 ed on all sides, and attacked at the same time 
 both by sea and land. 
 
 The Macedonians had joined (two and two) 
 galleys of four banks of oars in such a manner, 
 that the prows were fastened, and the sterns so 
 far distant one from the other, as was necessary 
 for the pieces of timber between them to be of a 
 proper length. After this they threw from one 
 stern to the other sail-yards, which were fasten- 
 ed together by planks laid across, in oi'der for the 
 soldiers to stand fast on that space. The galleys 
 being thus equipped, they rowed towards the 
 city, and shot (under covert) against those who 
 defended the walls, the prows serving them as so 
 many parapets. The king caused them to ad- 
 vance about midnight, in order to surround the 
 walls, and make a general assault. The Tyrians 
 now gave themselves up for lost, when on a sudden 
 the sky was overspread with such thick clouds, 
 as quite took away the faint glimmerings of light 
 I which before darted through the gloom. The 
 sea rises by insensible degrees ; and the billows 
 being swelled by the fury of the winds, raise a 
 dreadful storm. The vessels dash one against 
 the other with so much violence, that the cables, 
 j which before fastened them together, are either 
 I loosened or break to pieces ; the planks split, and, 
 ( making a horrible crash, carry off the soldiers 
 j with them ; for the tempest was so furious, that 
 j it was not possible to manage or steer galleys 
 I thus fastened together. The soldier was a hin- 
 derance to the sailor, and the sailor to the sol- 
 j dier ; and, as happens on such occasions, those 
 j took the command whose business it was to 
 obey ; fear and anxiety throwing all things into 
 confusion. But now the rowers exerted them- 
 selves with so much vigour, that they got the 
 better of the sea, and seemed to rescue by main 
 force their ships from the waves. At last they 
 brought them near the shore, but the greatest 
 part in a shattered condition. 
 
 At the same time there arrived at Tyi*e thirty 
 ambassadors from Carthage, who did not bring 
 the least succours, though they had promised 
 such mighty things. Instead of this, they only 
 made excuses, declsiring that it was with the 
 greatest gTief the Carthaginians found themselves 
 absolutely unable to assist the Tyrians in any 
 manner ; for that they themselves were engaged 
 in a war, not as before for empire,* but to save 
 their country. And indeed the Syracusans were 
 
 laying waste all Africa at that time with a pow- 
 erful army, and had pitched their camp not far 
 from the walls of Carthage. The Tyrians, though 
 the great hopes they had conceived were thus 
 frustrated, were no ways dejected. They only 
 took the wise precaution of sending most of their 
 women and children to Carthage, in order that 
 they themselves might be in a condition to de- 
 fend themselves to the last extremity, and bear 
 more courageously the greatest calamities which j 
 might befall them, when they had once lodged, i 
 in a secure asylum, what they most valued in ' 
 the world. j 
 
 There was in the city a bi'azen statue of 
 Apollo, of an enormous size. This colossus had | 
 formerly stood in the city of Gela in Sicily. | 
 The Carthaginians having taken it about the ' 
 year 412 before Christ,^ had given it, by way of j 
 present, to the city of Tyre, which they always ! 
 considered as the mother of Carthage. The I 
 Tyrians had set it up in their city, and worship i 
 was paid to it. During the siege, in consequence I 
 of a dream which one of the citizens had, the 1 
 Tyrians imagined that Apollo was determined 
 to leave them, and go over to Alexander. Im- 
 mediately they fastened with a gold chain his 
 statue to Hercules's altar, to prevent the deity 
 from leaving them. For these people were silly 
 enough to believe, that after his statue was thus 
 fastened down, it would not be possible for him 
 to make his escape ; and that he would be pre- 
 vented from doing so by Hercules, the tutelai 
 god of the citj% What a strange idea the hea- 
 thens had of their divinities ! 
 
 Some of the Tyrians proposed the restoring- 
 of a sacrifice Avhich had been discontinued for 
 many ages ; and this was, to sacrifice a child 
 born of free parents to Saturn. The Cartha- 
 ginians, who had borrowed this sacrilegious 
 custom from their founders, preserved it till the ! 
 destruction of their city ; and had not the old '[ 
 men, who were invested with the greatest j 
 authority in Tyre, opposed the design, this ! 
 cruel superstitious custom Avould have prevailed 
 over every sentiment of humanity. 
 
 I'he Tyrians finding their city exposed every 
 moment to be taken by storm, resolved to fail 
 upon the Cyprian fleet which lay at anchor on 
 the side towards Sidon. They took the oppoi*- | 
 tunity to do this at a time when the seamen of i 
 Alexander's fleet were dispersed up and down : 
 and when he himself was withdrawn to his \ 
 tent, pitched on the sea-shore. Accordingly \ 
 they came out, about noon, with thirteen gal- | 
 leys, all manned with choice soldiers who were ' 
 used to sea-fights ; and rowing with all their ' 
 might, came thundering on the enemy's vessels. 
 Part of them they found empty, and the rest 
 had been manned in great haste. Some of these 
 they sunk, and drove several of them against 
 the shores, where they were dashed to pieces. 
 The loss would have been still greater, had not 
 Alexander, the instant he heard of this sally, 
 advanced at the head of his whole fleet with all 
 imaginable despatch against the Tyrians. How- 
 ever, these did not wait his coming up, but 
 withdrew into the harbour, after having also 
 lost some of their ships. | 
 
 And now the engines playing, the city was i 
 warmly attacked on all sides, and as vigorously ! 
 defended. The besieged, taught and animated 
 by the imminent danger, and the extreme ne- 
 
 4 See vol, i. in the history of LVrthage. 
 
 5 Diod. 1. xiii. p. 226. 
 
 ! 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 108 
 
 cessity to which they were reduced, invented 
 dailv new arts to defend themselves, and repulse 
 the enemy. They warded off , aU the darts dis- 
 charged from the balistas against them by the 
 assistance of turning-wheels, which either broke 
 them to pieces, or carried them another waj- 
 Thev deadened the violence ot the stones that 
 were hurled at them, by setting up a kind ot 
 sails and curtains made of a soft substance, 
 which easily gave way. To annoy the ships 
 which advanced against their walls, they fixed 
 cranes, grappling-irons, and scythes, to joists or 
 beams ; then straining their catapultas<an enor- 
 i mous kind of cross-bows), they laid those great 
 ' pieces of timber upon them instead ot arrows, 
 ; and shot them off on a sudden at the enemy. 
 I These crushed some to pieces by their great 
 wei-ht; and the hooks or pensile scythes, with 
 I which they were armed, tore others to pieces, 
 i and did considerable damage to their ships. 
 I They also had brazen ^^^elds, which they drew 
 1 red-hot out of the fire ; and, filling these with 
 i burning sand, hurled them in an instant Irom 
 i the top of the wall upon the enemy. There 
 was nothing the Macedonians so much dreaded 
 as this last invention ; for the moment this 
 burning sand got to the flesh through the crevi- 
 ces in the armour, it pierced to the very bone 
 and stuck so close, that there was no puUing it 
 off . so that the soldiers throwing down their 
 arms, and tearing their clothes to pieces, were 
 in this manner exposed, naked, and defenceless, 
 to the shot of the enemy. , , 
 
 It was then that Alexander, discouraged at 
 so vigorous a defence, debated seriously, whether 
 it w^uld not be proper for him to raise the siege, 
 and <-o into Egypt : for after having overrun 
 Asia^wlth pro-diSious rapidity, he found his 
 progress unhappily retarded ; and lost, before a 
 einlle citv, the opportunity of executing a great 
 many projects of infinitely greater importance 
 On the other side, he considered that it vvould 
 be a great blemish to his reputation, which had 
 1 done him gi-eater service than his arms, should 
 ' he leave Tyre behind him, as a proof to the 
 world that he was not invincible. He there- 
 fore resolved to make a last effort with a greater 
 number of ships, which he manned with the 
 flower of his army. Accordingly, a second 
 naval engagement was fought, in which the 
 Tvrians, after fighting with intrepidity, weie 
 obliged to draw off their whole fleet towards the 
 city The king pursued their rear very close, 
 but was not able to enter the harbour, being 
 repulsed by arrows shot from the walls : how- 
 ever, he either took or sunk a great number of 
 
 '^'llexander, after letting his forces repose 
 themselves two days, brought forward his fleet 
 and his engines, in order to attempt a general 
 assault. BSth the attack and defence were now 
 ^ore vigorous than ever. The courage of the 
 combatants increased with the danger ; and each 
 side, animated by the most powerful motives, 
 fought like lions. Wherever the battering-rams 
 had beat down any part of the ]vall, and the 
 I bridges were thrown out, instantly the Aig}- 
 I raspides mounted the breach with the utmost 
 I valour, being headed by Admetus, one of the 
 i bravest officers in the army, who was killed by 
 ' the thrust of a partisan,^ as he was encouraging 
 his soldiers. The presence of the king, and 
 
 ] A Uiiido: ha,be t. 
 
 especiallv the example he set, fired his troops 
 with unusual bravery. He himself ascended 
 one of the towers, which was of a prodigious 
 height, and there was exposed to the greatest 
 danger his courage had ever made him hazard : 
 for, being immediately known by his insignia 
 and the richness of his armour, he served as a 
 mark for all the arrows of the enemy. On this 
 occasion he performed wonders; killing, with 
 iavelins, several of those who defended the wall ; 
 then advancing nearer to them, he forced some 
 with his sword, and others with his shield, 
 either into the city or the sea ; the tower where 
 he fought almost touching the wall. He soon 
 went over it, by the assistance of floating bridges, 
 and followed by the nobility, possessed himself 
 of two towers, and the space between them. 
 The battering-rams had already made several 
 breaches ; the fleet had forced the harbour ; and 
 some of the Macedonians had possessed thena- 
 selves of the towers which were abandoned. 
 The Tyrians, seeing the enemy master of their 
 rampart, retired towards an open place, called 
 the square of Agenor, and there stood their j 
 ground ; but Alexander marching up with ha 
 regiment of body-guards, killed part of them, 
 and obliged the rest to fly. At the same time, 
 the city being taken on that side which lay to, 
 wards the harbour, the Macedonians ran up 
 and down in every quarter, sparing no person 
 who came in their way, being highly exasper- 
 ated at the long resistance of the besieged, and 
 the barbarities they had exercised towards sonae 
 of their comrades, who had been taken in then- 
 return from Sidon, and thrown from the battle- 
 ments, after their throats had been cut in the 
 sight of the whole army. 
 
 The Tyrians seeing themselves overpowered 
 on aU sides, some fly to the temples, to implore 
 the assistance of the gods ; others, shutting them- 
 selves in their houses, escape the sword ot the 
 conqueror by a voluntary death ; others rush 
 upon the enemy, firmly resolved to sell their 
 lives at the dearest rate. Most of the citizens 
 were got on the house-tops, whence they threw 
 stones, and whatever came first to hand, upon 
 such as advanced forward into the city, ihe 
 king gave orders to kill all the inhabitants (those 
 excepted who had sheltered themselves in the 
 temples), and to set fire to every part of lyre 
 Although this order was published by sound ot 
 trumpet, yet not one person who earned arms 
 fled to the asylums. The temples were filled 
 with such young women and children only as 
 had remained in the city. The old men waited 
 at the doors of their houses, in expectation every 
 instant of being sacrificed to the rage of the 
 soldiers. It is true, indeed, that the Sidoman 
 soldiers, who were in Alexander's camp, saved 
 great numbers of them. For, having entered 
 the city indiscriminately with the conquerors, 
 and calling to mind their ancient aftnity with 
 the Tvrians (Agenor having founded both lyre 
 and Sidon), they carried off great numbers pri- 
 vately on board their ships, and conveyed them 
 to Sidon. By this kind deceit 16,000 were 
 saved from the rage of the conqueror ; and we 
 may iudge of the greatness of the slaughter, 
 from "the number of the soldiers who were cut 
 to pieces on the rampart of the city only, who 
 amounted to 6000. However, the king s anger 
 not being fully appeased, he exhibited a scene, 
 which appeared dreadful even to the co"queroi s ; 
 for, 2000 men remaining after the soldiers had 
 been glutted with slaughter, A^^f ^'^"t!^ 
 them to be fixed upon crosses along the sea 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER." 109 
 
 shore.* He pardoned the ambassadors of Car- 
 thage, who were come to their metropolis to 
 offer up a saci-ifice to Hercules according to an- 
 nual custom. The number of prisoners, both 
 ! foreigners and citizens, amounted to 30,000, 
 i who were all sold. As for the Macedonians, 
 I their loss was very inconsiderable. 
 I Alexander offered a sacri- 
 
 ! A. M. 3672. fice to Hercules, and con- 
 j Ant. J. C. 332. ducted the ceremony with 
 all his land forces under 
 arms, in concert with the fleet. He also so- 
 lemnized gymnastic exercises in honour of the 
 same god, in the temple dedicated to him. With 
 regard to the statue of Apollo, above-mentioned, 
 he took off the chains from it, restored it to its 
 former liberty, and commanded that this god 
 
 i 
 
 ' 2 It is surprising that our author makes no remarks on 
 the inhuman conduct of Alexander to the poor Tyrians, 
 
 i now at his mercy. That the Tyrians were very wicked is 
 undoubtedly true, and that the predictions of Isaiah and 
 
 ; Ezel<iel, respecting their future fall and utter ruin, received 
 their full accomplishment, is equally so ; but their wicked- 
 ness was no excuse for the cruelty of the conqueror. So 
 far as respects their conduct to Alexander, it was perfectly 
 justifiable. They were the subjects of the Persian mo- 
 
 j narchs, and had under them risen to greater power and 
 opulence than before the time of Nebuchadnezzar. Their 
 
 I attachment to the Persian cause, by which they had bene. 
 
 I fited so much, and the long, and brave defence which they 
 
 I made against a conqueror, to whom whole nations had 
 
 I suDmittcd, without making the shadow of resistance, cer- 
 
 ; tainly entitle them to the respect and admiration of pos- 
 
 I terity. 
 
 I The conduct of Alexander, on this occasion, was atro- 
 j ciously cruel. Had the 2000 men, whose bodies were fixed 
 j on crosses alouK the sea-sliore, been guilty of revolt, re- 
 bellion, or treachery, it might have been urged as a plea 
 for the inhumanity of the conqueror. But these brave men 
 were guilty of neither. Their only crime, if crime it can 
 be called, was that of fighting in self-defence— in defence 
 I of their wives, their children, their city — and, in fine, of 
 every thing that is dear to humanity. To excuse his 
 cruelty on this occasion, Alexander pretended that he did 
 j it in revenge of the present ancestors of the Tyrians hav. 
 I ing murdered their masters, and that, being originally 
 I slaves, crucifixion was the punishment due to them. This 
 I story of the Tyrian slaves murdering their masters, and 
 I seizing the sovereignty, is to be found in Justin, and took 
 place about 150 years prior to this calamitous event, and 
 I IS, in all probability, a mere fiction. But, granting it to 
 i be true, no one will say that this was a valid plea f-r Alex. 
 I ander's inhumanity, or that the sins of the fathers are to 
 be visited on their unoffending and distant progeny. That 
 the Deity does so, is true ; but it is only when the children 
 i imitate, and approve, the nefarious deeds of their fathers ; 
 as he says, expressly, by the prophet Ezekiel, " that the 
 miquity of the father shall not be borne by the son." We 
 I may be pretty confident, that the true reason of Alexan- 
 I der's cruelty was, not the one assigned by him.velf, but the 
 
 i long and vigorous resistance made to his arras a resi.<t. 
 
 \ ance which, had it been imitated by the other cities of the 
 I east, might have prevented the ruin of the Persian empire, 
 j and deprived Alexander of the glory of a hero. 
 I KoUin's reflections are very just, but it must be remem. 
 j bered, that in the execution of predicted judgments, the 
 designs of the agent and the instrument are quite different, 
 j and that these judgments are brought about bv sinful agency. 
 
 Our author is so full of admiration at the accomplishment 
 i of scnpture prophecy, that he utterly overlooks the selfish 
 designs and malignant passions of the human agent, em. 
 ployed by Providence, in the accomplishment of its great 
 designs. Hehas not a tear to shed for the fate of unhappy 
 Tyre. He bestows no praise on the gallant conduct of its 
 brave defenders, nor any mark of just reprobation on the 
 ferocious cruelty of its inhuman conqueror. The vices 
 the passions, the vindictive cruelty of conquerors, are lost 
 in the blaze of their triumphs. Mankind have all along 
 been too much in love with that sanguinary race The 
 victorious are always right, and the conquered always 
 wrong. Heaven always declares itself on the side of the 
 victor. Hence, with the generality of readers, the van- 
 quished meet with little pity. So much is the page of his. 
 lory stained with the recital of bloody actions, that we 
 become familiarized to the oft repeated sanguinary tale, 
 and read it, consequently, with perfect apathy. — Ed. 
 
 should thenceforward be adored under the name 
 of PhUalexander, that is, the friend of Alexander. 
 If we may believe Timseus, the Greeks began to | 
 pay him this solemn worship, for having occa- \ 
 sioned the taking of Tyre, which happened tbe j 
 day and hour that the Carthaginians had cai'ried i 
 off this statue from Gela. The city of Tyre 
 was taken about the end of September, after 
 having sustained a seven months' siege. 
 
 Thus were fully accomplished the menaces 
 which God had pronounced by the mouth of his 
 prophets against the city of Tyre. Nabucho- 
 donosor had begun to execute those threats,^ by 
 besieging and taking it ; and they were com- 
 pleted by the sad catastrophe we have here de- 
 scribed. As this double event forms one of the 
 most considerable passages in history, and as 
 the Scriptures have given us several very re- 
 markable circumstances of it, I shall endeavour 
 to unite here, in one view, all that they relate 
 concerning the city of Tyre, its power, riches, 
 haughtiness, and irreligion ; the different punish- 
 ments with which God chastised its pride and 
 other vices : and at length its last re-establish- 
 ment, but in a manner entirely different from the 
 former. Methinks I revive on a sudden, when, 
 through the multitude of profane histories which 
 heathen antiquity furnishes, and in every part 
 whereof there reigns an entire oblivion, not to 
 say more, of the Almighty, the sacred Scrip- 
 tures exhibit themselves, and unfold to me the 
 secret designs of God over kingdoms and em- 
 pires ; and teach me what idea we are to form 
 of those things which appear the most worthy 
 of esteem, the most august in the eyes of men. 
 
 But before 1 relate the prophecies concerning 
 Tyre, I shall here present the reader with a 
 little abstract of the history of that famous city, 
 by which he will be the better enabled to under- 
 stand the prophecies. 
 
 Tyre* was built by the 
 A. M. 2752. Sidonians,5 240 years before 1 
 Ant. J. C. 1252. the building of the temple of 
 Jerusalem ; for this reason it 
 
 3 Or Nebuchadnezzar, as he is called in our version. 
 4 Joseph. Antiq. 1. viii. c. 3. 
 
 5 There were four different places in Phoenicia which 
 bore the name of Tyre, as we are informed by Scylax ; but 
 the Tyre so famous in ancient story, stood 200 furlongs 
 south of Sidon, and was denominated the daughter of 
 Sidon. Tyre must be distinguished into three cities, in 
 order of time; namely, continental, or old Tyre; insular 
 Tyre; and peninsular Tyre. The origin of the name 
 lyre, is from the I'hcenician word Tor, signifying a rock, 
 according to Bochart. Canaan, lib. xi. cap. 17. p. 861. 
 And the island on which the second Tyre was built, is en- 
 circled with rocks. The Syrians pronounced this Tor, 
 lur, Tyre; hence the Greeks, adding their termination, 
 formed Tv^o;, and hence the Latin, Tyrus. The penin- 
 sular Tyre was built after the island was joined with the 
 main land. The isle itself on which the city taken by 
 Alexander was built, is of an irregular form, and not ex- 
 ceeding half a mile where broadest ; so that its whole cir- 
 cumference could not exceed a mile and a half. This 
 famous city, therefore, could not be called large ; but they 
 built their houses very high, on this account, with more 
 stories than those of ancient Rome. Nothing but want of 
 room could have induced them to this, as earthquakes are 
 frequent in Syria and Palestine. According to Maundrell, 
 the island did not contain above forty acres of ground ; 
 but this is by far too small a space for ancient Tyre; and 
 therefore Brown's authority must be preferred to his. The 
 isthmus connecting the island with the continent, is about 
 three-quarters of a mile in length ; and Strabo must be 
 wrong in making the island thirty stadia from old Tyre, 
 or three miles distant ; and Pliny must be right, who 
 makes the island only 700 paces distant from tlie 
 main land. Whether old Tyre was joined in the days of 
 Phny with the city on the island by buildings across the 
 
110 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 A. M. 8985. 
 Aut. J. C. 719. 
 
 A. M. 3432. 
 Ant. J. C. 572. 
 
 is called by Isaiah, The daughter of Sidon. 
 soon sui-passed its mother-city in extent, power, 
 
 and riches. , . , , ci, i 
 
 It was besieged by ohal- 
 manezer,^ and alone resisted 
 the united fleets of the As- 
 syrians an Phoenicians ; a 
 circumstance which greatly heightened its 
 
 Nabuchodonosor laid siege 
 to Tyre,* at the time that 
 Ithobalus was king of that 
 city ; but did not take it till 
 thirteen years after. But before it was con- 
 quered, the inhabitants had retired, with most 
 of their effects, into a neighbouring island, where 
 they built a new city. The old one was rased 
 to the very foundation, and has since been no 
 more than a village, known by the name of 
 PalcB-Tyrus, or Ancient Tyre : but the new one 
 rose to greater power than ever. _ 
 It was in this great and flourishing condition, 
 i when Alexander besieged and took it. And 
 ; here begin the seventy years' obscurity and 
 ' oblivion, in which it was to lie, according to 
 ' Isaiah It was indeed soon repaired, because 
 the Sidonians, who entered the city with Alex^ 
 ! ander's armv, saved 15,000 of their citizens,) as 
 i was before 'observed), who, after their return, 
 i applied themselves to commerce, and repaired 
 the ruins of their country with incredible appli- 
 cation ; besides which, the women and children, 
 who had been sent to Carthage, and lodged m a 
 ' place of safety, returned to it at the same tmie. 
 But T\Te was confined to the island in which 
 it stood. Its trade extended no farther than 
 the neighbouring cities, and it had lost the em- 
 i nire of the sea. And wlien eighteen years after 
 : Antioonus besieged it with a strong fleet, we 
 ! do not find that Ue Tyrians had any maritime 
 forces to oppose him. This second siege, which 
 reduced it a second time to captivity, plunged it 
 attain into the state of oblivion from which it 
 endeavoured to extricate itself; and this oblivion 
 continued the exact time foretold by Isaiah. 
 
 i<;thimis, we cannot sav ; but it is clear from his statement, 
 that Tyre on the island, and old Tyre on the contment, 
 were considered as one city : for he says, that mcludmg 
 the city, or Palce-Tyrus, it was 19,000 paces in circum- 
 , ference ; but bv itself, i2 furlongs, or nigh three miles, 
 which is certainly by far too much, if Brown be correct, in 
 I making the island only the half of that in circumference, as 
 I thp wall* could go no farther than its margin. Perhaps 
 1 the isthmus might be included. It is plain, however 
 i that the continental Tyro, or the old city, was much 
 argcr than the new city. When joined to the main land 
 t had two havens; the one towards Egypt; the other 
 owards S.don. Sharif-al-Edrisi says, that one of these 
 Dorts had an arch over it in tiie entrance, through which 
 thTshipp.ng passed ; and that it was fortified with a chain 
 dr!wn acrcfss' it. (Schulten's Geographical Index to the 
 nfe of Saladine, on the word Tyre.) 'Ine ports are still 
 nren^ large, and in part defended from the sea each by a 
 ong r dgl resembling a mole, stretching out c^irectly on 
 both s dfs from the head of the island. Its modern naine 
 fs Tur It afterwards stood a five months' siege, m A D. 
 1124, when the Crusaders reduced it by starvation to a 
 surrender. It was retaken from them in the year 1-:91, 
 by the Mamaluk Sultan of Egypt. After this, it fell to 
 decav, and l^ecame, as it were, buried m its own ruins ; an 
 exact completion of Ezekiel s prophecies respecting !t 
 The isle is now desert and rocky, de.-tituie even of shrubs 
 and grass. The wretched fishermen who frequent the 
 spot, and dry their nets on its now solitary- shore, are qui e 
 unconscious of the classic ground on which they tread ; ot 
 that spot, where were collected, as into one common 
 storehouse, the amber of Prussia, and the tin of Britain - 
 the linen of Egypt, and the spices of Arab 
 Caucasus, and^'he horses of Scythia.— 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. I. ix. c H. 4 Ibid. I 
 
 1 . 
 
 rt ' This term of years being expired, Tyre re- 
 ' covered its former credit; and, at the same time, 
 resumed its former vices ; till at last, converted 
 by the preaching of the Gospel, it became a holy 
 and religious city. The sacred writings ac- 
 quaint us with part of these revolutions, and 
 this is what we are now to show. 
 
 Tyre,^ before the captivity of the Jews in 
 Babylon, was considered as one of the most 
 ancient and flourishing cities in the world. Its 
 industry and very advantageous situation had 
 raised it to the sovereignty of the sea, and made 
 it the centre of the trade of the whole universe. 
 From the extreme parts of Arabia, Persia, and 
 India, to the most remote western coasts ; from 
 Scvthia, and the northern regions, to Egj-pt, 
 Ethiopia, and the southern countries ; all nations 
 contributed to the increase of its riches, splen- 
 dour, and power. Not only the several things 
 useful and necessary to society, which those 
 various regions produced; but whatever they 
 had that was rare, curious, magnificent, or pre- 
 cious, and best adapted to the support ot luxui7 
 and pride ; all these were brought to its markets. 
 And Tyre, on the other side, as from a common 
 source/ dispersed this varied abundance over all 
 kingdoms, and infected them with its coiTupt 
 manners, bv inspiring them with a love for 
 ease, vanity^ luxurv, and voluptuousness. 
 
 A lono-, uninterrupted series of prosperity had 
 swelled the pride of Tyre.« She delighted to 
 consider herself as the queen of cities ; a queen 
 v.-hose head is adorned with a diadem ; whose 
 correspondents are illustrious princes; whose 
 rich traders dispute for superiority with kings ; 
 who sees every maritime power, either her al- 
 lies or dependents ; and who has made herself 
 necessary or formidable to all nations. 
 
 Tyre had now filled up the measure of her 1 
 iniquity, by her impiety against God, and her 
 barbarity exercised against his people. She had 
 reioiced over the ruins of Jerusalem, exclaimang 
 in an insulting tone : " Behold then the gates of 
 this so populous city are broken down.' Her 
 inhabitants shall come to me, and I will enrich 
 mvself with her spoils, now she is laid waste. 
 She was not satisfied with having reduced the 
 Jews to a state of captivity,** notwithstanding 
 the alliance between them; with selling them 
 to the Gentiles, and delivering them up to then- 
 most cruel enemies : she likewise had seized 
 upon the inheritance of the Lord,^ and car- 
 ried away from his temple the most precious 
 things, to enrich therewith the temples of her 
 idols. , , , ^, 
 
 This profanation and cruelty drew down the 
 veno-eance of God upon Tyre.^" God is resolv- 
 ed to destroy her, because she relied so much 
 upon her own strength, her wisdom, her riches, 
 and her alliances. He therefore will bring 
 aoainst her Nabuchodonosor, that king ot kings, 
 to overwhelm her with his mighty hosts, as 
 with waters that overspread their banks, to de- 
 molish her ramparts, to ruin her proud palaces, 
 to deliver up her merchandise and treasures to 
 the soldiers, and to rase Tyre to the very founda- 
 
 ihe slaves of 
 
 5 Ezek. xxvi. and xxvii. throughout. Ezek. xxvu. 4- 
 
 6 Ezek. xxvi. 17. xxvii. 3, 4, 25—33. 
 7 Ezek. xxvi. 2. 
 8 Joel iii. 2—8. Amos i. 9, 10. 
 g Joel iii. 2. 5. Amos i. 9, 10. 
 10 Jcrem. xlvii. 2-7. Ezek. xxvi. S-12. 19-21. xxv, 
 7. 34 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 tions, after having set fire to it, and either extir- 
 pated or dispersed all its inhabitants. 
 
 By this so unexpected a fall," the Almighty- 
 will teach the astonished nations, that he more 
 evidently displays his providence by the most 
 incredible revolutions of states ; and that his 
 will alone directs the enterprises of men, and 
 guides them as he pleases, in order to humble 
 the proud. 
 
 But Tj^re, after she had recovered her losses 
 and repaired her ruins, forgot her former state 
 I of humiliation, and the guilt which had I'educed 
 her to it. 
 
 She still was puffed up with the glory of pos- 
 I sessing the empire of the sea ; of being the 
 ' seat of universal commerce ; of giving birth to 
 : the most famous colonies ; of having within her 
 i walls merchants, whose credit, riches, and 
 j splendour, rendered them equal to the princes 
 i and great men of the earth ; of being governed 
 I by a monarch,'' who might justly be entitled god 
 j of the sea ; of tracing back her origin to the most 
 remote antiquity ; of having acquired, by a long 
 series of ages, a kind of eternity ; and of having 
 a right to promise herself another such eternity 
 I in times to come. 
 
 j But since this city,'* corrupted by pride, by 
 I avarice and luxury, has not profited by the first 
 i lesson which God has given her by the hands of 
 j the king of Babylon ; and since, after being op- 
 j pressed by all the forces of the East, she has not 
 yet learned not to confide any longer in the false 
 j and imaginary support of her own greatness : 
 j God foretells her another chastisement,'^ which 
 j he will send upon her from the West, near 400 
 ; years after the first. Her destruction will come 
 from Chittim,'^ that is, Macedonia; from a 
 kingdom so weak and obscure, that it had been 
 despised a few years before; a kingdom whence 
 she could never have expected such a blow. 
 " Tyre, possessed with an opinion of her own 
 wisdom, and proud of her fleets, of her immense 
 riches, which she heaped up as mire in the 
 streets," and also protected by the whole power 
 of the Persian empire, does not imagine she has 
 any thing to fear from those new enemies, who, 
 being situated at a great distance from her, with- 
 out either money, strength, or reputation ; hav- 
 j ing neither harbours nor ships, and being quite 
 ! unskilled in navigation ; cannot therefore, as she 
 ; iniagines, annoy her with their land forces. 
 Tyre looks upon hei'self as impregnable,''' be- 
 cause she is defended by lofty fortifications, and 
 surrounded on all sides by the sea as with a moat 
 and a girdle : nevertheless Alexander, by filling 
 j up the arm of the sea which separates her from 
 the continent, will force off her girdle, and de- 
 molish those ramparts which served her as a se- 
 cond enclosure. 
 
 Tyre, thus dispossessed of her dignity as queen 
 and as a free city, boasting no more her diadem 
 nor her girdle, will be reduced, during seventy 
 years, to the mean condition of a slave. " The 
 Lord hath purposed it,'^ to stain the pride of all . 
 glory, and to bring into contempt all the hon- 
 ourable of the earth." Her fall will drag after 
 it the ruin of trade in general ; '" and she will 
 
 11 Ezek. xxvi. 15—18. xxvii. 33—36. Isa. xxiii 8, 9. 
 12 Isa. xxiii. 3, 4. 7, 8. 12. 
 13 Ezek. xxviii. 2. H Isa. xxiii. 17. 
 
 15 Isa. xxiii. 11, 12. 
 16 Maccab. i. 1. Zech. ix. 2—5. 
 17 Isa. xxiii. 10, 11. 13. 18 Ibid. ver. 9 
 
 19 Ibid. ver. 1. 11. 14. 
 
 prove to all maritime cities a subject of sorrow 
 and lamentation, by making them lose the pre- | 
 sent means and the future hopes of enriching | 
 themselves. | 
 
 To prove, in a sensible manner, to Tyre, 
 that the prophecy concerning her ruin is not in- ! ! 
 credible, and that all the strength and wisdom 
 of man can no ways ward off or suspend the 
 punishment which God has prepared for the 
 pride and the abuse of riches, Isaiah sets before 
 her the example of Babylon, whose destruction 
 ought to have been a lesson to her. This city,^' 
 in which Nimrod laid the foundations of his em- 
 pire, was the most ancient, the most populous, 
 and embellished with more edifices, both public 
 and private, than any other city. She was the 
 capital of the first empire that ever existed, and | 
 was founded in order to command over the I 
 whole earth, which seemed to be inhabited only 
 by families which she had brought forth an^ 
 sent out as so many colonies, whose common 
 parent she was. Nevertheless, says the prophet, 
 she is no more, neither Babylon nor her em- 
 pire. The citizens of Babylon had multiplied 
 their ramparts and citadels, to render even the 
 besieging it impracticable. The inhabitants had 
 raised pompous palaces, to make their names im- 
 mortal ; but all these fortifications were but as 
 so many dens, in the eyes of Providence, for 
 wild beasts to dwell in ; and these edifices were 
 doomed to fall to dust, or else to sink to humble 
 cottages. 
 
 After so signal an example, continues the pro- 
 phet, shall Tyre, which is so much inferior to 
 Babylon in many respects, dare to hope that the 
 menaces pronounced by Heaven against her, viz. 
 to deprive her of the empire of the sea, and des- 
 troy her fleets, will not be fulfilled ? 
 
 To make her the more strongly sensible how 
 much she has abused her prosperity,'*^ God will 
 reduce her to a state of humiliation and oblivion { 
 during threescore and ten years. But after this 
 season of obscurity, she will again endeavour to 
 appear with the air of a harlot, full of charms 
 and artifices, whose sole endeavours are to cor- 
 rupt youth, and soothe their passions. To pro- 
 mote her commerce, she will use fraud, deceit, 
 and the most insidious arts. She will visit every 
 part of the world, to collect the most rare and 
 most delicious products of every country ; to in- 
 spire the various nations of the universe with a 
 love and admiration for superfluities and splen- 
 dour, and fill them with an aversion for the sim- 
 plicity and frugality of their ancient manners. 
 And she will set every engine at work, to renew 
 her ancient treaties ; to I'ecover the confidence of 
 her former correspondents ; and to compensate, 
 by a speedy abundance, the sterility of seventy 
 years. 
 
 Thus,^* in proportion as the Almighty shall give 
 Tyre an opportunity of recovering her trade and 
 credit, she will return to her former shameful 
 traffic, which God had ruined, by stripping her 
 of the great possessions which she had applied to . 
 such pernicious uses. 
 
 20 Isa. xxjii. 13, 14. 
 21 Behold the land of the Chaldeans ; this people was 
 not till the Assyrians founded it for them that dwell in the 
 wilderness : they set up the towers thereof, they raised up 
 the palaces thereof ; and he brought it to ruin. Howl, 
 ye ships of Tarshish : for your strength is laid waste. Isa. 
 xxiii. 13, 14. 
 
 22 Isa. xxiii. 15. 
 23 Ibid. ver. 16. 24 Ibid. ver. ] 7. 
 
112 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 Bat at last,^ Tyre, converted by the Gospel, 
 shall no more be a scandal and a stumbling- 
 block to nation?. She shall no longer sacrihce 
 her labour to the idolatry of wealth, but to the 
 worship of the Lord, and the comfort of those 
 that serve him. She shall no longer render 
 her riches barren and useless by detamuig them, 
 but shall scatter them, like fruitful seed, from 
 the hands of believers and ministers ot the 
 
 ^ Ont^'of God's designs, in the prophecies just 
 now cited, is to give us a just idea of a traffic, 
 whose only motive is avarice, and whose.truits 
 are pleasures, vanity, and the corruption ot mo- 
 rals. Mankind look upon cities enriched by a 
 commerce like that of Tyre (and it is the same 
 with private persons), as happier than any other ; 
 as worthy of envy, and as fit (from their indus- 
 try, labour, and the success of their application 
 and conduct) to be proposed as patterns for the 
 rest to copy after : but God, on the contrary, 
 exhibits them to us under the shameful image ot 
 a woman, lost to all sense of virtue : whose only 
 view is to seduce and corrupt youth ; who only 
 soothes the passions and flatters the senses ; who 
 abhors modesty and every sentiment of honour ; 
 and who, banishing from her countenance every 
 \ indication of shame, glories in her ignominy, 
 i We are not to infer from hence, that traffic is 
 sinful in itself; but we should separate trom 
 the essential foundation of trade, which is just 
 ; and lawful when rightly used, the passions of 
 1 men which intermix with, and by that means 
 ' pervert the order and end of it. lyre, con- 
 verted to Christianity, teaches merchants in 
 what manner they are to carry on their traf- 
 fic, and the uses to which they ought to apply 
 their profits. 
 
 SECT. VII. 
 
 Darius writes a second letter to Alexander. Journey of 
 the latter to Jerusalem. The honour which he pays to 
 Jaddus the high.pnest. He is shown those prophecies 
 of Daniel which relate to himself. 'Ihe king grants 
 great privileges to the Jews, but refuses them to the 
 Samaritans. He besieges and takes Gaza, enters 
 Rvpt, and subdues that country. He there lays the 
 foundations of Alexandria, then goes into Libya, where 
 he visits the temple of Jupiter Ammon, and causes 
 himself to be declared the son of that god. His return 
 into Egypt. 
 
 Whilst Alexander was carrying on the siege 
 of Tyre,^ he had received a second letter from Da- 
 rius, who at last give him the title of king. " He 
 offered him 10,000 talents (about 1,500,000Z.) 
 as a ransom for the captive princesses, and his 
 daughter Statira in marriage, with all the coun- 
 try he had conquered as far as the Euphrates. 
 Darius hinted to him the inconstancy of tor- 
 tune : and described, in the most pompous 
 tarms, the numberless troops who were still 
 under his command. Could he (Alexander) 
 think that it was so very easy to cross the Eu- 
 phrates, the Tigris, the Araxes, and the Hydas- 
 pes, which were as so many bulwarks to the 
 Persian empire ? That he should not be always 
 shut up between rocks and defiles : that they 
 ought both to appear in an open plain, and that 
 then Alexander would be ashamed to come be- 
 
 fore him with only a handful ol men." Tile 
 king thereupon summoned a council, in which 
 Parmenio was of opinion, that he ought to ac- 
 cept of those offers,- declaring he himself would 
 agree to them, were he Alexander. " And so 
 would I," replied Alexander, "were 1 Par- | 
 menio." He therefore returned the following 
 answer : " That he did not want the money 1 
 Darius offered him : that it did not become Da- 
 rius to offer a thing he no longer possessed, or to 
 pretend to share what he had entirely lost: that 
 in case he was the only person who did not know 
 which of them was superior, a battle would soon 
 determine it : that he should not think to inti- 
 midate with rivers, a man who had crossed so 
 many seas : that to whatsoever place he might 
 find it proper to retire, Alexander would not tail 
 to find him out." Darius, upon receiving this an- 
 swer, lost all hopes of an accommodation, and 
 prepared again for war. 
 
 From Tyre,^ Alexander marched to Jerusa- 
 lem, firmly resolved to show it no more favour 
 than he had done the former city: and for this 
 reason. The Tyrians were so much employed 
 in trade, that they quite neglected husbandry, 
 and brought most of their corn and other pro- 
 visions from the countries in their neighbour- 
 hood. Galilee,* Samaria, and Judea, furnished 
 them with the greatest quantities. At the time 
 that Alexander laid siege to their city, he him- 
 self was obliged to send for provisions from those 
 countries: he therefore sent commissaries to 
 summon the inhabitants to submit, and furnish 
 his army with whatever they might want. The 
 Jews, however, desired to be excused, alleging, 
 that they had taken an oath of fidelity to Da-, 
 rius ; and persisted in answering that they would 
 never acknowledge any other sovereign as long 
 as he was living : a rare example of fidelity, and j 
 worthy of the onlv people who in that age ac- 
 knowledged the true God! The Samaritans, \ 
 however, did not imitate them in this particu- 
 lar ; for they submitted with cheerfulness to ( 
 Alexander, and even sent him 8000 men to serve j 
 at the siege of Tyre, and in other places. For j 
 the better understanding of what follows, it 
 may be necessary for us to present the reader, 
 in few words, with the state of the Samari- 
 tans at that time, and the cause of the strong 
 antipathy which existed between them and the 
 Jews. . , o 
 
 I observed, elsewhere,* that the Samaritans 
 did not descend from the Israelites, but were a 
 colony of idolaters, taken from the countries on 
 the other side of the Euphrates, whom Esar- 
 haddon, king of the Assyrians, had sent to in- 
 habit the cities of Samaria, after the ruin ot the 
 kino^dom of the ten tribes. These people, who 
 were called Cuthai, blended the worship of the 
 God of Israel with that of their idols ; and on 
 all occasions discovered an enmity to the Jews. 
 This hatred was much stronger after the return 
 of tne Jews from the Babylonish captivity, be- 
 fore and after the restoration of the temple. 
 
 Notwithstanding the reformation which tiie 
 holy man, Nehemiah, had wrought in Jerusa- 
 lem, Avith regard to the marrying of strange or 
 foreign women, the evil had spread so tar, that 
 the high-priest's house, which ought to have 
 been pure more than any other from these cri- 
 minal mixtures, was itself polluted with them. 
 
 1 Isa. xxiii. 18. c a • 
 
 2 Phit. in Alex. p. 681. Quint. Curt. 1. iv. c. 5, Arrian. 
 I. li. p. 101. 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. 1. xi. c. 8 4 Acts xii. 20. 
 
 5 Vol. I. History of the Assyrians. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 113 
 
 One of the sons of Jehoiada the high-priest,'^ 
 whom Joseph us calls Manasseh, had married 
 the daughter of Sanballat the Horonite; and 
 many more had followed his example. But 
 Nehemiah, zealous for the law of God which 
 was so shamefully violated, commanded, with- 
 out exception, all who had mai-ried strange 
 women, either to put them away immediately, 
 or to depart the country. Manasseh chose to go 
 into banishment rather than separate himself 
 from his wife,^ and accordingly withdrew to 
 Samaria, whither he was followed by great 
 numbers as obstinate in rebellion as himself; he 
 there settled them under the protection of San- 
 ballat, his father-in-law, who was governor of 
 that country. 
 
 The latter obtained of Darius Nothus (whom 
 probably the war which broke out between 
 Egypt and Persia had brought into Phoenicia), 
 ieave to build on mount Gerizim, near Samaria, 
 a temple like that of Jerusalem, and to appoint 
 Manasseh, his son-in-law, priest thereof, l rom 
 that time, Samaria became the asylum of all the 
 malcontents of Judea. And it was this which 
 raised the hatred of the Jews against the Sama- 
 ritans to its greatest height, when they saw that 
 the latter, notwithstanding the express prohibi- 
 tion of the law, which fixed the solemn worship 
 of the God of Israel in the city of Jerusalem, 
 had nevertheless raised altar against altar, and 
 temple against temple, and afforded a refuge to 
 all who fled from Jerusalem, to screen them- 
 selves from the punishment which would have 
 been inflicted on them for violating the law. 
 
 Such was the state of Judea, when Alexander 
 laid siege to Tyre. The Samaritans, as we be- 
 fore observed, sent him a considerable body of 
 troops ; whereas the Jews thought they co'uid 
 not submit to him, as long as Darius, to whom 
 they had taken an oath of allegiance, should be 
 alive. 
 
 Alexander, being little used to such an an- 
 swer, particularly after he had obtained so many 
 victories, and thinking that all things ought to 
 bow before him, resolved, the instant he had 
 conquered Tyre, to march against the Jews, 
 and punish their disobedience as rigorously as 
 he had punished that of the Tyrians. 
 
 In this imminent danger, Jaddus, the high- 
 priest, who governed under the Persians, seeing 
 himself exposed, with all the inhabitants, to the 
 wrath of the conqueror, had recourse to the pro- 
 I tection of the Almighty, gave orders that public 
 I prayers should be made to implore his assistance, 
 and offered sacrifices. The night after, God 
 appeared to him in a dream, and bid him, *' To 
 j cause flowers to be scattered up and down the 
 j city ; to set open all the gates, and go, clothed 
 ! in his pontifical robes, with all the jjriests, dres- 
 i sed also in their vestments, and all the rest 
 clothed in white, to meet Alexander, and not to 
 fear any evil from that king, inasmuch as He 
 would protect them." This demand was punc- 
 tually obeyed ; and accordingly this august pro- 
 cession, the very day after, marched out of the 
 city to an eminence called Sapha,^ whence there 
 was a view of all the plain, as well as of 
 the temple and city of Jerusalem. Here the 
 whole procession waited the arrival of Alex- 
 ander. 
 
 6 Neh, xiii. 28. 7 Joseph. Antiquit. 
 8 The IJebrew word Sapha signifies to discover from 
 fiar, as from a tower or sentry-box. 
 11. 
 
 The Syrians of Phoenicia, who were in his army, 
 were persuaded that the wrath of this prince was 
 so great, that he would certainly punish the high- 
 priest in an exemplai'y manner, and destroy that 
 city in the same manner as he had done Tyre ; 
 and flushed with joy on that account, they waited 
 in expectation of glutting their eyes with the 
 calamities of a people to whom they bore a mor- 
 tal hatred. As soon as the Jews heard of the 
 king's approach, they set out to meet him with 
 all the pomp before described.** Alexander was 
 struck at the sight of the high- priest, in whose 
 mitre and forehead a golden plate was fixed, on 
 which the name of God was written. The 
 moment the king perceived the high-priest, he 
 advanced towards him with an air of the most 
 profound respect; bowed his body, adored the 
 august name upon his front, and saluted him 
 who wore it with a religious veneration. Then 
 the Jews surrounding Alexander, raised their 
 voices to wish him every kind of prosperity. 
 All the spectators were seized with inexpressible 
 surprise ; they could scarce believe their eyes, 
 and did not know how to account for a sight so 
 contrary to their expectation, and so A^ery im- 
 probable. 
 
 Parmenio, who could not yet recover from 
 his astonishment, asked the king how it came to 
 pass that he, who was adored by every one, 
 adored the high-priest of the Jews. " I do not," 
 replied Alexander, " adore the high-priest, but 
 the God whose minister he is ; for whilst 1 was 
 at Dium in Macedonia (my mind wholly fixed 
 on the great design of the Persian war), as 1 
 was revolving by what means I should conquer 
 Asia, this very man, dressed in the same robes, 
 appeared to me in a dream ; exhorted me to 
 banish CA^ery fear, bid me cross the Hellespont 
 boldly; and assured me that his God would I 
 march at the head of my army, and give me the 
 victory over that of the Persians." Alexander 
 added, that the instant he saw this priest, he 
 knew him by his habit, his stature, his air, and 
 his face, to be the same person whom he had 
 seen at Dium ; that he was firmly persuaded, it 
 was by the command, and under the immediate 
 conduct of Heaven that he had undertaken this 
 war ; that he was sure he should overcome Da- 
 rius hereafter, and destroy the empire of the 
 
 9 The truth of this account is greatly suspected by some 
 eminent modern critics, particularly the ingenious Mr. 
 Moyle, nephew to Dean Prideaux. The reasons for sus- 
 pecting the truth of this account, are the following : 1. All 
 the ancient writers bring Alexander directly from Tyre to 
 CJaza, without taking here, or any where else, the least 
 notice of his march to Jerusalem. 2. Josephus says, that 
 Alexander was accompanied in his march to Jerusalem by 
 the Phoenicians and Chaldeans. The Phoenicians, indeed", 
 were now a conquered people, and might well be in his 
 train ; but at that time Alexander had neitlier seen nor 
 conquered Chaldea. 3. Parmenio is introduced by Jose, 
 phus asking Alexander, how he came to worship the high 
 priest, when all the world worshipped himself, is^ow it is 
 certain, Alexander did not claim divine honours, till aftei 
 the entire conquest of Persia, and the death of Darius. 
 4, The high priest begged of Alexander, according to 
 Josephus, that he would allow the Jews in Babylonia 
 and Media, the free exercise of their religion ; which im- 
 plies, that Alexander was then possessed of these pro. 
 vinces, which we know to be false. 5. Jaddus, the high- 
 priest, was dead, according to the Alexandrian Chronicle, 
 some years previous to the accession of Darius Codoman- 
 nus to the Persian throne. For these reasons Moyle has 
 been led to look upon the whole story as an arrant fable 
 taken by Josephus upon trust, from tradition, or some 
 Jewish writer ; the rather, as he has produced no vouch- 
 ers for it, which he never fails to do on all other occasions 
 Moylt's Works (mihi) p. 26 et seq.— ^d, 
 TT 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 114 
 
 Persians ; and that this was the reason why he 
 adored this God in the person of his priest. 
 Alexander, after having thus answered i^ar- 
 menio, emhraced the high-priest, _ and all his 
 brethren ; then walking in the midst ot them, 
 he arrived at Jerusalem, where he offered sacri- 
 fices to God, in the temple, after the manner 
 i prescribed to him by the high-priest. 
 
 The high-priest, afterwards, showed liim those 
 passages in the prophecy of Daniel, which are 
 spoken of that monarch. I shall here give an 
 ; abstract of them, which will plainly show how 
 the most distant events are present to tlie Al- 
 
 \ ™ Go*/' declares by the prophet Daniel,' that 
 i grandeur, empire, and glory, are his ; that he 
 i bestows them on whomsoever he pleases, and 
 ' withdraws them in like manner, to punish the 
 abuse of them ; that his wisdom and power 
 solely determine the course of events in aU ages ; 
 that he changes, according to his will, the whole 
 ' face of human affairs f that he sets up new 
 kingdoms, overthrows the ancient ones, and 
 ' effaces even the very footsteps of them, with the 
 same ease as the wind carries off the smallest 
 chaff from the threshing-floor. 
 
 God's design, in subjecting states to such as- 
 ■ tonishing revolutions,=^ is to teach men, that 
 I they are in his presence as nothing ; that he 
 ! i alone is the Most High, the eternal King, the 
 ■ ' sovereign arbiter, who doth whatsoever he will 
 ' with supreme power, both in heaven and earth, 
 i For the putting this design in execution the 
 1 prophet sees an august council, in which the 
 i angels, who are appointed as inspectors and 
 guardians of governments and kings, inquire 
 into the use which they make of the authority 
 tha-t Heaven intrusted them With, as his minis- 
 ters ; and when they abuse it, these spirits, 
 zealous for the glory of their sovereign, beseech 
 God to punish their injustice and ingratitude ; 
 and to humble their pride, by casting them 
 from the throne, and causing the most abject 
 among mankind to ascend it in their stead. 
 
 God « to make these important truths still 
 more sensible, shows Daniel four dreadful beasts 
 who rise from a vast sea, in which the tour 
 winds combat together with fury; and under 
 these symbols, he represents to the prophet the 
 origin, the characteristics, and fall, of the tour 
 ereat empires, which are to govern the whole 
 world successively. A dreadful, but too real 
 
 iccesaivcA^. -^^^ ^..^^ 7 
 
 image' For empires rise out of tumult and 
 contusion ; they subsist by blood and slaughter ; 
 they exercise their power with violence and 
 cruelty ; they think it glorious to carry terror 
 and desolation into all places ; but yet in spite 
 of their utmost efforts, they are subject to con- 
 tinual vicissitudes and unforeseen reverses ot 
 
 ^^^The^'prophet then relates more particularly 
 the character of each of these empires. After 
 having represented the empire ot t^^e /abyl^ 
 nians under the image of a lioness, and that of 
 the Medes and Persians under the form ot a 
 bear greedy of prey, he draws the picture of the 
 Grecian monarchy, by presenting us with some 
 
 1 Dan. ii. 20, 21. 37. 2 Ibid. ver. 35. 
 
 3 Ibid. iv. 32. 34— 3b. 4 Ibid. ver. 17. 
 
 5 It was at the desire of these angels, that Nebuchad. 
 nezzar was driven from the society of men to herd with 
 wild beasts. 
 
 6 Dan. vii. 2, S. 7 Ibid. ver. 4—6. 
 
 of its most striking features. Under the image 
 of a spotted leopard, with four heads and lour 
 wings, he depicts Alexander, in whom good and 
 bad qualities were intermixed ; rash and impetu- 
 ous in his resolutions, rapid in his conquests ; 
 flying with the swiftness of a bird of prey, 
 rather than marching with the weight of an 
 army laden with the whole equipage of war ; 
 supported by the valour and capacity of his 
 generals, four of whom, after having assisted 
 him in conquering his empire, divide it among , 
 themselves. , v ! 
 
 To this picture the prophet adds elsewhere , 
 new touches.8 He enumerates the order of the | 
 succession of the kings of Persia ; he declares, | 
 in precise terms, that after the first three kings, 1 
 viz. Cyrus, Cambyses, and Darius, a fourth 
 monarch will arise, who is Xerxes ; and that 
 he will exceed all his predecessors in power and , 
 in riches; that this prince, puffed up with the 
 idea of his own grandeur, which shall have risen 
 to its highest pitch, will assemble aU the people 
 in his boundless dominions, and lead them to 
 the conquest of Greece. But as the prophet 
 takes notice only of the march of this multitude, 
 and does not tell us what success they met with, 
 he thereby gives us pretty clearly to understand, 
 that Xerxes, an effeminate, injudicious, and 
 fearful prince, will not have the least success in 
 anv of his vast projects. 
 
 On the contrary, from among these very 
 Greeks,*^ attacked unsuccessfully by the Per- 
 sians, there will arise a king very ditFerent from 
 Xerxes ; and this is Alexander the Great. He 
 shall be a bold, valiant monarch ; he shall suc- 
 ceed in all his enterprises ; he shall extend his 
 dominion far and wide, and shall establish an 
 irresistible power on the ruins of the vanquished 
 nations : but at a time when he shall imagine 
 himself to be most firmly seated on the throne, 
 he shall lose his life, with the regal dignity, and 
 not leave any posterity to succeed him in it. ; 
 This new monarchy, losing on a sudden the 
 splendour and power for which it was so re- 
 nowned under Alexander, shall divide itself to- 
 wards the four winds of heaven. From its 
 ruins there shall arise not only the four great 
 kingdoms of Egypt, Syria, Asia- Minor, and 
 Macedon, but also several other foreigners, or 
 barbarians, shall usurp its provinces, and form 
 kingdoms out of these. 
 
 At length, 1" in the eighth chapter, the prophet 
 completes the description in still stronger co- 
 lours, of the character, the battles, the series of 
 successes, the rise and fall of these two rival 
 empires. By the image he gives of a powerful 
 ram, having two horns of an unequal length, he 
 declares that the first of these empires shall be 
 composed of Persians and Medes; that its 
 strength shall consist in the union of these 
 two nations ; that the Persians shall neverthe- 
 less exceed the Medes in authority ; that they 
 shall have a series of conquests, without meet- 
 ing with any opposition; that they shall first 
 extend them towards the west, by subduing the 
 Lvdians, the provinces of Asia Minor and 
 Thrace ; that they shall afterwards turn their 
 arms towards the north, in order to subdue part 
 of Scythia, and the nations bordering on the 
 Caspian sea; that at length they shall endeavour 
 to enlarge their dominions towards the south, 
 
 3 Dan. XI. 
 
 10 Ibid. viii. 
 
 Tbid. viii. 3, 4. 
 
! by subjecting Egypt and Arabia, but that they 
 j shall not invade the nations of the east. 
 I The monarchy of the Greeks is afterwards 
 j e:s:hibited to Daniel, under the symbol of a he- 
 I goat" of a prodigious size: he perceives that 
 : the Macedonian army will march from the west, 
 in order to invade the empire of the Persians ; 
 I that it will be headed by a warrior famous for 
 I his power and glory ; that it will make immense 
 j marches, in quest of the enemy, even into the 
 1 very heart of his dominions ; that it will ad- 
 I Vance towards the enemy with such rapidity, as 
 j to seem not to touch the ground ; that it will 
 { give this empire its mortal wound; entirely 
 i subvert it by i-epeated victories, and destroy the 
 double power of the Persians and Medes ; dur- 
 ing which not one monarch, whether its ally or 
 neighbour, shall give it the least succour. 
 
 But as soon as this monarchy shall have risen 
 to its greatest height, Alexander who formed its 
 greatest strength, shall be snatched from it ; and 
 then there will arise, towards the four parts of 
 the world, four Grecian monarchies, which, 
 though vastly inferior to that of Alexander, will, 
 however, be very considerable. 
 
 _ Can any thing be more wonderful, more di- 
 vine, than a series of prophecies, all of them so 
 clear, so exact, and so circumstantial ; prophe- 
 cies which go so far as to point out, that a prince 
 shall die without leaving a single successor from 
 among his own family, and that four of his gen- 
 erals will divide his empire between them? But 
 we must peruse these prophecies in the Scrip- 
 tures themselves. The Vulgate agrees pretty 
 nearly with the Hebrew, except in a few places, 
 which I shall translate agreeable to the original 
 text.*^ 
 
 " In the third year of the reign of king Bel- 
 shazzar,'^ a vision appeared unto me, even unto 
 me Daniel, after that which appeared unto me 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 115 
 
 at the first. And I saw in a vision (and it came 
 to pass, when I saw, that I was at Shushan in 
 the palace, which is in the province of Elam), 
 and I saw in a vision, and I was by the river of 
 Then I lifted up mine eyes, and saw, and 
 
 Ulai. 
 
 11 The figure of a rara, sculptured on the staircase 
 leading up to the palace of Persepolis, may be seen in the 
 drawings of its majestic ruins, taken on the spot, by Char 
 din, Le Bruyn, and Sir Robert Ker Porter. We learn 
 from ancient authors, that the figure of a goat was repre. 
 sented in the royal standard of the Macedonian kings 
 Ihe origin of this device commenced with Caranus, the 
 first of the Macedonian sovereigns. The reason why he 
 did so, is thus given. Caranus, it seems, was a native of 
 Argos, and a remote descendant of the renowned Her- 
 cules. Why he quitted his native city, is not said : but all 
 authors agree, that he left it, accompanied by a consider, 
 able body of Greeks, in search of a foreign settlement. 
 Consulting the oracle, where he should proceed, and what 
 measures he ought to take, in establishing his colony he 
 was answered, that he should be guided in his measures 
 by the direction of the goats. It is very probable that 
 Caranus, when he received this response, did not under, 
 stand it. He, however, in pursuance of his first intention 
 entered the country, since known by the name of Mace! 
 donia, and particularly, the small principality of ^Emathia 
 then governed by a prince called Midas, and drew near 
 to Its capital, which was then called Edessa. The sky be 
 ing suddenly overcast, and a great storm coming on, 
 Caranus observed a herd of goats running for shelter to 
 the city. Immediately recollecting the response of the 
 oracle, he commanded his men to follow them closely, and 
 entering the city by surprise, he possessed himself of it, 
 and afterwards of the kingdom. In gratitude to his con- 
 ductors, the goats, he changed the name of the place into 
 ^gea, or the city of goats, and called his people iEgeates. 
 He likewise made use of a goat in his standard, in order 
 to perpetuate the memory of this extraordinary event. 
 We hence clearly see, that as a ram was the symbol of the 
 Medo-I ersian empire, so that of a goat was symbolical of 
 Alexander the (ireat, king of Macedon.— Ed 
 
 12 We have not followed M. RoUin's translation here 
 believing it more proper to make use of our own version 
 of tlie Bible. 
 
 13 Dan. viii. 1—8, 
 
 behold there stood before the river a ram, which 
 had two horns ; and the two horns were high; 
 but one was higher than the other, and the 
 higher came up last. I saw the ram pushing 
 westward, and northward, and southward ; so 
 that no beast might stand before him, neither 
 was there any that could deliver out of his 
 hand j but he did according to his will, and be- 
 came great. And as I was considering, behold 
 an he-goat came from the west, on the face of 
 the whole earth, and touched not the ground ; 
 and the goat had a notable horn between his 
 eyes. And he came to the ram that had two 
 horns, which I had seen standing before the 
 river, and ran unto him in the fury of his power. 
 And 1 saw him come close unto the ram, and' 
 he was moved with choler against him, and 
 smote the ram, and brake his two horns : and 
 there was no power in the ram to stand before 
 him, but he cast him down to the ground, and 
 stamped upon him ; and there was none that 
 could deliver the ram out of his hand. There- 
 fore the he-goat waxed very great ; and when 
 he was strong, the great horn was broken ; and 
 for it came up four notable ones towards the 
 four winds of heaven." 
 
 A great number of very important reflections 
 might be made on the prophecies I have now 
 repeated ; but these I shall leave to the reader's 
 understanding and religion, and will make but 
 one remark; on which, however I shall not 
 expatiate so much as the subject might deserve. 
 
 The Almighty presides in general over all 
 events which happen in the world ; and rules 
 with absolute sway, the fate of all men in par- 
 ticular, of all cities, and of all empires ; but he 
 conceals the operations of his wisdom, and the 
 wonders of his providence, beneath the veil of 
 natural causes and ordinary events. In all that 
 profane history exhibits to us, whether sieges, 
 or the capture of cities; battles won or lost, 
 empires established or overthrown; there ap- 
 pears nothing but what is human and natural : 
 God seems to have no concern in these things 
 and we should be tempted to believe that he 
 abandons men entirely to their views, their ta- 
 lents, and their passions; if we, perhaps, ex- 
 cept the Jewish nation, whom he considered 
 as his own peculiar people, and as his own 
 heritage. 
 
 To prevent our falling into a temptation so 
 repugnant to religion and even reason itself, 
 God occasionally breaks silence, disperses the 
 clouds which hide him, and condescends to dis. 
 cover to us the secret springs of his providence 
 by causing his prophets to foretell, long before 
 the event, the fate he has prepared for the differ- 
 ent nations of the earth. He reveals to Daniel 
 the order, the succession, and the different cha- 
 racteristics of the four great empires to which 
 he has determined to subject all the nations of 
 the universe, viz. that of the Babylonians of 
 the Persians and Medes, of the Greeks, and 
 lastly, that of the Romans. 
 
 It is with the same view that he dwells very 
 forcibly on the two most famous conquerors 
 that ever existed : I mean Cyrus and Alexan- 
 der, the one the founder, the other the de- 
 stroyer, of the powerful empire of Persia. He 
 causes the former to be called by his name two 
 hundred years before his birth ; foretells, by thr 
 
ilG 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 moutt of Isaiah, his victories; and particu- 
 larizes the several circumstances of the taking ot 
 Babylon, the like of which had never been seen 
 before. On this occasion, he points out Alex- 
 ander, by the mouth of Daniel, and ascribes 
 such qualities and characteristics as can agree 
 with none but him, and which denote him as 
 plainly as if he had called him by bis name. 
 
 These passages of Scripture, in which (jod 
 explains himself clearly, should be considered as 
 very precious, and serve as so many keys to open 
 to our understanding the secret methods by 
 which he governs the world. These bright 
 rays of light should enable a rational and re- 
 ligious man to see every thing else clearly ; and 
 make him conclude, from what is said ot the 
 four great empires, of Cyrus and Alexander, 
 of Babylon and Tyre, that we ought to ac- 
 knowledge and admire, in the several events ot 
 profane history, God's perpetual care and re- 
 gard for all men and all states, whose destiny 
 depends entirely on his wisdom, his power, and 
 his pleasure. 
 
 We may easily figure to ourselves the great 
 joy and admiration with which Alexander was 
 filled, upon hearing such clear, such circumstan- 
 tial, and advantageous promises. Before he lett 
 lerusalem, he assembled the Jews, and bade them 
 ask any favour whatsoever. They answered, 
 that their request was to be allowed to live ac- 
 cording to the law of their fathers, and to be 
 exempt, every seventh year, from their usual 
 ti ibute ; and for this reason, because they were 
 forbidden, by tiieir laws, in that year, to sow 
 their fields, and consequently could have no har^ 
 vest. Alexander gi-anted their request; and. 
 upon the high-priests beseeching him to suttei 
 the Jews, who were resident in Babylonia and 
 Media, to live likewise agreeable to their own 
 laws, he also indulged them in this particular 
 with the utmost humanity; and said farther, 
 that in case any of them were willing to serve 
 under his standards, he would give them leave 
 to follow their own way of worship, and to ob- 
 serve their peculiar customs ; upon which otter 
 great numbers enlisted themselves. 
 
 He had scarce left Jerusalem, when the Sa- 
 maritans waited upon him with great pomp and 
 ceremony, humbly entreating him to do them 
 also the honour to visit their temple. As they 
 had submitted voluntarily to Alexander, and 
 sent him succours, they imagined that they de- 
 served his favour much more than the Jews; 
 and flattered themselves that they should obtain 
 the same, and even much greater indulgence. It 
 was in this view they made this pompous pro- 
 cession, in order to invite Alexander to their 
 city ; and the 8000 men they had sent to serve 
 under him, joined in the request made by their 
 countrymen. Alexander thanked them cour- 
 teously, but said, that he was obliged to march 
 into Egypt, and therefore had no time to lose ; 
 however, that he would visit their city at his 
 return, in case he had opportunity. 1 hey then 
 besought him to exempt them from paying tri- 
 bute every seventh year ; upon which Alexander 
 asked them, whether they were Jews 1 hey 
 made an ambiguous answer, which the king not 
 having time to examine, suspended this matter 
 also till his return, and immediately continued 
 his march towards Gaza. , , ^ ^ 
 
 Upon his arrival before that city,* he found it 
 
 provided with a strong garrison, commanded by 
 Betis, one of Darius's eunuchs. This governor, 
 who was a brave man, and very faithful to his 
 sovereign, defended it with great vigour against 
 Alexander. As this was the only inlet or pass 
 into Egypt, it was absolutely necessary for him 
 to conquer it, and therefore he was obliged to 
 besiege it. But although every art of war was 
 employed, notwithstanding his soldiers fought 
 with the utmost intrepidity, he was however 
 forced to lie two months before it. Exasperated 
 at its holding out so long, and his receiving two 
 wounds, he was resolved to treat the governor, 
 the inhabitants, and soldiers, with a barbarity 
 absolutely inexcusable ; for he cut 10,000 men 
 to pieces, and sold aU the rest, with their wives 
 and children, for slaves. When Betis, who had 
 been taken prisoner in the last assault, was 
 brought before him covered with honourable 
 wounds, instead of using him kindly, as his va- 
 lour and fidelity justly merited, this young 
 monarch, who at other times esteemed bravery 
 even in an enemy, fired on this occasion with an 
 insolent iov, spoke thus to him: " Betis, thou 
 Shalt not die the death thou desiredst. Prepare 
 therefore to suffer all those torments which ven- 
 geance can invent." Betis, looking upon the | 
 king with not only a firm, but a haughty air, 
 did not make the least reply to his menaces ; 
 upon which the king, more enraged by this dis- 
 dainful silence— " Observe," said he, " 1 be- 
 seech you, that dumb arrogance. Has he bend- 
 ed the knee? Has he spoke so much as one 
 submissive word? But I will conquer this 
 obstinate silence, and will force groans from 
 him, if I can draw nothing else. At last Alex- 
 ander's anger rose to fury ; ^ his conduct now 
 beginning to change with his fortune : he order- 
 ed a hole to be made through his heels, when, a 
 rope being put through them, and tied to a 
 chariot, he caused Betis to be dragged round the 
 city till he died. He boasted his having imi- 
 tated on this occasion, Achilles, from whom he 
 was descended ; who, as Homer relates, caused 
 the dead body of Hector to be dragged in the 
 same manner round the walls of iroy ;_ as it a 
 man ought ever to pride himself on having imi- 
 tated a bad example. Both were very barbarous ; 
 but Alexander was much more so in causing 
 Betis to be dragged alive ; and for no other rea- 
 son, but because he had served his sovereign wilb 
 bravery and fidelity, defending a city with 
 which he had intrusted him; a fidelity, that 
 ought to have been admired, and even rewarded 
 by an enemy, rather than punished m so cruel » 
 manner. 
 
 1 Diod. 1. xvi). p. 526. Arrian, 1. ii. p. 101—103. Quint. 
 Curt. 1. iv. c. 6. riut, in Alex. p. 679. 
 
 2 Iram deinde vertit in rabiem, jam turn peregrines ritus 
 r ova subeunte fortunS. Quint. Curt. 
 
 3 Deciuit exemrl-r Vitus unuabile. Hoi at. 
 4 This is a fresh instance of inhumanity in the Mace- 
 donian conqueror. It must be remen>bered, that thjs was 
 the act of a civilized prince, not of one whom the Gieek>, 
 n their national pride and self-conceit, would l^ave ca^U^d 
 a Barbarous sovereign. The Greeks called all olher^ ^^^^^^^ 
 barians-hcnce the terms Barbarous language, Barbaroi s 
 manners, and Barbarous cruelty, are used, t" excess w^ 
 ever is rude and ferocious, in opposition to whatever i. 
 poUshed. refined, and generous, '^o acfons performed b> 
 these Barbarous sovereigns the Persian kings, could ex- 
 ceed tho 'e of a prince renowned for his learnmg and ph lo. 
 
 sophy-one brought up at the f^^^V'^f 'rvrians and^^^ 
 of philosophers in his day-towards tl^ l > nans, and mc 
 hravp defender of Gaza, in point of mean ana i^r"^""^ 
 Srulltv VVe are told that his conduct towards Beti 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 He sent the greatest part of the plunder he 
 found in Gaza to his mother Olympias, to Cleo- 
 patra his sister, and to his friends. He also 
 presented Leonidas, his preceptor, with 600 
 quintals^ of frankincense, and 100 quintals of 
 myrrh ; calling to mind a caution Leonidas had 
 j given him when but a child, and which seemed, 
 j even at that time, to presage the conquests this 
 j monarch had lately achieved. For Leonidas, 
 observing Alexander take up vi^hole handfuls 
 of incense at a sacrifice, and throw it into the 
 fire, said to him ; « Alexander, when you shnll 
 have conquered the country which produces 
 I these spices, you then may be as profuse of in- 
 I cense as you please ; but, till that day comes, be 
 I sparing of what you have." The monarch 
 ! therefore wrote to Leonidas as follows : " I 
 i send you a large quantity of incense and myrrh, 
 that you may no longer be so reserved and spar- 
 I ing in your sacrifices to the gods." 
 I As soon as Alexander had 
 
 A. M. 3G73. ended the siege of Gaza," he 
 Ant. J. C. 331. left a garrison there, and 
 turned the whole power of 
 his arnris towards Egypt. In seven days' march 
 he arrived before Pelusium, whither a great 
 number of Egyptians had assembled, with all 
 imaginable diligence, to recognize him for their 
 sovereign, and make their submission. 
 
 The hatred these people bore to the Persians 
 was so great, that it was of Jittle consequence to 
 them who should be their king, provided they 
 could but meet with an avenger who would 
 rescue them from the insolence and indignity 
 with which themselves and their religion were 
 treated. ^ For, how false soever a religion may 
 be (and it is scarce possible to imagine one more 
 absurd than that of the Egyptians), so long as 
 it continues to be the established religion, the 
 people will not suffer it to be insulted; nothing 
 affecting their minds so stronglj^, nor inflaming 
 them to a greater degree. Ochus had caused 
 their god Apis to be murdered, in a manner 
 highly offensive to themselves and their re- 
 ligion ; and the Persians, to whom he had left 
 the government, continued in like manner to 
 ridicule that deity. Thus several circumstances 
 had rendered the Persians so odious, that, upon 
 Amyntas's coming a little before with a hand- 
 
 like education, that it disposes the mind to delight in the 
 recital of deeds of carnage. No poem is more calculated 
 to produce such feelings than the Iliad of Homer. But 
 Alexander excelled his prototype Achilles in cruelty, as 
 the latter was prompted by the passion of revenge, for the 
 death of his dear Fatroclus, slain by Hector— the loss of 
 whom deprived Achilles of his greatest earthly felicity— 
 whereas Alexander could have no other motive to satiate 
 his inhuman rage, but the brave defence which Betis made 
 of a city entrusted to his charge by his lawful sovereign, 
 unless we except the vain desire of imitating Achilles, and 
 thereby to obtain a renown equal to that of the sanguinary 
 hero of that most sanguinary of all sanguinary poems, the 
 [had. Although Christianity has not yet extinguished 
 those feehngs ot ambition and revenge, whence so many 
 woes have arisen to the human race, yet it has done much 
 to mitigate them, liven if Christianity had done no more 
 than this, it had done a vast service to the human race, 
 and been entitled to the gratitude of man. When will 
 mankind be led to view a hero in his true light as a de. 
 stroyer of his species ? Not till the genius and spirit of the 
 Prince of Peace has taken full possession of the heart 
 then, and not till then, will we be disgusted at the recital 
 )f deeds of blood, though clothed in the mellifluous Ian- 
 guage of a Homer I— Ed. 
 
 5 A quintal is 1001b. weight. 
 6 Diod. I. xvii. p. 526— .'529. Arrian. 1. iii. p. 104—110. 
 Plut. in Alex. p. 679—681. Quint. Curt. 1. iv. c. 7 et 8. 
 Justin. 1. ix. c. 11. 
 
 ful of men, he found them prepared to join and 
 assist him in expelling the Persians. 
 
 This Amyntas had deserted from Alexander, 
 and entered into the service of Darius. He had 
 commanded the Grecian forces at the battle of 
 Issus ; and having escaped into Syi'ia, by the 
 way of Tripoli, with 4000 men, he had there 
 seized upon as many vessels as he wanted, 
 burned the rest, and immediately set sail to- 
 wards the island of Cyprus, and afterwards to- 
 wards Pelusium, which he took by surprise, 
 upon feigning that he had a commission from 
 Darius, appointing him governor of Egypt, in 
 the room of Sabaces, killed in the battle of Is- 
 sus. As soon as he found himself possessed of 
 this important city, he threw off the mask, and 
 made public pretensions to the ci'ownof Egypt; 
 declaring, that the motive of his coming was to 
 expel the Persians. Upon this a multitude of 
 Egyptians, who wished for nothing so earnestly 
 as to free themselves from these insupportable 
 tyrants, went over to him. He then marched 
 directly for Memphis, the capital of the king- 
 dom ; when, coming to a battle, he defeated the 
 Persians, and shut them up in the city. But, 
 after he had gained this victory, having neglect- 
 ed to keep his soldiers together, they straggled 
 up and down in search of plunder ; which the 
 enemy seeing, sallied out upon such as remained, 
 and cut them to pieces, with Amyntas their 
 leader. 
 
 This event, so far from lessening the aversion 
 the Egytians had for the Persians, increased it 
 still more ; so that the moment Alexander ap- 
 peared upon the frontiers, the people, who were 
 all disposed to receive that monarch, ran in 
 crowds to submit to him. His arrival, at the head 
 of a powerful army, presented them with a 
 secure protection, which Amyntas could not 
 afford them ; and, from this consideration, they 
 all declared openly in his favour. Mazseus, 
 who commanded in Memphis, finding it would 
 be to no purpose for him to resist so great a 
 force, and that Darius, his sovereign was not in 
 a condition to succour him, set open the gates of 
 the city to the conqueror, and gave up 800 
 talents, about 120,000/. and all the king's furni- 
 ture. Thus, Alexander possessed himself of all 
 ■l^gypt' without meeting with the least opposition. 
 
 At Memphis he formed a design of visiting 
 the temple of Jupiter-Ammon. This temple' 
 v/as situated in the midst of the sandy deserts of 
 Libya, and twelve days' journey from Mem- 
 phis. Ham, the son of Noah, first peopled 
 Egypt and Libya, after the flood; and when 
 idolatry began to gain ground in the world some 
 time after, he was the chief deity of these two 
 countries, in which his descendants had con- 
 tinued. A temple was built to his honour in 
 the midst of these deserts, upon a spot of pretty 
 good ground, about two leagues broad,** which 
 formed a kind of island in a sea of sand. It is 
 he whom the Greeks called ZiW, Jupiter,^ and 
 the Egyptians Amman. In process of time 
 these two names wei'e joined, and he was 
 called Jupiter-Ammon. 
 
 The motive of this journey, which Avas equal- 
 ly rash and dangerous, was owing to a ridiculous 
 
 7 Plin. lib. v. c. 9. 8 Forty furlongs. 
 
 9 For this reason the city of Egypt, which the Scrip- 
 tures* call No. Amnion (the city of Ham or of Ammon ) is 
 called by the Greeks A;c«r!re//?, or the city oj Jupiter. 
 
 - Jerem. xlvi. 25. Ezek ixx. 15. Nahum. iii. 8. 
 
118 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 vanity. Alexander having read in Homer, and 
 other fahulous authors of antiquity, that most 
 of their heroes were represented as sons of some 
 deity; and, as he himself was desirous of passing 
 for a hei-o, he was determined to have some god 
 for his father. Accordingly he fixed upon J u- 
 piter-Ammon for this purpose, and began by 
 bribing the priests, and teaching them the part 
 they were to act. 
 
 It would have been to no purpose, had any 
 one endeavoured to divert him from a design 
 which was great in no other circumstance than 
 the pride and extravagance that gave birth to it. 
 Puffed up with his victories, he had already be- 
 gun to assume, as Plutarch observes, that char- 
 acter of tenaciousness and inflexibility which 
 will do nothing but command ; which cannot 
 suifer advice, and much less bear opposition ; 
 which knows neither obstacles nor dangers; 
 which makes the beautiful to consist in impossi- 
 bility ; in a word, which fancies itself able to 
 overcome, not only enemies, but time, place, and 
 the whole order of nature ; the usual effect of a 
 long series of pi'osperity, which subdues the 
 strongest, and makes them at length forget that 
 they are men. We ourselves have seen a famous 
 conqueror,* who prided himself upon treading 
 in the steps of Alexander, carry farther than he 
 had ever done this kind of savage heroism ; and 
 lay it down as a maxim to himself, never to re- 
 cede from his I'esolution.^ 
 
 Alexander therefore sets 
 A. M. 3673. out; and going down the 
 Ant. J. C. 331. river from Memphis till he 
 came to the sea, he coasts 
 along it; and, after having passed Canopus, he 
 observes, opposite to the island of Pharos, a spot 
 which seemed to him very well situated for the 
 building of a city. He himself drew the plan 
 of it, and marked out the several places where 
 the temples and public squares were to be erect- 
 ed. For the building it, he employed Dino- 
 crates the architect, who had acquired great 
 reputation by his rebuilding, at Ephesus, the 
 temple of Diana, which Herostratus had burnt. 
 This city he called after his own name Alexan- 
 dria, and it aftei'wards rose to be the capital 
 of the kingdom. As its harbour, which was 
 very commodious, had the Mediterranean on 
 one side, and the Nile and the Red Sea in its 
 neighbourhood, it drew all the traffic of the east 
 and west ; and thereby became, in a very little 
 time, one of the most flourishing cities in the 
 universe. 
 
 Alexander had a journey to go of 1600 stadia, 
 or fourscore French leagues to the temple of 
 Jupiter- Amm on f and most of the way was 
 through sandy deserts. The soldiers were pa- 
 tient enough for the first two days' march, 
 
 1 Charles XII. king of Sweden. 
 
 2 This is a good remark, « Charles XII. was ruined hy 
 reading Quintus Curtius's life of the Macedonian hero ' 
 The inflated style of tliat author, who never misses an op. 
 portunity of descanting even to tiresome prolixity, on the 
 wondrous feats of his hero, was well calculated to in. 
 flame the youthful passions of the young prince. vVe are 
 told by his biographer Voltaire, that he wept when reading 
 that author, and longed for the time when he should show 
 himself another Alexander. That time soon arrived ; and 
 imagining the Russian Czar to be such a character as the 
 Persian Darius, he thought of nothing less than the con. 
 quest of the Russian empire, and ruined his country ni the 
 attempt. It had been perhaps well for Sweden if he had 
 never read Quintus Curtius. — td. 
 
 3 See a previous note on the geographical situation of 
 this temple.— 
 
 before they arrived in the extensive dreadful 
 solitudes ; but as soon as they found themselves 
 in vast plains, covered with sands of a pi'odigious 
 depth, they were seized with terror. Surround- 
 ed, as with a sea, they gazed round as far as 
 their sight could extend, to discover, if possible, 
 some place that was inhabited ; but all in vain, 
 for they could not perceive so much as a single 
 tree, nor the least footsteps of any land that had 
 been cultivated. To increase their calamity, the 
 water, that they had brought in goat-skins, upon 
 camels, now failed ; and there was not so much 
 as a single drop in all that sandy desert. They 
 therefore wei'e reduced to the sad condition of 
 dying almost with thirst ; not to mention the 
 danger they were in of being buried ^ under 
 mountains of sand, that are sometimes raised by 
 the winds; and which had formerly destroyed 
 50,000 of Cambyses's troops. Every thing was 
 by this time scorched to so violent a degree, and 
 the air became so hot, that the men could scarce- 
 ly breathe ; when, on a sudden, whether by 
 chance, say the historians, or the immediate in-< 
 dulgence of Heaven, the sky was so completely 
 overspread with thick clouds, that they hid the 
 sun, which was a great relief to the army ; 
 though they were still in want of water. _ But 
 the storm having discharged itself in a violent 
 rain, every soldier got as much as he wanted ; 
 and some were so parched with thirst, that they 
 stood with their mouths open, and catched the 
 rain as it fell. The judicious reader knows vyhat 
 judgment he is to form of these marvellous inci- 
 dents, with which historians have thought pro- 
 per to embellish this relation. 
 
 They were several days in crossing these de- 
 serts ; and upon their arriving near the place 
 where the oracle stood, they perceived a great 
 number of ravens flying before the most advanced 
 standard. These ravens, sometimes, flew to the 
 ground when the army marched slowly ; and, 
 at other times, advanced forward, as if it were 
 to serve them as guides, till they, at last, came 
 to the temple of the god. A very surprising cir- 
 cumstance is, that although this oracle be situat- 
 ed in the midst of an almost boundless solitude, 
 it nevertheless is surrounded Avith a grove, so 
 very shady, that the sun-beams can scarcely 
 pierce it ; not to mention that this grove is wa- 
 tered with several springs of fresh water, which 
 preserve it in perpetual verdure. It is related, 
 that near this grove there is another, in the 
 midst of which is a fountain, called the ivater, or 
 fountain of the sun. At day-break it is lukewarm, 
 at noon cold ; but in the evening it grows wai-m- 
 er, by degrees, and at midnight is boiling hot ; 
 after this, as day approaches, it decreases in heat, 
 and continues this vicissitude for ever. 
 
 The god, who is worshipped in this temple, is 
 not represented under the foi-m which painters 
 and sculptures generally give to gods ; for he is 
 made of emeralds, and other precious stones, and 
 from the head to the navel resembles a ram.* 
 The king being come into the temple, the senior 
 priest declared him to be the son of Jupiter; and 
 assui ed him, that the god himself bestowed this 
 name upon him. Alexander accepted it with 
 joy, and acknowledged Jupiter as his father. 
 He afterward asked the priest, whether his 
 father Jupiter had not allotted him the empire 
 of the whole world ? To which the priest, who 
 
 4 This passage in Quintus Curtius is pretty difficult, and 
 is variously explained by interpreters. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 119 
 
 was as much a flatterer as the king was vain- 
 glorious, answered, that he. should be monarch of 
 the universe. At last he inquired, whether all 
 his father's murderers had been punished; but 
 thie priest replied, that he blasphemed ; that his 
 father was immortal ; but that with regard to 
 the murderers of Philip, they had all been ex- 
 tirpated ; adding, that he should be invincible, 
 and afterwards take his seat among the deities. 
 Having ended his sacrifice, he offered magni- 
 ficent presents to the god, and did not for- 
 get the priests, who had served his purpose so 
 well. 
 
 Decorated with the splendid title of the son i 
 of Jupiter, and fancying himself I'aised above 
 the human species, he returned from his jour- 
 ney as from a triumph. From that time, in all 
 his letters, his orders, and decrees, he always 
 assumed this title: Alexander King, Son of 
 Jupiter- Ammon :^ in answer to which, Olym- 
 pias, his mother, one day made a very witty re- 
 monstrance in few words, by desiring him not 
 to engage her in any quarrels with Juno. 
 
 Whilst Alexander waa indulging himself in 
 these chimeras, and tasting the great pleasure 
 his vanity made him conceive from this pom- 
 pous title, every one derided him in secret ; and 
 some, who had not yet put on the yoke of abject 
 flattery, ventured to reproach him upon that 
 account ; but they paid very dear for that liber- 
 ty, as the sequel will show. Not satisfied with 
 endeavouring to pass for the son of a god, and of 
 being himself persuaded, if indeed this were 
 possible, that he really was such, he would also 
 pass for a god himself ; till at last. Providence 
 having brought to pass through him the events 
 of which he was chosen to be the instrument, 
 brought him to his end, and thereby levelled him 
 with the rest of mortals. 
 
 Alexander, upon his return from the temple 
 of Jupiter- Ammon, being arrived at the PaLus 
 Mareotis, which was not far from the island of 
 Pharos, made a visit to his new city, the build- 
 ing of which was already far advanced. He 
 took the best methods possible to people it, in- 
 viting thither persons from all quarters, to whom 
 he offered the most advantageous conditions. 
 He drew to it,** among others a considerable 
 number of Jews, by allowing them very great 
 privileges ; for he not only left them the free 
 exercise of their religion and laws, but put them 
 on the same foot in every respect with the 
 Macedonians whom he settled there. From 
 thence he went to Memphis, where he spent 
 the winter. 
 
 Varro observes, that at the time this king 
 built Alexandria, the use of paj)yrus (for writ- 
 ing) was found in Egypt. 
 
 During Alexander's stay in Memphis,^ he 
 settled the affairs of Egypt, suffering none but 
 Macedonians to command the troops. He di- 
 vided the country into districts, over each of 
 which he appointed a lieutenant, who received 
 orders from himself only ; not thinking it safe 
 to intrust the general command of all the troops 
 to one single person, in so large and populous a 
 country. With regard to the civil government, 
 he invested one Doloaspes, an Egyptian, with 
 the whole power of it ; for being desirous that 
 Egypt should still be governed by its ancient 
 
 5 Varro npud A. Gell. 1. xiii. c. 4. 
 6 Joseph, cumra Appian. 
 7 Arrian. 1. iii. p. 108—110. Q. Cuit. 1. iv. c. 8. 
 
 laws and customs, he was of opinion thai ana- | 
 tive of Egypt, to whom they must be familiar^ I 
 was fitter for that office than any foreigner 
 whatsoever. 
 
 To hasten the building of his new city, he 
 appointed Cleomenes inspector over it ; with 
 orders for him to levy the tribute which Arabia 
 was to pay. But this Cleomenes was a very 
 wicked wretch, who abused his authority, and 
 oppressed the people with the utmost bar- 
 barity. 
 
 SECT. VIII. 
 
 Alexander, after his return from Egypt, resolves to go In 
 pursuit of Darius. At his setting out he hears of the 
 death of that monarch's queen. He causes to be paid 
 her the honours which were due to her rank. He 
 passes the Euphrates and Tigris, and comes up with 
 Darius. The famous battle of Arbela. 
 
 Alexander having settled the affairs of Egypt,' 
 set out from thence in the spring, to march'into 
 the East against Darius. In his way through 
 Palestine, he heard news which gave him great 
 uneasiness. At his going into Egypt, he had 
 appointed Andromachus, whom he highly es- 
 teemed, governor of Syria and Palestine. An- 
 dromachus coming to Samaria to settle some 
 affairs in that country, the Samaritans muti- 
 nied ; and setting fire to the house in which he 
 was, burned him alive. It is very probable, that 
 this was occasioned by the rage with which that 
 people were fired, at their having been denied 
 the same privileges that had been granted the 
 Jews, their enemies. Alexander was highly | 
 exasperated against them for this cruel action, ! 
 and accordingly he put to death all those who 
 had any hand in it, banished the rest from the 
 city of Samaria, supplying their I'oom with a 
 colony of Macedonians, and divided the rest of 
 their lands among the Jews. j 
 
 He made some stay in Tyre, to settle the ; 
 various affairs of the countries he left behind j 
 him, in his progress towards new conquests. 
 
 He was scarce set out, \ 
 
 A. M. 8673. when an eunuch brought 
 Ant. J. C. SSI. word, that Darius's consort 
 was just dead. Hearing this, 
 he returned back, and went into the tent of 
 Sysigambis, whom he found bathed in tears, 
 and lying on the ground, in the midst of the 
 young princesses, who also were weeping ; and 
 near them the son of Darius, a child, who was 
 the more worthy of compassion," as he was less 
 sensible to evils, which concerned him more 
 than any other. Alexander consoled them in 
 so kind and tender a manner, as plainly showed 
 that he himself was deeply and sincerely afflict- ; 
 ed. He caused her funeral obsequies to be per- i 
 formed with the utmost splendour and magnifi- 
 cence. One of the eunuchs who superintended 
 the chamber, and who had been taken with the \ 
 princesses, fled from the camp, and ran to Da- 
 rius, whom he informed of his consort's death. ; 
 The Persian monarch was seized with the most 
 violent afiiiction upon hearing this news, pai-- 
 ticularly, as he supposed she would not be al- 
 
 8 Diod. 1. xvii. p. 550—536. Arrian. 1. iii. p, 111—127. 
 Plutarch, in Alex. p. 681— Cb5. g. Curt. 1, iv. c. 9—16. 
 Justin. 1. xi. c. 12—14. 
 
 9 Ob id ipsum miserabilis, quod nondum sentiebat cala* 
 initatem, maxima ex parte ad ipsum redundanteai. Q 
 Curt, 
 
120 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 lowed the funeral ceremonies due to her exalted 
 rank. But the eunuch undeceived him on this 
 occasion, hy telling him the honours which 
 Alexander had paid his queen after her death, 
 and the civilities he had always shown her in 
 her lifetime. Darius, upon hearing these 
 words, was fired with suspicions of so horrid a 
 kind, that they did not leave him a moment's 
 quiet. 
 
 Taking the eunuch aside, he spoke to him as 
 follows : " If thou dost still acknowledge Da- 
 rius for thv lord and sovereign, tell me, by the 
 respect and veneration thou owest to that gi'eat 
 splendour of Mithres^ which enlightens us, and 
 to this hand which the king stretcheth out to 
 tbee ; tell me, I say, whether in bemoaning the 
 death of Statira, I do not bewail the least of j 
 her evils; and whether, as she fell into the 
 bands of a young monarch, she did not fii*St lose 
 her honour, and afterwards her life." The | 
 eunuch, throwing himself at Darius's feet, be- | 
 sought him not to think so injuriously of Alex- i 
 ander's virtue ; nor dishonour his wife and 
 sister after her death; and not to deprive him- | 
 self of the greatest consolation he could possibly i 
 have in his misfortunes, viz. to be firmly per- 
 suaded, that the prince, who had triumphed 
 over him, was superior to the frailties of other j 
 men; that he ought rather to admire Alexan- j 
 der, as he had given the Persian ladies much ; 
 stronger proofs of his virtue and continence, 
 ; than he had given the Persians themselves of | 
 I his valour. After this, he confirmed all he had 
 i before said, by the most dreadful oaths and im- 
 ' precations ; and then gave him a particular ac- 
 I count of what public fame had related concern- 
 I ing the wisdom, temperance, and magnanimity 
 ' of Alexander. 
 
 j Darius, returning into the hall where his 
 I courtiers were assembled, and lifting up his 
 i hands to heaven, broke into the following prayer : 
 ! " Ye gods, who preside over the birth of men, 
 and who dispose of kings and empires, grant 
 that, after having raised the fortune of Persia 
 from its dejected state, I may transmit it to my 
 descendant's with the same lustre in which I 
 received it; in order that, after having tri- 
 umphed over my enemies, I may acknowledge 
 the favours which Alexander has shown in my 
 calamity to persons who, of all others, are most 
 dear to' me : or, in case the time ordained by 
 the fates is at last come, when it must neces- 
 sarily happen, from the anger of the gods, or the 
 ordinary vicissitudes of human aifairs, that the 
 empire of Persia must end; grant great gods, 
 that rone but Alexander may ascend the throne 
 of Cvi'us." 
 
 In the«mean time, Alexander having set out 
 upon his march, arrivf-d with his whole army 
 at Thapsacus, where he passed a bridge that lay 
 across the Euphrates, and continued his journey 
 towards the Tigi-is, where he expected to come 
 up with the enemy. Darius had already made 
 overtures of peace' to him twice ; but finding at 
 last that there were no hopes of their roncluding 
 one, unless he resigned the whole empire to him, 
 he therefore prepared himself again for battle. 
 For this purpose, he assembled in Babylon an 
 army half as numerous again as that which he 
 had at Issus, and marched it towards JS'iiieveh : 
 his forces covered all the plains of JMesopotaniia. 
 
 1 Tlie Persians Avorshipperl 11-e sun urdrr the rian-:e of 
 Vithres :n (\ tho moon uridcr that of Mithi a. 
 
 Advice being brought, that the enemy was not 
 far oif, he caused Satropates, colonel of the caval- 
 ry, to advance at the head of lUOO chosen horse ; 
 and likewise gave 6000 to Mazseus, governor of 
 the province ; to prevent Alexander from cross- 
 ing the river, and to lay waste the country 
 through which that monarch was to pass: but 
 he arrived too late. 
 
 Of all the rivers of the east, this is the most 
 rapid;- and it not only receives a great number 
 
 2 Respecting the rapidity of the Tigris, see the note on 
 the geography of Xenophon's retreat. From our imper- 
 fect knowledge of Asiatic geography, it is irapossiWe to 
 fix, -with precision, the remotest source of the Tigris or 
 Uijlat. It seems to have two sources, one from the 
 southern route of the Taurus, and the other from the 
 northern front of the same range ; the intervening syiace 
 being either a collection of small valleys, or a large valley^ 
 watered by difiFerent streams, which fall int" the one or 
 the other of these branches. The western branch runs 
 north-east along the foot of another ridge of Taurus, by 
 which it is separated from the small lake cf Gurgick, the 
 Colchis of the ancients— a collection of s;.lt water 14 miles 
 long by 4 broad, according to Jackson, and somewhat less 
 according to Kinnier. Several maps make this laKe the 
 source of the Tigris, but this is erroneous, as no streams 
 issue from it. It then runs east to Maaden, or the Mine 
 Town, about four hours' journey, or 18 miles west from 
 Argana, where it is not above 20 feet wide when low. 
 There it enters the great valley of Diyarbekr, o2 miles 
 north-west of that city, through the gorge formed by the 
 junction of the Niphates and Masiu.s which here form the 
 western limit of the valley. This branch is joined a few 
 miles above Diyarbekr, or Amida, by the nortliern branch 
 coming from the southern slope of the Niphates, or the 
 Nimrood Dagh. This branch rises 65 miles to the north- 
 west of Diyarbekr, and is, perhaps, the larger and more 
 distant branch of the two. A little above this junction, 
 the Tigris receives a branch from the south. At Diyar- 
 bekr the Tigris is always fordable, except when swoln by 
 the rains or the melted snows, when it tlien rises to a great 
 height, and is very rapid. Below this city, it receives 
 several other streams from mount Masius. Amongst | 
 these, there is one which divides the Pashalickof Diyar- | 
 bekr from that of Mosul. This stream is called Karadgy i 
 Su, or Black river, as having its source in mount Ma.-ius, 
 or Karadgy Dagh, or Black mountains. Its course is 40 I 
 miles north. Fifty miles below Diyarbekr, it receives the ' 
 Batman Su, a larger stream than itself. It rises in mount 
 Niphates, and runs from the north-east to the south-west. 
 
 Where Kinnier crossed this branch on the loth of July, it 
 was S60 feet broad, and so deep and rapid as to be scarcely 
 fordable for a m.an on horseback, although the stream was 
 said by the natives to Kinnier to be very low, when com- 
 pared with what it had been 14 days previous, or on the 
 2d of July. It is compose-d of a great number of streams, 
 running in parallel courses from the Niphates, or Nun. 
 rood Dagh, and is called the Bullespena, or Bulima, by 
 some of the Turks. It seems to be the Nymphius of the 
 Romans and Greeks, and the Arzin Branch of the ligris. 
 
 This stream was the western limit of Persian domination 
 on the north of the Tigris, when, by the treaty of Jovian, the 
 five districts on the north of, or beyond that river, ceded by \ 
 Narses to the emperor Galerius, were re-<tored to Shapoor ' 
 II. On the banks of one oF the streams composing this 
 river, stood the ancient Martyropc lis, or the modern 
 Mavafarekin, 240 stadia to the north-east of Amida, or 
 Diyarbekr. This citv is by mistake taken for the Mace- 
 practa of Ammianus 'Marcellinus, by the learned authors 
 of the Modern Universal History, vol. ii. p. 258. As it is 
 called Maipheracta as well as Mayafarekin, and is there- 
 fore similar in sound and orthography to Maccpracta, they 
 thence inferred that Mayafarekin and Macepracta were the 
 same city. This is a gross mistake, as the Macepracta of 
 Ammianus lav at the south-west termination ct the Me- 
 dian wall, at the very south-east extremity of Mesopotamia, 
 whereas Martyropo'lis lay near its north-west extremity, 
 nigh 400 British miles distant. The opinion of Renaudot, 
 which thev have censured, in making IMayafarekm the 
 Mai tyropdlis of I'rocopius, is far more probable than their 
 own. In the verv same page, they have i)laced Amida, or 
 Diyarbekr, north-east from Nisibis, and alleged the aulho. 
 rity of Ihcophanes for it; whereas it lies bO miles to the 
 north-west of Ni.ibis. It is strange that, m fixing the 
 sites of Mavafarekin, Nisibis, and Anuda, they did not 
 consult the "maps of D'Anville, where they are placed ir 
 their true relative positions. In my rpimon, the Batmar 
 £u i« the real 'ligris, above the sources of which the ten 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 121 
 
 of rivulets in its waves, but drags along with it 
 ^•eat stones ; so that it is named Tigris, on ac- 
 count of its prodigious rapidity, an arrow being 
 •)o called in the Persian tongue. Alexander 
 
 thousand passed in their way to the Euphrateso It is also 
 probably the Tigris of Fliny. 
 
 " It rises, says he, in a region of Armenia Major, from a 
 conspicuous fountain, in a place called Elon-Gosine. The 
 name of the river itself, where its current is slower, is 
 Diglito. From the place where its motion is accelerated, 
 it begins to be called Tigris from its velocity. So the Medes 
 denominate an arrow. It flows into the Lake Arethusa, 
 bearing on its surface all ponderous bodies thrown into it, 
 and exhaling or casting up nitre in clouds. It (the J^ake) 
 produces a particular kind of fish ; and as that species is 
 not mixed with the channel of the stream passing through 
 it, so in like manner, neither do the fish of the river that 
 »wim out of it into the lake ; but the stream is carried for- 
 ward through the lake, dissimilar both in current and 
 colour to it, and is carried forward, Mount Taurus meet- 
 mg it in its course, into a cave, and gliding underneath, it 
 breaks forth at the other side of it. The place is called 
 Zoroanda. That it is the same river, is manifest from this, 
 that it carries through substances swallowed up by it. It 
 then passes through another lake, which is called Thospi- 
 tis. It then disappears in a subterraneous passage, or 
 passages. It is then again restored to view at Nym. 
 phaeum, twenty-five miles below." As no European had 
 ever seen the Lake of Arethusa, its existence was called 
 in doubt ; but Kinnier, in crossing the mountainous tract 
 between the Euphrates and Beths, discovered a pretty 
 large lake, called Nazook, which, in his opinion, is the 
 Arethusa of Pliny. This lake is thirteen miles in length, 
 and five broad in the centre, but contracted at its western 
 extremity to the breadth of half a mile. It lies in a lofty 
 plain, between the range of Bellyjon on the north, and the 
 Niphates on the south, twenty miles south of the Morad 
 Shai, or Eastern Euphrates, and fifteen north of the Lake 
 of Van. Out of this lake, Kinnier says a small river is- 
 sues, which he was informed was one of the sources of the 
 Tigris. This information must be erroneous, as the ten 
 thousand Greeks must liave crossed it in their way to the 
 Teleboas, or river of Moosh. And Xenophon says, that 
 in three marches from the Centrites, which they crossed in 
 the vicinity of Sert, they had advanced beyond or above 
 the head of the Tigris. Now this cannot be true, if the 
 Lake of Nazook be the Arethusa of Pliny, and the small 
 stream issuing thence be the eastern branch of the Tigris ; 
 or else we must suppose Xenophon and his companions to 
 have crossed the range of the moimtains to the east of 
 these two lakes ; which would be contrary to every hypo- 
 thesis that has yet been advanced respecting the line of 
 march in this part of the retreat. It is clear that Xeno- 
 phon did not see the lake of Van, nor any lake whatever, 
 in his march. If therefore the small stream issuing from 
 the western extremity of the Lake of Nazook, had been 
 the eastern source of the Tigris, it must run W. and S. W. 
 and therefore must have crossed the line of Xenophon's 
 march. In his own map, Kinnier delineates the course of 
 this stream as running N. and N. W. to tlie Morad; as in- 
 deed must be the case, as the plain of the lake, as repre- 
 Bented in the map, has no opening to the S. W. being shut 
 up by a range of mountains in that direction. Pliny, in 
 efFect, admits the same, in saying that Mount Taurus 
 meets it ; but that it pierces the range by a subterraneous 
 aperture, and re-appears and runs forward, till again 
 stopped by another range, which it pierces in the same 
 manner. But that a river, and that a small one, should 
 pierce successively two broad ranges of mountains, is so 
 apparently absurd, as to merit no refutation. Kinnier 
 tasted the water of this lake, and found it sweet and 
 wholesome, consequently fit for all the purposes of life. Now 
 this is perfectly contradictory to Pliny's account, which re- 
 presents it as perfectly nitrous, and therefore unpalatable. 
 Strabo calls this lake Arsenus and Thoetis; and says that 
 it IS so nitrous, as to destroy cloths ; and that its waters, 
 therefore, are not potable. There is, however, this diffe. 
 rence between Pliny and Strabo, that the latter makes the 
 'I'igris to pass through one lake only, and that it is swallowed 
 up in a whirlpool in the interior of the latter, and runs a 
 long way under ground, till it re-appears near Chalonitis 
 in Assyria. This betrays such ignorance and absurdity, as 
 to make one wonder how such a judicious author as he 
 could believe it. That the modern Batman is PUny's Tigri.^, 
 and the Nymphius of the Greeks and Romans, appears from 
 his placing the city Nymphseum on it, 25 miles below the 
 lake of Thospitis. Vet D'Anville makes the river of Hcsn 
 Keifa, east of the Batman, to be the Erzin branch of the 
 Tigris, and the one described above by Pliny, and not the 
 Batman, as Kinnier supposes, and for which he quotes the 
 
 I sounded those parts of the river which were 
 fordable, and there the water, at the entrance, 
 came up to the horses' bellies, and in the middle 
 to their breasts. Having drawn up his infantry 
 
 authority of D'Anville. I do believe in the existerce of 
 the Arethusa and Thospitis Lakes; though I do not think 
 that the former of these is the source of the Nymphius or 
 Eastern Tigris. The lake of Nazook, if the Arethusa of 
 Pliny, is 140 British miles E. N. E. of the junction of the 
 eastern and western branches of the Tigris, or of the Bat- 
 man with the Diarbekr branch. The source of the Bat- 
 man is, in my opinion, still a desideratum in geography. 
 Ptolemy places the sources of the Tigris at '25 miles N. E. 
 of the Thospitis lake ; but makes no mention of Arethusa. 
 But his Thospitis is placed on the Diyarbeker braiich, and 
 not on the Nymphius river ; and places the district of Anzi- 
 tene between the fountains of the Tigris and the Eu- 
 phrates. Pie also says flib. v. cap. xii. table iii. p. 129), 
 speaking of Thospitis, there are also other lakes, among 
 which is that called Lychnitis, and places itSO minutes W. 
 of the Arsifsa Palus, or Lake of Van. I would suppose this 
 to be the Arethusa of Pliny, the Thoetis and Arsenus of 
 Strabo, and the Nazook of Kinnier, were it not that Ptole- 
 my places it 2". 25'. N. of the same lake. But this is cer- 
 tainly an error, and to be placed to the account of 
 ancient ignorance. It may perhaps be the lake of Shello, 
 another collection of fre.^h water discovered by Kinnier, 
 while traversing the unexplored tract betwe-en the Morad 
 and the lake of Van. It lies in a very lofty level amongst 
 the mountains, to the N. E. of the Nazook lake, and is 
 said to be a day's journey in circuit. The borders of the 
 Nazook lake are quite naked, and destitute of wood, 
 which gives it a bleak appearance ; whereas those of the 
 Van lake are tolerably skirted with trees, so neces- 
 sary both for ornament and comfort. Pliny further says, 
 on the authority of Claudius Cassar, that the Tif^ris flows 
 80 near the river Arsanias, in the district of Arzene, that 
 when they are swoln, they form a sort of confluence ; nor 
 yet do their waters mingle, but the light fluid of the Ar- 
 sanias swims on the surface of the Tigris, for the spare of 
 almost 40 Roman miles ; afterward divided, it is merged 
 into the Euphrates. Here we are carried from the Nym- 
 phius to the western branch and the Arsanias, or the two 
 branches are confouiided together ; for this cannot pos- 
 sibly be predicated of the Nymphius or eastern branch. 
 The fact is, it is impossible to obtain from the ancients a 
 clear and consistent account of the sources of the Tigris, 
 or mdke them at all correspondent with modern accounts. 
 In its further progress through the large oval valley of 
 Diyarbeker, it receives a multitude of streams on the 
 right and left, from the Karadgia Dagler and the Nimrood 
 Dagh. These parallel ridges gradually approximate, the 
 one from the N. W. and the other from the S. W., till 
 they form a stupendous narrow gorge, through which, 
 with great difficulty, the Tigris forces its way. 'ihe 
 mountains on either side run so close to the river bank, 
 and rise so abruptly from their bases, as to render it al. 
 most impossible for man or beast to penetrate the lofty de- 
 file. Eleven geographical miles below this rocky barrier, 
 the Tigris forms a low sandy island, three miles in cir- 
 cumference, called Jezeerat ul-Omar, or Jezeerat Bei,i- 
 Omar, an appellation signifying the island of the sons of 
 Omar. On this spot is seated the strong fortress of Jezte- 
 rah, the ancient Bezabde, or Necarda, taken from the Ro- 
 mans by Shapoor II. the conqueror of Julian. Of the twi 
 branches forming the island, the northern is the larger, 
 being 146 paces, or 360 feet wide, and deep, and rapid. 
 The rest of its course below this, has been illustrated in a 
 former note on the retreat of the ten thousand. The ford 
 by which Alexander passed the Tigris has also been men. 
 tioned in the same note. 
 
 From Mosul to Bagdad, the Tigris varies greatly in 
 depth and breadth. Not far below the former city is a 
 wear or stone dyke thrown across the river, and of great 
 antiquity; but for what purpose is unknown ; and equally 
 so, when it was constructed, and by whom. Between the 
 Great and Little Zab (Lycus and Caprus), the river is 
 broad and shallow, interspersed with islands, spread! n r 
 from half a mile to a mile in breadth. Below the little 
 Zab, the stream is from 600 yards to half a mile and a 
 mile wide, and opens sometimes into a vast aqueous ex- 
 panse, composed of many islands and channels. At 'I'ekrit 
 it is very wide ; and at Samara, or Sarramanray, once the 
 royal seat of several Abasside Khalifs, it is a full mile 
 broad, with high banks, but shallow stream. Below Sa- 
 mara commences, or formerly did commence, a large 
 canal, drawn to a considerable distance to the west of the 
 river, and thence extended south, as far as the canals of 
 communication which formerly connected the Euphvate.i 
 and Tigris, in the quarter where tlic^e streams apj^roxi 
 
122 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 in the form of a half moon, and posted his cav- 
 alry on the wings, they advanced to the current 
 I of the water with no great difficulty, can-ying 
 i their arms over their heads. The king waded 
 i on foot among the infantry, and was the first 
 
 mate. The space inclosed by this large branch below 
 Samara and reunited at Imaum Musa to the main stream, 
 I was denominated by the Greek and Roman writers Apa- 
 I mea Mesene, from the city of Apamea below Samara, 
 and sometimes simply Mesene or the Island. In the days 
 ■ of the Khalifs this was a beautiful, populous, and fertile 
 tract, but is now desolate and waste ; and what was once 
 an Eden is now a dreary desert. With the destruction of 
 i the connecting canals— as the Turks destroy every thing, 
 i and neither erect nor repair any thing— the population has 
 ceased; and the cities which once adorned their banks as 
 i well as that of the main river, in the days of a Xenophon, 
 an Ammianus, and Al-Mamoun, have disappeared. Ihis 
 large canal was called the Didjel or Little iigris. Below 
 the mouth of the Kufri.Su, the Tigris is reduced to a width 
 of 300 yards, across which is stationed a bridge of boats. 
 Soon after it expands to half a mile in breadth. Its 
 breadth at Bagdad has been already mentioned, 
 i Below the confluence with the Deeallah, the Tigris, aug- 
 mented by the accession of so large a stream, assumes a 
 ' magnificent appearance, spreading out at interrals from a 
 i mile to a mile and a half, and even two miles wide, with 
 high and steep banks elevated from fifteen to twenty feet 
 above the surface of the river when low. At Koote-al. 
 ' Hamara, midway between Bagdad and Bassora, it is a 
 full mile broad ; and immediately opposite the Tigris, 
 i sends off a very large branch equal to the I hames at Lon- 
 don bridge, called the Shat-ul-Hye. This name it retains 
 till it is subdivided into two branches called the Ammoo 
 and the Aher Jehirat. Boats pass by the former when the 
 i Tigris is very full ; but when the river begins to fall, they 
 i sail through the latter. These two branches reunite in 
 1 the GhorofF country, and assume the name of Sebbil ; but 
 before entering the Euphrates, this branch is again subdi- 
 ' vided into a number of smaller branches, each of which 
 i has a distinct appellation. The banks of these branches are 
 well wooded, but infested with lions ; and on the banks 
 ' of the Ammoo branch, the ruins of a large city are 
 recognised, supposed to be those of Waset, a large, rich, 
 and populous place in the times of the Khalifate. The 
 district watered by these branches from the Tigris was 
 called Al-Batihah or the fenny country, in the days 
 of the Khalifate. These branches, according to Km- 
 nier, are dry in autumn and winter. I apprehend this 
 must be taken with some limitations ; as Jackson, who 
 sailed up this branch in July from the Euphrates, asserts 
 the breadth in several places to be more than half a mile. 
 As the Tigris is at its lowest state on the 30th of Septem. 
 : ber at Bagdad, and during the most of October, when it 
 again begins to rise on the 19th of that month, this 
 branch is perhaps unnavigable during the three months of 
 September, October, and November. Seven miles below 
 Koote-al-Hamara, the piers of an ancient stone bridge 
 ' still remain— the only one, perhaps, ever built on the Tigris 
 below ; but when, or by whom erected, is unknown. As 
 in the lower part of its course the Tigris runs on a higher 
 level than the country adjoining its banks, this latter is in. 
 undated on both sides to a great extent during the periodi- 
 cal swellings. At Kornah it combines with the Euphrates, 
 and becomes an immense stream ; and so deep, that a large 
 frigate may anchor close to the angle of land formed by 
 the junction. Fifty miles below this is Bassora, where the 
 tide rises and falls nine feet: seventy miles below this city 
 it falls into the Persian Gulf. There is no delta formed 
 at the mouth. From Bagdad to Bassora the distance by 
 water is 525 miles ; yet so rapid is the stream, that a person 
 may sail that space in seven days though the river has con- 
 : eiderably fallen. ^ , 
 
 : It is said in the text that Alexander crossed the Eu- 
 phrates at Thapsacus, or the modern Ul-Uer. As both the 
 I terms imply a pass or ford over the Euphrates, there must 
 ] have been more places than one so called; and then the 
 question is— by which of these passes did Alexander cross 
 i the Euphrates ? Was it at the same place where Cyrus 
 I the Younger crossed ? As was observed in a former note, 
 1 the Euphrates is not fordable below its junction with the 
 Khabur; and the Thai)sacus of Xenophon is the lowest 
 fording place of that river. There are two other passes or 
 Dars over the Euphrates, not very far above where Cyrus 
 crossed— namelv, at Kacca and Alalis, opposite the castle 
 of Jiabar. This "last is the ordinary passage from S>Tia into 
 I Mesopotamia from the S. W. ; and there at low water, the 
 I Euphrates is very shallow, according to Balbi, who found 
 i great difficulty in navigating it. It is 100 geographical 
 I miles above Thapsacus. About 25 such miles below this 
 ford is another at Racca, above the junction of the Eu- 
 
 who appeared on the opposite shore, wfcere he j 
 pointed out with his hand the ford to the sol- i 
 diers ; it not being possible for him to make i 
 them hear him. But it was with the gi-eatest j \ 
 diflBiCulty they kept their footing ; because of the j 
 
 phrates, with the river of Anthemusia. It was probably by , j 
 this ford that Alexander passed his army. Had Alexander , j 
 passed it at the Thapsacus of Xenophon, it would have led i j 
 him N. E. to Mousul or Nineveh, and consequently to a j i 
 place where the Tigris is unfordable, and where of course i ! 
 he would have been compelled to cross it on a bridge of i ! 
 pontoons, which he would have had to construct — as the ; I 
 Persians undoubtedly broke down all the pontoons on the 
 Tigris— if Alexander had attempted to cross the 'J igris be. ; 
 low Nineveh. 'Ihere can be no doubt but Alexander j 
 would previously inform himself at what point the Tigris j 
 was fordable, and direct his march towards that jwint i 
 Racca is therefore the most eligible p.ace he could have ! 
 chosen for passing the Euphrates ; the road from thence t 
 N. E. to the Tigris, leading to a point on that stream con- j 
 siderably to the N. W. of Nineveh or Mousul. Arriaii i 
 mentions that Alexander found the remains of a broken 
 bridge at Thapsacus, which is presumptive evidence that | 
 liis I hapsacus was not identical with the 'lhapsacus of i 
 Xenophon, as there is no evidence that ever a bridge was i 
 at that latter place. Arrian further says, that he marched j 
 into Mesopotamia, having the mountains of Armenia (i. e. | 
 Mount Masius or the Karadgy Dagh) on his left hand. 1 
 From this we can only infer, that Alexander crossed the j \ 
 Euphrates at a point higher up than the Thapsacus of j i 
 Xenophon; that he marched thence to the N. and N. E. I 
 and finally, by Ras-al-ain and Nisibis, coasting the south. | 
 ern foot of mount Masius to the ford of the Tigris, twenty. | 
 three hours' travelling, according to Hadgy Khalifa, above 
 Mousul, and 24 miles below the ridge of Zaco. 
 
 Both Pliny and Isidore of Charax, (in his Parthlaii 
 Stations), say that Alexander founded the city of Nicepho. 
 rium, which is allowed by all to have occupied the site of | 
 the modern Rakka, and which immediately took the name \ 
 of Callinicum. Pliny says (lib. vi c 26), that the city of : 
 Nicephorium is situated near the Euphrates, and was i 
 founded by Alexander the Great, because of the advan. i 
 tages (or commodiousness) of its situation. Here then 
 is a reason assigned for its foundation ; and it does not ap.. i 
 pear that ever Alexander founded a city which he had not \ 
 himself explored. One can only account for his being here j 
 when on his march from Tyre to Arbela. In lib. v. c. 24, i 
 Pliny connects Nicephorium with Anthemusia, both de. 
 scribed by him as castles of Mesopotamia. The latter is } ; 
 placed by Isidore of Charax between Zeugma and Calhni. j \ 
 cum or Nicephorium. It would have been a shorter route 
 from Tyre to Arbela, to have crossed the river where Cy. 
 rus the Younger passed it, namely, at Ul-Der; but then 
 he would have been obliged to cross a great tract of desert i 
 before he arrived there : whereas, by taking the route of ] 
 Damascus and Emesa, he marched through a fertile tract . 
 where his army could be supplied with provisions, and had { 
 only a small portion of the Syrian desert to cross ; and his i 
 route from Racca or Nicephorium, N. E. to the ford of the j 
 Tigris, lay through the best part of Mesopotamia to the i j 
 west of the Chaboras, independent of its being the straight i | 
 road to the point of the Tigris, where he meant to cross it. 
 Kinnier, in his maji of Asia Minor and Koordistaun, | 
 makes him to cross the river at the Thapsacus of Xeno- j 
 phon ; but then he is forced to delineate his after.course 
 to the ford of the Tigris in a winding and circuitous direu 
 tion, in order to avoid the deserts of Sinjar or Eastern 
 Mesopotamia. For these reasons I prefer Rennel's opinion 
 to that of Kinnier, that Alexander crossed the Euphrates 
 at Racca or Nicephorium. 1 am not satisfied however with 
 the opinion that Alexander built the city of Nicephorium, 
 as certainly he had something else to do at that time than 
 set about the building of a city when liastening to meet 
 Darius ; and there was no engagement at that place whence 
 Alexander could have given it the name. 1 rather think 
 the place obtained the name from the decisive victory 
 which Seleucus obtained over liis brother Antiochiib, 
 whereby he obtained undisturbed possession of Syria and 
 Mesopotamia. It is not said indeed where that engagement 
 was fought ; but as it was called Callinicum or the |)lace of 
 Glorious Victorv, so it might also from the same cause obtain 
 the appellation of Nicephor.um, as the place where it was 
 purchased. I have only to remark, that the Tigris is also 
 denominated by the Koords the Gre.it River, by way of 
 eminency ; and received also from the Arabs, in the days 
 of the Khalifate, the title of J-Farfi-fiZ-SaZa^w, ov Assalain, 
 the Torrent of Peace. The march of Alexander from 
 Racca to the ford of the Tigris, supposing him to have 
 taken the route of Nisibis, would be 240 British miles iD 
 direct distance. — Ed. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 123 
 
 • lipperincss of the stones, and the impetuosity of 
 ■ be stream. Such soldiers as not only carried 
 their arms, hut their clothes also, were much 
 more embarrassed ; for being unable to support 
 themselves, they were carried into whirlpools, 
 unless they threw away their burdens. At the 
 same time, the heaps of clothes floating up and 
 lown, beat down several ; and, as every man 
 mdeavoured to catch at his own things, they 
 annoyed one another more than the river did. 
 It was to no purpose that the king commanded 
 them, with a loud voice, to save nothing but 
 their arms ; and assui-ed them, that he himself 
 would compensate their other losses; for not 
 one of them could hear his admonitions or or- 
 ders, so great was the noise and tumult. At 
 last, they all passed over that part of the ford 
 .vhere the water was shallowest, and the stream 
 ess impetxious, and their chief loss was only 
 that of a small part of their baggage. 
 
 It is certain, that this army might easily have 
 been cut to pieces, had they been opposed by a 
 general who dared to conquer ; that is, to make 
 ever so little opposition to their passage. But 
 Mazeeus, who might easily have defeated them 
 had he come up when they were crossing the 
 river in disorder and confusion, did not arrive 
 till they were drawn up in battle array. A 
 like good fortune had always attended this prince 
 hitherto, both when he passed the Granicus in 
 sight of so prodigious a multitude of horse and foot, 
 who waited his coming on the shore ; and also 
 in the rocks of Cilicia, when he found the passes 
 and straits quite open and defenceless, where a 
 small number of troops might have checked his 
 progress. This circumstance may lessen our 
 surprise at that excess of boldness,' which was 
 his peculiar characteristic, and which perpetu- 
 ally prompted him to encounter blindly the 
 greatest dangers; since, as he was always fortu- 
 nate, he never had once room to suspect himself 
 guilty of rashness. 
 
 The king, having encamped two days near 
 the river, commanded his soldiers to be ready 
 for marching on the morrow ; but about nine or 
 ten in the evening, when the sky was calm and 
 clear, the moon first lost its light, and appeared 
 afterwards quite sullied, and as it were tinged 
 witii blood. Now as this happened just before 
 a great battle was going to be fought, the doubt- 
 ful success of which had already filled the army 
 with sufficient disquietude, they were first struck 
 with a religious awe, and afterwards seized with 
 fear. They cried out, " That heaven displayed 
 the marks of its anger ; and that they were 
 dragged, against the will of the gods, to the ex- 
 tremities of the earth : that rivers opposed their 
 passage ; that the stars refused to lend their 
 usual light ; and that they could now see no- 
 thing but deserts and solitudes : that merely to 
 satisfy the ambition of one man, so many thou- 
 sands shed their blood ; and that for a man who 
 contemned his own country, disowned his fa- 
 ther, and pretended to pass for a god." 
 
 These murmurs were rising to an open insur- 
 rection, when Alexander, whom nothing could 
 intimidate, summoned the officers of his army 
 into his tent, and commanded such of the Egyp- 
 tian soothsayers who were best skilled in the 
 knowledge of the stars, to declare what they 
 
 1 Audaciae quoqne, qua maximd viguit, ratio rainui po- 
 test ; quia nunquam in discrimen venit, an temerd fecisset. 
 Quint Curt. 
 
 thought of this phenomenon. These knew very 
 well the natural causes of eclipses of the moon ; 
 but, without entering into physical arguments, 
 they contented themselves with saying, that the 
 sun was on the side of the Greeks, and the 
 moon on that of the Persians, and that, when- 
 ever it suffered an eclipse, it always threatened 
 the latter with some grievous calamity, whereof 
 they mentioned several examples, all which they 
 adduced as true and indisputable. Superstition 
 has a surprising influence over the minds of the 
 vulgar. How headstrong and inconsistent so- 
 ever they may be, yet if they are once struck 
 with a vain image of religion, they will sooner 
 obey soothsayers than their leaders. The an- 
 swer made by the Egyptians being dispersed 
 among the soldiers, it revived their hopes and 
 courage. 
 
 The king, purposely to take advantage of this 
 ardour, began his march after midnight. On 
 his right hand lay the Tigris, and on his left the 
 mountains called Cordi/cei.^ At day-break the 
 scouts, whom he had sent to view the enemy, 
 brought word that Darius was marching to- 
 wards him; upon which, he immediately drew 
 up his forces in battle array, and set himself at 
 their head. However, it was afterwards found, 
 that they were only a detachment of 1000 horse 
 that were sent out to reconnoitre, and which 
 soon retired to the main array. Nevertheless, 
 news was brought the king, that Darius was 
 now but 150 stadia^ from the place Avhere they 
 then were. 
 
 Not long before this some letters had been 
 intercepted in which Darius solicited the Gre- 
 cian soldiers either to kill or betray Alexander. 
 Nothing can reflect so great an odium on the 
 memory of this prince, as an attempt of that 
 kind ; an attempt so cowardly and black, and 
 more than once repeated. Alexander was in 
 doubt with himself, whether it would be proper 
 for him to read these letters in a full assembly, 
 relying as much on the affection and fidelity oif 
 the Greeks, as on that of the Macedonians. But 
 Parmenio dissuaded him from it; declaring, 
 that it would be dangerous even to awake such 
 thoughts in the minds of soldiers; that one only 
 was sufficient to strike the blow ; and that ava- 
 rice was capable of attempting the most enor- 
 mous crimes. The king followed this prudent 
 cousjsel, and ordered his army to march foi"- 
 ward. 
 
 Although Darius had twice sued in vain for 
 peace, and imagined that he had nothing to 
 trust to but his arms ; nevertheless, being over- 
 
 2 This fact is confirmatory evidence that Alexander 
 passed the Tigris, considerably above Moiiso! From the 
 defile of Zaco to Mousol, the country is generally a plain, 
 having the Tigris on the right hand, and the range of the 
 Zagros, at a considerable distance on the left. A little above 
 Mousol a low range of hills skirts the plain, and, v/ith the 
 exception of these and a few gentle slopes, the ground 
 oflTers no impediment to the evolutions and movements of 
 the largest armies ; and nothing, says Kinnier, can be 
 more accurate than the description of the country given 
 by Quintus Curtius. The spot seems as if form.ed by na- 
 ture for the combat of hostile armies. The camp of Darius 
 was 80 stadia to the north of th? Lycus, or Zab. The vil- 
 lage of Kamalis, 10 geographical miles east of Mousol, oc- | 
 cupies, in the route of Niebuhr and the map of Kennel, 
 No. Ill, the site of the ancient Gaugamela. The camp i 
 of Darius lay 5 geographical miles farther east, on the ! 
 Bumadus, a tributary of the Zab. This stream is deno- 
 minated Bumadus, Bumelus Bumellus, andBumello, and 
 answers to the modern Hazir-Su. We know nothing more 
 of it, than its being a m.ere tributary of the Lycus, and 
 running from the north-west. — P'd. f 
 S Seven or eight leagues. I 
 
124 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 come by the advantageous reports which had 
 been made to him of Alexander's tenderness and 
 humanity towards his family, he despatched 
 ten of his chief relations, who were to oiFer him 
 fresh conditions of peace, more advantageous 
 than the former ; and to thank him for the kind 
 treatment he had given his family. Darius had, 
 in the former proposals, given him up all the 
 provinces as far as the rirer Halys ; but now he 
 added the several territories situated between 
 the Hellespont and the Euphrates, that is, all he 
 already possessed. Alexander made the follow- 
 ing answer : " Tell your sovereign, that thanks, 
 between persons who make war against each 
 other, are superfluous ; and that in case 1 have 
 behaved with clemency towards his family, it 
 was for my own sake, and not for his ; to grati- 
 fy my own inclination, and not to please him. 
 To insult the unhappy is a thing to me un- 
 known. I do not attack either prisoners or 
 women, and turn my rage against such only 
 as are armed for the fight. If Darius were 
 sincere in his demand for peace, I then would 
 debate on what was to be done ; but since he 
 still continues by letters and by money, to spirit 
 up my soldiers to betray me, and my friends to 
 murder me, I therefore am determined to pursue 
 him with the utmost vigour ; and that not as an 
 enemy, but a poisoner and an assassin. It indeed 
 becomes him to offer to yield up to me what I 
 am already possessed of ! Would he be satisfied 
 with ranking second to me, without pretending 
 to be my equal, I might possibly then hear him. 
 Tell him that the world will not permit two 
 suns, nor two sovereigns. Let him therefore 
 choose either to surrender to- day, or fight me to- 
 morrow, and not flatter himself with the liopes 
 of better success than he has hitherto had," Da- 
 rius's proposals are certainly not reasonable ; but 
 then, is Alexander's answer much more so? In 
 the former we behold a prince, who is not yet 
 sensible of his own weakness, or at least who 
 cannot prevail with himself to own it ; and in 
 the latter, we see a monarch quite intoxicated 
 with his good fortune, and carrying his pride to 
 such an excess of folly, as is not to be paralleled : 
 ** The world will not permit two suns, nor two 
 sovereigns." If this be greatness, and not bom- 
 bast, I do not know what can ever deserve the 
 latter name. The ambassadors having leave to 
 depart, returned back, and told Darius that he 
 must now prepare for battle. The latter pitched 
 his camp near a village called Gaugamela, and 
 the river Bum ell us, in a plain at a considerable 
 distance from Arbela. He had before levelled 
 the spot which he pitched upon for the field of 
 battle, in order that his chariots and cavalry 
 might have full room to act ; recollecting, that 
 his engaging in the straits of Cilicia had lost him 
 the battle fought there. At the same time, 
 he had prepared caltraps' to annoy the ene- 
 my's horse. _ ^ . 
 
 Alexander, upon hearing this news, contniuea 
 four days in the place he then was, to rest his 
 army, and surrounded his camp with trenches 
 and palisades ; for he was determined to leave 
 all his baggage and the useless soldiers in it, and 
 march the remainder against the enemy, with 
 no other equipage than the arms they carried. 
 
 Accordingly, he set out about nine in the even- 
 ing, in order to fight Darius at day-break ; who, 
 upon this news, had drawn up his army in order 
 of battle. Alexander also marched in battle- 
 array ; for both armies were Avithin two or three 
 leagues of each other. When he was arrived at 
 the mountains, where he could discover the ene- 
 my's whole army, he halted ; and having assem- 
 bled his general ofiicers, as well Macedonians as 
 foreigners, he debated whether they should 
 engage immediately, or pitch their camp in 
 that place. The latter opinion being followed, 
 because it was judged proper for them to view 
 the field of battle, and the manner in which the 
 enemy was drawn up, the army encamped in 
 the same order in which it had marched ; 
 during which, Alexander, at the head ot his 
 light infantry and his royal regiments, march- 
 ed round the plain in which the battle was to 
 be fought. , , , , . , ^ 
 Being returned, he assembled his general offi- 
 cers a second time, and told them, that there was 
 no occasion for his making a speech, because 
 their courage and great actions were alone suffi- 
 cient to excite them to glory ; that he desired 
 them only to represent to the soldiers, that they 
 were not to fight, on this occasion, for Phoenicia 
 or Egypt, but for all Asia, which would be pos- 
 sessed by him who should conquer; and that, 
 after having gone through so many provinces, 
 and left behind them so great a number of rivers 
 and mountains, they could secure their retreat 
 no otherwise than by gaining a complete victory. 
 After this speech, he ordered them to take some 
 repose. , , , , 
 It is said that Parmenio advised him to attack 
 the enemy in the night-time, alleging that they 
 might easily be defeated, if fallen upon by sur- 
 prise, and in the dark ; but the king answered, 
 so loud, that all present might hear him, that it 
 did not become Alexander to steal a victory, and 
 therefore h« was resolved to fight and conquer 
 in broad day-Ught. This was a haughty, but, 
 at the sam-a time, a prudent answer; for it 
 was running great hazard, to fall upon so 
 numerous an army in the night time, and in 
 an unknown country. Darius, fearing he 
 should be attacked at unawares, because he had 
 not intrenched himself, obliged his soldiers to 
 continue the whole night under arms, which 
 proved of the highest prejudice to him in the 
 engagement. «• • 
 
 Alexander, who in the crisis of affairs used 
 always to consult the soothsayers, observing very 
 exactly whatever they enjoined, in order to ob- 
 tain the favour of the gods, finding himself upoi 
 the point of fighting a battle, the success of which 
 was to give empire to the conqueror, sent for 
 Aristander, in whom he reposed the greatest 
 confidence. He then shut himself up with the 
 1 soothsayer, to make some secret sacrifices ; and 
 1 afterwards offered up victims to Fear,'^ which he 
 doubtless did to prevent his troops from being 
 1 seized with dread, at the sight of the formidable 
 army of Darius. The soothsayer, dressed in his 
 vestments, holding vervain, with his head veil- 
 ed, first repeated the prayers which the king was 
 to address to Jupiter, to Minerva, and to Vic- 
 tory. The whole being ended, Alexander went 
 4-n i^nA try T'or>r>co liimsplf fJnrino' the remaining 
 
 XO ueCl, l-O IcUUoc lljliiocii ui-iiiii^ »v^«*-M»-- ^ 
 
 part of the night. As he revolved in his mind, 
 2 We must read in Plutarch ?o/3« instead of (poiBo^ 
 
 i 
 
 1 A caltrap is an instrument composed of spikes. Sev- 
 eral of these are laid in the fields through which the 
 cavalry is to march, in order that they may run into the 
 horses' feet. 
 
125 
 
 not without some emotion, the consequence of 
 the battle which was upon the point of beings 
 fought, he could not sleep immediately. But 
 his body being oppressed, in a manner, by the 
 anxiety of his mind, he slept soundly the whole 
 night, contrary to his usual custom ; so that 
 when his generals were assembled at day-break 
 before his tent, to receive his orders, they were 
 greatly sui-prised to find he was not awake j 
 upon which they themselves commanded the 
 soldiers to take some refreshment. Parmenio 
 having at last awakened him, and seeming sur- 
 pjised to find him in so calm and sweet a sleep, 
 just as he was going to fight a battle, in which 
 his whole fortune lay at stake : " How is it 
 possible," said Alexander, " for us not to be 
 calm, since the enemy is coming to deliver 
 himself into our hands ?" Immediately he took 
 up his ax*ms, mounted his horse, and rode up 
 and down the ranks, exhorting the troops to 
 maintain, and, if possible, to surpass, their an- 
 cient fame, and the glory they had hitherto ac- 
 quired. Soldiers, on the day of battle, imagine 
 they see the fate of the engagement painted in 
 the face of their general. As for Alexander, he 
 had never appeared so calm, so gay, nor so reso- 
 lute. The serenity and security which they ob- 
 served in him, were in a manner so many as- 
 surances of the victory. 
 
 There was a great difference between the two 
 armies with respect to numbers, but much moi*e 
 so with regard to courage. That of Darius con- 
 sisted at least of 600,000 foot, and 40,000 horse 
 and the other of no more than 40,000 foot, and 7 
 or 8,000 horse : but the latter was all fire and 
 strength ; whereas, on the side of the Persians, 
 it was a prodigious assemblage of men, not of 
 soldiers ; an empty phantom rather than a real 
 army.* 
 
 Both sides were disposed in very near the 
 same array. The forces were drawn up in two 
 lines, the cavalry on the two wings, and the in- 
 fantry in the middle ; the one and the other be- 
 ing under the particular conduct of the chiefs of 
 each of the different nations that composed them, 
 and commanded in general by the principal 
 crown-ofiicers. The front of the battle (under 
 Darius) was covered with 200 chariots armed 
 with scytiies, and with fifteen elephants, that 
 king taking his post in the centre of the first 
 line. Besides the guards, which were the 
 flower of his forces, he also had fortified himself 
 with the Grecian infantry, whom he had drawn 
 up near his person ; believing this body only 
 capable of opposing the Macedonian phalanx. 
 As his army spread over a much greater space 
 of ground than that of the enemy, he intended 
 to surround, and to charge them, at one and the 
 same time, both in front and flank. 
 
 ^ But Alexander had guarded against this, by 
 giving orders to the commanders of the second 
 line, that in case they should be charged in their 
 rear, to face about to that side ; or else to draw 
 up their troops in form of a gibbet, and cover 
 their wings, in case the enemy should charge 
 them in flank. He had posted, in the front of 
 his first line, the greatest part of his bowmen, 
 slingers, hurlers of javelins, in order that these 
 might make head against the chariots armed 
 with scythes ; and frighten the horses, by dis- 
 
 3 According to several historians it amounted to up- 
 wards of 1,0()0,(;()0 men. 
 
 4 NoiTiina veriOs qufim auxilia. Q Curt. 
 
 charging at them a shower of arrows, javelins, 
 and stones. Those who led on the wings, were 
 ordered to extend them as wide as possible ; but 
 in such a manner as not to weaken the main 
 body. As for the baggage and the captives, 
 I among whom were Darius's mother and chil- 
 dren, they Avere left in the camp, under a small 
 guard. Parmenio commanded, as he had al- 
 ways done, the left wing, and Alexander the 
 right. 
 
 When the two armies came in sight, Alex- 
 an ler, who had been shown the several places 
 whex'e the caltraps were hid, extended more 
 and more towards the right to avoid them ; and 
 the Persians advanced forward in proportion. 
 Darius, being afraid lest the Macedonians 
 should draw him from the spot of ground he 
 had levelled, and carry him into another that 
 was rough and uneven, where his armed chari- 
 ots could not act, commanded the cavalry in his 
 left wing, which spread much farther than that 
 of the enemy's right, to mai-ch right forward, 
 and wheel about upon the Macedonians in flank, 
 to prevent them from extending their line far- 
 ther. Then Alexander despatched against them 
 the body of horse in his service commanded by 
 Menidas ; but as these were not able to make 
 head against the enemy, because of their prodi- 
 gious numbers, he reinforced them with the 
 Paeonians, whom Aretas commanded, and with 
 the foreign cavalry. The Barbarians gave way 
 at first, but soon returned to the charge. Be- 
 sides the advantage of numbers, they had that 
 also of their coats of mail, which secured them- 
 selves and their horses much more. Alexander's 
 cavalry was much annoyed : however, they sus- 
 tained the charge with great bravery, and at last 
 put them to flight. 
 
 Upon this the Persians drove the chariots 
 armed with scythes against the Macedonian 
 phalanx, in order to break it, but with little 
 success. The noise which the soldiers who 
 formed that body made, by striking their swords 
 against their bucklers, and the arrows which 
 flew on all sides, frightened the horses, and 
 made a great number of them turn back against 
 their own troops. Others, laying hold of the 
 horses' bridles, pulled the riders down, and cut 
 them to pieces. Part of the chariots drove be- 
 tween the battalions, which opened to make 
 way for them, as they had been ordered to 
 do, by which means they did little or no exe- 
 cution. 
 
 Alexander, seeing Darius set his whole araiy 
 in motion in order to charge him, employed a 
 stratagem to encourage his soldiers. When thr 
 battle was at the hottest, and the Macedoniant 
 were in the greatest danger, Aristander, the 
 soothsayer, clothed in his white robes, holding a 
 branch of laurel in his hand, advances among 
 the troops, as he had been instructed by the 
 king: and, crying that he saw an eagle hovering 
 over Alexander's head (a sure omen of victory), 
 he showed with his finger the pretended bird* to 
 the soldiers ; who, relying upon the sincerity of 
 the soothsa3^er, fancied they also saw it; and 
 thereupon renewed the attack with greater cheer- 
 fulness and ardour than ever. Then the king 
 perceiving that Aretas, after having charged 
 the cavalry, and put them into disorder, upon 
 their advancing to surround his right wing, had 
 begun to break the foremost ranks of the main 
 body of the barbarian army; marched to sup- 
 port him with the flower of his troops, when 
 he quite broke the enemy's left wing whicli 
 had already begun to give way; and without 
 
126 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 but, 
 
 pursuing the forces which he had thrown into 
 disorder, hs wheeled to the left, in order to fall 
 upon the body in which Darius had posted him- 
 self. The presence of the two kings inspired 
 both sides with new vigour. Darius was j 
 mounted on a chariot, and Alexander on horse- i 
 back ; both surrounded with their bravest of- 
 ficers and soldiers, whose only endeavour was to 
 save the lives of their respective princes, at the 
 hazard of their own. The battle was obstinate 
 and bloody. Alexander having wounded Da- 
 rius's equerry with a javelin, the Persians, as 
 well as the Macedonians, imagined that the king 
 was killed ; upon which the former, breaking 
 aloud into the most dismal lamentations, the 
 whole army was seized with the greatest con- 
 sternation. The relations of Darius, who were 
 at his left hand, fled away with the guards, and 
 so abandoned the chariot ; but those who were 
 at his right, took him into the centre of their 
 body. Historians relate, that this prince, bav- 
 iDg 'drawn his scimitar, reflected whether he 
 ought not to lay violent hands upon himself, 
 rather than fly in an ignominious manner 
 perceiving from his chariot 
 
 foueht, he was ashamed to forsake them ; and, as 
 he was wavering between hope and despair, the 
 Persians retired insensibly, and thinned their 
 ranks ; when it could no longer be called a 
 battle, but a slaughter. Then Darius, turning 
 about his chariot, fled with the rest; and the 
 conqueror was now wholly employed in pursu- 
 ing him. 
 
 Whilst all this was doing in the right wing of 
 the Macedonians, where the victory was not 
 doubtful ; the left wing, commanded by Par- 
 menio, was in great danger. A detachment of 
 the Persian, Indian, and Parthian horse, which 
 were the best in all the Persian army, having 
 broke through the infantry on the left, advanced 
 to the very baggage. The moment the captives 
 saw them arrive in the camp, they armed them- 
 selves with every thing that came first to hand, 
 and joining the cavalry, rushed upon the Mace- 
 i douians, who were now chai-ged both before and 
 behind. They, at the same time, told Sysigam- 
 bis, that Darius had won the battle (for this 
 they believed) ; that the whole baggage was 
 plundered, and that she was now going to re- 
 cover her liberty. But this princess, who was 
 a woman of great wisdom, though this news 
 affected her in the strongest manner, could not 
 easily give credit to it ; and being unwilling to 
 exasperate, by too hasty a joy, a conqueror who 
 had treated her with so much humanity, did not 
 discover the least emotion ; did not once change 
 countenance, nor let drop a single word ; but, in 
 her usual posture, calmly waited till the event 
 should denounce her fate. 
 
 Parmenio, upon the first report of this attack, 
 had despatched a messenger to Alexander to ac- 
 quaint him with the danger to which the camp 
 j was exposed, and to receive his orders. " Above 
 all things," said the prince, " let him not wea- 
 ' ken his main body ; let him not mind the bag- 
 ; gage, but apply himself wholly to the engage- 
 i ment ; for victory will not only restore us our 
 I own possessions, but also give those of the ene- 
 I my into our hands." The general officers, who 
 commanded the infantry which formed the 
 centre of the second line, seeing the enemy were 
 going to make themselves masters of the camp 
 and baggage, made a half-turn to the right, in 
 obedience to the order which had been given, 
 and fell upon the Persians behind, many of 
 whom were cut to pieces, and the rest obliged to 
 
 retire ; but as these were horse, the Macedonian 
 foot could not follow them. 
 
 Soon after, Parmenio himself was exposed to 
 much greater peril. Mazseus, having rushed 
 upon him with all his cavalry, charged the Ma- 
 cedonians in flank, and began to surround them. 
 Immediately Parmenio sent Alexander advice 
 of the danger he was in ; declaring, that in case 
 he were not immediately succoured, it would be 
 impossible for him to keep his soldiers together. 
 The prince was actually in pursuit of Darius, 
 and fancying he was alm.ost come up with him, 
 rode with the utmost speed. He flattered him- 
 self, that he should absolutely put an end to the 
 war, in case he could but seize his person. But, 
 upon this news, he turned about in order to suc- 
 cour his left wing, shuddering with rage to see 
 his prey and victory torn in this manner from 
 him ; and complaining against fortune, for hav- 
 ing favoured Darius more in his flight, than 
 himself in the pursuit of that monarch. 
 
 Alexander, in his march, met the enemy s 
 horse who had plundered the baggage, return- 
 
 ^ ^ ing in good order, and retiring, not as soldiers 
 
 'that"his soldiers stiU j who had been defeated, but almost as if they 
 had gained the victory. And now the battle 
 became more obstinate'than before; for the Bar- 
 barians marching close in columns, not in order 
 of battle but of march, it was very difficult to 
 break through them; and they did not amuse 
 themselves with throwing javelins, nor with 
 wheeling about according to their usual custom ; 
 but man engaging against man, each did all that 
 lay in his power to unhorse his enemy. Alex- 
 auder lost threescore of his guards in this at- i j 
 tack. Hephsestion, Coinus, and Menidas, were j j 
 wounded in it; however he triumphed on this '| 
 occasion, and all the Barbarians were cut to | 
 pieces, except such as forced their way through i 
 his squadrons. ^ | 
 
 During this, news had been brought Mazaeus i 
 that Darius was defeated; upon which, being j' 
 greatly alarmed and dejected by the iU success of ! j 
 that monarch, though the advantage was entire- | 
 ly on his side, he ceased to charge the enemy, 
 who were now in disorder, so briskly as before, i 
 Parmenio could not conceive how it came to , 
 pass, that the battle, which before was carried | 
 on so warmly, should slacken on a sudden ; j 
 however, like* an able commander, who seizes | 
 ! every advantage, solely intent upon inspiring ; 
 ! his soldiers with fresh vigour, he observed to j 
 them, that the terror which spread throughout ; 
 the enemy's ranks, was the forerunner of their i 
 defeat; and fired them with the notion how | 
 glorious it would be for them to put the last j 
 hand to the victory. Upon this exhortatiois. \ 
 they recovered their former hopes and bravery ; 
 and transformed on a sudden, as it were, into ! 
 other men, thev gave the horsps the rein, and ! 
 charged the enemy with so much fury, as threw 
 theni into the greatest disorder, and obliged 
 them to fly. Alexander came up at that instant, 
 and overioved to find the scale turned in his 
 favour, and the enemy entirely defeated, he re- 
 newed (in concert with Parmenio) the pursuit 
 of Darius. He rode as far as Arbella, where he 
 fancied he should come up with that monarch 
 and all his baggage ; but Darius had only just 
 passed by it, and left his treasure a prey to the 
 enemy, with his bow and shield. , 
 
 Such was the success of this famous battle, 
 which gave empire to the conqueror. According 
 to Arrian, the Persians lost 300,000 men, be- , 
 sides those who were taken prisoners ; which, at 
 least, is a proof that the loss was very gi'eat on rheu: ! 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 127 
 
 side. That of Alexander was very inconsiderable, 
 he not losing, according to the last-mentioned 
 author, 1200 men, most of whom were horse. 
 
 This engagement was fought 
 A. M. 3674.. in the month of October,' 
 Ant. J. C. 330. about the same time that, two 
 
 years before, the battle of Is- 
 8US was fought. As Gaugamela, in Assyria, 
 the spot where the two armies engaged, was a 
 small place of very little note, this was called 
 the battle of Arbela, that being the nearest city 
 to the field of battle.^ 
 
 1 The month, called by the Greeks Boedromion, an- 
 swers partly to our month of October. 
 
 2 As this decisive battle was fought in the month of 
 October, the Tigris would be then at its lowest ebb, when 
 A.lexander crossed it at the ford below the Zaco hills. 
 Arbela lay 600 stadia east of Gaugamela, according to 
 Arrian, The Lycus, which the fugitives had to cross in 
 their flight, is the Great Zab, a river equal in volume to 
 half the Tigris at the confluence. It is sometimes called 
 the river of Julamerick, from the Ha Kiari Su, its great 
 north-west branch ; which, in its course to the Zab, passes 
 by a town of that name, and capital of the district of the Ki. 
 ari Koords. The Ha Kiari originates in that part of the 
 Koordistaun mountains, which connects the range of the 
 Hatarash, skirting the south side of the lake of Van, v/ith 
 those of Giroos and Sahund. This range runs south-east 
 of the above lake, and separates the sources of the Ha 
 Kiari, and the other tributaries of the Great Zab, from 
 those that run north-east to the lake of Oormeeah ; thus 
 leaving a considerable tract of Alpine country, between 
 the alKJve range and that range of the Koordistaun moun- 
 tains that overlooks the Assyrian plains. 
 
 The source of the Great Zab is in 36 north latitude, and 
 16 east longitude, in mount Zagros. From this point, it runs 
 to the district of Al Hak, north at d north-west ; and then 
 bends to the south-west its future course, where it is joined 
 by the Ha Kiari branch mentioned above. After piercing 
 the southernmost range of the Koordistaun mountains, 
 anciently called Choatras and Kiare, it receives the Bu. 
 madus, before described, and enters the Tigris by three 
 mouths, after a comparative distance of 200 British miles, 
 10. J British miles below the mouth of the Khaboor, or river 
 of Zaco. In the line of road from Mousol to Arbela, now 
 Irbil, considerably to the east of the Tigris, it is deep and 
 unfordable, especially when swelled by the melted snows 
 of mount Choatras, whose hoary summits were seen to a 
 great distance by Jackson, on the right hand of his road 
 from Bagdad to Mousol. By Rennel's map, Arbela is 46 
 British miles south-east of Mousol. Ptolemy is wrong in 
 placing it on the Capros, or Little Zab ; and Strabo is cor. 
 rect, in placing it midway between the Lycus and the Ca- 
 pros, or the two Zabs. Bochart, in his Geographia Sacra, 
 lib. 4. c. xix. p. Ti5, is also grossly erroneous, in identifying 
 the Bumadus with the Capros, or Little Zab of Strabo 
 and Ptolemy— the Physcus of Xenophon— the Absitris of 
 Pliny, and the Adiava of Ammianus Marcellinus— and 
 m affirming also, tliat Capros and Gorges are both names 
 of the same river in Ptolemy. Had Bochart consulted the 
 Anabasis of Xenophon carefully, he would have seen that 
 the Physcus was not the Capros, or Little Zab, as Xeno- 
 phon reached it in four marches from Sitace, whereas 
 the latter stream was seven marches beyond the Physcus. 
 The fact seems to be, that, as Xenophon mentions no 
 other rivers besides the Zabatus, Bochart hastily inferred, 
 that the former was the Capros, or Little Zab ; and, also, 
 finding no rivers of consequence in the maps of his day, 
 (1646,) but the two Zabs, he concluded, that Xenophon 
 must have mtended the Little Zab by the Physcus. 
 
 In making the Bumadus of Arrian the Little Zab, Bo- 
 chart must have supposed Gaugamela to have stood on 
 the north side of the Little Zab, whereas all authorities 
 agree in placing that village to the nori;h of the Lycus, or 
 Great Zab ; between it and the Tigris, not between it and 
 the Little Zab ; and we are further told, that Alexander 
 pursued the fugitives across the Lycus, and not tne Cap- 
 rus. The Bumadus, in fact, lay at a great distance north- 
 west from the Caprus, and the Gorgus of Ptolemy is not 
 the Caprus, or identical with it, as he imagined, but the 
 
 Deeallah ; for Ptolemy assigns three rivers to Assyria 
 
 Lycus, Caprus, Gorgus— and places the mouth of the last, 
 at least a full degree of the meridian below that of the 
 Caprus. — Ed. 
 
 SECT. IX. ! 
 
 Alexander possesses himself of Arbela, Babvlon, Susa, 
 Persepolis, and finds immense riches in those cities. 1 
 At a banquet he sets fire to the palace of Persepolis. j 
 
 Alexander's first care,^ after his obtaining the ' 
 victory, was to offer magnificent sacrifices to the 
 gods by way of thanksgiving. He afterwards 
 rewarded such as had signalized themselves re- 
 markably in the battle; bestowed riches upon ! 
 them with a very liberal hand, and gave to each ' 
 of them houses, employments, and governments. 
 But, being desirous of expressing more particu- ; 
 larly his gratitude to the Greeks, for having ap- j 
 pointed him generalissimo against the Persians, I { 
 he gave orders for abolishing the several tyran- j' I 
 nical institutions that had started up in Greece; '<- 
 that the cities should be restored to their liber- 
 ties, and all their rights and privileges. He 
 wrote pai-ticularly to the Plataeans, declaring, 
 that it was his desire their city should be rebuilt, 
 to reward the zeal and bravery by which their 
 ancestors had distinguished themselves, in de- 
 fending the common liberties of Greece. He 
 also sent part of the spoils to the people of Cro- 
 tona in Italy ; to honour, after the lapse of so 
 many years, the good-will and courage of Phayl- 
 lus the wrestler, a native of their country,^ who 
 (whilst war was carrying on by the Medes, and 
 when all the rest of the Greeks that were set- 
 tled in Italy had abandoned the true Grecians, 
 imagining they were entirely undone) fitted out 
 a galley at his own expense, and sailed to Sala- 
 mis, to partake of the danger to which his coun- 
 trymen were at that time exposed. So great a 
 friend and encourager, says Plutarch, was Alex- 
 ander, of every kind of virtue ; considering him- 
 self obliged in a manner to perpetuate the re- 
 membrance of all great actions, to give them 
 the immortality they merited, and propose them 
 to posterity as so many models for their imita- 
 tion. 
 
 Darius, after his defeat, with very few at- 
 tendants, had rode towards the river Lycus. 
 After crossing it, several advised him to break 
 down the bridge, because the enemy pursued 
 him. But he made this generous answer:* 
 " That life was not so dear to him, as to make 
 him desire to preserve it by the destruction of 
 so many thousands of his subjects and faithful 
 allies, who, by that means, would be delivered 
 up to the mercy of the enemy ; that they had as 
 much right to pass over this bridge as their 
 sovereign, and consequently that it ought to be 
 as open to them as to himself." After riding a 
 great number of leagues full speed, he arrived at 
 midnight at Arbela. From thence he fled to- 
 wards Media, over the Armenian mountains, 
 followed by his nobility and a few of his guards. 
 The reason of his going that way was, his sup.> 
 posing that Alexander would proceed towards 
 Babylon and Susa, there to enjoy the fruits of 
 his victory : besides, a numerous army could 
 
 3 Diod. 1, xvii. p. 548—540. Arrian. 1. iii. p. 127—133. 
 Plut. in Alex. p. 685—688. Quint. Curt. I. v. c. 1—7. 
 Justin. 1. xi. c. 14. 
 
 I viif c'^47°^"* relates this history in very few words, 
 5 Non ita se saluti su» velle consultum, ut tot millia 
 sociorum hosti objiciat: debere et aliis fuga) viam patere 
 quce patuerit sibi. Justin. paiere 
 
128 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 not pursue him by this road ; whereas, in the 
 othei, horses and chariots might advance with 
 great ease ; not to mention that the country was 
 very fruitful. , , ^ 
 
 A few days after, Arbela surrendered to 
 Alexander, who found in it a great quantity of 
 furniture belonging to the crown, rich clothes, 
 and other precious articles, with 4000 talents 
 rabout 775,000/.), and all the riches of the army, 
 which Darius had left there at his setting out 
 against Alexander, as was before observed. But 
 he was soon obliged to leave that place, because 
 of the diseases that spread in his camp, occa- 
 sioned by the infection of the dead bodies which 
 covered all the field of battle. This prince ad- 
 vanced therefore over the plains towards Baby- 
 lon, and, after four days' march, arrived at 
 Memnis, where, in a cave, is seen the celebrated 
 fountain which throws out bitumen, in such 
 quantities, that, we are told, it was used as 
 cement in building the walls of Babylon. 
 
 But what Alexander admired most, was a 
 great gulf, which streamed perpetually rivulets 
 of lire, as from an inexhaustible spring ; and a 
 flood of naphtha, which overflowing, from the 
 prodigious quantities of it, formed a great lake 
 pretty near the gulf. This naphtha is exactly 
 like bitumen, but has one quality more, viz. its 
 catching flre so very suddenly, that, before it 
 touches a flame, it takes fire merely from the 
 light that surrounds the flame, and sets the air 
 between both on fire. The Barbarians being 
 desirous of showing the king the strength and 
 subtle nature of this combustible substance, scat- 
 tered several drops of it up and down after his 
 arrival in Babylon, in that street which went 
 up to the house he had chosen for his residence. 
 After this, going to the other end of the street, 
 they brought torches near the places where those 
 drops were fallen (for it was night), and the 
 drops which were nighest the torches taking fire 
 on a sudden, the flame ran in an instant to the 
 other end ; by which means the whole- street 
 seemed in one general cc^nflagration. ' 
 
 .When Alexander drew near Babylon. MazjBus, 
 who had retired thither after the battle of Ar- 
 bela, surrendered himself, with his children, 
 who were grown up, and gave the city into his 
 hands. The kina: was very well pleased with 
 his aiTival ; for he would have met with great 
 difficulties in besieging a city of such importance, 
 and so well provided with every thing. Besides 
 his being a person of quality, and very brave, he 
 had also acquired great honour in the last battle ; 
 and others might be prompted, from the exam- 
 ple he set them, to imitate him. Alexander 
 entered the city at the head of his whole army, 
 as if he had been marching to a battle The 
 walls of Babylon were lined with peopk, not- 
 withstanding the greatest part of the citizens 
 were gone out to meet him, from the impatient 
 desire they had to see their new sovereign, whose 
 renown had far outstripped his march. Bago- 
 phanes, governor of the foutress and guardian of 
 
 by 
 
 1 This place is called Memmium by others. It is p aced 
 ' Kennel on the Little Zab, and 38 geographical nules b. 
 direct distance from Irbil, and 5 N. of the modern 
 Kirkook Its modern appellation is Korkor Kaba, ana 
 answers to the Corcura of Ptolemy, if Kirkook be not it. 
 In Kinnier's maps Kirkook is placed 60 British miles b. 
 of Irbil, and 15 miles S. W. of Memnis. A number of 
 naphtha pits still exist at Memnis or Korkor Baba. I he 
 bitumen used for cement in the erection of the walls might 
 ije got here or at Haditha on the Euphrates, N W. of 
 Kahylon — Ed 
 
 the treasure, unwilling to discover leas zeal than 
 Mazseus, strewed the streets with flowers, and 
 raised on both sides of the way silver altars, 
 which smoked not only with fankincense, but the 
 most fragrant perfumes of every kind. Last of 
 all came the presents which were to be made to 
 the king, viz. herds of cattle, and a great number 
 of horses ; as also lions and panthers, which were 
 carried in (;ages. After these the magi walked, 
 singing hymns after the manner of their coun- 
 try; then the Chaldeans, accompanied by the 
 Babylonish soothsayers and musicians : it Avas 
 customary for the latter to sing the praises of 
 their kings to their instruments ; and the Chal- 
 deans to observe the motion of the planets, and 
 the vicissitude of the seasons. The rear was 
 brought up by the Babylonish cavalry, of which 
 both men and horses were so sumptuous, tha* 
 imagination can scarce conceive their magnifi- 
 cence. The king caused the people to walk aftei 
 his infantry, and himself, surrounded with hi? 
 guards, and seated on a chariot, entered the city ; 
 and from thence rode to the palace, as in a kind 
 of triumph. The next day he took a view of all 
 Darius's money and moveables. Of the moneys 
 which he found in Babylon, he gave, by way of 
 extraordinary recompense, to each Macedonian 
 horseman six mince (about 15/.) ; to each foreign 
 horseman two minis (about 5/.) ; to every Mace- 
 donian foot soldier, two iuincB ; and to every one 
 of the rest, two months of their ordinary pay. 
 He gave orders pursuant to the advice of the 
 magi, with whom he had several conferences, for 
 the rebuilding the temples which Xerxes had 
 demolished ; and, among others, that of Belus, 
 who was held in greater veneration at Babylon 
 than any other deity. He gave the government 
 of the province to Mazssus, and the command of 
 the forces he left there to Apollodorus of Am- 
 phipolis. 
 
 Alexander, in the midst of the hurry and tu- 
 mult of war, still preserved a love for the sci- 
 ences. He used often to converse with the 
 Chaldeans, who had always applied themselves 
 to the study of astronomy from the earliest 
 times, and gained great fame by their knowledge 
 in it.^ They presented him with astronomical 
 observations, taken by their predecessors during 
 the space of 1903 years, which consequently went 
 as far backward as the age of Nimrod. These 
 were sent by Callisthenes, who accompanied 
 Alexander, to Aristotle. 
 
 The king resided longer in Babyhm than he 
 had done in any other city, which was of great 
 prejudice to the discipline of his forces. The peo- 
 ple, even from a religious motive, abandoned 
 themselves to pleasures, to voluptuousness, and 
 the most infamous excesses ; nor did ladies, 
 though of the highest quality, observe any de- 
 corum, or show the least reserve in their li- 
 centiousness, but gloried therein, so far from 
 endeavouring to conceal it, or blushing at their 
 enormity. It must be cqnfessed, that this army 
 of soldiers, Avhich had triumphed over Asia, af- 
 ter having thus enervated themselves, and rioted, 
 as it were, in the sloth and luxury of the city of 
 Babylon, for thirty-four days together, would 
 have been scarce able to complete their exploits, 
 had they been opposed by an enemy. But, as 
 they were reinforced from time to tim.e, these 
 irregularities were not so visible ; for Amyntas 
 broujjht 6000 foot and 500 Macedonian horse, 
 
 2 Porphyr. apud SimpUc. in lib. ii. de tolo. 
 
 I 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER, 
 
 129 
 
 Which \Tere sent by Antipater ; and 600 Thra- 
 cian horse, with 3500 foot of the same nation ; 
 besides 4000 mercenaries from Peloponnesus, 
 with near 400 horses. 
 
 The above-mentioned Amyntas had also 
 brought the king fifty Macedonian youths, sons 
 to noblemen of the highest quality in the coun- 
 try, to serve as his guards. These youths wait- 
 I ed upon him at table, brought him his horses 
 j when in the field, attended upon him in parties 
 I «f hunting, and kept guard at the door of his 
 i apartment by turns : and these were the first 
 j steps to the highest employments both in the 
 army and the state. 
 
 After Alexander had left Babylon, he entered 
 the province of Sitacena, the soil of which is 
 very fruitful, and productive of every thing va- 
 luable, which made him continue the longer in 
 it. But lest indolence should enervate the 
 j courage of his soldiers, he proposed prizes for 
 I such of them as should exert the greatest brave- 
 j ry; and appointed as judges of the actions of 
 ! those who should dispute this honour, persons, 
 ; who themselves had been eye-witnesses of the 
 proofs of bravery which each soldier had given 
 I in the former battles, for on these only the prizes 
 were to be bestowed. To each of the eight men 
 who were pronounced most valiant, he gave a 
 regiment, consisting of 1000 men : whence those 
 officers were called Chiliarchi. This was the 
 ! first time that regiments were composed of so 
 great a number of soldiers, as they consisted be- 
 fore but of 300, and had not yet been the reward 
 ; of valour. ^ The soldiers ran in crowds to view 
 I this illustrious sight, not only as eye-witnesses 
 I ©f the actions of ail, but as judges over the judges 
 themselves ; because they might perceive very 
 easily whether rewards were bestowed on merit, 
 j or merely by favour ; a circumstance in which 
 soldiers can never be imposed upon. The prizes 
 seem to have been distributed with the utmost 
 equity and justice, 
 i He likewise made several very advantageous 
 changes in military discipline, as established by 
 his predecessors ; for he formed one single body 
 I of his whole cavalry, without showing any re- 
 gard to the difference of nations, and appointed 
 such officers to command them, as they them- 
 selves thought fit to nominate ; whereas before, 
 the horse of every nation used to fight under its 
 own particular standard, and was commanded 
 by a colonel of its country. The trumj)et'8 
 sound used to be the signal for the march ; but 
 as it very frequently could not be well heard, 
 j because of the great noise that is made in de- 
 ! camping, he gave orders that a standard should 
 ; !)e set up over his tent, which might be seen by 
 his whole army. He also appointed fire to be 
 the signal in the night-time, and smoke in the 
 day. 
 
 i Alexander marched afterwards towards Susa, 
 : where he arrived twenty days after his leaving 
 Babylon. As he came, near it, Abutites, gover- 
 nor of the province, sent his son to m.eet him, 
 with a. promise to surrender the city into his 
 i hands; whether he was prompted to this from 
 ! his own inclination, or did it in obedience to the 
 orders of Darius, to amuse Alexander with the 
 : hopes of plunder, the king gave this young 
 j nobleman a very gracious reception, who con- 
 I ducted him to the river Choaspes, the waters of 
 wliich are so famous, upon account of their ex- 
 j quisite taste. ^ The kings of Persia never drank 
 
 S Jtlerod. Wo. i. c. 188. 
 
 of any other ; and, whithersoever they went, a 
 quantity of it, after having been put over the 
 fire, was always carried after them in silver 
 vases. ^ It was here that Abutites came to wait 
 upon him, bringing presents worthy of a king ; 
 among which were dromedaries of incredible 
 swiftness, and twelve elephants which Darius 
 had sent for from India. Being come into the 
 city, he took immense sums out of the treasury, 
 with 60,000 talents of silver* in ore and ingots, 
 besides moveables, and a thousand other things 
 of infinite value. This wealth was the produce 
 of the exactions imposed for several centuries 
 upon the common people, from whose sweat and 
 poverty immense revenues were raised. The 
 Persian monarchs fancied they had amassed 
 them for their children and posterity ; but, in 
 oiie hour, they fell into the hands of a foreign 
 king, who was able to make a right use of them ; 
 for Alexander seemed to be merely the guardian 
 or trustee of the immense riches which he found 
 hoarded up in Persia ; and applied them to no 
 other use than the rewarding of merit and 
 courage. 
 
 Among other things, there were found 6000 
 quintals^ of Hermione*' purple, the finest in the 
 world, which had been treasured up there dur- 
 ing the space of 1,90 years; notwithstanding 
 which, its beauty and lustre were nowise di- 
 minished. 
 
 Here likewise was found a part of the rarities 
 which Xei-xes had brought from Greece ; and, 
 among others, the brazen statues of Harmodius 
 and Aristogiton, which Alexander sent after- 
 wards to Athens, where they were standing in 
 Arrian's time.^ I 
 The king being resolved to march into Persia, I ' 
 appointed Archelaus governor of the city of 
 Susa, with a garrison of 3000 men; Mezarus, 
 one of the lords of his court, was made governor 
 of the citadel, with 1000 Macedonian soldiers, 
 who could not follow him by reason of their great 
 age. He gave the government of Susiana to 
 Abutites. 
 
 He left Darius's mother and childi-en in Susa; 
 and having received from Macedonia a great 
 quantity of purple stufi's a«.d rich habits, made 
 after the fashion of the country, he presented 
 them to Sysigambis, together with the artificers 
 who had wrought them ; for he had paid her 
 every kind of honour, and loved her as tenderly 
 as if she had been his mother. He likewise 
 commanded the messengers to tell her, that in 
 case she was pleased with those stuffs, she might 
 make her grandchildren learn the art of weaving 
 them, by way of amusement ; and to give them 
 as presents to whomsoever they should think 
 proper. At these words, the tears which fell 
 from her eyes showed but too evidently how 
 greatly she was displeased with these gifts, and 
 how insulting she considered the message ; the 
 vvorking in wool being considered by the Per- 
 sian women as the highest ignominy. Those 
 who carried these presents, having told the king 
 that Sysigambis was very much dissatisfied, he 
 
 4 About seven miliions five hundred thousand pounds. 
 
 5 The reader will have an idea of the prodigio\is vaiiie 
 of this, when he is told, that this purple was sold at tlu 
 rate of a hundred crowns a pound. Ihe quintal is a 
 hundred weight of Paris. 
 
 Hennione was a city of Argolis, where the best pvrplt 
 was dyed. ^ 
 
 7 What Arrian ascribes here to Alexander, in regard if 
 tlie statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton, is attributed b\ 
 other historians to other princes. 
 
 ( 
 
180 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 thought himself obliged to make an apology for 
 what he had done, and administer some conso- 
 lation to her. Accordingly, he pam her a %asit, 
 when he spoke thus : " Mother, the stuft in 
 which vou see me clothed, was not only a pre- 
 sent from mv sisters, hut wrought by their 
 fingers. Hence I beg you to believe, that the 
 custom of my country misled me; and do not 
 consider that as insult, which was owing en- 
 tirely to ignorance. I believe I have not as 
 vet done any thing which I knew interfered 
 with your manners and customs. I was told, 
 that among the Persians it is a sort of crime tor 
 a son to seat himself in his mother's presence, 
 without first obtaining her leave. You are sen- 
 sible how cautious I have always been in this 
 particular; and that 1 never sat down, till you 
 had first laid your commands upon me to do so. 
 And every time that you were going to tall 
 prostrate before me, I only ask you whether i 
 would suffer it? As the highest testimony of 
 the veneration I have fur you, I have al^'^y^ 
 called you by the tender name of mother, though 
 1 this belongs properly ^to Olympias alone, to 
 ' whom I owe my birth." 
 
 • "What I have just now related, may suggest 
 two reflections, both which, in my opinion, are 
 very natural, and at the same time of the ut- 
 most importance. •, . , .v, tj 
 
 First, we see to how great a height the Per- 
 sians (so vain and haughty in other respects) 
 carried the veneration they showed their pa- 
 rents. The reader, doubtless, remembers, that 
 
 I Catus the Great, in the midst of his conquests, 
 : I p.nd at the most brilliant era of his good fortune, 
 •'• would not accept of the advantageous offer made 
 ; i him by Cvaxares, his imcle, of giving him his 
 ' I daughter in marriage, and Media tor her dowry, 
 n till he had first advised with his father and mo- 
 ' i ther, and obtained their consent. History in- 
 
 forms us,' here, that among the Persians, a son, 
 how great and powerful soever he might be, 
 never dared to seat himself before his mother, 
 ,1 till he had first obtained her leave ; and that to 
 ji do otherwise was considered as a crime. Alas . 
 
 I I how widely different are our manners ! 
 ■' Secondly, I discover in the same relation, 
 
 several valuable footsteps of that happy simpli- 
 city which prevailed in ancient times, when it 
 was the custom for ladies, though of the greatest 
 distinction, to employ themselves in useful and 
 sometimes laborious works. Every one knows 
 what is told us in Scripture to this purpose con- 
 ceruino- Rebekah, Rachel, and several others. 
 We read in Homer, of princesses themselves 
 drawing water from springs, and washing, with 
 their own hands, the linen of their respective 
 families. Here the sisters of Alexander,^ that 
 is, the daughters of a powerful prince, are em- 
 ployed in making clothes for their brother, ihe 
 celebrated Lucretia used to spin in the midst ot 
 her female attendants. Augustus, who was 
 sovereign of the world, wore, for several years 
 to<rether, no other clothes but what his wife and 
 sister made him. It v.-as a custom m the nor- 
 thern parts of the world, not many years since, 
 for the princes, who then sat upon the throne, 
 to prepare several of the dishes at every meal. 
 In a word, needle-work, the care of domestic 
 affairs, a serious and retired life, is the proper 
 
 function of women, and for this they were \ 
 signed by Providence. The depravity ot tae 
 a-e has indeed affixed to these customs, which 
 are very near as old as the creation, an idea ot 
 meanness and contempt : but then, what has it 
 substituted in the room of the hardy and vigor- 
 ous exercises which a proper education enabled 
 the sex to undertake, in the room ot that labo- 
 rious and useful life which was spent at home? 
 A lancruid indolence, a stupid idleness, frivolous 
 conversation, vain amusements, a strong passion 
 for public shows, and a frantic love of gaming. 
 Let us compare these two characters, and then 
 pronounce which of them may justly boast its 
 being founded on good sense, sohd judgment, 
 and a taste for truth and nature. It J»"st, 
 nevertheless, be confessed, in honour of ths fair 
 sex and of our nation, that several ladies among 
 us, and those of the highest quality, make it 
 not only a duty, but a pleasure, to employ them- 
 selves in works, not of a trifling, but of the most 
 useful kind ; and to make part of their fur ni~ , 
 ture with their own hands. I also might add, 
 that great numbers of these adorn their minds ; 
 with agreeable, and, at the sam.e time, serious ; 
 and useful studies. , , . , f q^„; i 
 
 Alexander, having taken his leave ot bysi- i 
 <rambis, who now was extremely we 1 satisfied, , 
 arrived on the banks of a river, called by the , 
 inhabitants of the country Pasi-Tigris.-*" Hav- 
 ing crossed it with 9000 foot and SOOU horse, 
 consisting of Agrians, as ^'^11 as of Grecian 
 mercenaries, and a reinforcement of 3000 Ihia- 
 cians, he entered the country of the Uaii. Ihis 
 region lies near Susa and extends to the frontiers 
 of Persia ; a narrow pass only lying between it 
 and Susiana. Madetes commanded this province. 
 This man was not a time-server,' not a follower 
 of fortune ; but faithful to his sovereign, he re- 
 solved to hold out to the last extremity ; and tor 
 this purpose, had withdrawn into his own city, 
 which stood in the midst of craggy rocks, and 
 was surrounded with precipices. Having been 
 forced from thence, he retired into the citadel, 
 whence the besieged sent thirty deputies to Alex- 
 ander, to sue for quarter ; which they obtained, 
 at last, by the intercession of Sysigambis. Ihe 
 king not only pardoned Madetes, who was a 
 •lation of that princess, but likewise set 
 
 near leiHiiun ui. ma.i' j^*-*.^-— ? — - - 
 all the captives, and those who had surrendered 
 themselves, at liberty ; permitted them to enjoy 
 their several rights and privileges ; would not 
 suffer the city to be plundered, and permitted 
 them to plough their lands without paying any 
 tax or tribute. Could Sysigambis have possi- 
 bly obtained more from her own son on this oc- 
 casion, had he been the victor ? 
 
 The Uxii being subdued, Alexander gave part 
 of his army to Parmenio, and commanded him 
 to march it through the plain : whilst hmise f, 
 at the head of his light-armed troops, crossed the 
 mountains, which extend as far as Persia. I he 
 fifth day he arrived at the pass of Susa. Ano- 
 barzanes, with 4000 foot and 7C0 horse, had 
 taken possession of those rocks which are craggy 
 on all sides, and posted the barbarians at the 
 summit, out of the reach of arrows. He also 
 had built a wall in those passes, and encamped 
 his forces under it. As soon as Alexander ad- 
 
 1 Scio apud vos, fiVuim in conspectu matns nefas esse 
 considei e, nisi cum ilia permisit. Qmnt. Ourt. 
 
 ? Mater, banc vestetn, qua indutus sum, sororum i.on 
 .olQm tionum, sed etiani opus vides. Quint. Curt. 
 
 This is a different river from the Tigris. 
 4 n.is Ji^^ris the:nodern Jerahi. See a formernote 
 fM-i QiicT qnri the rivet Gvndcs. — £•«• , . _ , 
 °"5 Hand sanTtemporum homo : quippe ult.ma pro fidr 
 experiri decreverat. Q.v'.nt. Curt. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 131 
 
 vanced in order to attack him, the barbarians 
 rolled, from the top of the mountains, stones of 
 a prodigious size, which falling from rock to 
 rock, rushed forward with the greater violence, 
 and at once crushed to pieces whole bands of 
 soldiers. The king being very much terrified at 
 this sight, commanded a retreat to be sounded ; 
 and it was with the utmost grief he saw himself 
 «ot only stopped at this pass, but depi'ived of 
 all hopes of ever being able to force it. 
 
 Whilst he was revolving these gloomy thoughts, 
 a Grecian prisoner presented himself to Alex- 
 ander, and promised to conduct him to the top 
 of the mountain by another way. The king ac 
 cepted of the offer, and, leaving the superinten- 
 dence of the camp and of the army to Craterus, 
 he commanded him to cause a great number of 
 fires to be lighted, in order that the Barbarians 
 might thei-eby be more strongly induced to be- 
 lieve, that Alexander was there in person. Af- 
 ter this, taking some chosen troops with him, he 
 set out, going through all the by-ways as his 
 guide directed. But, besides that these paths 
 were very craggy, and the rocks so slippery that 
 their feet would scarce stand upon them ; the 
 soldiers were also very much distressed by the 
 snows which the winds had brought together, 
 and which were so deep, that the men fell into 
 them, as into so many ditches ; and when their 
 comrades endeavoured to draw them out, they 
 themselves would likewise sink into them ; not 
 to mention, that their fears were greatly increas- 
 ed by the horrors of the night, by their being in 
 an unknown country, and conducted by a guide 
 whose fidelity was doubtful. After having gone 
 through many difficulties and dangers, they at 
 last got to the top of the mountain. Then going 
 down, they discovex-ed the enemy's corps-de- 
 garde, and appeared behind them sword in hand, 
 at a time when they least expected it. Such as 
 made the least defence, who were but few, were 
 cut to pieces ; by which means the cries of the 
 dying on one side, and on the other the fright of 
 those who were i-etiring to their main body, 
 spread so great a terror, that they fled, without 
 striking a blow. At this noise Craterus ad- 
 vanced, as Alexander had commanded when he 
 ieft him, and seized the pass, which, till then, 
 had resisted his attacks ; and at the same time 
 Philotas advanced forwards by another way, 
 with Amyntas, Coenus, and Polysperchon, and 
 broke quite through the Barbarians, who now 
 were attacked on every side. The greatest part 
 of them were cut to pieces, and those who fled, 
 fell into precipices. Ariobarzanes, with part of 
 the cavalry, escaped through mountains. 
 
 Alexander, in consequence of the good fortune 
 which constantly attended him in all his un- 
 dertakings, having extricated himself happily 
 out of the danger to which he was so lately ex- 
 posed, marched immediately towards Persia. 
 On the road he received letters from Tiridates, 
 governor of Persepolis, which informed him, 
 that the inhabitants of that city, upon the report 
 of his advan"* — i - - . ^ - 
 
 icing towards him, were determined 
 to plunder Darius's treasures, with which he 
 was intrusted, and therefore that it was neces- 
 sary for him to make all the haste imaginable 
 to seize them himself; that he had only the 
 Araxes^ to cross, after which the road was 
 smooth and easy. Alexander, upon this news, 
 leaving his infantry behind, marched the whole 
 
 night at the head of his cavalry, who were very 
 much harassed by the length and svi'iftness of 
 this march, and passed the Araxes on a bridge, 
 which, by his order, had been built some days 
 before. 
 
 But, as he drew near the city, he perceived a 
 large body of men, who exhibited a memorable 
 example of the extremest misery. These were 
 about 800 Greeks, very far advanced in years, 
 who, having been made prisoners of war, had 
 suffered all the torments which the Persian ty- 
 ranny could inflict. They had cut off the hands 
 of some, the feet of others ; the noses and ears of 
 others: after which, having impressed, by fire, 
 barbarous characters on their faces, they had the 
 inhumanity to keep them as so many laughing- 
 stocks, with which they glutted their eyes and 
 their cruelty. They appeared like so many 
 shadows, rather than like men ; speech being 
 almost the only thing by which they were 
 known to be such. Alexander could not re- 
 frain from tears at this sight; and as they 
 unanimously besought him to commiserate their 
 condition, he bid them, with the utmost tender- 
 ness, not to despond, and assured them that they 
 should again see their wives and country. This 
 proposal, which one might suppose should natu- 
 rally have filled them with joy, perplexed them 
 very much, various opinions 'arising on the oc- 
 casion, " How will it be possible," said one of 
 them, " for us to appear publicly before all 
 Greece, in the dreadful condition to which we 
 are reduced ; a condition still more shameful 
 than dissatisfactory? The best way to bear 
 misery is to conceal it ; and no country is so 
 sweet to the wretched as solitude, and an obli- 
 vion of their past happiness. Besides, how will 
 it be possible for us to undertake so long a jour- 
 ney ? Driven to a great distance from Europe, 
 banished to the most remote parts of the east, 
 worn out with age, and most of our limbs 
 maimed, can we pretend to undergo fatigues, 
 which have wearied even a triumphant army ? 
 The only thing that now remains for us, is to 
 hide our misery, and to end our days among 
 those who are already so accustomed to our mis- 
 fortunes." Others, in whom the love of their 
 country extinguished all other sentiments, re- 
 presented, " that the gods offered them what 
 they should not even have dared to ask, viz. 
 their country, their wives, their children, and 
 all those things for whose sake men are fond of 
 life, and despise death : that they had long 
 enough borne the sad yoke of slavery ; and that 
 nothing happier could present itself than their 
 being indulged the bliss of going at last to 
 breathe the air of liberty, to resume their an- 
 cient manners, laws, and sacrifices, and to die 
 n the presence of their wives and children." 
 
 However the former opinion prevailed ; and 
 accordingly they besought the king to permit 
 them to (continue in a country where they had 
 spent so many years. He granted their request, 
 and presented each of them SGOO drachmas ;^ five 
 men's suits of clothes, and the same number for 
 women ; two couple of oxen to plough their 
 lands, and corn to sow them. He commanded 
 the governor of the province not to suffer them 
 to be molested in any manner, and ordered that 
 they should be free from taxes and tributes of 
 every kind. Such behaviour as this was truly 
 royal. It was, indeed, impossible for Alexander 
 
 Tliis is not the same river with that in Armenia. 
 
132 
 
 HISTORY- OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 to restore them the limbs, of which the Persians 
 had so cruelly deprived them ; but he restored 
 ihera to liberty, tranquillity, and abundance, 
 rhrice happy those princes, who are affected 
 with the pleasure which arises from the doing 
 of good actions, and who melt with pity lor the 
 mfortunate ! , v 
 
 Alexander, having called together, the next 
 lay, the generals of his army, .represented to 
 them, " That no city in the world, had ever been 
 more fatal to the Greeks than Persepolis, the 
 ancient residence of the Persian monarchs, and 
 the capital of their empire : that it was iroin 
 thence all those mighty armies poured, which 
 had overflowed Greece; and whence JJarius 
 first, and afterwards Xerxes, had carried the hre- 
 brand of the most accursed war, which had laid 
 waste all Europe ; and therefore that it was in- 
 cumbent on them to revenge the manes ot then- 
 ancestors." It was already abandoned by the 
 Persians, who all fled as fear directed them. 
 Alexander entered it with his phalanx, when the 
 victorious soldiers soon met with riches sut- 
 ficient to satiate their av-arice, and immediately 
 cut to pieces all those who still remained in the 
 city. However the king soon put an end to the 
 massacre, and published an order, by which his 
 soldiers were forbid to violate the chastity ol the 
 women. Alexander had before possessed him- 
 self, either by force or capitulation, of a great 
 number of incredibly rich cities ; but all this was 
 a trifle compared with the treasures he found 
 here. The Barbarians had laid up at Persepolis, 
 as in a storehouse, all the wealth of Persia. Gold 
 and silver were never seen here but in heaps, 
 not to mention the clothes and furniture of 
 inestimable value ; for this was the seat ot 
 luxury. There was found in the treasury 
 120,000 talents,' which were designed to delray 
 the expense of the war. To this prodigious 
 sum lie added 6000 talents,'^ taken from 1 a- 
 sargada. This was a city which Cyrus had 
 I built, wherein the kings of Persia used to be 
 i cro%vned. . , 
 
 , During Alexander's stay m Persepolis, a little 
 ' before he set out upon his march against l^arius, 
 he entertained his friends at a banquet, at which 
 the guests drank to excess. Among the women, 
 who were admitted to it, was Thais the courte-- 
 san, a native of Attica, and at that time mistress 
 to Ptolemy, who afterwards was king ot Egypt. 
 About the end of the feast, during which she 
 nad studiously endeavoured to praise the king in 
 the most artful and delicate manner (a stratagem 
 too often practised by women of that character ), 
 she said, with a gay tone of voice, " lhat it 
 would be matter of inexpressible joy to her, were 
 she permitted (in order to end this festival no- 
 bly) to burn the magnificent palace of Xerxes, 
 who had burned Athens ; and to set it on fire 
 with her own hand, in presence of the king, in 
 order that it might be said in all parts ol the 
 world, that the women who had followed Alex- 
 ander in his expedition to Asia, had taken much 
 better vengeance of the Persians, for the many 
 calamities they had brought upon the Grecians, 
 than all the generals who had tought for them 
 both by sea and land. " All the guests applaud- 
 ed the discourse ; when immediately the king 
 rose from the table (his head being crowned with 
 flowers), and taking a torch in his hand, he ad- 
 
 vanced forward to execute this mighty exploit- 
 i The whole company follow him, breaking into 
 loud acclamations, and afterwards, singing and 
 dancing, they surround the palace. All the rest 
 of the Macedonians, at this noise, ran in crowds, 
 with lighted torches, and set fire to every part 
 of it However, Alexander was sorry, not long 
 after for what he had done ; and thereupon gave 
 orders for extinguishing the fire, but it was too 
 lale.=^ 
 
 3 Site and Rmns of Persepolis. 
 
 1 About 18,000,000/. sterling. 
 2 About 900,000/. , 
 
 Our author, so given to moralise on other occasions, | 
 passes over this whole story without either note or com.. ; 
 ment. The inhuman conduct of Alexander and his bar. , 
 barous soldieiT towards this unhappy city, and its detence- ; , 
 less and unofl'enduig inhabitants, might have drawn from ; ! 
 Roilin such censures as every humane and feeling mind , 
 would have passed, on the unmerited and unnecessary 
 cruelty of the unrelenting conqueror. But he is quite su j 
 lent on this business-relates it quite coolly-shows no , 
 sympathy to the wretched suflerers-talks ot his benefi- 
 cince-extols his bountiful temper, and dilates on his hu- , 
 manity and kindness ; and all this in the very midst of the , | 
 recital of this mournful catastrophe. His narrative of the ' 
 capture and plundering of Persepolis, and the wanton 
 burning of the most glorious pile ..t building ever reared 
 by human hands, seems to be wholly taken from Diodorus 
 Siculus, but he endeavours to soften the afKnr by rep.e. 
 senting it as done by the persuasion of his generals ; ana 
 that Alexander soon put an end to the massacre, and pub. 
 licly forbade his soldiers to violate female chastity. Ihe 
 very sentence ijnmediately preceding Alexander s prohibi- 
 tion of further massacre, is in perfect contradiction to 
 Rollin's statement: for he says that the Macedonians pm 
 to immediate death all who remained in the city, fhe 
 massacre was universal, and how therefore could Alexan- 
 der put an end to it? for, by the narrative, al had bmi 
 massacred already-none were le t ^bv^-and t eretore 
 the story comes just to this, that Alexander stopt the mas- 
 sacre wlien none were left to be massacred. Diodorus 
 from whom the account is taken, speaks not one word ol , 
 Alexander putting an end to the horrid butchery, nor of 
 his prohibiting the'violation of the chastity of ^^^^^ 
 females of the devoted city. No 1 Diodovus tells it wholl} , 
 without inincir.g the matter. According both to our au- 
 thor and the Sicilian historiographer, it was wholly owing 
 to Alexander that all this cruelty, this carnage, desiruc- 
 tion, and devastation, were owing. It was he who incensed 
 a bmtal soldiery to commit such deeds of wo : it was ne 
 who called fortli the spirit of revenge-the dead lest pas- 
 sion of the human muid, and yet the sweetest, the most 
 gratifying to dei)raved nature-from the bosonis of his m. 
 flamed followers; it was he who was the efbcient author 
 of all this complicated scene of wanton outrage ; ^vho sti- 
 Stflated a profligate army, by the ^^^^ «f 
 and unlicensed plunder, to every act of lust, vainne, a.^ 
 cruelty, that was there committed ; and who fni.hed he 
 glorious tragedy by rushing out asan infuriated Baccham 1, 
 It the heels of a drunken strumpet, and accompanied with 
 a band of other Bacchanals, as wanton y '■^;,"e'' ^'^"^ 
 himself, with flaming torches in their hands, like *o man) 
 fir"es ofhcll, toset onfirethepal.ee of an unoflenciiny 
 monarch And yet our author talks in the most cantrng 
 style of his generosity, bounty, forgivene.^^ of injuries, nu. 
 manity. tenderness, and kindness, jusi after he had com- 
 mitted on set purpose all these ai ts of ^^anton revenge i - 
 discriminate carnage, and irreparable ""^'-'V^*^* ^^^^r',, 'n 
 time that the page of iiistory should be cleared of tho-i 
 fu" some, cantnii panegyrics on conquerors heroes, and 
 warriors, that thei[ characters should be ex nbited in iheu; 
 true lights as ihe destroyers ot mankind. How many 
 monuinents of literature and science, ^^^f f^ste and ge- 
 nius. of utility, splendour, ar,d elegance, have been de. 
 stroyed, by the ruthless hands of sanf-uinary heroes who 
 have left nothing but ruins as the monuments of their 
 
 ^'so full is history of the deeds of heroes, and acts of car- 
 nage and mischief, and so comparatively barren of acts of 
 beneficence, that one is wearied and disgusted at the mo. 
 notonous tale ; and when a deed of kindness occurs, u is jus 
 like a green spot in the midst ot the Lybian deserts, that 
 cheers the view, and revives the spirit of t^e weaned tra 
 veller, and seems a very paradise, when contrasted with 
 
 ^"^lu^SLTasi^s^'assigned for Alexander's wanton cru- 
 i elty. are the sight of 800 maimed Greeks, and the conduct 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 As he was naturally very bountiful, his great 
 successes increased this beneficent disposition ; 
 and he accoitopanied the presents he made with 
 such testimonies of humanity and kindness, and 
 
 1 of Xerxes towards the Grecian temples and the city of 
 j Athens. The story of the 800 Greeks 1 take to he a inere 
 j Greek fiction, invented by souie subsequent writer, to pal. 
 I hate the atrocious conduct of the Macedonian soldiery, 
 and their ferocious commander. There is no probability 
 1 in the story. It is totally without parallel, in all 'he pre- 
 j vious conduct of the Persians towards the Greeks. We 
 j read of no such acts of cruelty previously exercised on 
 j such Greeks as had fallen into their hands ; and the Per- 
 [ sians besides had, at this very time, and long before, mul- 
 j titudes of Greek mercenaries in their armies, and several 
 thousands of them were at that very moment with the un. 
 tortunate Darius at Ecbatana. Darius besides, we are 
 told, was a mild, just, and beneficent prince, and therefore 
 consistently with such a character, this piece of mean and' 
 useless cruelty could not proceed from h,m. We are told 
 indeed, that it was done by the people of the Perscpolitan 
 district ; but this is very improbable. The inhabitants, 
 defenceless as they were, could not but be sensible that the 
 sight or so many mutilated Greeks, would inflame the re. 
 venge of their victorious countrymen, and expose them- 
 I solves to all the calamitous consequences of such revenge • 
 and that, therefore, in order to avoid this catastrophe, thev 
 would either have previously put them to death, or con- 
 veyed tncm out of the way, to some place of secresy On 
 these accounts, I take the whole story to be invented, to 
 serve as a plausible excuse for the conduct of Alexander 
 and the rage of the Macedonians. 
 
 Arrian says not a word of these 8( 0 Greeks, and as little 
 does Plutarch. There can be little doubt but they had 
 heard of this trumped up story, but their not hiserting it 
 indicates a strong suspicion of its truth— a story got up to 
 excuse a fact that can never be paliated. Curtius tells the 
 same tale as Diodorus ; but all who are acquainted with 
 his character as a historian, will pay very little regard to 
 his authority. Arrian honestly tells us, that Alexander 
 J burned the palace of Persepolis much against the will of 
 I Parmenio, who beseeched him to leave it untouched, be- 
 cause it was imjiroper to destroy what he had gained by 
 ! his valour— that, by such conduct, he would disoblige the 
 I Asiatics, and render them disaffected toward him— as 
 they would then suppose, that he would not keep Asia in 
 his possession, but abandon it as soon as he conquered and 
 v/asted it. To which Alexander replied, that he was re- 
 solved to avenge the ancient injuries his country had re- 
 ceived from the Per-ians, who, when they had arrived in 
 Greece, subverted Athens, burned their temples, and com- 
 mitted many other barbarous devastations there. But 
 fadds Arrian,) this, in my opinion, seems to have been no 
 prudent, or politic conduct of Alexander, and was no re- 
 venge upon the Persians at all. Lib. iii. c. 18. Strabo says 
 very concisely, that Alexander destroved the temple of 
 Persepolis, in revenge of the injuries the Persians had for- 
 merly done the Greeks, whose cities and temples the 
 Persians had utterly destroyed with fire and sword. Lib. 
 XV vol. 11. p. 485. Pimo. Curtius not only says that the 
 palace was burnt, and the city plundered, like Diodorus 
 biculus, but he says more, affirming that the citv was ut- 
 terly reduced to ashes, and was afterw.nrd-- so "far from 
 being rebuilt, that but for the river Araxes running near 
 It, thi re would have been no way of ascertaining where 
 It .sto: d. That, however, it was 20 stadia from the river 
 hanks, the inhabitants rather believe than know with any 
 certainty. Lib. v. c. 7. Curtius, therefore, is the only 
 author who says that Persepolis was ruined. Diodorus 
 speaks only of plundering ii,e city; the burning and de- 
 stroying he confines lo the palace; and b.-sides, mentions 
 that Antigonus, after taking .5000 talents out of the royal 
 treasury at Ecbatana, marchsd into I'ersia, and in 20 davs 
 arrived at its capital, Persepolis. Lib. xix. c. 3. Arrian 
 speaks ot it as still standing m his time, and so does Am. 
 mianus Marcelhnus in the fourth century. 
 
 All agree that Alexander burned the palace of Persepolis, 
 none, but Curtius, that he destroyed the city. Whether 
 he destroyed the palace in a drunken debauch, and at the 
 instigation ot a Grecian whore ; or, when sober, and in 
 cool revenge, authors are not agreed. Diodorus and 
 Curtius afhrm the former; Arrian and Strain the latter 
 Plutarch indeed mentions the story of Thais, but in «uch 
 a manner, as to betray his uncertainty of its truth. If he 
 did It in a fit of drunkenness, inflamed by the suggestions 
 of a courtezan as drunk as himself, something may be al 
 lowed on the score of intoxication— that he was not him. 
 6:'lf— knew not what he was doing— and was sorry, on 
 reflection, that he had committed such an unworthy deed 
 —and gave orders, as our author says, to stop the progress 
 
 so obliging a demeanour, as very much enhanced 
 their value. He acted thus in a particular man- 
 ner towards fifty Macedonian young noblemen, 
 who served under him as guards. Olympias 
 
 of the flames himself had raised — but that they came too 
 late, to be of any avail towards saving the building. I 
 almost think this, with the other story of the 800 Greeks, 
 to be also got up as a sort of palliation of Alexanaer^'s j 
 brutal conduct. All knew that it was done— that it could ! 
 not be justified— and were somewhat ashamed of the con- 
 duct of their hero and countryman- and therefore some- 
 thing was needed, either to j'u.stify the fact or to palliate 
 it; hence the stories of the bOO Greeks and the drunken 
 revel. I am of opinion, therefore, that it was done in the 
 spirit of cool revenge, and fell liatred ; and therefore, that 
 nothing can excuse this act of wanton mischief, which has 
 thrown an eternal stigma on the character of the Macedo. 
 nian conqueror, and even of the Greeks in general. Had 
 it been the action of rude barbai ians, who had no taste for 
 the fine arts, whose only pleasure lay in their destruction, 
 it would have occasioned no surprise, and excited loss in- 
 dignation ; but that the polished, the civilized Greeks, 
 under the command of a literary hero, the pupil of the 
 sage Aristotle, should liave, out of wanton revenge, burned 
 and destroyed one of the finest specimens of architecture 
 and sculpture that was ever beheld— and which, one would 
 have thought, would have so excited the Greeks, those | 
 fond admirers of whatever was sublime and beautiful in I 
 these arts— was monstrously inconsistent, and what we 
 could not have expected Such conduct must ever meet 
 with the just reproliation of every lover of the fine arts, | 
 and of every man who believes revenge to be an unchris. 
 tian principle— a principle which, next to that of v/arlike 
 ambition, has done the greatest mischief on earth. 
 
 With the names of Nineveh, Babylon, Ecbatana, and 
 Susa, every classical reader is well acquainted ; but that of 
 Persepolis does not occur, in any classical writer, prior to 
 its destruction by Alexander. It appears somewhat strange, 
 that during the long and active political intercourse that 
 subsisted between the two nations, and the many Greek 
 embassies that were despatched to the imperial residence 
 of the Great King, not one word occurs of Persepolis ; 
 Susa, and it only, being represented as the place where the 
 envoys were received. Our information, respecting its 
 geographical site, is equally scanty. We are told, that it 
 lay in the province of l^ersia, on the Araxes, and that is 
 all we are informed of the matter, till the time of Strabo, 
 who has given us more precise knowledge of its localities 
 than any other classical author ; and it is merely men. 
 tioned in Pt lerny Tabula Asiip, where its latitude is given 
 with tolerable accuracy. No European, perhaps, has been 
 so fortunate, as to satisfy himself or others, by indisputa- 
 ble proof, that he had actually ascertained the precise spot 
 where Persepolis stood, or that of the regal dome, where 
 " the royal feast for Persia won, was kept by Philip's fierce 
 and warlike son." Pie cannot enjoy that delightful, positive 
 certainty, which accompanies the classical traveller, while 
 visiting the fascinating remains of Balbec or Palmyra, of 
 Athens or Rome, or Egyptian Thebes. He cannot afhim, 
 in the expressive language of the Mdiituan bard : 
 
 Hie Dolopum manus, hie seevm tcndebat Achilles, 
 Classibus hie locus, hie acies certare solebant. 
 
 Notwithstanding the deficiency of positive proof, the 
 circumstantial evidence is so strong as to induce, with a 
 very few exceptions, all our ingenious travellers, antiqua. 
 nans, and geographers, to believe, that, under different 
 Persian names, the ruin.', now commonly denominated 
 Takhti-Jemschid, or the Throne of Jemschid, are vestiges 
 of some great edifice, which once adorned the royal city of 
 Persepolis. Certain it is— indisputably so—that all who 
 have visited these ruins — all v,ho have compared them 
 with those of other cities known to fame — concur in one 
 unanimous verdict, that the city, represented by these 
 ruins, must have been the most august city ever the sun 
 beheld— that the Persian empire, in all its glory, could not 
 boast of any thing more grand, nor have left to wondering 
 posterity, any thing more astonishing than these venerable 
 ruins. 
 
 The pres-nt rude inhabitants of the plain of Perse- 
 polis, ignorant of the glories of their ancestors, deem 
 these ruins the work of demons, or of the Pr£eadamite 
 sultans, now immured in the rocky caverns of the mighty 
 Caucasus ; or of the great Solomon the Son of David, who 
 is said in eastern romance to have had all the demons and 
 genii under his command. The wandering liiat now tends 
 his flock amidst the tenantless waste, unconscious that he 
 I reads on classic ground. The once populous plain is 
 now dreary and silent; the music that once serenaded a 
 
134 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 bis mother, thinking him too profuse, wrote to 
 fiim as follows : " i do not blame you,'' said 
 she, " for being beneficent towards your friends, 
 for that is acting like a kim£ : but then a medi- 
 
 um ouoht to be observed m your magmticenco. 
 You e^ual them all with kings, and by heap:i>ff 
 riches on them, vou give them an opportunit;? 
 of making a gxeat number of friends, ot all 
 
 nightly bowlings of wolves and jackalls ; and tlie halls of 
 
 web in tl)e palace of Khusrau ; and niglitlj' screams the 
 screech owl in the towers of Istakar. NVho that ever visited 
 these glorious ruins, but raust have exclaimed, How have 
 the mit'hty fallen 1 How hath the golden city ceasea 1 
 Who i.ut, on tlie sight of these majejtic remains, must 
 have dropt the silent tear, inwardly bewailed the woes of 
 humanitv, and cursed, in the bitterness of his soul the 
 depravity of man, and the relei.tless cruelty, the ruthless 
 hate of those savage monsters, called conquerors ano heroes 
 by stupid posterity ! :, ^ ^ • 
 
 Although Persia has been renowned for its poetry in 
 times comparatively modern, yet no Persian then existed 
 on tlie banks of the Araxes, to descni e, in m.ournful 
 numbers, the unutterable woes of his native city, nor teU 
 Uio dismal fate. 
 
 Persicas ut opes, et lamentabile regnum 
 Eruerint Danai. 
 Assuming then these ruins as those of Persepolis, we 
 must describe its site, its name, its origin its vanoiis tate», 
 a^id its present state; and conclude, with a short sketch of the 
 ruins and the tombs, with the cuneiform inscriptions hither- 
 to un^niuigible to all the learned The p ain where 
 these ruins, the sad representatives of Persepoh., stand, i. 
 one of the most extensive in Persia, and one of the nne^ 
 in the east, extending, according to Lhardin, eighteen 
 eaguls from west to e!st, by a diversified breadth of from 
 two^o four leagues, and in some places 1'^- plan i. 
 
 Persepolis." The phrase Ke/Xr? U^ff'-^y.;, or Cava Persue, 
 or Hollow Persia, ex actly agrees to the \ ale of Merdasht, 
 or Mard%-asht. Three rivers are here mentioned, tlie Ki?o;, 
 or Cvrus, the Araxes, and the Medus. The Cyrus is said 
 to flow round Pasargads, through Hollow Persia ; and 
 that Cyrus obtained his name from that river, being he- 
 fore called Agradatus. No%v, although fetrabo may be 
 mistaken as to the fact respecting the name of Cvtus i 
 being the Hebrew Korcsb, and the Persic or Pelilni 
 Khorsh^d, the sun : the very name of the Cyrus river is 
 still retained in the Kur-aub. The Araxes is the modern 
 Bandemir, which Alexander passed on the we^ ot Perse 
 polls ; and the Medus is that branch of the Kur, which 
 falls into the Araxes west of Persepc.hs. The^Kur does m 
 
 fact with its two arms encompass 
 
 the vale where once it 
 
 watered by the Araxes, and an infinity of minor strean^^ ^Vtter and .how. that Ousely's suspicions were wrong. 
 
 L^rb lain ?frS'an7i^^! I K^pfh^ ^epTe.^nts the Kli-au£ or Aub Kuren, a 
 
 ^?"^r^s^f^t£^^tr^;^L^xe^: 
 
 ^lle'd theSewan, or So wan ; on the west, by 
 so that it describes an oval figure. On the north we. 
 he junction of the Parwaub and the Araxes; and on he 
 t^ortl -eait is the point where the Kur-aub diverges mtothe 
 two branches, which bound its two sides It is surround- 
 ed on every 'side by mountains. On the west side he 
 Hahmet mountains give as much natura grandeur to this 
 beautiful plain, as the c.ty it covers could receive rom in- 
 dustry or art. They are four leagues m length, steep and 
 hSh, and about two miles broad, forming two banks, with 
 a terrace in the middle, the summit of which is perfectly 
 plaf^i and even, all of native rock. In this there are such 
 ^ - and the terraces are so fine and so even, a. to 
 
 ' nulShe belief, that the whole is the work of man, if 
 great extent and prodigious elevation, did not Produce the 
 Conviction, that it is a wonder too great to have been done 
 out by Nature's own hands. The ruins of the city cannot 
 be discerned from hence, on account ot the gi-eat eleva- 
 tion of the banks ; but on every side may be seen the ruins 
 of walls and of edifices, which formerly adorned the range 
 of mountains above mentioned. This once happy plam 
 contained, in the days of Le Bruyn (1-0^) the painter 
 854 villages, and 1300 villages might have been counted in 
 a circuit°of twelve leagues round I'ersepo is^ . J^f.S ' 
 which according to Charden, contdined the fattest cattle, 
 U e best wines, a^nd handsomest horses m all Persia, is now 
 in such a desolated state, from the many calamitou. reyo- 
 utions, which, like so many whirlwinds, have devastated 
 Persia that the villages are now empty and ruinoiis, the 
 po^uUtion has disappeared, and of course that exuberant 
 plinty which once characterized it. Lven to such a deg ee 
 has this taken place, that uhen Woner and Ousely vi.itcd 
 the ruins in 1811, the bailiff of an adjoining -1 age came 
 with some peasants, and declared, that the zabit or ch.ot 
 man of the district, was ashamed to appear before he hn 
 glish ambassador's brother, or to acknowledge the pose 
 of his people; that on the arrival ol 0%^'^ %Pi>^!.^>' .^'"J 
 Mr. VVillock's soldiers, many families had deserted their 
 dwellings; and that for this day's subsistence, a fowl, or 
 even an egg, could not be procured without considerable 
 difficulty. This report of scarcity was cor.hrmed in a sho t 
 time by several persons, sent out in various directions foi 
 several miles, for the purpose of collecting food. 1 e 
 plain is called Mardvasht, and the plain ot Chelnunar and 
 Istakr. The description above given, harmonizes exactly 
 with Stralio's description of the site of Persepe-hs, so 
 as not to be mistaken. " Item Cyrus {says he) qui circa 
 Pasargadas per cavam Pcrsiam fluit ab eo rex appe latus 
 est. Nam pro Agradato Cyrus dictus est. Juxta i erse- 
 iioUm Alexander Araxem trajccit. Persepohs raagmfiv^as 
 
 stood. It is indeed true, that the modern Persian geo- 
 graphers apply the name of Cyrus, or Kur-aub to the 
 Araxes : and Pulwar, or Parwaub, to the Medus, or 
 stream that falls into it ; and that therefore ilie Cyrus, or 
 Araxes, are names not of two rivers, but ot one, according 
 to them Ouselv seems to acquiesce in this opinion, and 
 represents the Medus, or Parwaub, as a small stream, 
 compared with the Araxes. He has given a dehneatioii 
 of these rivers from the maps ot De La hochette and Wahl , 
 but at the same time suspects them to be erroneous, in 
 those rivers which thev conduct from the north into Lake 
 Bakhtegan, east of the \ ale of Merdasht, as he could hear 
 of no river falling into the Araxes, east of Persepolis or 
 into the Lake of Bakhtegan. But K-err Porter clears up this 
 
 his map, he represents the Kur-aun, or auu ivuren, as it 
 is terined in Sherifeddin, as rising in the mountains to 
 the west of Gazion, to the north -west of Morg^ub, and 
 accompanving him in his way from Morg-aub to the vil- 
 lage of So'wan, twenty miles north-east ot the lakhti-Jem- 
 schid, where it divides into two arms, the one running 
 west to the Araxes, and alongst the side of the yale, and 
 still retaining the original name of Kur-aub ; and the other, 
 running south-east, through the country at theback of the 
 Persepoiitan hills, uncier the name of bowaii, till Us fa Is 
 into the combined stream of the Araxes and Kur, to the 
 east of the village of Bandemir, and before its final exiv into } 
 the Bakhtegan Lake. It is this east brancli which is repre- , 
 sented in the maps of La Rochette and Wahl; and thows | 
 these mai« to be so far correct. We have tlie positive testi- 
 mony of Sir Robert Kerr Porter, who visited Persepo- 
 lis in 181«, tha' it is this stream, and not the other, 
 which is called the Cyrus. According to his map, it de- , 
 scribes a much longer course than the Araxes, having a. i 
 least ISO miles to run, exclusive of its windings, "^fcjcix 
 unites with the Araxes, or Bandemir, to the west of the 
 Persepohtan Vale. I therefore understand by Strabo s 
 Araxes, the river that runs south-east from the Bakhiiarus 
 mountains, to the vale of Merda.ht, by the ^ulv^^ar, c>i 
 I'arwaub, the western arm of the Kur, said by h.m to run ^ 
 round Pasauarda?, and through Hollow Persia ; and by the I 
 eastern arm of ti-e Kur, called the Sowan, his Medus, 
 which, carried from IMedia, flows into the Araxes, de- 
 scending from the Paraetaxac, by whom I unaerstand the 
 Bactiaries, to the north-west of the \ ale ot Persepolis 
 So that tl e tfiree rivers of the Bandemir, the Pulwar, and 
 the Sowan, answer exactly to his Araxes, Cyrus, and Me- 
 dus In one important particular the map ol Kerr Porter 
 is wrong, and that of Ousely ri^ht; that is, in the site ot 
 the Bakhtegan Lake. In the former, it is conloundcd with 
 the *alt lake of Shiras; and of cour.e all the ihiee streams 
 are made to take a south-west course, af\er their junction, 
 to that lake, instead of a south-east, to the L^ke ot Bakh. 
 teean ■ whereas the western extremity ot the Bakhtegan 
 Lake, is at least 56 miles north-east of the south-east ex- 
 tremity of the salt lake of Shiras. 1 his latter lake is called 
 Maliluiah by Hamdallah Cazvini, and extends within 6 
 miles south-east ot Shiras, being from ^0 to 23 miles 
 long, and twelve iiara-angs in circumference, i he Lake 
 of Bakhtegan is much larger, being th.e reservoir o all the 
 streams of Hollow Persia, or those that ungate the vales 
 of Mor-.aub, Istakcr. and Kurbal. Its extent is about W 
 ni iength, and is generally called Deria Ninz, or Lake of 
 Niriz r but the okl orienUil geographe.s have denominat- 
 ed It the lake of Baklitegan, from an old ruined village to 
 the e.ist of Kheir. Says Ebn Hau.el as t^ranslated bv 
 
HISTORY OP ALEXANDER. 
 
 whom you deprive yourself." As she often 
 wrote the same advice to him, he always kept 
 her letters very secret, and did not show them 
 to any person ; but happening to open one of 
 
 this flows the river Kur, which is near Hhekan or Khefan, 
 ! and it reaches nearly to Z:ihek in Kirman (Carmania). 
 The extent of this lake is 20 farsangs in length ; and the 
 water of it is bitter, and on the borders are wild beasts of 
 various kinds, such as lions, leopards or tigers, and others ; 
 and the region of this lake, whidi belongs ta the Kuveh 
 I (district) of Istakr (Persepolis), comprises several towns 
 I and villages." This description was written in the year 950. 
 I Hamdallals Mastowfi merely copies Ebn Haukel, and adds, 
 I that the towns of Jezireh, Abad, Khieveh, and Niriz, are 
 situated on its borders ; and that in its vicinity, are tracts 
 of soil impregnated with salt ; that its length is twelve far. 
 I sangs, its breadth seven, and its circumference thirty-five, 
 j This large expanse of salt water seems to have been en 
 tirely unknown to the ancients, as neither Strabo nor Cur- 
 I tins, nor otliers who notice the expedition of Cyrus, make 
 mention of it ; nor is it at all spoken of by the Greek or Ko- 
 I Iran geographers or naturalists. It is therefore marked on 
 j the map of La Kochette as " unknown to the ancients," an 
 account justified by the great authority of D'Anville. The 
 salt lake of Sheras seems to have been equally unknown to 
 them. It is very surprising that these two lakes should 
 have been confouiided in the large map i>refixGd to Kerr 
 Porter's travels, published so late as 1821, when in those 
 of D' Anvdle, Rennel, and La Rochette, they are represent- 
 ed as totally distinct and unconnected The same blunder 
 .exists in the map of Macdonald Kinnier. Ousely, Char- 
 din, Fryer, and Kerr Porter, think that the Fylas Persiese, 
 defended so manfully by Ariobarzanes, lay about 20 miles 
 N. W. of Persepolis, half wav between it and Mayin. I 
 am inclined, however, to think that they lay much farther 
 to the N. W , as Alexander, we are informed, after fore., 
 ing them, hasted by long marches to Per.-.epolis, which 
 could not have been the case, were the.^e passes only 20 
 miles distant. A day's march, and that no very extraor- 
 dinary one for such a man as Alexander, would have 
 brought him to the city. 
 
 Having thus fixed the site of Persep as correspond- 
 ing to the Takhti-Jem^chid, in the v^de of Merdastit, its 
 position occupies the 29th degree ;ind 591)1 minute of S. lati- 
 tude, and 53. 20. E. longitude from Greenwich ; Si miles 
 N. E. of Shiras, 49 miles S. W. of Morgaub, 200 S. E. of 
 Lspahan ; 330 miles S. E. of Shush or Susa, 480 S. E. 
 of Hamadan or Ecbatana, 150 N. E. of Bushehr, and 
 560 S. E of Ctesiphon or Al-Modain, the subsequent 
 capital of the Sassanian monarchs. All the above dis- 
 tances but the two first, are direct, as measured on the 
 I map. 
 
 The name Persepolis is a compotmd Greek word, sig- 
 nifying by way of eminency, the Persian city ; and is 
 just a translation of the Persian name Farsagard. Hence 
 some are led to think that the Pasagarda of Herodotus, 
 Xcnoplion, and others, is the very same city with Persepo- 
 lis ; that the Greeks were ignorant of the meaning of the 
 term, and hence took them for different cities. Of this 
 opinion that Persepolis is the Greek name, and Pasagarda 
 the Persian name of the same, are Hoeck, in his learned 
 Latindissertation on the monuments of ancient Media and 
 Persia, and S;r William Ousely. Of the opposite oj/inion, are 
 Salmasius in his Flinian Exercitations, the younger Vos- 
 sius in his notes on Mela, Bochart iti his Phaleg, D'Anville, 
 Sainte Croix in his Critical Examination of the Historians 
 of Alexander, Larcher in his notes on Herodotus, Vincent , 
 on the Voyage of Nearchu?, Rennel in his Geography of 
 Herodotus, Morier in his Travels to Persia, vol. i., and 
 Kerr Porter, to whom we may add Christopher Cellarius. 
 After such a host of great names, one would think the 
 matter settled, and that it would be presumption to difllr 
 from them. I must own, however, for my own part, that 
 I am of the opinion of Hoeck and Ousely, that Persepolis and 
 Fa-agarda are just different names of the city. I speak 
 however with diffidence, a, id would not by any means ob- 
 trude my opinion on others. Yet I may be permitted hon. 
 estly, though modestly, to declare my own sentiments. It 
 ajjpears to me so clear that Persepolis is just the Greek 
 translation of Parsa-gard or the Persian city, that I cannot 
 hesitate in giving my assent to the opinion of Ousely and 
 Hoeck. The best Persian Lexicons inform us that the 
 adjunct gird, gerd, or gar d, with the vowel accent hesr, is 
 ^uivalent to the terms Medinah, Shabr, or Sheher and 
 Beldeh, and signifies a town or city, and is of identical 
 meaning with tiie gQl\\\c gar d. From this conies our word 
 ^ird, to enclose, encompass, or surroimd, and our noun 
 girdle or cincture. Numerous instances of this Persic ad- 
 junct occur in the names of cities, as Darah gerd, the citv 
 Darius, Ram-gard, Palash^gerd. Firus.gerd, Las.gerd, 
 
 them, and beginning- to read it, Hephaestiou 
 
 drew near to him, and read it over his shoulder, i 
 
 which the king observing, did not offer to hln- : 
 
 der him ; but only taking the ring from his ; 
 
 Siavesh-gerd, Veisch-gerd, Ferhad-gerd, Melas-gerd, or the 
 Black City, expres.^ed by a Greek adjective joined to the Fer- 
 sic adjuncts, Var-jim-gerd, Minsing-gerd, Valarsa-gerd, and 
 Dasta-gerd. From all the-e instances, it is as clear as day- i 
 light that Parsa-gard means the Persian city, aiid vas ex- 
 pressed in Greek by the similar compound Perse-polis. It 
 means the same with the Funic Charta, theChaldee Certa, 
 and the Hebrew Kirjath, as Cartaco- Carthage, Tigranocer. 
 ta, the city of Tigranes, Vologeso-certa or city of Vologeses, 
 the Parthian king, Carcathaio-certa, Batracharta, Catra- 
 carta, Kirjath-sepher, Kirjarth Arba, &c. Dr. Hyde thinks 
 that the Persians derived the adjunct gard from the Phoe- 
 nicians or Carthaginians, with whom, says he, Karta is a 
 city ; but he does not tell us his reasons for his opinion 
 Hist. vet. Pers. p. 535, Ox. 1700. i 
 
 If Persepolis and Pasagarda be different cities, it seems 
 very odd that the Greeks should give the one a Cireck 
 name and the other a Persian name, and yet both signify- 
 ing the same thing — the Persian city. There can be no 
 reasonable doubt that the Pasargads of Strabo, Arrian, and 
 others, the Farsagada; of Pliny, the Persagadae, Persaga- ; 
 dum, and Persagidffl, of the different editions of Curtius, 
 and the Parsargadje of Appian, and the Pasar.gada, Pasar- 
 acha, and Fasacharta of Ptolemy, are all so many corrup. j 
 tions of the real name Parsa- gard ; and therefore, that 
 they all mean the same city as Persepolis. Believing that : 
 the common reading Pasagarda is the true reading, Golius, 
 in his notes on Al-Fargani or Alfraganus, derives it from ! 
 the Arabic word Basa, the north-wind, to correspond with 1 
 Pasagarda. But Ousely remarks that the word Pasa is 
 never used with an adjunct. It is besides absurd to deri ve 
 it from the Arabic, as the Persians did not speak Arabic. 
 The same remark must be applied to the etymons adduced 
 by Salmasius and Bochart from the Hebrew — according to 
 whom Parsagarda is derived from, or compounded of, the 
 Hebrew Paras-gad, a Persian army, or Parsigader, an en- | 
 closed place. For as the Persians did not use the Hebrew j 
 language, it is better, with the learned and judicious Ke- 
 land, to derive the term from their own language itself, 
 than fetch it from one they did not spe^jk — " Non placent," 
 says he, " enim ctymologia.- vocum Fersicarum ex sermone 
 Hebrceo petitas, si ipsa lingua Persica," &.c. Dissert, viii. | 
 
 Among the many (rrecks who visited Persia, there were [ 
 perhaps few, if any, who understood the meaning of Far- 
 sa-garda, and thought it sufficient to imitate the barbarous 
 sound, without troubling the ir heads any farther about iho 
 matter. 'I'hey were too proud and conceits < to learn the 
 language of a people whom ihey accounted barbarians. 
 The name of Persepolis does not appear in any classical 
 work till the time of the Macedonian conquest ; and Ar. 
 rian seems to have been the first writer wlio has retained 
 the Persian name, where others have ado[)ted the Greek 
 name, when, haviug mentioned Alexander's march from 
 Susiana, his defeat of Ariobarzanes, and his eager desire 
 to seize the Persian treasures — he then informs us tliat he 
 seized at Pasargadee the treasures of Cyrus, ap|)ointed ^ 
 new governor, and burned the palace cf the Persian kings. 
 Now we are told by many indisputable authorities, that 
 Alexander, in his advance from a western pn.vince to 
 Persejiolis, defeated Ariobarzanes, who attempted to o|*. 
 pose his progress ; that in Persepolis were deposited the 
 accumulated treasures of Cyrus and his successors; and 
 that in Persepolis stood the royal palace which Alexander 
 burned. 
 
 If, therefore, Arrian's Pasargadse be not the same 
 place, he must have suddenly traiisported his reader in 
 the middle of a narrative from the capital to a distant city, 
 and as suddenly brought him back — a fault which it is dif. 
 ficult to conceive how such a clear ;'nd judicious writei 
 as Arrian could commit. But the learned Sainte Croix, 
 unable to account for the confusion of names, and un- 
 willing to allow the identity, suspects that some parts of 
 Arrian's text are lost. (Examen Critique des Historiens 
 d'Alexandre, p. 311.) Chaussard, an ingenious translator 
 of Arrian, has, without any he>itaiion, substituted Perse, 
 polls for Fa-^argadee. (Tome. i. p. 300. Paris, 1802) On 
 the other hand, the learned James Gronovius, in his edi- 
 tion of Arrian, Lugd. Bat. folio, lib. iii. cap. 18. p. l.'jl, 
 (1/04), suspects no chasm in Arrian's narrative in this pas- 
 sage, though he overwhelms his reader in almost every 
 page with minute criticism. In book vi. chap. 29, of tLa 
 Gronoviaii edition, Arrian, in T)lacing the tomb of Cyrus 
 at Pasargada-, agrees with all other writers; hut he also 
 places there the burnt palace, which these writers unani- 
 mously ascribe to Persepolis. A third passage occurs in 
 the beginning of Arrian's 7th book, which seems to prove 
 
130 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 finger, he put the seal of it upon the lips of his 
 favourite, as an admonition to him not to divulge 
 what he had read. 
 
 He used to send magnificent presents to his 
 
 that Pasargada2 and Persepolis are different places. " When 
 Alexander returned to Pasargadse and i^ersepolis, he be- 
 came desirous of visiting tlie Persidn Gulf." Here most 
 abraj)tiy, and for the first time, the name of Persepolis is 
 introduced; and indeed the only time that Persepolis is 
 mentioned in his whole narrative. Such is the perplexity 
 this passage has caused, that Sainte Croix can only explain 
 it by supposing the name to have been already mentioned 
 in a supposed chasm ; while Chaussard, who does not seem 
 to be troubled wirh ditficulties, t^lly omits Pasargadse 
 and retains Persepolis. Tom. ii, p. 311. Ousely would re. 
 move this difficulty by a small conjectural emendation, 
 which is surely as justifiable as the notion of a supposed 
 chasm of Sainte Croix, or the total omission of Pasargadse 
 by Chaussard ; and would read the passage thus — " When 
 Alexander returned to Pasargads which is Persepolis." 
 By adoptmg this emendation, Arrian is rendered consist, 
 ent in his narrative throughout, and thus the difficulty 
 of the first passage respecting the seizure of Cyrus's 
 treasures at Pasargadse and the burning the royal pa. 
 lace is solved. It is ihis third and last passage in Ar- 
 ri:tn where the only inention of Persepolis is made as a 
 distinct place from Pasargadas; which, with | assages from 
 Strabo, Pliny, and Ptolemy, has tended to confirm the 
 most of antiquaries and geographers in the opinion that 
 PasargadjB is a distinct place from Persepolis. Strabo says, 
 " That Alexander having burned the palace of Persepolis, 
 immediately after went to Pasargads." Salmasius infers 
 from this, that, though distinct places, they could not be 
 far distant from each other. "Non longe itaque Pasar- 
 I gadas a Persepoli sitas fuisse oportet." Plin. Exerc. p. b4a 
 Tlie same inference may be dravvn from Arrian, lib. vi. 
 cap. 30, where he says, " That Alexander having visited 
 the tomb of Cyrus at Pasargadae, returned to the palace 
 which he had destroyed " These words, as Hoeck remarks, 
 would be very obscure, if the palace did not belong to the 
 same city in which Alexander resided. Vet. Med. et Pers. 
 iVIonum. p. 63. The same author has maintained that Pa- 
 1 sargadcE and Persepolis were names of places so near each 
 I other as to be parts of the same city ; and notices the great 
 : extent of Eastern capitals ; and remarks, " 1 hat although 
 I belonging to one city, the palace which Alexander burned 
 j may have been at no inconsiderable distance from the 
 I tomb of Cyrus." He further observes, after the learned 
 I Heeren, " That the ancients always connect the names of 
 I Persepolis and Pasargadae in such a way as proves a vicini. 
 I ty ; that Pasargads owed its existence to a camp, like 
 many Oriental cities, which remained on the si)ot where 
 i Cyrus with his Persians defeated Astyages the Mede, until, 
 from successive fortifications, it assumed the appearance of 
 a castle, especially that part where tlie monarch himself 
 , resided and was entombed." Although it soon became a 
 j city, this place was still called the Persian camp. But he 
 does not ascribe to Cyrus that palace, the remains of which 
 have been called Chehel-minar or Takht-i-Jemshed. 'Ihese 
 he regards as an amiditication of Pasargadse, made by Da- 
 rius Hystaspes ; " and these constitute," says he, " what 
 the Greek.< in a stricter sense denominated Persepolis," pu 
 59, 63, 65, 67 Ejusdem lib. ^ 
 It is tliese reasonings of Ousely, that have induced me to 
 think that Pasargadas and Persepolis are different names of 
 the same city— the one Persian and the other Greek. Posi- 
 tive certainty is now impossible to be obtained respecting 
 this matter ; and we have to thank Greek ignorance and 
 Greek vanity, for this uncertainty. If Pasargadas be dis- 
 tinct frorn Persepolis, it appears truly astonishing to me 
 that the Greeks never knew of such a place as the latter, 
 though by far the most splendid residence of the Great 
 King till the time of Alexander. It is astonishing to me 
 that Xeiiophun, who travelled with a Persian camp, con. 
 versed with Persians, and was intimate with the younger 
 Cyrus, and gathered materials for the history of the life 
 and actions of the very founder of that monarchy, never 
 knew of such a place as Persepolis, if distinct from Pasar. 
 gadte. It is an enigma I cannot solve, but on the supposi- 
 tion of gross ignorance and a total want of curiosity, on the 
 part of the conceited Greeks respecting Persian geography. 
 It is another piece of curiosity— that, if Pasargadae be dif- 
 ferent from Persepolis, none of them could tell where it 
 was, but merely that it was in the province of Persia. 
 Hence the moderns have been totally at a loss to fix its 
 site. Isaac Vossius places it at the modern Shiras. Observ. 
 m iMelam. p. 3B0. Morier and Kerr Porter fix it in the 
 vicinity of Morgaub. By Sainte Croix it is placed S. £. of 
 . Persepolis, p. 673 ; and yet, in another part of the same 
 Hork, it is placed N. W. of the same place, and both we 
 
 mother: but then he would never let her have 
 any concern in the affairs of the government. 
 She used frequently to make very severe com- 
 plaints upon that account j but he always .sub- 
 
 are sure cannot be true, p. S30. Kennel thought it to be 
 identical with the modern Fasa, 80 British miles S E. of 
 Shiras in direct distance, herein following the opinion of 
 D'Anville. By Ptolemy, a place called I'assachartee in his 
 Tables, is placed in Parthia ; and so far to the M. E. of his 
 Persepolis, that we cannot p issibly regard it as Pasargadje, 
 or that such a place was in his eye. There is a place called 
 Fassaracha in his Table of Persia, two degrees east of Per. 
 set)olis, which, in sound, somewhat resembles Pasargads. 
 'i'hat name may possibly be a corruption of his text, arising 
 from the carelessness of some transcriber. If so, he must 
 be regarded as holding Persepolis and Pasargada for dis. 
 tinct places. But it is uncertain, and consequently is of little 
 weight, in deierraining either its distinct individuality or 
 real site. Ousely himself, in order to solve his doubts 
 respecting Pasargads, made a tour from Shiras to Pasa or 
 Fasa, as it is pronounced by the modern Persians, but 
 found no remains whatever that could lead to the conclu- 
 sion that it was the ancient Pasargads. Pasa besides, not 
 enjoying the benefit of a river, is watered by artificial 
 means. Such a place, therefore, caimot be Sirabo's Pasar- 
 gads. " Round," says he, '■'or about which, flows the river 
 Kuros, passing that part of Persia called the Bollotu." He 
 however discovered in the vicinity of Darabgerd, a sculp, 
 tured rock, which may be said to have repaid his useless 
 research at Fasa. In the rocky face of a steep mountain 
 is a sculptured tablet 37 feet long and 20 feet broad, in bold 
 relief, situate just over a basin or fountain of most excel, 
 lent water, oval, very deep, and full of fish. On this tablet 
 is sculptured the form of Shapoor, eminently conspicuous, 
 and of colossal dimensions, occupying the middle, mounted 
 on Iiorseback. Before the monarch is a crowd of itomans, 
 and he lays his left hand, seemingly in a compassionate 
 manner, on the head of their captive chief, whose melan. 
 choly visage expresses more of despair than resignation. 
 A youth extends his arms towards the horse of the Per- 
 sian monarch, imploring, seemingly, the conquer r's mer- 
 cy. The Komans, all bareheaded, fill the right side of the 
 tablet ; at th^ left are the Persian guards or attendants in 
 four ranks, most of them wearing the pointed cap. No 
 inscriptions are discoverable on theroik. Motwithstanding 
 some injuries which the sculpture has received, and its 
 manifold defects in proportion and perspective, it appear- 
 ed, from the gigantic size of the principal personage, e.v. 
 ceedingly magnificent ; and- Sir William Ousely endea- 
 voured to delineate with scrupulous accuracy the sculpture ; 
 for the figure of the Roman chief may be a real portrait of 
 the unfortunate Valerian, and perhaps of the very Ko- 
 mans who accompanied him, when taken prisoner by the 
 victorious Shapoor, in the vicinity of Edessa. Ousely's 
 Travels, vol. ii. p. 147, H8. 
 
 In the Zend and Pelalivi manuscripts, collected and 
 translated by Anquetil du Perron, and forming the Zenda. I 
 vesta, Ousely thinks Persepolis is found under the appella. I 
 tion of Var-jim-gerd. It is there represented as far in the ! 
 south — to which that monarch invariably directed his i 
 course, in the centre of Pars— as a lofty edifice, divided j 
 into several parts, and surrounded with walls— as standing I 
 on an extensive square foundation at the foot of a mountain, • 
 abundantly watered, and theadjacent territory yielding gold 
 en harvests even to luxuriance. All these particulars corres 
 pond to Persepolis and its fertile plain. It is also mentioned 
 as not exempt from cold ; but which, when dissolved by the 
 heat, served the soil. Now Persepolis stood in the Sardsii 
 or cold region of Pars. Chardin describes the frost and 
 snow ; the rude and violent winter that reigns from No 
 veinber to March, in the heart of Persia ; and thesummci 
 nights deliglitfully cool, however hot the day — a pleasure 
 which Ousely himself exptrienred in the months of May 
 and June on the plain of Istakr, where Le Bruvn was 
 hindered from exploring the Takht-i-Jemschid by the rain, 
 snow, and frost, that obliged him to take shelter in a 
 house for some time. Du Perron thought the Var-jim. 
 gerd to be Hamadan ; but all the above particulars cor. 
 respond better to Persepolis than Ecbatana. Istakr is the 
 common name for Persepolis— an appellation as far back 
 as the 8th century, when a silver coin was struck by the 
 Mussulmaun conquerors of I'ersia, in the 90th year of the 
 Hcgira, or A. D. 708, at Istakr. This coin is preserved in 
 the Borgian museum in Adler's new collection of Cufic 
 coins, as we are informed by the learned Tyclisen of Kos. 
 tock, p. SO, 119K It is also called by the same name in 
 Ebn Aasim, Al Cufi's Book of Victories, in the com- 
 mencement of the 9th century. It also appears under 
 the form of Stahr, in the Armenian History of Moses 
 of Chorene, in tlie 5th century. This last appella. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 137 i 
 
 nitted to hei* ill-humour with great mildness 
 •ind patience. Antipater having one day writ- 
 ten a long letter against her, the king, after 
 i-eading it, replied, " Antipater does not know 
 
 tion completely sets aside the learned Dr. Hyde's ety- 
 mology of the naine Istakr, as if it were an Arabic 
 word : " Quasi de riipe desutnptum seu rupe cor.stins 
 saxium palatium, nomine dedutto ab octava conjuga- 
 tione radicis Sackr, i. e. rupes."— Relig. vet. Pers. Oxon. 
 1700, p. 304. We may be sure that it is a I'ehiivi word, 
 iiot an Arabic, nor derived from that language, beina used 
 before the era of the Mohammedan invasion at least two 
 centuries. 'I'he etymology of this name is, in fact, un.. 
 known. Persepolis is also denominated Takhti-Khusrau, 
 or the Throne of Cyrus. For many centuries the ruins of 
 I Persepolis have been also denominated Chebe\. Minareh, 
 I I or Chilminar, the Forty Pillars, or Spires, and also Hesar 
 Sutun.or the Thousand Columns. That Persepolis was not 
 burnt, and so destroyed as to have no vestiges left, as 
 Curtius falsely states, but merely plundered, we have tlie 
 I convincing evidence of Aminianus Marcellinus, who men- 
 j tions it as existing in his time: " Oppida vero Mediter- 
 ] ranea sunt ampliora incertum enim qua ratione per oras 
 I maritimas nihil condiderunt insigne : inter quje Persepolis 
 ! est Clara."— Lib. xxiii. p. 29(i. Ed. Steph. 1544. Its name 
 i Stahr, in Moses Chorenensis, has been already men- 
 tioned. 
 
 i We are told in the Great Chronicle of Tahri, who 
 flouri hed in the ninth century, that Pars, or Persia, com.- 
 posed a number of districts, each governed by a petty 
 king; that one of these governed Istakr, whose name was 
 Jauher, in the days when Ardashir, or Artaxares Babe- 
 I gan, commenced his ambitious career. 'I his personage 
 put to death the king of Istakr, and soon rendered himself 
 master, not only of Pars, but also of Kirman, and finally 
 1 ruler of all Iran, or Persia, by the defeat and death of 
 Ardavan, or Artabanus, at the decisive battle of Kamhor. 
 mos. After the extinction of the Parthian empire, Ar- 
 dashir caused all the petty princes to be utterly slain, and 
 commenced the Sassanian dynasty. We are further told 
 by the same authority, that Sliapoor II. having recovered 
 Nisibin, in Diyarbekr, he sent 12,000 families from Istakr, 
 to re-inha\)ic the deserted city, and estabhshed them there. 
 In 6.3y, the Arabs made an unsuccessful attempt im Istakr, 
 for one of Omar's generals, anxious to distinguish himself, 
 embarked with an army at Bahrein, crossed the I'ersian 
 I gulf, and advanced to that city, before which the troops 
 j ! of Shahreg, the governor, defeated them in several ac- 
 t tions ; both armies having lost a great number of men, 
 I the Arabs with great difficulty made their escape. 'J his 
 j agrees with Ebn Aasim al Cufi's account, who says that 
 j Istakr, with the neighbouring places, furnished Sh;;hreg 
 with 1C0,00 I men. Two years after the decisive battle of 
 I Nehavend was fought, which produced the future capture 
 j I of Persepolis, or Istakr. The Arabian general, Nooman 
 I Ebn Mahran, marched from Kufa to the plains of Neha. 
 vend, where he found the Persian camp, surrounded by a 
 deep entrenchment. For two months the rival armies 
 1 faced each other, and many skirmishes took place. The 
 j Persian general seemed determined not to quit his posi- 
 I tion, and the impatient leader of the Arabs could not 
 ! brook delay. He drew up his army in battle array, and 
 ' ' thus addressed them : " My friends, prepare yourselves to 
 1 I conquest, or to drink of the sweet sherbet of martydom. 
 
 I shall now call the 'I'ukbee three times. At the first 
 1 sound, you will gird your loins ; at the second, your 
 horses; at the third, point your lances, and rush to vie. 
 I tory, or to para iise. As for me," said Nooman with ele- 
 i vated tone and enraptured accent, " I shall be a martyr. 
 \ When I am slain, obey the orders of Hazcefah Ebn Ali 
 j j Omar." The moment he cea.=ed to speak, the first sound of 
 ' 1 the Tukbee was heard through the camp. At the second, all 
 ' I were on their horses ; and at the third, which was repeat. 
 I ! ed by the whole army, the Moslems charged with a fury 
 I j that was irresistible. "Nooman was, as he predicted, slain, 
 j I but his army gained a great and memorable victory. 
 
 I Thirty thousand Persians were pierced by their lances, and 
 ! ! 80,000 were drowned in the deep ditch that encompassed 
 I I their camp. Their general Firouzan fled to the hills ; and 
 : I such was the terror produced on the one side, and so 
 i I great the confidence on the other, that he was pursued, 
 i I overtaken, dereated, and slain, by a body not exceeding 
 I 1000 m.en. This battle decided the fate of Persia, an(J the 
 I religion of Zoroaster. The blaze of the eternal Fire, was 
 extinguished by the superior radiance of the Crescent. 
 The sceptre of empire, wielded for mure than 400 years by 
 I the powerful successors of Artaxares, dro!)ped from the 
 I nerveless gra^p of the feeble, and unfortunate yasdijerd, 
 ! and the sun of the House of Sassan set in everlasting 
 i night. 
 
 in 644, the Arabs again, under the command of Abu 
 
 that one single tear shed by a mother, will ohli- | 
 
 terate 10,000 such letters as this." A behavidiir , 
 
 like this, and such an answer, show, at one and ; j 
 
 the same time, that Alexander was both a kind ; 
 
 Musa al Ashari, defeated Shahreg, who lost his life and the ' 
 city of Istakr, which paid a contribution of 20(i,000 filver j 
 dirhenis, to obtain a respite from the presence of the viclo. ' | 
 rious Arabs. But in 648 the inhabitants of that place , 
 revolted, and slew the Arabian governor. In consequence , | 
 of this, Abdallah Ebn Arper was sent, by the Khahf Uth. [ 
 man, with troops from Basrah to Istakr, where they fought | 
 with the Persians, commanded by Mahek, son of Shahreg, \ j 
 who had been slain by Atiu Musa al Ashari, in the plain j 
 of Istakr, from the dawn of day til! the time of the mcrU i 
 dian prayer. Mahek fled, and, after many obstinate bat. i 
 ties, the city of Istakr was taken by storm— all the armed | 
 men found in it were slain — and a vast booty was obtain. I 
 ed — and, as if one governor had not been capable of ruling 
 Pars, the Khalif inflicted on it the curse of having five ! 
 governors. After this sad calamity Istakr declined daily, I 
 so that in the days of Ebn Haukel, in 950, it did not ex. 
 ceed a mile in length ; and was finally destroyed, in A D. ! 
 98'-', bv the Dilemite Prince Sauisa'm Ad'doulah, who 
 ruined" it to such a degree, that it exists only, says Ham- 
 dallah Cazvini, who wrote in 1339, under the reduced form - 
 of a village. 1 his important document has been translated 
 from Hamdallahs Nuzhut ul Culuh, by the h.te very 
 learned orientalist M. des Langles, and Sir Wiliiam Ouse- | 
 ly ; and clearly ascertains, that the final and complete j 
 destruction of the renowned Persepolis, was not owing to 
 Alexander, but to Mohammedan barbarity and intoler. 
 ance. With the zealots of that faith, all sculptured repre.. 
 sentations of men or animals, are accounted idolatrous, 
 and it is esteemed an act of piety to destroy them. It is 
 to this intolerant spirit, that the ])reseiit ruined state of 
 the Takht-i-Jemschid is owing, and not to Alexander, who, 
 though he might burn the interior dornus, did not reduce 
 the whole structure to a state of dilapidation. In that 
 same book, Hamdallah tells us, that the city of Istakr, or 
 Persepolis, when in its glory, extended in length from 
 Khafreg to Ramgard, 14 paras.-.ngs, or 42 British miles, i 
 and 10 in breadth ; which is asserted by other Persian his- | 
 torians. '1 his is certainly an exaggeration : there can be no i 
 reasonable doubt, however, but that it was a very large ! 
 city, and at least equal to Shushan, the ruins of which j 
 occupy many miles. 
 
 1 o give any thing like a full description of these stupen- 
 dous ruins, would occupy a whole volume. Le Bruyn 
 has dedicated not less than 30 folio pages to their description, i 
 Sir William Ouscly, 70 quarto pages; who declares, that j 
 it is only a very su"perficial description he has been enabled j 
 to give, his stay among the ruins having been necessarily [ 
 short ; and Sir Robert Kerr Porter, who vi,>ited them in I 
 1818, occupies 174 quarto pages in their delineation, and 
 yet he only spent a fortnight in examining them ; while ! 
 Le Bruyn spent 3 months on the same labour. Kaempfer : 
 declares, that it would employ a man not less than two i 
 months to delineate them, though he should do nothing i 
 else. Herbert declares, that it would take double that 
 time. Mandelsloe, that it would take six nrionths for a 
 good able painter, and Sir John Chardin extends this 
 period to a ^car and more. ! 
 
 This need not occasion surprise, when Le Bruyn states , 
 the number of human figures, sculptured on the walls : 
 of the stair-case, and other places, to be more than 1200 ; ' 
 and those of different animals, to exceed 100. In this : 
 estimate Niebuhr agrees with Le Bruyn; and Ousely 
 thinks it probal)le, that twice that number, or 2600 sculp- 
 tures, have been destroyed or removed ; so that the entire 
 number of sculptures on the palace of Persepolis, must 
 have amounted to 4000. Many of these are hid amid the 
 immense rubbish that surround the remaining columns; 
 and were that unhappy city ever to enjoy the benefit of i 
 an enlightened and tolerant government, pains would be | 
 taken to remove it, to clear the ruins, and thus bring to 
 light the whole ot the remaining sculptures and perhaps a 
 number of additional inscriptions. " Meanwhile," says 
 Ousely, "the plain of Merdaslit has notyet been regularly 
 surveyed, nor the courses of its rivers accurately traced. 
 It offWs, like the mountains which surround it, se\eral 
 interesting remains, but imperfectly known. '1 he narrow 
 pass by which Alexander entered it, has not yet been \ 
 ascertained ; some tombs ; extraordinary passages cut in 
 the solid rock ; and different excavations have not yet been ^ 
 explored; many architectural fragments, and sculptured i 
 figure-, have not yet been delineated ; and of numerous | 
 inscriptions, we have not hitherto seen any copies." Hence, i 
 whatever tiavellers have yet done, as Chardin, Kaempfer, \ 
 Le P.ruyn, Niebuhr, Franklin, Ousely, and Kerr Porter, 1 
 much remains still to be seen and done by future travel- ; 
 lers, towards the illustration of Persepolitan antiquities. ( 
 
138 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 son and an able politician ; and that he was per- 
 fectly sensible how dangerous it would have been, 
 had he invested a woman of Olympia's charac- 
 ter with the supreme authority. 
 
 SECT. X. 
 
 Darius leaves Ecbatana. He is betrayed and put in chains 
 by Bessus, governor of Bactriana. The latter, upon 
 
 i j The rock of Istakr rises abruptly from a steep conical 
 hill. " The collected mass," says Moriar p. 85, vol.2, " I 
 calculated might be 1200 feet in height, the perpendicular 
 j of the rock being 500 feet. The view from its height cora- 
 I mands a great extent of country. I could discover the 
 ' range of mountains which bounds the plain of Shiras to 
 1 the south, as also those of the Peera Zun ; the former in a 
 I i direction of S. 10. W., t!)e latter S. 35. W. To the west- 
 : ward the eye ranges over a region of high mountains, of 
 which the Koh Shishpur, on a bearing of N. 75. W. cover- 
 I : ed with snow, forms the most prominent feature. In the 
 foreground rises anotlier insulated rock similar to that on 
 i which I stood, on which are the ruins of the castle of 
 Shareck, appearing like an immense square turret placed 
 ' on a tumulus or mound." The Peera Zun is 50 British 
 ■ miles of direct distance from the rock of Istakr. At the 
 i foot of this rock stand the stupendous ruins about to be 
 I : described. 
 
 The first object that salutes the eye of the investigator, 
 is the platform. This, in all probability, was ouce sur- 
 rounded with a triple wall, agreeably to the description of 
 Diodorus. " The fir=t," says he, " was sixteen cubits 
 I high, defended by jjarapecs, and flanked with towers. The 
 j ' second was in form like the first, but twice the height." 
 I These embattled walls were probalily built pretty far out 
 I I on the plain, but not a trace of them now remains. The 
 third wall is a square, and cut in the mountain, being 60 
 cubits high. It is defended by pali.sades of copper, and 
 has doors of the same, of 20 cubits high. The first wall 
 is to insoire awe, the second for strength, and the third 
 for the defence of the palace. To the east of this, 400 feet 
 1 distance, is the royal mountain, containing the tombs of 
 \ the kings. Here the rock is hollowed out into several 
 ! chambers ; to gain the entrance to which, the coffins are 
 I noisted up by machinery : no other way of ascending to 
 : them exists. This exactly corresponds in appearance to 
 the site of the platform, which has the mountain imme- 
 1 diately behind it on the east, and which at this day is 
 i called Shah Kuh, or the royal mountain. There the 
 1 tombs are to be found This sacred inclosure, connected 
 j wi'ih the platform below, comes within the bounds of what 
 I ; might be called the castellated palace. On the ground 
 I above, appear several mounds and rocky heaps, making 
 ; : three distinct lines of walls and towns, which, says Kerr 
 I i Porter, might be easily traced by an accurate observer ; 
 ' and which were a protection to the city on this side, which 
 |, might have been attacked from the higher ground. Here 
 ! innumerable arrow heads are found Ircm time to time, as 
 I also on the ground below, and on the tops of the remain- 
 i ing walls of the platform. These higher works must con. 
 ; sequenlly have been taken by the Arabs, when they 
 ; stormed the place, as before related, and before they 
 ! descended to the destruction of the city, in the reign of 
 I the unfortunate Yasdijerd. The platform is an artificial 
 ' : plain of very irregular shape, but facing the four cardinal 
 i points, like the bases of the Egyptian pyramids. This ir. 
 regularity no doubt arises from the rugged nature of the 
 rock on which the platform is cut out. The dimensions of 
 the three faces of this platform, are the following. That 
 j i to the south, is 802 feet; to the north, 926; and to the 
 j I west, 1425 feet. The level of this building is become ex. 
 I 1 ceedipgly uneven, bv being raised in parts, by the growing 
 i accumulation of failing ruins, and the soil which, from 
 ! ' various causes, successively collects over these heaps. On 
 i ' the N.VV. considerable masses of the nativerock show them- 
 1 selves without incumbrance, still retaining marks of the 
 j original hammers and other instruments, by which the 
 j higher places had been hewn down to the required level. 
 I , Still more norlh-west, just beyond the face of the platform, 
 : the rock protrudes in vast abrupt cliffs, yet showing traces 
 i . of the pickaxe. In deeper cavities, the [irogress of a 
 I quarry is still visible, part of the rock being half hewn 
 through, and in other places lying in completed slabs, 
 ready for removal. 
 
 Indeed there are plain indications, both above and below, 
 that, even at the close of the dynasty of Cyrus, this superb 
 I structure was not deemed entirely finished. It w.;s a costly 
 gem, still to be polished by every succeeding monarch. 
 What had however lieen already done, could not be ex- 
 
 Alexander's advancing towards him, flies, after having 
 covered Darius with wounds, who expires a few mo- 
 ments before Alexander's arrival. He sends hia corpse 
 to Sysigambis. 
 
 Alexander,* after he had 
 A. M. S674. taken Persepolis and Pasar- 
 Ant. J. C. 330. gada, resolved to pursue Da- 
 rius, who was arrived by this 
 time at Ecbatana^ the capital of Media. There 
 
 1 Diod. 1. xvii. p. 540—546. Arrian. I. iii. p. 133—137. 
 Plut. in Alex. p. 689. Q. Curt. 1. v. c. 8—14. Justin. 
 1. xi. c. 15. 
 
 ceeded, nor can any thing ever transcend the strength and 
 beauty of this rocky palace. Its steep faces are formed of 
 dark grey marble, cut into gigantic square blocks, exqui- 
 sitely polished, and, without the aid of mortar, fitted to 
 each other with such closeness and precision, that when 
 first completed, the perfected platform must have appeared 
 as part of the solid mountain itself, levelled to become a 
 foimdation for a palace, whose yet lofty columns have stood 
 above 2000 years. The iieight of the platform from the 
 plain, is considerably lower than what it was in the days 
 of Diodorus. The masses of ruins and vegetative matter 
 at its base, have raised hillocks against all the sides, mak- 
 ing rough slopes, where once were the smoothest perpenai. 
 culars. I measured them, says Kerr Porter, in several 
 places ; and at a spot near the group of columns, its pre- 
 sent perpendicular depth is SO feet : but were all the rub- 
 bish that hides this beautiful wall to be cleared away, we 
 should find an additional depth of £0 feet. '1 he south side 
 at this time does not exceed 20 feet ; and, I think, could 
 never have exceeded 30 feet. To the north, it varies from 
 16 to 26 feet. The platform itself may be said to embrace 
 3 separate terraces. The first and lowest embraces the 
 whole length of the southern face, by 183 feet broad ; the 
 second is m ire elevated; and the third, the most lofty of 
 all, and certainly the most magnificent. Along the edge 
 of the lowest terrace, masses of stone still remain in difte- 
 rent spots, apparently fragments of a parapet wall, wrought 
 with the same colossal strength and gigantic proportions as 
 the rest of the edifice. On the edge of the third or highest 
 terrace, to the south, are decided marks of a strong railing, 
 or range of pallisades. These cease at the top of the stair- 
 case, connecting this with the lower terrace. At the top of 
 this flight of steps, are 2 large holes deeply cut in the stone, 
 which received the pivots of the gates, that once closed this 
 ingress. 'I his is a general idea of the ground on which stood 
 the glory of the East, in the day of its beauty and its power. 
 There is only one way by which this platform can be 
 ascended, and that by a staircase, situated on its western 
 face. The approach is so stupendous, and on a scale so 
 magnificent, as fully to prepare the mind for the cor- 
 responding forms of vastness and grandeur it is to meet 
 with above. A double flight of stairs rises very gently 
 north and south, emerging from a flat space, which is 
 gained from the face of the valley, over a considerable 
 ship of accumulated ruins and rubbish. This space occu- 
 pies 45 feet by 2-' ; the latter measurement forming the 
 widtli of the steps, each step is three inches and a half 
 high, and in all they num.ber 45. The masons had not 
 required many blocks of marble for their structure, each 
 block being so large, as to allow ten or fourteen steps to be 
 cut into its solid base. The ba>e these cover is 67 feet by 
 2-2. On ascending the first flight, is an irregular landing 
 place of 3/ feet by 44, whence springs a second flight of 48 
 steps, and covering 59 feet by 22. A couple of correspond, 
 ing staircases terminate on the grand level of the platform, 
 by a landing place, occupying 64 feet. I dropped a line, 
 says Kerr Porter, from this upper landing place to the 
 lower one, and found the distance produced was 29 feet 
 As there cannot be a doubt, that the viMblo height of the 
 platform is not much more than half its original elevation 
 from the plain ; so the length of the flight of stairs from 
 the plain, must have leen abridged in the same manner. 
 In other words, one half of the lowest staircase remains 
 buried amidst fallen and accumulated rubbish. So easy, 
 grand, and beautiful, is this staircase, that six horsemen 
 may ride abreast to the summit of the platform ; and Kerr 
 Porter invariably rode his horse up arid down it, during 
 his stay at the place. On reaching the pLitform, the lofty 
 sides of an uncommon portal sa ute the view of the aston. 
 ished and electrified traveller. The interior faces of its 
 walls are sculptured out into the forms of two immense 
 ouadrupeds, which, on a nearer inspection, are found to 
 be a couple of colossal bulls. These sculptured animaU 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 remained still with this fugitive prince 30,000 
 foot, among whom were 4000 Greeks, who were 
 faithful to him to the last. Besides these he had 
 4000 slingers, and upwards of 3000 cavalry, most 
 of them Bactrians, commanded by Bessus, 
 governor of Bactriana. Darius marched his 
 forces a little out of the common road, having 
 ordered his baggage to go before ; then assem- 
 bling his principal officers, he spoke to them as 
 
 look westward ; their heads, chests, and fore legs, occupy, 
 ing almost tlie whole thic-kness of the walls m that direc- 
 tion the rest of their bodies being left in rebef. A pedes- 
 tal, formed of two blocks, elevated them five feet above 
 the platform. On the fine surface of the hev/n stone, 
 forming the portal, and considerably above the backs of 
 the animals, are three small compartments, all filled with 
 cuneiform inscriptions. So entirely destroyed is the top of 
 these walls, that not a vestige remains to show whether a 
 friezed cornice and flat roof connected the gateway at its 
 5ummits, or that they always stood as they do now, per. 
 fectly separated Each bwil is 22 feet long, from its lore to 
 it* hind leg, and fourteen feet and a halt high. 1 heir 
 heads are gone, but enough remains to show distinctly 
 what they are. 'Ihev h.^ve the cloven feet, with the 
 strong outlines of the bucolic form ; and the bold power, 
 ful fixture of iheir station, is peculiarly grand and strik. 
 ing The loss of the head deprives one of the means of 
 knowing whether each carried one horn or two. Kerr 
 Forter has no doubt that these animals had only one horn ; 
 every symbolical animal of the kind that he saw in 1 er- 
 sian architecture, having only one horn. Kound their 
 necks are broad collars of roses, done with the greatest 
 
 follows : " Dear companions, among so many 
 thousand men who composed my army, you 
 alone have not abandoned me during the wliole 
 course of my ill fortune ; and in a little time, 
 nothing but your fidelity and constancy will be 
 able to make me fancy myself a king. Deserters 
 and traitors now govern in my cities ; not that 
 they are thought worthy of the honour bestowed 
 on them, but that the rewards which are given 
 
 and from thence to the top of the capital 4.) feet. Le 
 Bruyii makes their height, exclusive of their bases, 54 feet. 
 The surface at the top is perfectly smcoih, without the 
 vestige of any loose Iragment ; and it is supposed by Kerr 
 Poiter that when the four stood erect, and were united, 
 they might have sustained the plane or pedestal of some 
 sculptured symbolical image. At an equal distance from 
 these columns, or 24. feet, (although 5t), according to Le 
 Bruyn, but perhaps he took the distance from the two 
 standing columns, whilst Kerr Porter took it Irom where 
 the two stood tliat do not now appear, as otherwise I can- 
 not reconcile the different distances) siood another gate- 
 way, in all respects similar to the first in form anddimen- 
 sions, excepting that it is 18 feet in length instead of i'l 
 The inner sides of this are sculptured like the other; but 
 the animals here represented are of a very extraordinary 
 formation. Tiieir size is gigantic, and their form is mon- 
 strous. 'I'hey have the body and legs of a bull, ornament- 
 ed with similar trappings as the two before described ; but 
 an enormous pair ot wings project from the shoulders, ex- 
 tending high over the back and covering the breast, whence 
 they might seem to spring,as the whde chest is cased with 
 their plumage. The huge fe.ithers which compose the wings 
 
 ■p broad collars ot roses, aone wun uiv yic-dLc»i, mcii i.ju>..cig^. ^ ..v, ....j,^ .v. r ... »u„ i 
 
 and over the chest, back, and ribs, extends a kind i are exquisitely cut, corresponding to each other with the 
 v™hHnT.^hnrtcurlinehair. but cut with usual care so peculiar to the earliest Persian sculptors, the 
 
 nicely; , - ,. , • , ^ 
 
 of decoration, resembling short curling hair, but 
 a correctness and delicacy of chiselling peculiar to ancient 
 Persian sculptures. Their proportions are admirable ; 
 nnd there is a corresponding grandeur in their forms,^per- 
 
 orm- 
 
 ing 'one 'side "of the gateway, facing the west, is five feet, 
 and in depth 21 feet, and 50 high, accordmg to Kerr 
 Porter. This differs from Le Bruyn, who makes the 
 height of the one portal 39 feet, and that of the 
 
 fectly accordant to the prodigious scale on which 
 around them is executed. The breadth of the wall, ic 
 
 pecul 
 
 heads of the animals look east to the mountain, and show 
 the faces of men. But the blind bigotry of Mohamme- 
 dan zealots hcis terribly mutilated the features; but enough 
 remains of the whole visage and its appendages to show 
 that it was mesnt to symbolize no ordinary personage. | 
 The expression of the countenance is severe, and a long j 
 and a carefully curled beard adds to the majesty of the j 
 general air. The ears are those of a bull, and from them 
 
 other 28 ; i hang large drop ear-rings of a very elegant form. 
 
 The head 
 
 n ^this la te7 is sunk five feet. It is probable, that the is covered with a cylindrical diadem on both sides of which 
 H^L nf the no^^^^^^ Porter's measure- horns are clearly represented winding upwards froin tho 
 
 bases of the portals arejioc mc.u ^^^^^ towards the front of the crown, the whole being 
 
 ZZl'n fee?6lnches° andThci^^bre^cifh iTfeetTrnches '; I mnn"ounted by "a coronet formed by a range of leaves like j 
 SSstlerr Poite ^^^^ it to 12 feer, in the intervening \ those of the lotos, and t:ound with a fillet beautifully carved 
 which is finely flagged with beautifully polished 
 
 slabs cut from the neighbouring rock. The bulls at the 
 eate have all the marks of the most powerful strength ; a 
 short and muscular neck, joints gigantically thick and a 
 force of muscles demonstrating the perlect knowledge of 
 the artist. The broad ornamented chest, and the position 
 of the animal, are full of ponderous majesty. It is some- 
 
 The hair is ranged over the forehead in the usual 
 
 style of the ancient Persian kings : the beard is also dis. 
 posed in the way peculiar to royalty ; but the hinder hair 
 lies in long and close curls round the back of tl.e neck, 
 totally differing from any of the has reliefs in other parts 
 of the ruins. Prom the top of the crown to the hoof the 
 animal measures 19 feet. Three compartments of cuneiform 
 t in the wall over his body. Ihis is the 
 
 \ j:;S^»m^^nio;xi;rinl.rsiaofthe human and 
 i^^^^S^V^^'^^'^^e^^ \ 'tISISJ;;^ have been sadly puzzled^h.t to make of 
 
 hooTdiffer 'totallv from the Gurkhur or wild ass, and clear. 1 tins. Du Perron, the translator of the Zendcvasta thniks 
 w fL.r-.tJ t°P eenus of the animal. Hiercn thou-ht these under this combined form is adumbrated Noah. Ihe 
 '"'^.f fnTe those of tl e monoceros or unicorn of Abbe de Sacy imagines it t<. be a symbohca representation 
 
 animal figures to be those of the monoceros oi 
 the fabulous Cte&ias, which he made to exist in the moun- | 
 tainous tract nouh of India and east of Persia, bordering | 
 on the desert where he found pasture for all his fabulous , 
 animals. The bull was a favourite divinity in i^>gypt, Syria, 
 and India. 'I here is little doubt, therefore, that these 
 figured animals were symbolical representations of the at- 
 tribute of power ; and what more consistent than to place 
 such symbols at the gate of the Great King. Ihroughout 
 all Pagan mvthology, we find the bull set down as the em. 
 blem of power, and the lion of royalty. The lion and bull, 
 either singly or in forms compounded of both, are found 
 someway connected with almost all the ancient Persian 
 structures. The body of the bull is indicative ot power; 
 his horn of force, or power exerted by that instrument. 
 At 24 feet distant east from the portal, stood once four co- 
 lumns, all erect in 1674, when Sir John Chardin visited 
 Persepolis. Two only now remain ; no*^ a relic of their 
 companions is left. They were placed equidistant from 
 each other at 22 feet. The accumulation ot ruins has 
 nearly buried the bases of the two which remain. Their 
 capitals are singular and beautiful, consisting, as it were, 
 of three combined into one. 'I hey are of white marble, 
 fluted and wonderfully beautiful, as to their capitals and 
 other ornaments, 14 feet round, according to Le Bruyn 
 The shaft gradually narrows towards the top, varied by o9 
 flutings, each of which is 4 inches wide, Kerr Porter 
 make* the tor or circle of the shaft to be 13 feet 10 inches, 
 
 of Keyumarras, the founder of the Peshdadian or first dy- 
 nasty of Persian kings ; and he draws the etymology of 
 Keyumarras from Gaw-umird iheBuWmau. Porter thinks 
 it may have an allusion to the Great Cyrus or Ky-Kusrau 
 himself; and imagines he finds some resemblance of 
 these animal and human forms in the Cherubims of Lze- 
 kiel's vision, where they are said to have straight feet; 
 and to have the sole of their feet like to that of a calf's 
 foot ; and that they sparkled like the colours of burnished 
 l;rass. Their wings were joined one to another ; they 
 turned not when they went; they went every one straifjht 
 forward. As for the likeness of theii faces, they fou-- had 
 the face of a man and the face of a lion on their right 
 side ; and thev four had the face of an eagle and the face 
 of an ox on their left side. Ezek. chap. i. 7. 9, 10. Dan. 
 lel saw in vision, a lion with eaglets wtngs s and that he 
 beheld till it was lifted up from the earth, and made stand 
 on the feet as a man ; and a man's heart was given unto 
 it. Dan. vii. 4. If the three compartments of cunei- 
 form characters before mentioned cut over the body could 
 be decyphered, it might perhaps unriddle the meaning of 
 the symbol. But no CEdipus has yet risen to solve the 
 enigma. 
 
 South of the portal last mentioned, is a fine and capa. 
 cious cistern IS feci long by 16 broad, ar.d S feet above the 
 earth that has now gathered round it- Subterraneous aque- 
 ducts filled it with water ; and as another channel runs 
 
140 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 I 
 
 them may tempt you to follow their example, 
 and stagger your perseverance. You have, how- 
 ever, still chosen to follow my fortune rather 
 than that of the conqueror, for which you cer- 
 
 west irk a parallel line, it is probable that a corresponding 
 i reservoir may have been in that direction. This cistern is 
 hewn out of the solid rock. To the south of this 1.52 
 feet, appears the magnificent terrace that supports the 
 Hall of Columns. Nothing is seen in this interven- 
 ing space but broken pieces of stone, and the remains 
 of a column apparently unfluted and tlierein different 
 from all the rest. This column is two feet round and 
 12^ feet long. Appro.iching the HaW of Columns, [)ecu. 
 liarly denominated Chehilminar or Palace of 40 Columns, 
 the eye is.rivetted by the grandeur and beautiful decora- 
 tions of the flight of steps which lead up to them. This 
 truly sublime approach consists of a double staircase, pro- 
 jecting considerably before the northern face of the ter. 
 race; the whole length of which is i'12 feet; and at each 
 end, east and west, rises another flight of steps. Again, 
 about the middle, are two smaller flights of steps rising 
 from the same points. Here the extent of the range, in- 
 cluding a landing place of iO feet, amounts to 86 feet. The 
 ascent, like that of the great entrance from the plain, is 
 extremely gradual ; each flight containing only 30 low 
 i steps, each 4 inches high, 14 inclies broad, and 16 feet long. 
 I The whole front of the advanced range is covered with 
 I Eculptures. The eye at first roves over it, lost in the mul- 
 titude of figures and bewildered in the crowd of ideas, in- 
 stantly associated with the tlirong of various interesting 
 objects presented to immediate view. The place immedi- 
 ately under the landing place is divided into three com- 
 partments. The ceiitre one has a plain surface, as if 
 '\ intended for an inscription. Probably writing may have 
 been there, which is now obliterated. To the left of it are 4 
 standing figures, each ;> feet 6 inches high, habited in long 
 robes, with brogues like buskins on their fett, and holding 
 each a short spe.nr in an upright position in both hands. 
 Their lieads are covered with fluted flat-ti pped caps, and 
 j from the left shoulder hangs their bow and quiver. i he 
 I nicety with which all the details are executed, renders 
 these sculptures particularly interesting to the historian 
 ! and the historical painter; as marking the costume of the 
 1 time and the people, and their progre-s in the form, varie- 
 ty, and use of arms. (Jn the right of the vacant tablet are 
 only three figures, looking to the opposite four, in every 
 respect similar, but withouc the bow or the quiver. In- 
 stead of these, they carry a large shield on the lelt arm, 
 exa(;tly in the form of a Boeotian buckler. The dress of 
 these exactly accords to the account of Herodotus, B. v. c. 
 49. None of them carry what is usually called a sword ; 
 1 but a dagger hangs from a belt on the right side. Xeno- 
 j phon indeed speaks of the Persian sword in his Cyropaidia ; 
 but he and others who use this term, can only mean the 
 dagger above mentioned — the axivazYi; of the Greeks, and 
 the acinaces of the Romans. See Ileland. Dissert, viii. 
 The fact is, crooked swords were not introduced into Per- 
 sia till after the Mohammedan conquest. All the swords 
 seen, whether seen at Persepolis or the Nakshe-Rustam, 
 are invariably straight, not crooked, 'i he dress of the 
 figures, botli on tbe right and left of the vacant tablet, 
 is what is called the Median, introduced into Persia by 
 Cyrus. The angular spaces on each side of the groups of 
 j spearmen before mentioned are filled with duplicate repre- 
 i sentations of a combat between a lion and a bull— a most 
 j spirited and admirable performance. 1 lie bull is decorated 
 with the same curled hair over its chest, back, and tail, as 
 ! ornamented his similitude at the first gateway ; but with 
 this difference in the additional trappings— the collar of the 
 animal is perfectly plain, and there is no radiated form on 
 his breast ; the head is perfect, with a single horn project- 
 ing over his forehead. From this circumstance of a collar 
 round his neck, it appears to be a tame not a wild bull. 
 But what this combat is intended to represent is unknown, 
 i The Persians, as far as we are informed, were never accus- 
 1 tomed, like the Romans, to enjoy the combats of wild beasts 
 I in an arena fitted up for the purpose. That they hunt- 
 ed is true ; that wild' animals were immured in dens made 
 for the purpose is also true, as may be learned from the case 
 of Daniel the prophet. But the delectable and humane 
 sports of bull-baiting, cock-fighting — ay, and pugilism- 
 seem to have been reserved for modern times — and these 
 I Christian times too — as necess.iry means for preserving and 
 propagating a national spirit, 'i'hese sculptured combats are 
 ' therefore allegorical representations ; but of which we 
 have not j'ecg(/t the key. Some imagine them to describe the 
 conquest of Ormusd the good principle, adumbrated in the 
 bull man by Ahriman the evil principle. The misforiune is, 
 j that Ahriman is never represented as a lion, but invariably 
 j as a serpent or dragon, when assuming a visible form. The 
 
 tainly have merited a recompense from the gods , 
 and do not douht but they will prove beneficent 
 towards you, in case that power is denied me. 
 With such soldiers and oflBcers I would brave, 
 
 bull in the lion's grasp may perhaps represent the conquest 
 of the Babylonian empire by Cyrus, who is typified in the 
 vision of Daniel as " a Lion wiih a ?nan's heart." This, how. i 
 ever, is mere conjecture. The more this duplicate sculp- j 
 ture is examined, it will be found that the sculptor, whe. j 
 ther native or foreigner, was complete master of his busi- ; 
 ness. With admirable ingenuity he has adapted his group 
 to the form of the space, by placing the bull in a rearing 
 posture as if from the pain caused by the double grasp of 
 the lion, it having seized him by the back and louis both 
 with his teeth and claws. " I he fire, beauty, and truth," 
 says Kerr Porter — himself a professed painter and ama- 
 teur of the art, and therefore a competent judge — " with 
 which these quadrupeds are drawn, will hardly appear 
 credible but to one who has been on the spot ; for no art- 
 ist, whether of Greece or of Rome, could have been more 
 faithful to the proportions of nature, or shown more know- 
 ledge of the anatomy of their forms. But it must be 
 observed, that animal forms are given there with much 
 more nicety in their limbs, muscles, ai.d actions, than 
 when the sculptor attempts the human form. This holds 
 good in the sculptured antiquities of Egypt, Syria, and In- 
 dia." 
 
 The only way perhaps of accounting for the difference is 
 this — that the frequency of .seeing the most minute dissec- 
 tions of the brute creation in the daily sacrifices ; also the i 
 variety of their actions Ui.der seizure of the tame and of the ' 
 wild wlien hunting, would give to these ancient sculptors | 
 advantages unknown to modern ariists; whilst the supersti- 
 tion that universally reigned against putting the hand on a ! 
 dead man, prevented all insight into the laws of the hu- j 
 man frame. j 
 
 On the inclined planes, corresponding to the slope of the ! 
 stairs, runs a sort of frieze, on which is cut a line of figures i 
 
 1 foot 9 inclies high, answering in number to the steps; 
 each one of which appears to form a pedestal for his rela. j 
 tive figure. 'Ihe figures themselves appear a lengthened { 
 rank of those already described on each side of the blank ! 
 tablet, and a similar range runs up the opposite side. Both , 
 these seem to represent the Doryphores or body guards of 
 the Great King. We now come to the Viext flight of 
 stairs, commencing with the left wing of that flight which 
 stretches to the east. We again find the triangular space 
 formed by the slope of the steps filled up with the combat of 1 
 the lion and the bull, occupying a length of 23 feet. It is 
 divided by a tablet, on which may be traced an almost ob. 
 literated inscriptii-n reaching nearly from top to bottom ; 
 but at present 6 feet 10 inches deep, 4 feet JO inches wide, 
 whence begin the lines of the three rows of sculpture ail 
 sadly defaced, but covering an expanse of fiS feet, and end- 
 ing at the top of the stairs of the outward aj proach. Of 
 the upper row of figures their lower extremities only re- 
 main, appearing no deeper down the surface of the wall 
 than 12 inches, the rest having risen above the level of the 
 terrace to form a kind of parapet ; but this is now totally 
 broken away, and its vestiges may be seen thickly scatter, 
 ed over the ground below. This deplorably mutilated row 
 
 I of figures begins with a cji<iriot drawn by two bulls ; then 
 a second ; then a horse, with the feet of a man, on the 
 
 j opposite side as its attendant ; then two oiher horses ; then 
 five figures habited in short vests ; and finally, an unhiter- 
 rupted succession of 44 long-robed spearmen. A border 
 carved with roses, divides each row of bas relief from the 
 one below it. The next row commences with a range of 
 32 figures. I'hese are clothed alternately in lung and 
 short robes ; the one being followed by the other in the 
 short and vice versa — the slioi t robed figure being followed 
 by a long-robed personage, 'i he long-robed personages al. 
 ways hold the hand of the one immediately before him, or 
 the one as immediately behind. The long.robed person- 
 ages represent the Median habit, while those in the shoit 
 robes represent the genuine Persian diess ; as none oi the 
 latter have tiaras, but a round topped cap, projecting at the 
 top a little over the brow. Now, it is well known, from 
 the descriptions of Herodotus and Xenophon, that the 
 long robe and tiara were entirely the Median fashion. 
 Alter tb.ese alternate figures, appear -8 robed Persians, 
 armed with spears, each in the same attitude. 'I'hese do not 
 wear the tiara, but have each a fillet round his head on 
 which are the traces of leaves. About 12 sculptured 
 cypress trees complete this bas relief, and end near ihe 
 stairs. I'he height occupied by this line of figures is only 
 
 2 feet 10 inches. The third and lowest row is a line of 
 robed and tiara-capped personages, alternately arranged 
 with their tunicked brethren to the number of 32. These in 
 like manner as above, are followed by a train of 21 guards. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 without the least dread, the enemy, how formida- 
 ble soever he may be. What ! would any one 
 have me surrender myself up to the mercy of the 
 L-onqueror, and expect from liim, as a reward of 
 
 j m the same uniform as those in the upper has relief. 
 
 Time, comDined with the destructive mallet,, has crueiiy 
 I defaced the middle series, after having entirely demoli.shed 
 the best part of the row above. How man destroys the 
 ! work of his brother man ! But this lowest range, happily 
 I Cor the antiquarian, ha?, till very lately, been concealed, 
 I probably for ages, under heaps of ruins at its base. In Le 
 i Bruyn's time, the heads only of the figures were visible, 
 j But some of the gentlemen belonging to one of our late 
 eaibassies to Persia, set men to work, and were success- 
 ful in bringing this more perfect specimen to light. See 
 i Morier, vol. ii. 
 
 I The opposite wing of this magnificent approach is, like 
 ! the other, divided int > three lines of bas relief, each sub- 
 ! divided into compartments by a large cypress tree. Vast 
 ' fragments of this also lie on the ground beneath ; thehigli- 
 er range of figures having, like those opposite, no more 
 ' than 12 inches of their original surface, but still presenting 
 j the appearance of men and horses. The number of groups 
 occupyiiig tlie spaces in this rani<e between tlie cypre.-sts 
 j is six. The figures are exceedingly broken: but still it 
 may be seen that every man carries something in his hand 
 ! like an offering ; and that almost all the parties have a 
 j horse in their train. A continuation of these remnants, 
 
 not increasing in height but becoming more clear, com. j 
 ! pletes the line along the slope of the stairs, formmg its j 
 I parapet till it meets the ground. The feet of several men 
 j are first seen, and the last leads a bull ; then a cypress ; 
 ! then 5 men, the last leading a bull ; tlien a cypress ; then 
 I 5 men again, one carrying a round shield, the others spears ; 
 I then a couple more ; then 2 bulls drawing a sort of chariot 
 ! covered with lozenge ornaments ; and finally, a figure lead- 
 ing a mountain ram or the Ibex. The second row begins 
 I With a robed Persian, with a dagger in his belt, a staft" in 
 his right hand ; while his left holds the hand of a person 
 i behind him, as if leading him forward. Four personages 
 j follow this robed figure, three of them bearing in their 
 hands different articles of ilress, and the fourth a couple of i 
 large cups. A tree divides this group from another group 
 1 of six figures, headed by a tunicked personage with the I 
 i same simple belt as in the opposite wing, and without a | 
 1 dagger ; but having a staff of office, and leading in his left 
 j hand the first figure in the group of six. Two of these i 
 1 carry basins ; a tliird something like a piece of stuff ; the 
 I fourth holds a staff in his right hand, and the end of a hal- 
 I ter in his left, leading a large hull ; the fifth walks by the 
 j side of the animal, » ith his left arm over his back, careful. 
 ' ly guiding it— he also holds a staff. These figures are 
 j dressed in a kind of siirtout, the arms naked from the hand 
 to the ell)ow, where they meet a short sleeve; a kind of 
 cape with a tasselled end hangs over the shoulaer down to 
 the breast ; a helmet-like cap covers the head, whence de- 
 pends a bag— shoes are on their feet. The bull is admira- 
 bly sculptured, and the usual heavy sullen pace of the 
 animal is shown to perfection. In this the artist has dis- 
 plaved the earthly creature with the most masterly fidelity ; 
 while the colossal bulls before described present a con. 
 I trast which fully shows his design in each. A glance at 
 j them conveys to the mind an image of the same animal; 
 I but of some supernatural order making the .«ame distinc- 
 j tion between them, and the original of the p rsture, as the 
 ! Greeks accomplished, when the gigantic Hercules was 
 j hewn from the quarry, giving a more than mortal dig. 
 nity to the common proportions of man. The same beau 
 ideal is shown in the form of the lions, so happily executed 
 on the same platform, which may serve as a proof that a 
 ! symbolical meaning is couched under all the animals ex- 
 hibiting such supernatural elevation of character. A third 
 group in rotation, is preceded by a robed Persian, leading 
 by his left hand the first of six in suite. The heads of the 
 whole are totally demolished ; but in other respects they 
 are not much damaged. A light gabardine sort of dress, 
 With short sleeves, reaches below the calves of the legs— 
 on their feet are short boots neatly tied on the instep, 
 I heir waists are bound with sashes, with fringed ends 
 tastefully disposed on the left side. The second man carries 
 a couple of basins ; the next has in each hand two regular 
 shaped forms, evidently the skins of some small animal ; 
 the third holds a piece of stuff Two others advance at- 
 tending a couple of sheep, with very large horns and fine 
 curled coats, which strengthens the notion of the foregoing 
 skins being probably the beautiful fleeces of the young 
 lambs. 'I'he fourth group is preceded by a tunicked Per. 
 3ian. It consists of six as before. The first in that group 
 is led by the tunicked figure, dressed like him in every 
 thiiig except his stafl and collar of office; and the appear- 
 
 Ml j 
 
 my baseness and meanness of spirit, the govern- } 
 
 ment of some province which he may condescend j 
 
 to leave me? No— It never shall be in the powei | 
 of any man, either to take away, or fix upon my 
 
 ance of a cap falling low in the pole of the neck of the led j 
 personage. Tlie cap has a peculiarity of curving back, i 
 wards at the top, instead of forwards, as in the former i 
 figures wearing the short tunic. On the left side of this I 
 man hangs a cased I'ow, the only one in the group. The | 
 next person similarly habited in all respects excepting tiie ' 
 bow, walks by the side of a hort:e which he holds by the 
 bridle. The mane and tail are nicely tied up, and the pe. ! i 
 culiarily of its form no doubt marks that of its breed. The { 
 succeeding four figures carry articles apparently of horse ! 
 furniture, one of them holding a sort of saddle-cloth and | | 
 stirrup attached. 'I'he cypress, as usual, divides this group j 
 from the fif h, which is preceded by a robed Persian. It \ 
 may be observed here, that all the groups are all con- | 
 ducted alternately by a Median and a Persian, each in the i 
 habit of his country. He leads a person in a different cos- 
 tume from any of the former. 'J'wo others in the same 
 garb conduct a bull equal in spirit and strength to the 
 former Then follow three spearmen, dressed precisely 
 like the three former ; but the foremost of these warriors 
 carries a spear in his right hand, and a large round shield 
 on his left arm, covering his person from the chin almost 
 to tiie knee. His two followers have no shield, but each 
 carries a spear in either hand. The cypress concludes tliis 
 t^roup. The sixth group is led forward by a short tunicked 
 Persian ; but their heads are almost all demolished. They 
 are dressed all alike, in a habit nearly resembling the Euro- 
 pean. They are six in numlier. A tree ends this group. 
 I'he lower range is clear all the way to the very feet of tne 
 figures, where Kerr Porter thinks the ornamented part of 
 the stairs finished. The conductor of the fir^t group in this 
 range is a robed Persian, with his short sword and Median 
 fluted cap. He is the only one whose staff of office has re. 
 tained its rounded top. The three figures immediately fol- 
 lowing wear high pointed tiaras, seemingly of rolled linen, 
 and shaped like the mitres of the priests. The two latter 
 carry large bowls in their hands ; then a third with a coupie 
 of immense bracelets in his hands, whose circular form 
 is connected by the heads of serpents. The two last per- 
 sons are in charge of a chariot, drawn by a pairof magniti- 
 cent horses without trappings : the bits, however, and the 
 manner of reining them, are executed with the nicest care. 
 The pole of the car is seen passing between the horses, pro- 
 jecting (rom the center of the carriage, which is cylindri- 
 cal, elevated rather above the heads of the horses. The 
 wheel of the car is extremely light and tastefully put toge. 
 ther. The whole ot this charict group is, in fact, por- 
 trayed and finished with a beauty that alike excites wonder 
 and admiration. The next party consists of five persons 
 preceded by a tunicked Persian. The second figure in this 
 group attends an almost gigantic horse, whose ardour he 
 seems to check, by the tightness with which he holds the 
 bridle. Round the animal's neck are a collar and a bell : 
 his mane is hogged, though enough is left on the forehead j 
 to show a tuft, which is tied like a brush. The three lol. \ 
 lowing bear articles of dress— the last is almost obliterated. | 
 The approaching line of persons composing the third group j 
 consists of eight persons, all barehea'Jed and in one attire, \ 
 precisely the same with the unbonneted men who precede j 
 the chariot ; but with this difference, that the texture oi I 
 the under garments of these is carved in waving stripes— | 
 with the others it is plain. Two of these carry variously | 
 shaped bowls; two others follow, holding something fold- j 
 ed in their hands not unlike the bread of the country ; t wo I 
 more close the party, charged each with a couple of globu- 
 lar forms, probably melons. The conductor of these is a 
 robed Meciian. The fourth group is preceded by a tunicked 
 Persian, and consists of five persons. Three of these carry 
 bowls— the fourth supports himself by a long staff, and 
 leads by the left hand with a bridle a dromedary, whose 
 neck is decorated with a collar and bell. This is a most faith- 
 ful copy of that animal : the head is finely marked; the j 
 bunches of hair behind his ear and below his throat, with i 
 the large round protuberances above his knees, are accu. | 
 rately placed— the muscles of the limbs are so well cut, as j 
 to give an appearance of almost actual movement to the 
 animal. The fifth and last group of the procession is con- 
 ducted by a robed Median, leading forward the chief of the 
 party — a dignified looking man, enveloped in a large fold- i 
 ing cloak carelessly thrown over his left shoulder, and [ 
 reaching nearly to his sandalled feet. His hair is uncurled | 
 and bound with a fillet. The rest of the party are almost j 
 naked ; their only garment being a small short petticoat i 
 confined on the hip by a thick roll of some sort of linen. | 
 The first of these bears on his shoulders a pair of large 
 scales containing four bottles ; the next brings as many in j 
 
142 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 head, the diadem I wefiv ; the same hour shall 
 put a period to my reign and life. If you have 
 I all the same courage and resolution, which I 
 i can no ways doubt, I will engage that you shall 
 
 two basins. He is followed by one guiding the Giirkur or 
 wild ass : another attendant stands behind it, while the 
 last personage advances with a pair of mallets in his 
 hands. Here ends the bas reliefs on this division of the 
 palace. 
 
 What artist executed thi? wonderful procession is un- 
 known ; but it seems to be of Grecian workmanship, 
 perhaps from Ionia. At any rate, the finishing of the parts, 
 and the grace and truth of the bas reliefs, proclaim a re. 
 finement worthy of the master chisels of Greece. " Here, 
 when comparing," says Potter, "the colo.=sal proportions 
 of the structure, and its gigantic sculptures, wiih the deli- 
 cacy, beauty, and perfection of ihe execution of the orna- 
 ments, I might say with the poet — 
 
 * Here the Loves play on the bosom of Hercules.' " 
 
 The design of this procession is clearly not religions, 
 from the very nature of the articles borne in it, and from 
 the dresses of the groups themselves It represents the 
 feast at the vernal equinox or feast of Nauroose, when the 
 Persians preseiited their annual gratuities to the monarch ; 
 and the governors of the provinces, with their delegates, 
 brought in the annually collected tax from each, with a 
 due proportion of offerings besides. This practice is still 
 prevalent in Persia at the feast of the Nauroose. 
 
 We now come to the platform itself, where nothing Can 
 be more striking than the view of its ruins — so vast, so 
 magnificent, so fallen, mutilated, and silent. But every 
 i object is as beautiful as it is defolate— awakening the most 
 I poignantemotions, that a pile of such indefatigable labour, 
 I such human ingenuity, should be left to the desert unno- 
 ticed, or when noticed, be doomed to the predatory mallet 
 ' of some ruthless bigot or ignorant Barl.)arian, This im- 
 I mense pile is in length S8U feet from E. to W., and 3,60 
 from N. to S. ; the greater part of which is covered with 
 broken capitals, shafts of pillars, and countless fragments 
 of building— some of which are ornamented with the most 
 exquisite sculjiture. The distribution of the pillars stood 
 in four divisions, consisting of a centre phalanx of six deep 
 every way ; an advanced body of 12 in two ranks, and the 
 same number flanking the ceritre. The first division is to 
 the N , composed of two parallel lines of six columns each, 
 receding 20 feet from the landing place of the stairs, and 
 meets the eye immediately on ascending them. These co- 
 lumns are equidistant from each other on a line pointing 
 right and left, as we approach. One only is now standing, 
 the shattered basis of 9 still remain ; but the places only 
 are left of the other two which completed the colonnade. 
 Thirty-eight feet distant from the western end of the plat- 
 form, apjjcars another double range of columns — the most 
 northern being 100 feet distant from that face of the height ; 
 but on the western side the range seems as on the brink 
 of a precipice ; for there this second terrace rises stupend- 
 ously from the plain beneath— its perpendicular on that 
 face descending directly to the subjacent level: whereas, 
 the base of the other 3 ranges meet the intervention of the 
 vast table surface of the great platform on which they stnnd 
 —as a smaller hill on one of larger size— but this range being 
 erected close to the western edge of the immense founda- 
 tion supporting the whole: the walls of both terrace and 
 platform taking there one perpendicular line, present a 
 grand and fearful aspect. Five of the T2 columns in the 
 western division are still erect ; the capitals are in tolera- 
 ble preservation, and the bases of the whole equally perfect. 
 From hence to the eastern range of a similar number, is 
 , 2tl8 feet. Four of these are still standing, and the pedestals 
 J of four more are yet undemolished ; but the rest have been 
 1 totally destroyed, or lie buried under masses of ruin, so as 
 i to form a regular slope to the walls of a spacious edifice 
 j standing farther E on the great platform; by which cir- 
 ! cumstance the face of the terrace in this quarter is almost 
 wholly lost. The form of the columns forming the three 
 colonnades just described, is the same in all, and perfectly 
 beautiful. " I gazed at them," says Kerr Porter, " with 
 wonder and delight. Besides the admiration which the 
 general elegance of their form, and the exquisite work- 
 manship of their ports excited, I was never made so sensi. 
 ble of the impressioti of perfect symmetry, comprising 
 that of iicrfect beauty also. The columns are each tiO feet 
 high, the circumference of their shaft 16 feet ; and in 
 length, from the capital to the tor, 44 feet. 'I'he shaft is 
 finely fluted in 52 divisions : at its lower extremity begin 
 a cincture and a torus, the first 2 inches deep, the latter 1 
 foot — whence devolves the pedestal in the form of the cup 
 md leaves of a lotos or lily. This rests on a plinth of 8 
 
 retain your liberty, and not be exposed to the 
 pride and insults of the Macedonians. Yoa 
 have in your hands the means either to re- \ 
 venge or terminate all your evils." Having j 
 
 inches, and in circumference 24| feet ; the v. hole, from | 
 I the cincture to the plinth, being. 5 feet 10 inches in height. 
 ; The capitals which remain, thougli much injured, are yet 
 sufficient to show that they were surmounted by the demi- 
 bull. The heads of the bulls forming the capitals look to 
 the various fronts of the terrace " From this circumstance, 
 our delineator would infer, that the wide hollow between 
 their necks received a beam, or some other detached sub- 
 stance, to support and connect an entablature, over which 
 has been placed a roof. This he imagines must be allow- 
 ed, unless it be supposed that the three distinct colonnades, 
 equidistant from the grand central quadrangle of pillars, 
 were covered piazzas, to exclude the direct solar rays from 
 the attending nobles or higher rank of guards, near the 
 person of the sovereign, when residing in his palace. There 
 is not the least appearance that these colonnades ever sup. 
 ported statues. Sixty feet from the eastern and western cf L 
 i onnades stood the central phalanx of pillars, in number 56 ; 
 : but of these no more than 5 remain. I hese added to those 
 j still standing in the S other groups, make the total number 
 1 13. These are similar in every respect to those before 
 ; mentioned, but that of height, being 55 feet instead of f O 
 I high. Their fluted shafts are 35 feet high ; but their ca)ii. 
 I tals are the same with those of the great portal, where the 
 crowned and winged bull is so con.^picuous an object. This 
 is supposed to have once supported a roof connected with 
 the colonnades, from the manifest appearance of some im. 
 mense body having fallen against the interior of the capi- 
 tals, and fractured them to a very ruinous degree, while 
 their outward faces are nearly without a scar. 'J he nearest 
 building to these numerous pillars, in all 72, of which £5 
 stood in 1600, when Delia Valle visited these ruins, is ap- 
 proached from the W. by a double flight of stairs almost 
 completely ruined. But numerous fragments on and near 
 them, show that they also have been decorated with sculp, 
 tured guards and other figures, 'i he building itself is 170 
 feet by 95. The eastern side is so heaped With fallen re- 
 mains, covered with heaped earth, that it is impossible to 
 find the trace of a corresponding flight of stairs there. On i 
 the S the whole face of the terrace supporting this build- 1 
 ing, which is elevated 8 leet above the plane of the colon- [ 
 nades, is occupied with another superb staircase, whose 
 landing place embraces 48 feet by 10 fet t wide. Its front is 
 divided by a tablet with a cuneiform inscription ; on each 
 side of which stand spearmen of gigantic height, their heads 
 and shoulders alone being now visible above the accumulat. 
 ed rubbish round the base of this edifice, but from their large 
 proportions, the rest may be easily calculated. North of 
 this is an open space of 65 feet, on which appear the 
 foundations of some narrow walls ; and on each side of 
 this, 40 feet to the S , stand two lofty entrances composed 
 of four solid upright blocks of nearly black marble. With- 
 in the portals are bas reliefs of tv/o guards on each, sculp. I 
 turcd on the walls, habited in the Median robe, armed 
 with a long spear, their heads bound with a broad band, | 
 apparently metallic. On the immediate verge of the land. | 
 ing place from the western staircase belonging to this edi- 
 fice, we enter a portal of these loi g-sbielded guards ; and, 
 at a very few paces onwards, pass through a second into a 
 room 48 feet square. It had formerly seven doors leading 
 into it, but of these five still remain. On three sides of 
 this room are found several niches, each excavated in one 
 solid stone, 3 feet deep, 5 feet high, and 6 feet wide. 
 Within they seem to have been exquisitely polished, while 
 upright lines of cuneiform characters run along their edges. ; 
 Four windows, 10 feet high, open to the south, emtiracing 
 the whole thickness of the wall, namely, 5 feet, and are at 
 pi-esent hardly a foot above the floor, from the heaped 
 ruins. The five door-ways have all on their several sides 
 duplicate bas reliefs of a royal personage, attended by two 
 men, one holding an umbrella. Compartments of inscrip- 
 tions are over all the heads of the grouj.s. Opening to the | 
 soulh is another division of the same edifice, 48 feet by 30, I 
 and terminating on each side southward, on the landing 
 place, by a couple of square pillars of one entire piece of j 
 marble 22 feet high, and covered in different ranges with j 
 a variety of inscriptions (cuneiform), Cufic, Arabic, and i 
 Persic. The first bas been faithfully copied by Niebuhrj j 
 that in Arabic was written in the year of the Hejira SSI, I 
 A. D. 1484. The fiint traces of a double colonnade are i 
 still visible along the open space, between the western face j 
 of the greater terrace and the western face of this edifice. 
 Thus there are three terraces from the level of the plain ; 
 the great terrace, the Cheliel minar terrace, and that 
 supporting the edifice of the double chamber. A fourth 
 terrace lies 96 feet south of the preceding one. Its summit 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 143 
 
 Pnded his speech, the vrhole body of soldiers re- 
 plied with shouts, that they wore ready to follow 
 nim whithersoever he should go, and would shed 
 the last drop of their blood in his defence. 
 
 !s on a level with that of the last ; but three of its sides 
 are much obscured by the encumbering mounded frag- 
 ments at their base. Along the northern verge rise the 
 heads (if a line of figures, equal in size to those on the 
 KCairs of the terrace of the double chamber; but they seem 
 to be armed with the bow and quiver only. A flight of 
 6.idly mutilated steps, in two ascents of 15 each, is found 
 (it the N. W. angle': on these are the remains of much fine 
 has relief decoration. The plane of this fourth terrace is a 
 Eiiuare of 96 feet; 33 feet of the western side are occupied by 
 ; ^he depth of the approach just de^c^bed ; whence ran along 
 : in two direct lines, the bases of 10 columns 3 feet 3 inches 
 ! each in diameter, and standing 1'^ feet equidistant from each 
 ; Other. Those are all the remains on this terrace ; but were 
 , the mounded heaps of ruins removed from the surface, 
 j there can be no doubt but the remnants of a continued 
 piazza on every side would be found. Fifty-eight feet of 
 ' this terrace, at its S. W. angle, is surmounted by an addi. 
 tional square elevation ; the whole depth of which, from 
 summit to base, is 62 feet ; and along its lower surface are 
 the lower parts of I'-l pillars, of the same diameter and dis- 
 tance from each other as those in the neighbouring colon- 
 I nade. Immediately beyond this terrace of the double 
 I pillars, rises another and more extensive elevation, seem- 
 irigly indicative of part of the royal residence itself. On 
 j the N. of this fifth terrace, is an immense mound of ruins 
 I hid for ages from the face of day. A spacious open area 
 I intervenes between this mound and the fifth terrace. This 
 j mound, in the opinion of Kerr Porter, is the ruins of the 
 j b-inquetii.g house, in which the Macedonian hero revelled 
 'with his companions, and which he burned in his drunken 
 j frolic. As this mound stands, as it were, in the very midst 
 , j of the buildings on the platform, and at a distance from 
 i any, it might be burned without supposing that any of the 
 I rest of the buildings were consumed. I'he distances at 
 ( which the various buildings stood from each other, and 
 the immense solidity of their construction, forbid us to 
 supp ise that all were burned. It would have been a work 
 of days, even of weeks, to have consumed all the various 
 structures : whereas, we are led to believe from the nar- 
 rative, tha' it was the work of a single night : and it is not 
 I to be believed that Alexander in his sober moments, would 
 j burn the whole buildings coolly and deliberately; and 
 I therefore, that Curtius is not to be credited when he af- 
 firms that he burned and completely destroj'ed the whole. 
 We are told by Arrian and Strabo, that after he returned 
 from India, he dwelt in the royal palace. Now this could 
 not have been true, had the whole been condemned to the 
 destructive flames, else he could not have had a palace to 
 dwell in at Persepolis. The burning, therefore, if really 
 true, mu.st be restricted to a portion of the detached build- 
 ings on the platform, and that probably the banqueting 
 hall, indicated perhaps by the ruined mound. It is how- 
 ever after all but mere conjecture. 
 
 'J'he fifth terrace is the most conspicuous on the whole 
 platform, being at least 20 feet, even now, above its level : 
 it is the most ruinous of the whole buildings. At the east- 
 ern and western extremities of this minor terrace, on the 
 south side, are two flights of narrow steps descending to a 
 lower level of 30 feet. The .several faces of this building 
 are now marked by their foundations alone ; one window 
 to the west and three to the east excepted. They open 
 from a couple of corresponding wings, each subdivided into 
 three spacious apartments ; the outer ones alone of which 
 communicate with several pillared quadrangles. In the 
 centre of these last, stand the plinths of four small columns, 
 each having a diameter of 2| feet, distant from each other 
 6 feet, and If) feet from the door which leads into a noble 
 hall of 90 feet square ; the pavement being marked with 
 the sites of 36 columns of 3 feet 3 inches each in diameter. 
 A door on the opposite side of the hall corresponds with the 
 one already mentioned, both leading into quadrangles simi- 
 larly open of four pillars Another portal leads to the south, 
 and a fourth and fifth to the north, into a large vestibule 
 the whole width ot the hall, and supported by 8 similar 
 columns. Two doors lead from the vestibule, pointing E. 
 and W. into six smaller rooms ; and from similar founda- 
 tions, probably joined others still more north. The windows 
 are each formed of 4 large slabs of marble 6 feet thick, equi- 
 valent to the depth of the walls : they are 4 feet 8 inches 
 high, and S| feet wide. On the inner faces of those that ad- 
 mit light into the rooms are duplicate bas reliefs occupying 
 the whole surface, and consisting of two figures in each. 
 One of these sculptured figures grasps a mountain ram by 
 the horn, which issues from the middle of the forehead, 
 ind rest.* h:s rii;ht hand on its neck : the horn is much 
 
 Such was the resolution of the soldiery ; bul 
 Nabarzanes, one of the greatest lords of Persia, 
 and general of the horse, had conspired with 
 Bessus, general of the Bactrians, to commit the 
 
 curled backwards. The windows of another room are all | j 
 orn-meiited with three bas reliefs of figures following each j | 
 other, and each one facing inward, as if going to the same i j 
 s[;ot, all carrying something in their hands, but which are i | 
 now undistinguishable. On the broken remnants of win- j I 
 dows in another apartment, are found similar lines of three i | 
 figures, some with their heads covered, and others the j i 
 contrary ; but all carrying something in their hands, as ; | 
 dishes or bowls : two of these are in tlie Median dress, ' 
 with their faces uncovered. The door frames have all one I 
 sort of bas relief— a royal personage, followed by two at- 
 tendants bearing an umbrella and a fly-chaser. Over every j 
 bas relief of this kind are three small compartments of ') j 
 cuneilbrm inscriptions. At the sides of the open court 
 stand the remains of its once magnificent approaches. Near | 
 that to the east, 10 or 12 feet from the landing place of its 
 stairs, rise from a hollow beneath to a level with the pave- 
 ment, four enormously large and strong supports, resetn- 
 bling rough formed pedestals, intended to uphold some 
 body or bodies of immense weight. 'I'he flight of steps 
 they face is of a double ascent, beginning from beneath in- 
 wardly. They are in a state of almost complete decay, 
 with a scarcely legible inscription ; and bas reliefs of 
 guards, with duplicates of the combats between the bull 
 and the lion, all similarly fractured. Sixty feet hence to 
 the north, are s<2veral colossal masses of stone, formerly 
 the sides of large gateways, leading into a square edifice, j 
 small in proportion to the number and si/.e of its entrances. 
 It is about 96 square feet. Three of the doorways are yet i | 
 entire. On the interior face of that to the ea.st, are three 
 figures of such gigantic dimensions as to be 12 feet high. 
 'I'hey are a representation of the monarch and his attend, 
 ants. He is in the act of walking, attended by two servants. 
 The royal visage is mutilated ; but the air of his person is 
 singularly stately and majestic. A long and venerable look- 
 ing beard is disposed with the nicest care upon his breast, 
 and the abundant mass of hair which covers his neck is as 
 conspicuously curled. He is covered with the regal tiara, 
 smooth, and of the same shape as worn by his robed nobles 
 and guards. He carries a long thin staff in his right hand, I 
 with an ornamented finishing at the top, and in his left | 
 holds a lily. The broad belt and Median robe complete ' 
 his attire. One of his attendants holds in both hands an | 
 umbrella over the head of the monarch, while the other j 
 waves a fly-chaser in the same direction, grasping in his 
 left hand what is probably the royal handkerchief. They 
 are clad in the long robe, with a metal band round their 
 heads and rings in their ears. T'his group is sculptured on 
 a marble stone 16 feet high and 9 wide. 'I his is sur- 
 mounted by a block of smaller dimensions, in which is also 
 sculptured a figure resembling the personage below. 'J'he 
 only difference here is, that he holds a ring in his left hand, 
 while his right is raised and oi)en. He issues from a circle 
 whence diverge two strange floating forms, som.ewhat like 
 serpents, with their heads hidden behind the figure. A 
 pair of immense wings spread themselves on each side o/ 
 the circle. On the portals are duplicates of the same royal 
 personage seated on a chair of state, with his staff and his 
 Idy, with an attendant before him, waving the usual fly- 
 chaser over his head ; and the aerial form before described i 
 hovers over him. Four portals stand facing each other in j 
 this quadrangle ; in the centre of which are the plinths of 
 4 columns still remaining, 10 feet equidistant from each | 
 other, and 4 feet in diameter. From the form and im. i 
 mense materials of this place, it is suyiposed to have been 
 the private oratory of the king, where he ofTered up his i 
 daily adorations to Mezdan or Ormuzd ; and that between 1 
 these 4 pillars stood an altar containing the sacred fire— [ 
 the symbol of the Di\ inity among tire ancient Persians. | 
 'I'his edifice rose on its own little terrace. '1 hough all its ■ 
 entrances are distinguished by the royal effigy, yet here are 
 no representations of guards to protect him. 
 
 One hundred and sixty feet S. E. of this edifice of the 4 
 pillars, and down upon the level of the great platform, is 
 another ruined pile, where are not only foundations and 
 walls, and scattered fragments, but door-frames and win. 
 dows and niches, some upright, and all distinctly tracea. 
 ble. A quadrangular edifice of 48 feet constitutes" its chief 
 structure, and another, separated from it only by an inter, 
 mediate v^all, extends 30 tcet south, where it is completely 
 open. These two apartments apparently complete the 
 whole edifice ; but there is a continuation of foundation 
 walls, with the fragments of columns, arcliitraves, and 
 other architectural adjuricts, to the support of a roof. At 
 the extremities of the walls pointing southward, leaving 
 an open space between, are two single stones 18 feet hinh. 
 
144 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 i blackest of all crimes, to seize upon the person 
 I of the kin^, and lay him in chains ; which they 
 migh t easily do, as each of them had a great num- 
 I ber of soldiers undei his command. Their de- 
 
 3^ wide, and 5 wide. Their inward fa'-es near the top 
 ; are excavated as if for receiving a connecting beam. A 
 couple of doorways have bas reliefs of the double guard on 
 their sides; and another portal of considerable magnitude 
 opens from the middle of the southern apartment into the 
 \ inclosed quadrangle. On this passage is found the walking 
 tigiire of the monarch, attended by vne carrying a parasol 
 The quadrangle has received its principal light from a 
 range of lofty windows, the casements of which are still 
 tolerably perfect, as well as several niche-s cut out of the 
 walls. The entrances open into it from the E. and the W. 
 I nrnamented with the repetition combats of a man and 
 i a lion, 'i'wo others perforate the wall to the N. (all the 
 walls are 5 feet thick) ; but one only of its portals is stand, 
 ing with its sides sculptured with spearmen. One hundred 
 I and ninety feet N.of this, stands a structure next in extent 
 ' as a single edifice to the Chehelminar, being a perfect 
 , squ.ire of 210 feet each face. Doors enter it on every side ; 
 ; but those on the N. have been the grand portals, being J 3 
 i feet wide, the others being only 7. Between every two of 
 : the latter doors is an immen.'-e niche, while the former are 
 di^fided by 7 large windows, whose side blocks measure iO 
 feet, the original depth of the walls. Forty feet from the 
 I northern front, and almost parallel with its eastern and 
 ! western angles, are two sculptured colossal bulls standing 
 1. on pedestals of 18 feet in length by 5 in height. They are 
 mutilated, and are the remains of statue.^, not bas reliefs ; 
 and were meant clearly not for objects of idolatry, but for 
 i ornament, by their position on each side of the entrance. 
 ' These two bulls face the N., and at 270 feet from them in 
 i the same direction, are two other bulls looking due S. 
 
 This latter couple have formed the sides of a grand gate- 
 ' way, whose style and dimensions are much l\ke those of 
 the great portal on the first platform. A little fartlier N. 
 is an enormous insulated column terribly brcken. The 
 I sides of tlie principal doors of this quadrangle are richly 
 adorned with sculpture ; and in the most elevated com- 
 j partment of the whole, is the monarch himself sealed on 
 his chair of state, with both feet resting on a footstool. 
 Over his head are the bas relief ornaments of a canopy 
 : Bupported by pillars, all profusely decorated with fret-work 
 fringes, and borders of lions and bulls. There is no doubt 
 but the Ft rwer, or aerial attendant spirit, had as usual sur- 
 mounted the group, but is now wholly away. 'I'he legs of 
 this chair are the sculptured feet of a lion, and those of a 
 I bull are found in the feet of the footstool. 
 I This chair of state exactly resembles the great high- 
 I backed and carved chairs of our ancestors ; but with this 
 j difference, that the royal chair of the Persian kings was 
 j gorgeously inlaid witli gold, covered with a splendid car. 
 I pet, and so high, that a stool w,?s always placed at its feet, 
 j We read of the throne of the Great Solomon, that it had 
 1 a footstool of gold, and stays on each side of the sitting 
 ' place, which reminds us of cur elbow chairs. In scripture 
 I the Most High is described as having the Heavens for his 
 throne, and the earth for his footstool; and in the llOih 
 psalm, Jehovah is represented as saying to the Adonai or 
 Lord, " Sit thou at my right hand until I make thy foes thy 
 footstool." 
 
 i Behind the monarch stands the usual attendant with the 
 . fan and handkerchief, with his face muffled. A tunicked 
 Persian bears the royal bow and battle ax. A third person 
 ; stands behind clothed in the Median robe, holding a long 
 i wand in both hands Just before the foot of the tiiroi e are 
 j two gracefully shaped vessels, with connecting chains to 
 ' their covers, proliably full of burned perfumes. A muffled 
 , attendant api)roaches from without the p-Uared frame on 
 j that side, bringing a small mctal-like pail, containing per- 
 haps the prepared aromatics to supply them. Immediately 
 I behind the censers, and in front of the monarch, appears a 
 tunicked jiersonage with a plain bonnet, with his left hand 
 I grasping a short rod, marking the court ushers on the 
 ; great staircase, with his right hand held to his mouth, to 
 , prevent his breath exhaling towards the august personage, 
 ( to whom he bends as he addresses himself. Beneath the 
 j royal group, and divided from it by a horizontal border 
 studded with r ises, are 5 ranges of attendants, each row 
 separated from the other in the same way as the first 
 is, from the royal group: these ranges contain 50 sculp- 
 tured figures in military dress. There were probably five 
 steps of ascent to the foot of the throne, answering to the 
 five rows of military guards- Just beyond the great north, 
 ern froct of this edifice, are two portals pointing E. and 
 VV. ; so gigantic are the sculptured double guards on it, 
 that were the earth cleared away, they would not be less 
 Chan liJ feet high. They are visible from a little below the 
 I 
 
 sign was, if Alexander should pursue them, to 
 secure themselves, by giving up Darius alive 
 into his hands ; and,' in case they escaped, to 
 murder that prince, and afterwards usurp his 
 
 knee, from which, to the top of the head they measure 10 
 feet 10 inches. Kach f;ice is i feet 7 inches lung, of a beau- 
 tiful colour, and admirably finished. The spear meas- 
 ures 14 feet 7 inches ; and if three feet be allowed to bs 
 hid in the ruins, it will extend to 17 feet 7 inches. Tlu 
 whole way between these portals is thickly strewed wii!~ i 
 fr.;gments of columns, architraves, ^c. which leaves nc I 
 dcubt of a covered colonnade having overshadowed the 
 principal face of the edifice. The doors opening from the 
 southern side are the same in depth, and subject-fculp* 
 ture.^, as those on the north Here, on the compartments, 
 is another view of the monarch in his usual costume, at- 
 teniied by the fly-chaser alone, 'i'he canopy over his head 
 is quite entire, dest ribing the most exquisite sculpture in 
 its fretted-friiige, roses, &c. Lions and the unicorn-bull 
 fill two rows, the range of the first being separated by the 
 serpent-winged emblem. The Ferwer or aerial figure, sur. 
 mounts the whole, occuj)ying an exact fac simile of thf 
 symbol below. To Kerr Porter's iinagination, thiswiMged 
 intelligence bore some resemblance to the radiant figure in 
 Fzekiel's vision. 
 
 On the four portals of the great quadrangle above de- 
 scril;ed, are sculptured the con. bats between a hunijin 
 figure and an animal form. Their scale is colossal, and the 
 sculpture proportionally magnificent. The hero who thus 
 contends is usually denominated the Pontiff King. The 
 first bas relief in which he is represented is on one of the 
 door-ways in tile western face of the building. He bears a j 
 singularly dignified mien, is clad in long robes, but with i 
 his arms wholly bare. His full and curled hair is bound ( 
 with a diadem or royal band, and his sweeping pointed 
 beard is curled at different heights in the style peculiar to 
 majesty. He grasps in his left hand the strong single horn 
 of the forehead of the animal, while he thrusts iiis poniarv) 
 composedly, but firmly, into its body. The animal is a j 
 monstrous combination of action in body and limbs, with \ 
 the head and neck cf an eagle, and is covered with im- | i 
 mense plumage, lying like scale armour half way down its j| 
 back, somewhat resembling our common ideas of a griffin, i j 
 Though wounded in a vital part, the beast seems to be |! 
 rampantly opT)osing the death his adversary appears so j 
 calmly inflicting. The corresponding sculpture presents an 
 animal, combining a union of forms completely novel to a 
 European, and the likeness of which is not to be found in | 
 all our books of heraldry. The head of this symbolical 
 quadruped is that of a wolf, the fore-legs and body those 
 of a lion ; the hinder legs from their joints, those of an ) 
 eagle; the neck is scaled or feathered with a prickly mane ; 
 and it has wings which stretch nearly to its tail. 'J his lat- 
 ter appendage is very long, and formed of a chain of bones , 
 like the vertebrze o'' the back, and cut with the most cor- 
 rect knowledge of animal anatomy. A crooked horn pro. 
 jects from the heaii of this ideal monster, which is cla.-pcd 
 before by the hero while in the ai t of stabbing him. The ; 
 remaining adversaries of the Pontiff King, sculptured on ' 
 the other two doors, are those of a horned lion and a uni- : 
 corn bull. They are most admirably executed. j 
 
 That these combats are emblematical, not real, must be 
 allowed ; but of what they are so is unknown, and it is 
 needless to give conjectures where we have no key. 
 
 From these strange com.binations of human and bestial 
 forms, and as str.mge commixture of animal forms, 1 have 
 no doubt liave originated these mon.-trous legends of Per. 
 sian romance-writer-s and esiiecially of their great poet 
 Feerdoosi, who represents their hero Isfendeear as 
 preaching the capital of I'ooran through seven enchanted 
 gates : the first defended by two savage wolves ; the second 
 by two enormous lions ; the third by a dragon ; the fourth 
 by a ghoule or dsemon devourer cf the dead ; the fifth 
 by a simorgh or griffin ; the sixth by an overflowing 
 cataract ; and the seventh by a lake and boundless moun- 
 tains—all which the hero Isfendeear overcame, and killed 
 Argasp the Toorauan king. 
 
 Thus wc have finished a description, however superfi- 
 cial—for superficial it must be, as it would occupy a whole 
 volume to do them justice— of these wonderful rums. 
 
 Respecting tlie cuneiform inscriptions, six have been 
 copied by Nicbuhr; Keir Porter has copied other five; 
 four of which are long. Twelve small tablets yet remain 
 to be copied, which are over tlie colossal annuals on the 
 two great portals after ascending the platform-staircase 
 from the plain ; which Isiebuhr declares to be the most 
 splendid, sublime,and durable, ever leared by human hands, 
 many of the stones being 27 feet long ; and many of those 
 in the wall are 52 feet long, and from. 4 to 6 feet high, or 
 equivalent to 53 English feet Sir William Ouscly copied 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 145 
 
 crown, and begin a new war. These traitors 
 soon won over the troops, hy representing to 
 them, that they were going to their destruction ; 
 that they would soon be crushed under the ruins 
 
 two Pehlivi inscriptions, each 12 and 11 lines long, 
 which had never been taken by any former travfejler. Sir 
 Robert Kerr Porter has also copied two other Pehlivi in- 
 scriptions in an excavation in the rocks of Nakshi Koos- 
 tam : the one contains sixteen lines and the other four- 
 teen lines. 
 
 We must now observe what these sculptures do not 
 contain, according to Ousely ; and 1st, they contain no 
 vestiges of the Arsacidan or Parthian dynasty; nor 2d, of 
 the Sassanian kings, who succeeded the race of Arsaces, 
 except the two Pehhvi inscriptions above mentioned, 
 copied by Ousely himself ; nor ,3d, any representations of 
 crooked swords ; nor 4th, any figure with a full-face; nor 
 5th, any equestrian figures ; nor 6th, any female figures ; 
 nor 7th, any sculpture representing ships, or alluding to 
 naval affairs ; nor 8lh, any arches j nor 9th, any human 
 figure sitting cross-legged, or resting on his heels and 
 knees, according to modern Persian usage ; nor 10th, any 
 human figure in a state of indecent nudity, as in many of 
 the Grecian sculptures— nor even any object in the slight- 
 est degree so — which two circumstances distinguish the 
 Persepolitan sculptures from almost all the monuments of 
 antiquity in other countries; nor 11th, any vestiges of 
 brick or timber— not that timber was not used in the con. 
 struction of these edifices, but that the peasantry, in a 
 country so scarce of timber as Persia, would carry every 
 such vestige from the ruins ; nor 12th, any vestiges of 
 gilding ; nor 13th, any insulated statue or sculptured figure, 
 separated from the general mass of marble, and showing 
 in full relief the entire form of any objects ; nor 14th, any 
 figure that has ever been an object of adoration ; nor last- 
 ly, those combinatiens of the arrow-headed character 
 seen on Babylonish bricks, cylindrical gems, &c. found 
 near Babylon. 
 
 At a place called the Harem of Jemschid, Sir Robert 
 Kerr Porter found several splendid ruins— as, an insulated 
 column 20| feet high, surmounted with the double bull, 
 and 7 other columns, prostrate on the ground. These are 
 of grey marble, fluted in a masterly manner, and possess, 
 ing a beauty and a sharpness as if they had been of yester. 
 day. Near this are the remains of massy walls, and the 
 yet unmutilated marble work of several large door frames. 
 This Harem stands in the very vicinity of Persepolis, about 
 5 miles N. E. The whole surface of this immense hilly 
 terrace of the Nakshi Koostam, or portrait of Roostara, is 
 full of ruined mounds, noble fragments of the finest ar. 
 chitectural parts of a building, and several pieces of pillars 
 and capitals of large dimensions. Two large edifices appear 
 to have stood here, a palace and a temple j and the whole 
 seems to have been once fortified. 
 
 Respecting the tombs at Nakshi Roostam, 4| miles N. 
 E. of the Takht-i-Jemschid, it must be observed that there 
 are 4 tombs, evidently coeval with the building of the pa-, 
 lace above described at such length, and are those of the 
 sovereigns who resided at Persepolis ; but those below are 
 those of the Sassanian monarchs, and are of very inferior 
 workmanship to those above. These lower excavations 
 are sculptured with equestrian figures of the Sassanian 
 kings, with Pehlivi inscriptions. Several of which have 
 been explained by the learned Silvester de Sacy, and are 
 figures of Artaxares, Shapoor, and Valerian, and Varah- 
 zan with his queen. They have been largely described and 
 illustrated by Morier, Ousely, and Kerr Porter ; and to 
 these authors we refer such readers as are curious and 
 willing to examine for themselves. 
 
 It is Kerr Porter's opinion that the ancient city of Per- 
 sepolis extended all the way from the junction of the Ar. 
 axes and Kuraub S. W. to beyond the mountain of Nakshi 
 Roostam N. E ; and therefore that this last was anciently 
 a part of the city or immediately connected with it. Sir 
 William Ousely supposes a small square edifice, opposite 
 to the sculptured rock of Nakshi Roostam, to have con- 
 tamed the body of the Great Cyrus ; and its site is quite 
 conformable to the ideas given of it by Strabo and Arrian. 
 " It was a tower not large," says Strabo, " having a very 
 narrow entrance"— «« it was situate in the royal garden," 
 says Arrian, "amid trees and running streams." Although 
 the small square edifice be not now surrounded with trees 
 the plain in its immediate vicinity is finely watered, and' 
 might easily be rendered a flourishing garden ; and it is no 
 reason that, because there is not there a royal garden now 
 it might not have been so formerly. ' 
 
 That the royal palace was founded by Darius Hystaspes 
 can now no longer be called in question, after the discov- 
 eries of Grottefend and St. Martin. The latter learned 
 Orientalist, however, has succeeded best in decyphering 
 
 of an empire which was just ready to fall ; at 
 the same time that Bactriana was open to them, 
 and offered them immense riches. Though these 
 intrigues were carried on very secretly, they 
 
 the arrow-headed inscriptions, by the help of an antique 
 Coptic vase found in the Royal Library at Paris. 
 
 'I'his vase is of alabaster, and belonged to Count Caylus, 
 who discovered it and described it. It contains 3 ranges of 
 cuneiform letters, and a collection of hieroglyphics. This 
 vase was inspected by St. Martin and the younger Cham, 
 pollion, who found that the hieroglyphics and the cunei- 
 form letters mutually corresponded ; and as a key has been 
 lately discovered, by means of the celebrated Rosetta Stone, 
 to decypher the hieroglyphics and ascertain what sounds 
 they were used to express, so the knowledge of the phonetic 
 hieroglyphics has led to the discovery of the cuneiform al- 
 phabet. Aided by this, and a diligent inspection of the 
 Zend alphabet given by Anquetil Du Perron, at the end 
 of his translation of the Zendavesta, and of the Pehlivi in. 
 scriptions on the equestrian figures of the Sassanian mo. 
 narchs at the excavations of Nakshi Roostam and Nakshi 
 Rajeb, as explained by the learned Sylvester Du Sacy, 
 who found that the Greek and Pehlivi mutually corres. 
 ponded, or, in other words, that the Greek inscription was 
 a translation of, and therefore a key to, the Pehlivi, St 
 Martin has been enabled to explain clearly and satisfac. 
 torily three of the cuneiform inscriptions given bv Nie. 
 buhr. The first runs thus :— Dareiousch, Khschaeh'ye iere 
 khschaehyekhschaekyeabaa,khschaehyeDoueoubaaVvsch- 
 taspouea, poun oukhaabyschye oue yaa tera ahoubous'ch- 
 that is, Darius the mighty king, king of kings, king of the 
 gods, son of Vyschtasp of illustrious race, aiid most excel, 
 lent. The second inscription reads thus :— Khschearscha 
 Khschaehye, iere Khschaehye Khschaehye abaa, Dareious. 
 ousch Khschaehyeouea poun oukhaabyschye — that is, 
 Xerxes the mighty king, king of kings, son of the king 
 Darius, of illustrious race. The third is the triple inscrip. 
 tion on the gigantic winged figure on a column in tlie 
 plain of Morgaub, which Grottefend, and Kerr Porter after 
 him interpreted of Cyrus ; and adduced it as a proof that 
 Morgaub was Parsagadse, and that the tomb in the vicini- 
 ty was of course that of Cyrus. It turns out to be a mis- 
 take. The inscription, as decyphered by St. Martin, 
 belongs to Artaxerxes Ochus ; and reads thus :— ada 
 Houschousch Khschaehye oukhaabyschye— that is, Ochus 
 the illustrious king. The last phrase in the first inscrip- 
 tion, poun oukhaabyschye, means literally he who has the 
 plenitude of excellence. I r> the alabaster vase, the word 
 Xerxes is expressed by seven cuneiform letters, and five 
 hieroglyphics. It appears from this, that the Greeks exactly 
 expressed the Persian or Zend word Dareiousch, by the 
 word Aas§£;«ff ; and that it was transcribed with equal pre- 
 cision in the Chaldee of Daniel and Ezra. The word 
 Xerxes, in the Zend language, is made to design the royal 
 dignity. In that language Khschethro and Khscheio sig. 
 nify king. That word exists in the Sanscrit under the form 
 Khschatrya, and which is applied to the military cast, 
 'i hese words have given rise to difierent alterations— as, 
 scher, scheher, scheter, schatoun, schir, schar, and schah ; 
 all which are used, says St. Martin, in the Persian dia. 
 lects, and deduce themselves regularly from the original 
 terra. The actual designation schah, comes from the Zend 
 Khscheio, by suppressing the hard consonant kh which pre. 
 ceded the schin. What confirms the remark of St. Mar- 
 tin, that the term Xerxes or Khschearscha, signifies the 
 royal dignity, and comes from the words Khschethro and 
 Kscheio, which exist under the Sanscrit form Khschatrya, 
 the name of the military cast, is the express testimony of 
 Herodotus, lib. vi, chap. 98, who says that in the Persian 
 language Xerxes signifies a warrior, and Artaxerxes the 
 great warrior. Tlie word Dareiousch, in the Zend, signi. 
 fies the Repressor or the Curber, or he who holds the 
 reins. There are three different forms of the cuneiform 
 character, all which are represented on the alabaster vase— 
 namely, the Median, the Persian, and the Assyrian, and 
 are read from right to left, like the most of the Oriental 
 alphabets. There the cuneiform inscription runs thus : 
 Khschearscha Khschaehye beh iere ; that is, Xerxes the 
 just and powerful king. The triple inscription at Morgaub 
 above mentioned, contains all the three, as do also all 
 the Persepolitan inscriptions. In the Medish language 
 Xerxes is written Khsere-der-resa, and in the Assyrian 
 Khschye schersch sas-ilan, which mean exactly, as in the 
 Persian cuneiform character, the mighty king. The title 
 king of the gods, means those imaginary beings called the 
 Deevs by the Persians and Devatas by the Hindoos ; or 
 the Dii minorum eentium, or inferior gods of the western 
 Pagans. 
 
 The Zend alphabet contains 43 letters, but expresses 
 only 34 distinct sounds ; of these St, Martin has disc ovcrerl 
 
14G 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 came however to the ear of Darius, who could j 
 not believe them. Patron, who commanded the | 
 Greeks, enti-eated him, but in vain, to pitch his 
 tent among them, and to trust the guard of his 
 person to men on whose fidelity he might de- 
 
 25, in the cuneiform character, and 9 still remain un. 
 known, or in other words, 9 letters yet remain, to which 
 ao correspondence has yet been found in the cuneiform 
 characters. . , . „ _ 
 
 A fine sculptured stone was found in tlie rums of Susa, 
 resembling the alabaster vase of Count Caylus, having on 
 one side five rows of hieroglyphics, on another two rows 
 of the same, with a cuneiform inscription beneath them 
 continued to the foot ; and the third side has also been 
 wholly covered with an inscription in the same character, 
 but now nearly defaced by age. Both the hieroglyphics and 
 cuneiform characters are exquisitely sculptured. They ap- 
 pear to be the Assyrian form of the cuneiform character, 
 as they exactly resemble those found on Babylonish bricks. 
 An engraving of this stone is given in Walpole's Memoirs 
 of Asiatic Turkey, vol. ii. p. 427. Another stone, 9 feet 
 long by 4 broad', was also discovered, covered with the 
 same characters, each an inch long, and most admirably 
 executed, but a fac simile of it was not taken. These stones 
 belonged to the Kala or castle of Shushan, a ruined mound 
 of 400 feet high, and of immense dimensions. It must be 
 remembered that a key to these inscriptions is of immense 
 importance— as much so as that lately discovered to the 
 Egyptian hieroglyphics. ■ • u ^ 
 
 We have no historical monuments of ancient Persia, but 
 those delivered to us by Greek and Roman historians, who 
 were ignorant of the language. We must have of course 
 a very imperfect knowledge of Persian antiquities. " In- 
 dependently of the elucidation of these," says the learned 
 Heeren, " a key to these monuments would lead us a step 
 further into the history of that most imporUnt of all hu- 
 man inventions— after that of language, that of alphabeti- 
 cal characters. The cuneiform character is so simple in 
 its component parts, that it has all the appearance of being 
 a primeval alphabet. It consists of only two elements, tne 
 wedge and the rectangle ; and with fewer than these, it is 
 impossible that an alphabet could be formed. To this, and 
 to the total want of curves, must be attributed the appa. 
 rently superfluous number of strokes of which some of the 
 letters are composed. It is also quite clear, from the na- 
 ture of this character, that it has not originated from pic- 
 ture-writing. It has also been shown by Grottefend, that 
 it is not syllabic. Nothing therefore remains, but to con- 
 clude that it was from its first origin alphabetic. '1 he very 
 multiplicity and superfluity of its strokes seem to show that 
 it has been formed by a laborious analysis of sound, and 
 with a desire to allow not even a single asperation to escape 
 without being represented. It appears to be of Asiatic 
 origin ; and is so different not only from the hieroglyphic 
 of Egypt but also from the alphebetical character as we 
 find it on the rosetta stone, as to repel the notion of a com - 
 mon origin The discoveries already made at Babylon and 
 PersepoUs, prove it to have been diffused over a great part 
 of Upper Asia, and adopted by different nations, who 
 formed new letters, but still derived from the same radical 
 elements of the wedge and rectangle. As it is found m 
 three different states at Persepolis, it5 origin must ascend 
 far beyond the time of the Persian monarchy; and since 
 it can scarcely be doubted that the first and simplest of 
 them is an alphabet of the Zendic language, we are na- 
 turally led to seek for its native country in Media, where 
 the language and the doctrine of Zoroaster prevailed. On 
 the other hand, the circumstance that the cuneiform let- 
 ters are found in the Babylonian inscriptions would seem 
 to point to an Aramaian origin." Memoirs of Asiatic iur- 
 key vol ii. p. 428. Herodotus tells us that Darius caused 
 an inscription to be engraved on one of two pillars w-hich 
 he had set up at the Bosphorus, in Assyrian letters, lib. iv 
 c 87 Now it is probable, as Munter conjectures, that 
 ihese were cundform characters of the Assyrian order. 
 I must add Heeren to the list of those who think that Per- 
 ^epolis and Persagadae were names of one and the same 
 
 Those who are desirous of further and more detailed in- 
 (brmation respecting the Persepolitan inscriptions, may 
 consult Tychsen's Dissertation de Cuneatis Perscpolu 
 tanis Inscriptionibus, 1790, Rostock, and that of Munter, 
 published in 1800 ; Hager's Observations, London, 1801 ; 
 the Memoir ot Grottefend, published by Tychsen at Got- 
 cingen, 1802 ; and those of M. Lichtenstein, published at 
 the same period in the Brunswick Magazine ; and the de- 
 tailed criticisms of the learned Silvester Du Sacy on 
 these dissertations in the Magasin Encyclopedique lor 
 1803 : also a further and more detailed disserUiion on the 
 satne subject by M. Lichtenstein, 4to. Helmstadt, leU^; 
 
 pend. Darius could not prevail with himself to 
 put so great an affront upon the Persians, and 
 therefore made answer: "That it would be a 
 less affliction to him to be deceived by, than to 
 condemn them : that he would suffer the worst 
 of evils amidst those of his own nation, rather 
 than seek for security among strangers, how 
 faithful and affectionate soever he might believe 
 them : and that he could not but die too late, in 
 case the Persian soldiers thought him unworthy 
 of life." It was not long before Darius experi- 
 enced the truth of this information ; for the 
 traitors seized him, bound him in chains of gold, 
 by way of honour, as he was a king, and then 
 laying him in a covered chariot, they set out to- 
 wards Bactriana. 
 
 Alexander, being arrived at Ecbatana, was 
 informed that Darius had left that city five days 
 before. He then commanded Parmenio to lay 
 up all the treasures of Persia in the castle of 
 Ecbatana, under a strong guard which he left 
 there. According to Strabo,^ these treasui-es 
 amounted to 180,000 talents (about 27,000,000/. 
 sterling); and, according to Justin,^ to 10,000 
 talents (about 1,500,000/.) more. He ordered 
 him to march afterwards towards Hyrcania, 
 by the country of the Cadusians, with the 
 Thracians, the foreigners, and the rest of the 
 cavalry, the royal companies excepted. He 
 sent orders to Clitus, who staid behind in 
 Susa, where he lay sick, that as soon as he 
 was arrived at Ecbatana, he should take the 
 forces which were left in that city, and come to 
 him in Parthia. 
 
 x-^lexander, with the rest of his army, pursued 
 Darius, and arrived the eleventh day at Rhages,^ 
 which is a long day's journey from the Caspian 
 straits : but Darius had already passed through 
 them. Alexander, now despairing to overtake 
 him, what despatch soever he might make, staid 
 there five days to rest his forces. He then 
 marched against the Parthians, and the first day 
 pitched his camp near the Caspian straits, and 
 passed them the next. News was soon brought 
 him, that Darius had been seized by the traitors ; 
 that Bessus had caused him to be drawn in a 
 chariot, and had sent the unhappy monarch be- 
 fore, in order to be the surer of his person ; that 
 the whole army obeyed that wretch, Artabazus 
 and the Greeks expepted, who, not having a soul 
 base enough to consent to so abominable a deed, 
 and being too weak to prevent it, had therefore 
 left the high road, and marched towards the 
 mountains. 
 
 This was a fi-esh motive for him to hasten his 
 
 the Observations of Heeren on the Policy and Commerce of 
 the Ancients, Deu.xieme edition, tome 11, p. 931— 9o0, and 
 instar omnium horujn, the ingenious and elaborate Dis- 
 sertation of M. St. Martin ; Journal Asiatique for Fe- 
 bruary, 1823, p. 65—90. Paris ; where the curious reader 
 will find lithographic engravings of the alabaster vase, 
 with the cuneiform characters, and phonetic hieroglyphic ; 
 as also the three cuneiform inscriptions published by 
 t^iebuhr: as also on the same plate, the correspondence 
 between the cuneiform letters and the Zendic alphabet 
 It may be remarked, that the inscriptions at Persepohsand 
 Morgaub, and those on the vase, are divided by horizontal 
 lines! which clearly show that they are not to be read 
 perpendicularly, as some have imagined, but horizontally, 
 and from right to left, as before observed, and not from 
 left to right, as Munter, Grottefend, and Heeren, thought. 
 It must also be observed, that Tychsen, in his aissortation 
 above mentioned, maintained the strange opmion, that 
 Elymais, Persepolis, and Par>agadje, were names of Uie 
 same citv, and that this city was Susa, or ''hushan ; ^n 
 opinion quite indefensible and unique, as none but funisclf 
 ever dreamed that Persepolis was Susa — £rf. . 
 
 1 Strab. 1. XV. p. 741. 2 Justm. 1 xu. c. i. 
 S This is the city mentioned m lobit, iv. i. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 ]<17 
 
 march. The Barbarians at his arrival were seiz- 
 ed with dread; though the match would not 
 have been equal, had Bessusbeen as resolute foi- 
 fighting as for putting in execution the detesta- 
 ble act above-mentioned : for his troops exceed- 
 ed the enemy both in number and strength, and 
 were all cool and ready for the combat ; whereas 
 Alexander's troops were quite fatigued with the 
 length of their march. But the name and repu- 
 tation of Alexander (a motive all-powerful in 
 war) filled them with such terror, that they all 
 fled. Bessus and his accomplices being come up 
 with Darius, requested him to mount his horse, 
 and fly from the enemy ; but he replied that the 
 |ods were ready to avenge the evils he had suf- 
 fered ; and beseeching Alexander to do him jus- 
 tice, he refused to follow a hand of traitors. At 
 these words they fell into such a fury, that 
 throwing their darts at him, they left him cov- 
 ered with wounds. After having perpetrated 
 this horrid crime, they separated, in order to 
 leave different footsteps of their flight, and 
 thereby elude the pursuits of the enemy, in 
 case he should follow them ; or at least ob- 
 lige him to divide his forces. Nabarzanes took 
 the way of Hyrcania, and Bessus that of Bac- 
 triana, both being followed by a very few 
 horsemen ; and, as the Barbarians were by this 
 means destitute of leaders, they dispersed them- 
 selves up and down, as fear or hope directed 
 their steps. 
 
 After searching about in different places, Da- 
 rius was at last found, in a retired spot, his body 
 run through with spears, lying in a chariot, and 
 drawing near his end. However, he had strength 
 enough before he died, to call for drink, which a 
 Macedonian, named Polystratus, brought him. 
 He had with him a Persian prisoner, whom he 
 employed as interpreter. Darius, after drink- 
 ing the liquor that had been given him, turned 
 to the Macedonian and said, " That in the de- 
 plorable state to which he was reduced, he how- 
 ever should have the comfort to speak to one 
 who could understand him, and that his last 
 words would not be lost. He therefore charged 
 him to tell Alexander, that he died in his debt, 
 without having had the power of returning his 
 obligations : that he gave him infinite thanks for 
 the great kindness he had shown towards his 
 mother, his wife, and his children, not only spar- 
 ing their lives, but permitting them to continue 
 in their former splendour : that he besought the 
 gods to give victory to his arms, and make him 
 monarch of the universe; that he thought he 
 need not entreat him to revenge the execrable 
 murder committed on his person, as this was the 
 common cause of kings." 
 
 After this, taking Polystratus by the hand, 
 " Give him," said he, '* thy hand, as I give thee 
 mine; and carry him, in my name, the only 
 pledge I am able to give of my gratitude and af- 
 fection." Saying these words, he breathed his 
 last. Alexander coming up a moment after, and 
 seeing Darius's body, wept bitterly ; and, by the 
 strongest testimonies of grief that could be shown, 
 proved how intimately he was affected with the 
 unhappiness of a prince who deserved a better 
 fate. Pie immediately pulled off his military 
 cloak, and threw it on Darius's body; then 
 causing it to be embalmed, and his coffin to be 
 adorned with a royal magnificence, he sent it to 
 Sysigambis, in order that it might be interred 
 with the honours usually paid to the deceased 
 Persian monarchs, and be entombed with his 
 mcestors. 
 
 Thus died Darius, the 
 A. M. 3674. third year of the 112th O- 
 Ant. J. C. 330. lympiad, at about fifty years 
 of age, six of which he had 
 reigned. He was a gentle and pacific prince ; 
 his reign, with the exception of the death of 
 Caridemus, having been unsullied with, injustice 
 or cruelty, which was owing either to his na- 
 tural lenity, or to his not having had an oppor- 
 tunity of acting otherwise from the perpetual 
 war in which he had been engaged against Alex- 
 ander ever since his accession to the throne. In 
 him the Persian empire ended, after having ex- 
 isted 206 years, computing from the beginning 
 of the reign of Cyrus the Great (the founder of 
 it) under thirteen kings ; viz. Cyrus, Cambyses, 
 Smerdis the Magian, Darius son of Hystaspes, 
 Xerxes I., Artaxerxes Longiraanus, Xerxes II., 
 Sogdianus, Darius Nothus, Artaxerxes Mne- 
 mon, Artaxerxes Ochus, Arses, and Darius 
 Codomanus. 
 
 SECT. XI. 
 
 Vices which first caused the decline, and at last the ruin ol 
 the Persian empire. 
 
 The death of Darius Codomanus may very 
 justly be considered as the era, but not as the 
 sole cause, of the destruction of the Persian 
 monarchy. When we take a general view of the 
 history of the kings above-mentioned, and con- 
 sider with some attention their different charac- 
 ters and methods of governing, whether in 
 peace or war, we easily perceive that this de- 
 cline was prepared at a great distance, and car- 
 ried on to its end by visible steps which denoted 
 a total ruin. 
 
 We may declare at first sight, that the declen- 
 sion of the Persian empire and its fall, are owing 
 to its very origin and primitive institution. It 
 had been formed by the union of two nations, 
 who differed very much in manners and inclina- 
 tions. The Persians were a sober, laborious, 
 modest people ; but the Medes were wholly de- 
 voted to pomp, luxury, softness, and voluptu- 
 ousness. The example of frugality and simplicity 
 which Cyrus had set them, and their being ob- 
 liged to be always under arms to gain so many 
 victories, and support themselves in the midst 
 of so many enemies, prevented those vices from 
 spreading for some time : but when all was sub- 
 dued and in subjection to them, the fondness 
 which the Medes had naturally for pleasures and 
 magnificence, soon lessened the temperance of 
 the Persians, and became in a little time the 
 prevailing taste of the two nations. 
 
 Several other causes conspired to this. Baby- 
 lon, when conquered, intoxicated her victors 
 with her poisoned cup, and enchanted them with 
 the charms of pleasure. She furnished them 
 with such ministers and instruments, as were 
 adapted to promote luxury, and to foment and 
 cherish voluptuousness with art and delicacy ; 
 and the wealth of the richest provinces in the 
 world being at the entire disposal of new sove- 
 reigns, they thereby were enabled to satiate aL' 
 their desires. 
 
 Even Cyrus himself, as I have observed else 
 where, contributed to this, without foreseeing 
 the consequences of it ; and prepared men's minds 
 for it by the splendid festival which he gave, af- 
 ter having ended his conquests ; at which hv 
 showed himself in the midst of his troops, whc 
 had shared in his victories, with such a pomj 
 
148 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 ,md ostentation as were most capable of dazzling 
 the eye. He first inspired them with an ad- 
 miration for pomp and show, which they had 
 hitherto despised. He suggested to them, that 
 magnificence and riches were worthy of crown- 
 ing the most glorious exploits, and the end 
 and fruit of them : and by thus inspirmg his 
 subjects with a strong desire for things they 
 saw so highly esteemed by a most accomplish- 
 ed prince, his example authorized thein to 
 abandon themselves to that inclination without 
 reserve. „ , , . 
 
 He spread this evil still farther by obliging 
 his judges, officers, and governors of provinces, 
 to appear with splendour before the people, the 
 better to represent the majesty of the prince. On 
 one side, these magistrates and commanders 
 easily mistook these ornaments and trappmgs 
 of their employments for the most essential 
 parts of them, endeavouring to distinguish 
 themselves by nothing but this glittering out- 
 side; and, on the other, men ot the greatest 
 wealth in the provinces proposed them as so 
 many patterns for their imitation, and were 
 soon followed by persons of moderate fortune, 
 whom those in the lowest stations of life strove 
 to equal. 
 
 So many causes of degeneracy uniting toge- 
 ther, and being authorized publicly, soon de- 
 stroyed the ancient virtue of the Persians. 1 hey 
 did not sink, like the Romans, by imperceptible 
 decays, which had been long foreseen and often 
 opposed. Scarce was Cyrus dead, but there rose 
 up as it were another nation, and kings of a quite 
 different genius and character. Mention was no 
 longer made of that manly, that severe educa- 
 tion which was bestowed on the Persian youth ; 
 of those public schools of sobriety, patience, and 
 emulation for virtue, nor of those laborious and 
 warlike exercises ; of all these there did not re- 
 main the smallest traces ; their young men be- 
 ing brought up in splendour and effeminacy, 
 which they now saw was had in honour, imme- 
 diately began to despise the happy simplicity of 
 their forefathers, and formed, in the space of one 
 generation, an entire new set of people, whose 
 manners, inclinations, and maxims, were direct- 
 ly opposite to those of ancient times. They grew 
 haughty, vain, effeminate, inhuman, and perfidi- 
 ous in treaties : and acquired this peculiar cha 
 racter, that they, of all people, were the most 
 abandoned to splendour, luxury, feasting, and 
 even to drunkenness; so that we may affirm, 
 that the empire of the Persians was almost at its 
 birth, what other empires became through length 
 of time alone, and began where others end. It 
 bore the principle of its destruction in its own 
 bosom, and this internal vice increased in every 
 successive reign. _ . 
 
 After the unsuccessful expeditions ot Darius 
 and Xerxes against Scythia and Greece, the 
 princes their successors became insensible to the 
 ambition of making conquests, and gave them- 
 selves up a prey to idleness and effeminacy ; they 
 ' grew careless of military discipline, and substi- 
 tuted in the place of regular soldiers, inured to 
 the toils of war, a confused multitude of men, 
 who were taken by force out of their respective 
 "countries. The reader may have observed, on 
 more than one occasion, that the whole strength, 
 and almost the only resource of the Persian 
 army, lay in the Greeks whom they retained 
 in their service; that, properly speaking, they 
 depended on them only, and always took great 
 care to oppose them to the best troops of the 
 enemy : they were the only soldiers in Darius's 
 
 army who performed their duty, and continued 
 faithful to him to the last ; and we have seen that 
 Memnon the Rhodian was the sole great general 
 who made head against Alexander. 
 
 Instead of choosing for the command of their 
 forces officers of skill and experience, they used 
 to appoint persons of the greatest quality of every 
 nation, who frequently had no other merit than 
 their exalted birth, their riches and credit ; and 
 who were distinguished by nothing but the 
 sumptuousness of their feasts and entertain- 
 ments, by the magnificence of their equipages, 
 and by the crowd with which they were ever 
 surrounded, of guards, domestics, eunuchs, and 
 women ; such an assemblage, formed merely 
 for vain show and ostentation, rather than for 
 warlike expeditions, encumbered an army (al- 
 ready but too numerous) with useless soldiers, 
 mad'e it slow in its marches and movements 
 by its too heavy baggage, and rendered it in- 
 capable of subsisting long in a country, and of 
 following up great enterprises in sight of an 
 enemy. 
 
 The Persian monarchs shutting themselves up 
 in their palaces in order to abandon themselves 
 to pleasures, and appearing seldom abroad, placed 
 their whole confidence, and by that means all 
 their authority, in eunuchs, in women, in slaves, 
 and in flattering courtiers, whose sole thoughts 
 and endeavours were to banish ti'ue merit, which 
 was offensive to them ; to give the rewards ap- 
 pointed for services to their own creatures; 
 and to intrust the greatest employments of the 
 state to persons devoted to their interested and 
 ambitious views, rather than to such %vhose 
 abilities rendered them capable of serving then- 
 country. . 
 
 Another characteristic of these princes, which 
 is but too frequent in that high sphere, contri- 
 buted very much to the ruin of the empire. They 
 were accustomed from their infancy to have their 
 ears soothed with false praises and the most ex- 
 travagant compliments, and to have a blind sub- 
 mission paid to their will. They were educated 
 in so exalted an idea of their own grandeur, that 
 they readily persuaded themselves that the rest 
 of men were formed merely to serve them, and 
 administer to their pleasures. They were not 
 taught their duties, nor the maxims of a wise 
 and good government ; the principles by which 
 men should judge of solid merit, and select per- 
 sons able to govern under them. They did not 
 know that they were raised to sovereign power 
 merely to protect their subjects and make them 
 happy. They were not made sensible of the ex- 
 quisite pleasure that a monarch feels, who is the 
 delight of his subjects, and the public source of 
 the felicity of so vast an empire, as Cyrus the 
 Great had been, who was so dear to his people, 
 that every individual family considered him as 
 their father, and bewailed his death as a public 
 calamity. So far from this, a monarch's gran- 
 deur was declared to consist in making himselt 
 feared, and in his being able to gratify all his 
 passions with impunity. 
 
 So ill judged an education must necessarily 
 form either weak or vicious princes. They were 
 not able to sustain the weight of so mighty an 
 empire, nor to grasp the several parts ot so ex- 
 tensive and laborious an administration. Idle- 
 ness, and a love for pleasure, made them careless 
 and averse to business ; and they sacrificed mat- 
 ters of the highest importance to their vain 
 amusements. Some of them were born with 
 such happy dispositions, that they vp-ould have 
 become good princes, had they not been cner- 
 
I HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 , ■ - - -— ■ 
 
 I vated by the charms of a voluptuous life ; and 
 [abandoned themselves to the allurements of a too 
 ; despotic power, and an over great prosperity, 
 j By flattery, they were rendered incapable of list- 
 ening, in their counsels, to any expressions de- 
 livered with freedom, or of suffering the least 
 opposition to their wills. 
 
 It is no wonder they were not beloved by their 
 subjects, since their whole study was to aggran- 
 dize themselves, and to sacrifice all considerations 
 to that alone. Darius, in his misfortunes, was 
 abandoned by the generals of his armies, by the 
 governors of his provinces, by his officers, 
 domestics, and subjects ; and did not find any 
 where a sincere affection, nor a real attach- 
 ment to his person and interest. The dazzling 
 splendour of the Persian monarchy concealed 
 a real weakness ; and this unwieldly power, 
 heightened by so much pomp and pride, had 
 no support in the hearts of the people ; so that 
 this colossus, at the very first blow, fell to the 
 ground. 
 
 SECT. XII. 
 
 Lacedaemon revolts from tRe Macedonians, witlj almost 
 all Peloponnesus. Antipater marches out on this occa- 
 sion, defeats the enemy in a battle, in which Agis is 
 killed. Alexander marches against Bessus. Thalestris, 
 queen of the Aniazons, comes to visit him from a far 
 country. Alexander, at his return from Parthia, aban- 
 dons himself to pleasure and excess, He continues his 
 march against Bessus. A pretended conspiracy of Philo- 
 tas against the king. He, and Parmenio his father, are 
 put to death. Alexander subdues several nations. He 
 at last arrives in Bactriana, whither Bessus is brought 
 to him. 
 
 Whilst things passed In 
 A. M. 3674. Asia as we have seen,' some 
 Ant. J. C. 380. tumults broke out in Greece 
 and Macedonia. Memnon, 
 whom Alexander had sent into Thrace, having 
 revolted there, and thereby drawn the forces of 
 Antipater on that side; the Lacedaemonians 
 thought this a proper opportunity to throw off 
 the Macedonian yoke, and engaged almost all 
 Peloponnesus in their design. Upon this news, 
 Antipater, after having settled to the best of his 
 power the affairs of Thrace, returned with the 
 utmost expedition into Greece, whence he imme- 
 diately despatched couriers, in oi'der to give Al- 
 exander an account of these several ti'ansactions. 
 As soon as Antipater was come up with the 
 enemy, he resolved to give them battle. The 
 Lacedaemonian army consisted of no more than 
 20,000 foot and 2000 horse, under the command 
 of Agis their king ; whereas that of Antipater 
 was twice that number. Agis, in order to make 
 the superiority of numbers of no effect, had 
 made choice of a narrow spot of ground. The 
 battle began with great vigour, each party en- 
 deavouring to signalize themselves in an extra- 
 ordinary manner for the honour of their respec- 
 tive countries, the one fired with the remem- 
 brance of their pristine glory, and the other 
 animated by their present greatness, fought with 
 equal courage ; the Lacedaemonians for liberty, 
 and the Macedonians for empire. So long as 
 the armies continued on the spot where the 
 battle began, Agis had the advantage ; but An- 
 tipater, by pretending to fly, drew the enemy 
 into the plains ; after which, extending his 
 whole army, he gained a superiority, and made 
 
 1 Diod. 1. xviii. p. 537. Q. Curt. 1. vi. c. 1. 
 
 149 
 
 a proper use of his advantage. Agis was dis- 
 tinguished by his suit of armour, his noble 
 mien, and still more so by his valour. The 
 battle was hottest round his person, and he 
 himself performed the most astonishing acts of 
 bravery. At last, after having been wounded 
 in several parts of his body, his soldiers carried 
 him off upon his shield. However this did not 
 damp their courage ; for having seized an ad- 
 vantageous post, where they kept close to their 
 ranks, they resisted with great vigour the attacks 
 of the enemy. After having withstood them a 
 long time, the Lacedaemonians began to give 
 ground, being scarce able to hold their arms, 
 which were all covered with sweat ; they after- 
 wards retired very fast, and at last ran quite 
 away. The king, seeing himself closely pur- 
 sued, still made some efforts, notwithstanding 
 the weak condition to which he was reduced, 
 in order to oppose the enemj*. Intrepid and in- 
 vincible to the last, oppressed by numbers, he 
 died sword in hand. 
 
 In this engagement upwards of 3000 Lacedae- 
 monians lost their lives, and 1000 Macedonians 
 at most ; but very few of the latter returned 
 home unwoimded. This victory not only ruined 
 the power of Sparta and its allies, but also the 
 hopes of those who only waited the issue of this 
 war, to declare themselves. Antipater imme- 
 diately sent the news of this success to Alexan- 
 der : but, like an experienced courtier, he drew 
 up the account of it in the most modest and 
 circumspect terms ; and such as were best 
 adapted to diminish the lustre of a victory which 
 might expose him to envy. He was sensible 
 that Alexander's delicacy on the point of honour 
 was so very great, that he looked upon the glory 
 which another person obtained as a diminution 
 of his own. And indeed he could not forbear,' 
 when this news was brought him, to let drop 
 some words which discovered his jealousy. An- 
 tipater did not dare to dispose of any thing by 
 his own private authority, and only gave the 
 Lacedaemonians leave to send an embassy to the 
 king, in order that they themselves might learn 
 their fate from his own mouth. Alexander 
 pardoned them, some of those who had occa- 
 sioned the revolt excepted, and these he pun- 
 ished. 
 
 Darius's death did not hinder Alexander 
 from pursuing Bessus,^ who had withdrawn 
 into Bactriana, where he had assumed the title 
 of king, by the name of Artaxerxes. But, find- 
 ing at last that it would be impossible for him 
 to come up with him, he returned into Parthia ; 
 and resting his troops some days in Hecatom- 
 pylos, commanded provisions to be brought 
 thither from all quarters. 
 
 During his stay there, a report prevailed 
 throughout the whole army, that the king, con- 
 tent with the conquests he had achieved, was 
 preparing to return into Macedonia. That very 
 instant the soldiers, as if a signal had been made 
 for their setting out, ran like madmen to their 
 tents, began to pack up their baggage, load the 
 waggons with the utmost despatch, and fill the 
 whole camp with noise and tumult. The noise 
 soon reached the ears of Alexander, when terri- 
 fied at the disorder, he summoned the officers to 
 
 2 Alexander hostes vinci voluerat : Antipatrum vidsse, 
 ne tacitus quidem indignabatur, su£e demptum glorie ex^ 
 istimans, guicquid ccssisset ahense. Q. Curt 
 3 Q. Curt. 1. vi. c. 2—4. 
 
150 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 his tent, where, with tears in his eyes, he com- 
 plained, that in the midst of so glorious a career, 
 he was stopped on a sudden, and forced to return 
 back into his own country, rather like one who 
 had been overcome, than as a conqueror. The 
 officers comforted him, by representing, that 
 this sudden motion was a mere sally, and a 
 transient gust of passion, which would not be 
 attended with any ill consequences ; and as- 
 sured him, that the soldiers, to a man, would 
 obey him, provided he himself would address 
 them but with mildness and tenderness. He 
 promised to do it. The circumstance which 
 had given occasion to this false report, was his 
 having disbanded some Grecian soldiers, after 
 rewarding them in a very bountiful manner ; so 
 that the Macedonians imagined they also were 
 to fight no more. 
 
 Alexander having summoned the army, made 
 the following speech : "I am not surprised, O 
 soldiers, if, after the mighty things we have 
 hitherto performed, you should be satiated with 
 glory, and have no other views but ease and 
 repose. I will not now enumerate the various 
 nations we have conquered. We have subdued 
 more provinces than others have cities. Could 
 I persuade myself, that our conquests were well 
 secured, over nations who were so soon over- 
 come, I would think as you do (for I will not 
 dissemble my thoughts), and would make all 
 the haste imaginable to revisit my household- 
 gods, my mother, my sisters, and my subjects, 
 and enjoy in the midst of my country the glory 
 I have acquired in concert with you. But this 
 glory will all vanish very soon, if we do not put 
 the last hand to the work. Do you imagine, 
 that so many nations, accustomed to other 
 sovereigns, and who have no manner of agree- 
 ment with us either in their religion, manners, 
 or language, were entirely subdued the moment 
 they were conquered; and that they will not 
 take up arms, in case we return back with so 
 much precipitation ? What will become of the 
 rest who still remain unconquered ? What ! 
 shall we leave our victory imperfect, merely for 
 want of courage ? But that which touches me 
 much more ; shall we suffer the detestable crime 
 of Bessus to go unpunished ? Can you bear to 
 see the sceptre of Darius transferred to the san- 
 guinary hands of that monster, who, after having 
 loaded him with chains, as a captive, at last as- 
 sassinated his sovereign, in order to deprive us 
 of the glory of saving him ? As for myself, I 
 shall not be easy till I see that infamous wretch 
 hanging on a gibbet, there to pay, to all kings 
 and nations of the earth, the just punishment 
 due to his execrable crime. I do not know 
 whether I am mistaken ; but methinks I read 
 his sentence of death in your countenances ; and 
 that the anger which sparkles in your eyes, de- 
 clares you will soon imbrue your hands in that 
 traitor's, blood." 
 
 The soldiers would not suffer Alexander to 
 proceed ; but clapping their hands, they all cried 
 ! aloud, that they were ready to follow wherever 
 he would lead them. All the speeches of this 
 prince generally produced this effect. ^ How de- 
 sponding soever they might be, one single word 
 from him revived their courage in an instant, 
 and inspired them with that martial alacrity 
 and ardour, which appeared always in his face. 
 The king, taking advantage of this favourable 
 disposition of the whole army, crossed Parthia, 
 and in three days arrived on the frontiers of 
 Hyrcania, which submitted to his arms. He 
 
 afterwards subdued the Mardi, the Arii, the 
 Drangge, the Arachosii, and several other na- 
 tions, into which his army marched, with 
 greater speed than people generally travel. He 
 frequently woiild pursue an enemy for whole 
 days and nights together, almost without suffer- 
 ing his troops to take any rest. By this pro- 
 digious rapidity, he came unawares upon na- 
 tions who thought him still at a great distance, 
 and subdued them before they had time to put 
 themselves in a posture of defence. Under this 
 image Daniel the prophet designated Alexander 
 many ages before his birth, by representing him 
 as a panther, a leopard, and a he-goat, who 
 rushed forward with so much swiftness, that 
 his feet seemed not to touch the ground. 
 
 Nabarzanes,* one of Bessus's accomplices, who 
 had written before to Alexander, came and sur- 
 rendered himself, upon promise of a pardon, 
 when he heard that he was arrived at Zadra- 
 carta, the capital of Hyrcania; and, among other 
 presents, brought him Bagoas the eunuch, who 
 afterwards gained great influence over the mind 
 of Alexander, as he had formerly over that of 
 Darius. 
 
 At the same time an-ived Thalestris, queen of 
 the Amazons. A violent desire of seeing Alex- I 
 ander had prompted that princess to leave her 
 dominions, and travel through a great number 
 of countries to gratify her curiosity. Being 
 come pretty near his camp, she sent word that 
 a queen was come to visit him; and that she 
 had a prodigious inclination to cultivate his 
 acquaintance, and accordingly was arrived with- 
 in a little distance from that place. Alexander 
 having returned her a favourable answer, she 
 commanded her train to stop, and herself came 
 forward with 300 women ; and the moment she 
 perceived the king, she leaped from her horse, 
 having two lances in her right hand. The dress 
 the Amazons used to wear, did not quite cover 
 the hody ; for their bosom was uncovered on the 
 left side, while every other part of their body 
 was hid ; except that their gowns being tucked 
 up with a tnot, fell down no farther than the 
 knee. They preserved their left breast to suckle 
 their female offspring, but used to burn their 
 right, that they might be the better enabled to 
 bend the bow and throw the dart, whence they 
 were called Amazons.^ 
 
 Thalestris ^ looked upon the king without dis- 
 covering the least sign of admiration, and sur- 
 veying him attentively, did not think his stature 
 answerable to his fame ; for the Barbarians are 
 very much struck with a majestic air, and think 
 those only capable of mighty achievements, on 
 whom nature has bestowed bodily advantages. 
 She did not scruple to tell him, that the chief 
 motive of her journey was to have posterity by 
 him ; adding, that she thought herself worthy 
 of giving heirs to his empire. Alexander, upon 
 this request, was obliged to make some stay in j 
 this place ; after which Thalestris returned to ; 
 her own kingdom, and the king into the pro- j 
 vince inhabited by the Parthians. This story, 
 
 I 
 
 1 Quint. Curt. lib. vi. cap. 5. 
 2 This is a Greek word, signifying without breasts. 
 3 Interrito vultu regom Thalestris intuebatur, habitum 
 ejus haudquaquam rerum famae parem ocuhs perlustrans. 
 Quippe omnibus barbaris in corporum majestate venera- j 
 tio est ; magnorumque operum non alios capaces putant, 
 quStn quos eximia specie donare natura dignata est. UuirU. . 
 Curt. lib. vi. cap. 5. 1 
 
HISTORY or 
 
 151 
 
 and whatever is related of the Amazons, is 
 looked upon by some very judicious authors as 
 entirely fabulous. 
 
 Alexander abandoned himself afterwards 
 wholly to his passions,* changing into pride and 
 excess the moderation and continence for which 
 he had hitherto been so greatly admired ; virtues 
 so very necessary in an exalted station of life, 
 and in the midst of a series of prosperities. He 
 was now no longer the same man. Though he 
 was invincible with regard to the dangers and 
 toils of war, hg was far otherwise with respect 
 to the charms of ease. The instant he enjoyed 
 a little repose, he abandoned himself to sensual- 
 ity ; and he, whom the arms of the Persians 
 could not conquer, fell a victim to their vices. 
 Nothing was now to be seen but games, parties 
 of pleasure, women, and disorderly banquets, in 
 which he used to pass whole days and nights in 
 drinking. Not satisfied with the buffoons, and 
 the performers on instrumental music, whom 
 he had brought with him out of Greece, he 
 obliged the captive women, whom he carried 
 along with him, to sing songs after the manner 
 of their country. He happened, among these 
 women, to perceive one who appeared in deeper 
 affliction than the rest, and who, by a modest, 
 and at the same time a dignified confusion, dis- 
 covered a greater reluctance than the others to 
 appear in public. She was a perfect beauty, 
 which was very much heightened by her bash- 
 fulness, whilst she thi'ew her eyes to the ground, 
 and did all in her power to conceal her face. 
 The king soon imagined by her air and mien 
 that she was not of vulgar birth ; and inquiring 
 of the lady herself, she answered that she was 
 grand-daughter to Ochus, who not long before 
 had swayed the Persian sceptre, and daughter 
 of his son ; that she married Hystaspes, who 
 was related to Darius, and general of a great 
 army. Alexander being touched with compas- 
 sion at the unhappy fate of a princess of the 
 blood royal, and the sad condition to which she 
 was I'educed, not only gave her liberty, but re- 
 instated her in all her possessions, and caused 
 her husband to be sought for, in order that she 
 oiight be restored to him. 
 
 This prince was naturally of a tender and hu- 
 mane disposition, which made him sensible of 
 the affliction of persons in the lowest condition. 
 A poor Macedonian^ was one day driving be- 
 fore him a mule laden with gold for the king's 
 ;ise : the beast being so tix-ed that he was not 
 able either to go on or sustain the load, the 
 mule-driver took it up and carried it, but with 
 great difficulty, a considerable way. Alexander, 
 seeing him just sinking under his burden, and 
 going to throw it on the ground, in order to ease 
 himself, cried out, " Friend, do not be weary 
 yet ; try and carry it quite through to thy tent, 
 for it is all thy own." 
 
 Alexander,** in a forced march through a bar- 
 ren country, at the head of a small body of 
 horse, when he was pursuing Darius, met some 
 Macedonians who were carrying water in goat- 
 skins upon mules. These Macedonians, per- 
 ceiving their prince was almost parched with 
 thirst occasioned by the raging heat (the sun 
 being then at the meridian), immediately tilled 
 a helmet with water, and were running to pre- 
 sent him with it. Alexander asking to whom 
 
 4 ^umt. Curt. lib. vi. cap. 6. 
 5 Plut. in Alex. p. 687. Ibid. 
 
 they were carrying that water, they replied, 
 " We were going to carry it to our children, but 
 do not let your majesty be uneasy, for if your 
 life is but saved, we shall get children enough, 
 in case we should lose these." At these words 
 Alexander takes the helmet, and looking quite 
 round him, he saw all his horsemen hanging 
 down their heads, and, with eyes fixed earnestly 
 on the liquor he held, swallowing it, as it were, 
 with their glances : upon which he returned it, 
 with thanks, to those who offered it him, and 
 did not drink so much as a single drop, but 
 cried, " There is not enough for my whole com- 
 pany ; and should I drink alone, it would make 
 the rest be thirstier, and they would die with 
 faintness and fatigue." The officers, who wei'e 
 on horseback round him, struck in the most 
 sensible manner with his wonderful temperance 
 and magnanimity, entreated him with shouts 
 to carry them wherever he thought fit, and not 
 to spare them ; that they were not in the least 
 tired, nor felt the least thirst ; and that as long 
 as they should be commanded by such a king, 
 they could not think themselves mortal men. 
 
 Such sentiments as these, which arise from a 
 generous and tender disposition, reflect greater 
 honour on a prince than all his victories and 
 conquests. Had Alexander always retained 
 them, he would justly have merited the title of 
 Great; but a too brilliant and uninterrupted 
 series of pi'osperity, which is a burden too heavy 
 for mortals to sustain, insensibly effaced them 
 from his mind, and made him forget that he 
 was a man : for now, contemning the customs 
 of his own country, as no longer worthy the 
 sovereign of the universe, he laid aside the dress, 
 the manners, and way of life of the Macedonian 
 monarchs ; looking upon them as too plain and 
 simple, and derogatory to his grandeur. He 
 even went so far as to imitate the pomp of the 
 Persian kings, in that very circumstance in 
 which they seemed to equal themselves to the 
 gods ; I mean, by requiring those who had con- 
 quered nations to fall prostrate at his feet, and 
 pay him a kind of homage which becomes only 
 slaves. He had turned his palace'into a seraglio, 
 filling it with 360 concubines (the same number 
 as Darius kept), and with bands of eunuchs, of 
 all mankind the most infamous. Not satisfied 
 with wearing a Persian robe himself, he also 
 obliged his generals, his friends, and all the 
 grandees of his court, to put on the same dress, 
 which gave them the greatest mortification, not 
 one of them however daring to speak against 
 this innovation, or contradict the prince. 
 
 The veteran soldiers, who had fought under 
 Philip, not having the least idea of sensuality, 
 inveighed publicly against this prodigious luxu- 
 ry, and the numerous vices which the army had 
 learned in Susa and Ecbatana. The soldiers 
 would frequently complain : " That they had 
 lost more by victory than they had gained : that 
 as the Macedonians had thus assumed the man- 
 ners and customs of foreigners, they might pro- 
 perly be said to be conquered : that therefore 
 the only benefit they should reap from their 
 long absence would be, to return back into their 
 country in the habit of Barbarians : that Alex- 
 ander was ashamed of, and despised them ; that 
 he chose to resemble the vanquished rather than 
 the victorious ; and that he, who had before 
 been king of Macedonia, was now become one of 
 Darius's lieutenants." 
 
 The king was not ignorant of the discontent 
 which reigned both in his court and army, and 
 endeavoured to recover the esteem and friend- 
 
152 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 ship of both by his beneficence; but slavery,* 
 though purchased at ever so high a rate, must 
 necessarily be odious to freeborn men. He 
 therefore thought, that the safest remedy would 
 be to employ them ; and for that purpose led 
 them against Bessus. But as the army was so 
 encumbered with booty and a useless train of 
 baggage, that it could scarce move, he first 
 caused all his own baggage to be carried into a 
 great square, and afterwards that of the army 
 (retaining only such things as were absolutely 
 necessary) ; and then ordered the whole to be 
 carried from thence in carts to a large plain. 
 Every one was in great pain to know the mean- 
 ing of all this ; but after he had sent away the 
 horses, he set fire to his own things, and com- 
 manded every one to follow his example. Upon 
 this the Macedonians lighted up the fire with 
 their own hands, and burned the rich spoils 
 they had purchased with their blood, and 
 often forced out of the midst of the flames. Such 
 a sacrifice must certainly have been made with 
 the utmost reluctance; but the example the 
 king set them silenced all their complaints, and 
 they seemed less affected at the loss of their 
 baggage than at their neglect of military dis- 
 cipline. A short speech the king made, soothed 
 all their uneasiness ; and being now more able 
 to exert themselves hereafter, they set out with 
 ]oy, and marched towards Bactriana. In this 
 march they met with difficulties which would I 
 have quite damped any one but Alexander ; but I 
 nothing could daunt his soul, or check his pro- I 
 gress ; for he put the strongest confidence in his | 
 good fortune, which indeed never forsook that 
 hero, but extricated him from a thousand perils, 
 wherein one would have naturally supposed 
 both himself and his army must have perished. 
 
 Being arrived among the Drangse,*^ a danger 
 to which he had not been accustomed, gave him 
 very great uneasiness ; and this was, the report 
 of a conspiracy that was formed against his 
 person. One Dymnus, a man of no figure at 
 court, was the contriver of this treason ; and the 
 motive of it was, some private disgust which he 
 had received. He had communicated his design 
 to a young man named Nicomachus, who re- 
 vealed it to Cebalinus, his brother. The latter 
 immediately discovered it to Philotas, earnestly 
 entreating him to acquaint t-he king with it, be- 
 cause every moment was of the utmost conse- 
 quence, and the conspiratoi's were to execute 
 the horrid deed in three days. Philotas, after 
 applauding his fidelity, waited immediately 
 upon the king, and discoursed on a great variety 
 of subjects, but without taking the least notice 
 of the plot. In the evening Cebalinus meeting 
 him as he was coming out, and asking whether 
 he had done as he requested, he answered, that 
 he had not found an opportunity of mentioning 
 it to his majesty, and went away. The next 
 day this young man went up to him as he was 
 going into the palace, and conjured him not to 
 forget what he had told him the day before. 
 Philotas replied, that he would be sure not to 
 forget it ; but however he did not perform his 
 promise. This made Cebalinus suspect him ; 
 and fearing, that in case the conspiracy should 
 be discovered by any other person, his silence 
 
 1 Sed, ut opinor, liberis pretium servitutis ingratum est. 
 Q. Curt. 
 
 2 Diod. 1. xvii. p. 550, 551. Q. Curt. 1. vi. c. 7. U- et 
 1, vii. c. 1, 2. Arrian. 1. iii. p. 141, 142. Tlut. in Alex, 
 p, 602, 693. 
 
 would be interpreted as criminal, he therefora 
 got another person to disclose it to Alexander. 
 The prince having heard the whole from Ceba- 
 linus himself, and being told how earnestly he 
 had conjured Philotas to acquaint him with it, 
 first commanded Dymnus to be brought before 
 him. The latter guessing upon what account 
 he was sent for by the king, ran himself through 
 with his sword ; but the guards having pre- 
 vented him from completing the deed, he was 
 carried to the palace. The king asked him why 
 he thought Philotas more worthy than he was of 
 the kingdom of Macedon? but he was quite 
 speechless : so that, after fetching a deep sigh, 
 he turned his head aside, and breathed his 
 last. 
 
 The king afterwards sent for Philotas, and 
 (having first commanded every one to withdraw) 
 inquired whether Cebalinus had leally urged 
 him several times to tell him of a plot which 
 was carrying on against him. Philotas, without 
 discovering the least confusion in his counte- 
 nance, confessed ingenuously that he had ; but 
 made his apology, by saying, that the person 
 who had given him information, did not ap- 
 pear to him worthy of the least credit. He 
 confessed, howevei", that Dymnus's death con- 
 vinced him that he had acted' very imprudently, 
 in concealing so long a design of so black a 
 nature : upon which, acknowledging his fault, 
 he fell at the king's feet ; and embracing them, 
 besought him to consider his past life, rather 
 than the fault he had now committed, which 
 did not proceed from any bad design, but from 
 the fear he was under of' unseasonably alarming 
 the king, should he communicate a design which 
 he really supposed was without foundation. It 
 is no easy matter to say whether Alexander 
 believed what Philotas said, or only dissembled 
 his anger. But however this be, he gave him 
 his hand in token of reconciliation; and told 
 him, that he was persuaded he had despised 
 rather than concealed the affair. 
 
 Philotas was both envied and hated by a great 
 number of courtiers ; and indeed it was hardly 
 possible it should be otherwise, because none of 
 them was more familiar with the king, or more 
 esteemed by him. Instead of softening and 
 moderating the lustre of the distinguished 
 favour he enjoyed, by an air of mildness and 
 humanity, and a prudent modesty of demean- 
 our ; he seemed, on the contrary, to endeavour 
 only to excite the envy of others, by affecting a 
 silly pride, which generally displayed itself in 
 his dress, his retinue, his eqviipage, and his 
 table ; and still more so, by the haughty airs he 
 assumed, which made him universally hated. 
 Parmenio, his father, disgusted at his supercili- 
 ous behaviour, said one day to him, " My son, 
 make thyself less."' The strongest sense is 
 couched under these words ; and it is evident, 
 that the man who uttered them was perfectly 
 acquainted with the genius of courts. He used 
 often to give Philotas advice to this effect : but 
 too exalted a prosperity is apt to make men both 
 deaf and blind ; and they cannot persuade them- 
 selves that favour, which is established on so 
 seemingly solid a foundation, can ever change ; 
 the contrary of which Philotas found to his 
 sorrow. 
 
 His former conduct, * with regard to Alexan- 
 
 4 Pint, de Fortun. Alex. c. 2. r- 339. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 153 
 
 der, had given the king just reason to complain 
 of him ; for he used to take the liberty to speak 
 disrespectfully of his sovereign, and applaud 
 himself in the most haughty terms. Opening 
 one day his heart to a woman named Antigona, 
 with whom he was in love, he began to boast, 
 in a very insolent manner, of his father's ser- 
 vices and his own : " What would Philip," 
 said he, "have been, had it not been for Par- 
 menio ? and what would Alexander be, were it 
 not for Philotas ? what would become of his 
 pretended divinity, and his father Ammon, 
 should we undertake to expose this fiction ?" 
 All these things were repeated to Alexander; 
 and Antigona herself made oath, that such 
 words had been spoken. The king had never- 
 theless taken no notice of all this, nor so much 
 as once let drop the least word which might 
 show his resentment upon that account, even 
 when he was most intoxicated with liquor : he 
 had not so much as hinted it to his friends, not 
 \ even to Hephsestion, from whom he scarce con- 
 cealed any thing. But the crime Philotas was 
 now accused of, recalled to his memory the dis- 
 gust he had formerly entertained. 
 
 Immediately after the conversation he had 
 with Philotas, he held a council composed of his 
 chief confidants. Craterus, for whom Alexan- 
 der had a great esteem, and who envied Philotas 
 the more upon that very account, looked upon 
 this as a very happy occasion for supplanting his 
 rival. Concealing therefore his hatred, under a 
 specious pretence of zeal, he suggested to the 
 king, " The apprehensions he might justly be 
 under, both from Philotas himself, because 
 mercy is not apt to work any change on a heart 
 which could be corrupt enough to entertain so 
 detestable a crime; and from Parmenio, his 
 father, who," said he, " will never be able to 
 bear the thoughts of his owing his son's life to 
 the king's clemency. Some beneficial acts are 
 so great, that they become a burden to those on 
 whom they are conferred, for which reason they 
 do all in their power to erase them from their 
 memory. Besides, who can assure us, that 
 both father and son are not engaged in the con- 
 spiracy? When a prince's life is in danger, 
 every thing is of importance; and all things, 
 even to the slightest suspicions, are so many 
 proofs. Can we conceive it possible, that a 
 favourite on whom his sovereign has bestowed 
 the most shining marks of his beneficence, should 
 be CEdm and undisturbed, upon his being told an 
 affair of such importance ? But we are told, 
 that this design was communicated by young 
 people, who deserved very little credit. Where- 
 fore then did he keep them in suspense two 
 days, as if he really believed what they told 
 him, and still pronaised them that he would 
 reveal the whole affair to the king ? Who does 
 not see, that he did this merely to prevent their 
 having access by another way to his majesty ? 
 Sir," continued he, " it is necessary, for your 
 own sake and that of the state, that Philotas 
 should be put to the torture ; in order to force 
 from his own mouth an account of this plot, 
 and the several persons who are his accomplices 
 in it. " This being the opinion of all the members 
 of the council, the king acceded to it. He then 
 dismissed the assembly, having first enjoined 
 them secrecy; and the better to conceal his 
 resolution, gave orders for the army's marching 
 the next day, and even invited Philotas to sup- 
 per with him. 
 
 In the beginning of the night, various parties 
 of guards having been posted in the several 
 
 places necessary, some entered the tent of 
 Philotas, who was then in a deep sleep ; when, 
 starting from his slumbers, as they were puttinpr 
 manacles on his hands, he cried, " Alas ! my 
 sovereign, the inveteracy of my enemies has got 
 the better of your goodness." After this, they 
 covered his face, and brought him to the palace 
 without uttering a single word. The next morn- 
 ing, the Macedonians, according to an order pub- 
 lished for that purpose, came thither under arms, 
 in number about 6000. It was a very ancient 
 custom for the army, in the time of war. to take 
 cognizance of capital crimes ; and, in times of 
 peace, for the people to do so ; so that the prince 
 had no power on these occasions, unless a sanc- 
 tion were given to it by the consent of one or 
 other of these bodies ; and the king was forced 
 to have recourse to persuasion, before he em- 
 ployed his authority.^ 
 
 First, the body of Dymnus was brought out ; 
 very few then present knowing either what he 
 had done, or how he came by his death. After- 
 wards the king came into the assembly ; an air 
 of sorrow appearing in his countenance, as well 
 as in his whole court, while eveiy one waited 
 with impatience the issue of this gloomy scene. 
 Alexander continued a long time with his eyes 
 cast on the ground, as if in the utmost dejection ; 
 but at last, having recovered his spirits, he made 
 the following speech : " I have narrowly escaped, 
 O soldiers, being torn from you, by the treachery 
 of a small number of wretches ; but by the pro- 
 vidence and mei'cy of the gods, I now again 
 appear before you alive : and I protest to you, 
 that nothing encourages me more to proceed 
 against the traitors, than the sight of this assem- 
 bly, whose welfare is much dearer to me than 
 my own ; for I desire to live for your sakes only : I 
 and the greatest happiness I should find in liv- I 
 ing (not to say the only one), would be the ' 
 pleasure I should receive in having it in my i 
 power to reward the services of so many brave { 
 men, to whom I owe everything." Here he 
 was interrupted by the cries and groans of the 
 soldiers, who all burst into tears. " Alas ! how ■ 
 will you behave," continued he, " when I shall 
 name the persons who formed so execrable a 
 design ? 1 myself cannot think of it without 
 shuddering. They on whom I have been most 
 lavish of my kindnesses : on whom I have be- 
 stowed the greatest marks of friendship : in 
 whom I had put my whole confidence, and in 
 whose breasts I lodged my greatest secrets — 
 Parmenio and Philotas." At these names the 
 soldiers gazed one upon the other, not daring to 
 believe their eyes or ears, nor to give credit to 
 any thing they saw or heard. Then Nico- 
 machus, Metron, and Cebalinus, were sent for, 
 who made the several depositions of what they 
 knew. But as not one of them charged Philotas 
 with engaging in the plot, the whole assemTbly, 
 being seized with a trouble and confusion easier 
 conceived than expressed, continued in a sad and 
 gloomy silence. 
 
 Philotas was then brought in, his hands tied 
 behind him, and his head covered with a coarse 
 worn-out piece of cloth. How shocking a sight ! 
 Almost deprived of his senses, he did not dare 
 to look up or open his lips ; but the tears stream- 
 ing from his eyes, he fainted away in the arms 
 of the man who held him. As the standers by 
 
 5 Nihil potestas reg-um valebat, nisi prius valuisaet auc 
 toritas. Q. Curt. 
 
154 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 wiped off the tears in which his face was bathed, 
 recovering his spirits and his voice by degrees, 
 he seemed desirous of spealiing. The king then 
 told him, that he should be judged by the Mace- 
 donians, and withdrew. Fhilotas might have 
 justified himself very easily ; for not one of the 
 witnesses, and those who had been put on the 
 rack, had accused him of being an accomplice in 
 the plot. Dymnus, who first formed it, had 
 not named him, to any of the conspirators ; and 
 had Fhilotas been concerned in it, and the rin - 
 leader, as was pretended, Dymnus would cer- 
 tainly have named him, at the head of all the 
 rest, "in order to engage them the more strongly. 
 Had Fhilotas been conscious to himself of guUt 
 in this particular, as he was sensible that Ceba- 
 linus, who knew the whole, sought earnestly to 
 acquaint the king with it, was it probable that 
 he could have remained quiet two days together, 
 vv^ithout once endeavouring either to despatch 
 Cebalinus, or to put his dark design in execu- 
 tion, which he might very easily have done? 
 Fhilotas set these proofs, and a grmt many 
 more, in the strongest light ; and did not omit 
 to mention the reasons which had made him 
 despise the information that had been given 
 him, as groundless and imaginary. Then direct- 
 ing himself, on a sudden, to Alexander, as if he 
 had been present, " O king," says he, " where- 
 soever you may be," (for it is thought Alexander 
 heard all that passed from behind a curtain,) " if 
 I have committed a fault in not acquainting you 
 with what I heard, I confessed it to you, and 
 you pardoned me. You gave me your royal 
 hand as a pledge of this ; and you did me the 
 honour to admit me at your table. If you be- 
 lieved me, I am innocent : if you pardoned me, 
 I am cleared : I refer all this to your own judg- 
 ment. "What new crime have I committed 
 since ? I was in a deep sleep when my enemies 
 waked me, and loaded me with chains. Is it 
 natui'al for a man, who is conscious that he is 
 guilty of the most horrid of all crimes, to be 
 thus easy and undisturbed ? The innocence of 
 my own conscience, and the promise your ma- 
 jesty made me, gave my mind this calm. Do 
 not let the envy of my enemies prevail over 
 your clemency and justice." 
 
 The resiilt of this assembly was, that Fhilotas 
 should be put on the rack. The persons who 
 presided on that occasion were his most invete- 
 rate enemies, and they made him suffer every 
 kind of torture. Fhilotas at first discovered the 
 utmost resolution and strength of mind ; the 
 torments he suffered not being able to force from 
 him a single word, nor even so much as a sigh. 
 But at last, conquered by pain, he confessed 
 himself to be guilty, named several accomplices, 
 and even accused his own father. The next 
 day, the answers of Fhilotas were read in full 
 assembly, he himself being present. He was 
 unanimously sentenced to die ; immediately 
 after which he was stoned, according to the 
 custom of Macedonia, with some other of the 
 conspirators. 
 
 They also judged at the same time, and put 
 to death, Lyncestes Alexander, who had been 
 found guilty of conspiring the death of the king, 
 and had been kept three years in prison. 
 
 The condemnation of Fhilotas brought on 
 that of Farmenio : whether it were that Alex- 
 ander really believed him guilty, or was afraid 
 of the father now he had put the son to death. 
 Folydamas, one of the lords of the court, was 
 appointed to see the execution performed. He 
 had been one of Farmenio's most intimate 
 
 friends, if we may give that name to courtiers, 
 who love nothing but their own fortune. This 
 was the very reason of his being nominated, 
 because Farmenio could not entertain any sus- 
 picion of his being sent to him with such a de- 
 sign. He therefore set out for Media, where 
 that general commanded the army, and was in- 
 trusted with the king's treasures, which amount- 
 ed to 180,000 talents, about 27,000,000/. sterling. 
 Alexander had given him several letters for Cle- 
 ander, the king's lieutenant in the province; and 
 for the principal oflBcers. Two were for Far- 
 menio ; one of them from Alexander, and the i 
 other sealed with Fhilotas's seal, as if he had 
 been alive, to prevent the father from harbour- 
 ing the least suspicion. Folydamas was but 
 eleven days on his journey, and alighted in the 
 night-time 'at the house of Cleander. After 
 having taken all the precautions necessary, they 
 went together with a great number of attend- | 
 ants, to meet Farmenio, who at this time was 
 walking in a park of his own. The moment 
 Folydamas spied him, though at a great dis- 
 tance, he ran to embrace him with an air of the 
 utmost joy; and after compliments, intermixed 
 with the strongest indications of friendship, had 
 passed on both sides, he gave him Alexander's 
 letter. In the opening it, he asked him what 
 the king was doing; to which Folydamas re- 
 plied, that he would know by his majesty's 
 letter. Farmenio, after perusing it, said : " The 
 king is preparing to march against the Ara- 
 chosii. How glorious a prince is this, who will 
 not suffer himself to take a moment's rest I 
 However, he ought to be a little tender of him- 
 self, now he has acquired so much glory." He 
 afterwards opened the letter which was written 
 in Fhilotas's name; and, by his countenance, 
 seemed pleased with the contents of it. At that 
 very instant Cleander thrust a dagger into his 
 side, then made another thrust in his throat, 
 and the rest gave him several wounds, even after 
 he was dead. 
 
 Thus this great man ended his life ; a man 
 illustrious both in peace and war ; who had per- 
 formed many glorious actions without the king, 
 whereas the king had never achieved any thing 
 conspicuous, but in concert w ith Farmenio. He 
 was a person of great abilities, both in forming 
 plans and carrying them into execution; was 
 very dear to the grandees, and much more to 
 the officers and soldiers, who reposed the high- 
 est confidence in him ; and looked upon them- 
 selves as assured of victory when he was at 
 their head, so firmly they relied on his capacity 
 and good fortune. He was then threescore and 
 ten years of age; and had always served his 
 sovereign with inviolable fidelity and zeal^ for 
 which he was very ill rewarded ; his son and 
 himself having been put to death, merely on a 
 slight suspicion, unsupported by any real proof, 
 which nevertheless obliterated in a moment all 
 the great services both had done their country. 
 
 Alexander was sensible,' 
 A. M. S675. that such cruel executions 
 Ant. J. C. 829. might alienate the affections 
 of the troops, of which he 
 had a proof, by the letters they sent into Mace- 
 donia, which were intercepted by his order ; 
 concluding, therefore, that it would be proper 
 for him to separate from the rest of the army 
 
 1 Arrian. I r- 1*3. U8. 
 Diod. 1. xvii. p. 352. 534. 
 
 Quint. Curt. 1. Til. c. 3—5 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 155 
 
 such soldiers as had most distinguished them- 
 selves by their murmurs and complaints, lest 
 their seditious discourses should spread the same 
 spirit of discontent, he formed a separate body 
 of these, the command of which he gave to Le- 
 onidas; this kind of ignominy being the only 
 punishment he inflicted on them. But they 
 were so strongly affected with it, that they en- 
 deavoured to wipe out the disgrace it brought 
 upon them, by a bravery, a fidelity, and an obe- 
 dience, which they observed ever afterwards. 
 
 To prevent the ill consequences that might 
 arise from this secret discontent, Alexander set 
 out upon his march, and continued to pursue 
 Bessus; on which occasion he exposed himself 
 to great hardships and dangers. After having 
 passed through Drangiana, Arachosia, and the 
 country of the Aiumaspi, where aU things sub- 
 mitted to his arms, he arrived at a mountain, 
 called Paropamisus ^ (a part of Caucasus), 
 
 ( 
 
 2 Alexander, in his pursuit of Darius, advanced first 
 from Ecbatana, or Hamadan, to Kages, or Key, and from 
 thence to the Caspian straits, 50 miles east of the ruins of 
 the latter. This is a vast chasm, or opening, through the 
 inferior ridges of the El-burz range, at the termination of 
 the great Salt deserts, almost due north of Ispahan, through 
 which the best passage from Media, Mesopotamia, and the 
 western kingdoms in general lay, to Parthia, Hyrcania, 
 Aria, and the remainder of eastern Persia, as by it the 
 great deserts to the south were avoided. It is now called 
 the pass of Khowar, from a town or district in its vicinity. 
 Delia Valle and Herbert, among the moderns, and Pliny, 
 among the ancients, have particularly described it. It is '28 
 Roman miles through, and generally 40 yards wide, with 
 very high mountains on either side. Pliny, lib. vi. c. 14. 
 says, that it is only wide enough for a carriage, and Delia 
 Valle, vol. iii. that in places where it is narrowest, and 
 winds withal, a litter can scarce pass. The bottom is gen- 
 erally flat, and at certain seasons a considerable stream of 
 salt water flows towards the desert on the south. Kennel's 
 Herodotus, p. 174. note. By Kinnier's map, the distance 
 from Rages to the above pass is more than 70 British 
 miles, south-east, in direct distance. The modern Khowar, 
 or Khawar, is the Choara of the ancients. On passing 
 these gates he entered Parthia, which extended so far 
 west, and stretched to the north-east between Hyrcania 
 and Margiana, having part of the Salt Desert and Aria 
 on the south and south-east. This was the Parthia of 
 Herodotus, included in his account of the satrapies of Da- 
 rius Hystaspes. On the fifth day after crossing the Caspian 
 strait, he came up with the unfortunate Darius, the man- 
 ner of whose death has been related in the text. Heca- 
 tompylos, the capital, visited by Alexander on his route, 
 is the modern Damgan. It was so called, according to 
 some, because of its 100 gates ; and, according to others, 
 because all the roads in the Parthian dominions centred 
 here. Hecatompylos is plainly a Greek word, and not the 
 real name of the city ; unless it be supposed to be a Greek 
 translation of its real name. But the misfortune is, we 
 are not in possession of that, and cannot therefore say, 
 whether it be so or otherwise. Its distance from the Cas- 
 pian strait, in Kinnier's map, is 125 British miles, north- 
 east, in direct distance, whereas Kennel makes it only 78 
 geographical miles on D'Anville's map. Prom thence, 
 our hero turned back, and entered Hyrcania by the Cas- 
 pian strait, that he might have the pleasure of conquering 
 the fierce mountaineers, called Mardi. As before observed, 
 in a former note, the term Mardi is generally an appella. 
 tion of all barbarous mountain tribes. It is observed by 
 travellers, that barbarous nations, in general, distinguish 
 themselves by a term denoting man. In the language of 
 the Ossetians, a Caucasian tribe, Z-^g means »zan ; and a 
 tribe of the Ossetes were called Legae, These are, pro- 
 bably, the modem Lesgians. In the language of the 
 Circassians, man is called Tsoog, and in that of the 
 Abkaz, Agoo; and those nations occupy the country of 
 the Zychi and Achaei. The Amardi, another Caucasian 
 nation, were an Armenian tribe, in whose language mard 
 signified man. In the Pehlivi, or ancient Persic L-mguage, 
 mird signifies the same. Hence, in Persia, a tribe was 
 called Mardi, and their country Mardiene. Ptolemy Ta- 
 bula Asia?, V. p. 145. D'Anville has some curious ob- 
 servations, in his Antiquitd Geographique de VInde, p. 96, 
 &c. on the term mardi-coura, taken as equivalent t© can. 
 nibal, or man-eater^ in India. Photius, quoted by D'An- 
 ville, says much ; and also Thevenot, who says, that 
 certain people, near Baroach in Guzurat, were formerly 
 
 where his army underwent inexpressible fa- 
 tigues, through weariness, famine, cold, and the 
 snows, which killed a great number of his sol- 
 diers. Bessus laid waste all the country that 
 
 called mardi-coura, or man-eaters. Indian Travels, chap, 
 iv. See the Vocabulary of Caucasian languages, in th. 
 Mithridates of Adelung and Vater, as taken from Pallas. 
 
 Having, after much trouble, scaled the rugged rocks of 
 mount Elbours, and reduced the Mardi to a temporary 
 subjection, he marched back, along the northern foot of 
 the mountain range, to Zadracarta, the capital of Hyr- 
 cania. This is supposed to be the modern Sari. Ptolemy 
 calls it Hyrcania, Tab. Asia, vii. p. 153. and Polybius 
 calls it Syringis. Hyrcania was bounded on the south-west 
 by Media, and on the south-east by Parthia, from which it 
 was separated by mount Coronus, a branch of Elbours. 
 From thence he entered Aria, in quest of Bessus, who had 
 retreated to Bactria. Aria is the modern Heraut some- 
 times pronounced without the aspirate. This province lay 
 to the east of Parthia and the desert of Kirman, to the 
 north of Drangiana, to the south of the western prolonga- 
 tion of the Paropamisan range, called Montos Sari phi by 
 Ptolemy, and to the west of the province of Paropamisus. 
 This province is also called Ariana : but whether this lat- 
 ter name included more than the province of Aria, is not 
 agreed amongst geographers ; and probably never will, as we 
 are not in possession of facts to decide the question. Mela 
 distinguishes Aria from Ariane. Ptolemy includes in it 
 the Lake of Zurrah, and the river Etymandrus, which he 
 calls Aria, insignis fluvius, and whose fountains he places 
 partly in Paropamisus and partly in mount Sariphus. — 
 Eratosthenes extends Ariana east to the Indus, north 
 to Paropamisus, south to the sea, and west to Parthia. 
 Nay, he makes the great northern range as far west as 
 the Caspian Straits, its northern limits. Strabo also dis- 
 tinguishes Ariana from Aria, but does not decide re- 
 specting its extent. Isaac Vossius, in his notes on Mela, 
 struggles hard for the distmction, and has a long intern- 
 perate reply to James Gronovius, who had attacked his 
 opinion, in his edition of Pomponius Mela, and maintained 
 that Aria and Ariana were names of one and the same 
 place, as Bactria and Bactriana ; and asks Vossius, what 
 writers they were, after the time of Alexander the Great, 
 whom Mela followed, and from whence he drew his Ari. 
 ana ? But if he drew it not from them, (says he) how 
 could he know the site of the different provinces of the 
 east, when it is certain, that, previous to that epoch, 
 the Greeks were profoundly ignorant of eastern geogra- 
 phy? Vossius, in support of his opinion, quotes Pliny, 
 who makes the Gedrosians, Arachotians, and Paropa- 
 misians, as satrapies of the Arians. He further says, that 
 Menander, an Arian commander, and some other chiefs 
 of the same nation, founded this empire of Ariane. The 
 distinction of Ariana and Aria cannot, in my opinion, be 
 well denied ; and the ground of it, I suppose, lay in the 
 erection of the Greek kingdom of Bactria by Theodotus. 
 Now, Persia in these days, was, as it is at present, divided 
 into eastern and western. This latter comprehended the 
 Parthian dominions, and the former those of Bactria. 
 Now Menander was neither an Arlan by nation, nor an 
 Arian commander, but a Gieek ; the brother and successor 
 of Euthydemus, king of Bactria, who made several con- 
 quests in India ; and both he and his successors sub. 
 dued all that part of Persia which lay south of the Paro- 
 pamisan range, as far as the shore of the Indian ocean. It 
 is probable, therefore, that all that part of their empire 
 which lay south of the dividing range, and between the 
 Indus and the Parthian dominions, or western Persia, 
 would be called Ariana, to distinguish it from Bactriana, 
 or their dominions north of the Paropamisus and Cau- 
 casus, which included Bactria and Sogdiana, and perhaps 
 Chorasmia ; or, perhaps, the designation of Ariana cor. 
 responds to the Pehlivi Alran, Believer ; and therefore 
 means, the land of Believers, to distinguish it from Anai- 
 ran, or the territory beyond the Oxus, whose inhabitants 
 were enemies of the Magian faith ; and tliercfore the Eac 
 trian sovereigns used the term to signify their Persian 
 dominions, as contradistinguished to their Scythian terri- 
 tories. 
 
 These are the only two reasons I can find for the use of 
 the term Ariane, or Ariana, as distinguished from Aria 
 Without some reason or other of this kind, above sug. 
 gested, I cannot solve the difficulty. I think as much 
 may be inferred from the admission of Vossius himself, 
 who says, " But after that the Bactrians, Gedrosians, Sog- 
 dians, and many other nations were subdued by the Ari- 
 ans, it came to pass that most of these regions were de- 
 nominated provinces of the Arians." Now, as we never 
 either heard or read tliat these nations were subdued by 
 the Arians, strictly so called, it must refer to the time 
 when the Persian sovereigns of the Kaianian dynasty, sub 
 
156 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 lay between him and mount Caucasus, in order 
 that the want of provisions and forage might 
 deprive Alexander of an opportunity of pursuing 
 him. He indeed suffered very much, but no- 
 
 dued the provinces above-mentioned, and the other pro, 
 vinces beyond the Oxus, and which were then all classed 
 under the politico-religious appellation of Ariane, Ariana, 
 Airan, or Eeran, or countries subjected to the political 
 code, and religious system, of Zoroaster, the magian pro- 
 phet. Iran is the general name of all Persia at this very 
 day, and was originally used in the sense above-men- 
 tioned, just as we use the term Christendom, to signify all 
 those countries in Europe that profess the Christian faith, 
 in oppositiop lo those who have adopted the faith of Mo- 
 hammed. The Mohammedans call the countries profess- 
 ing their own creed, the region of Islamism ; and all other 
 regions they denominate under tlie general designation of 
 Kaufiristaun, or the land of Infidels. It may be added, 
 that Dionysius says, that all the people who dwelt on the 
 declivities of the Paropamisan mountains, were called 
 Arians, even as far as the Indian sea and Persian gulf. 
 With this Salmasius coincides. But I apprehend, that it 
 was the ignorance of the Greek and Roman writers, of 
 the meaning of the term Arii, Ariane, and Ariana, that 
 has occasioned all this perplexity ; and which their modern 
 classical commentators, equally ignorant of the terra as 
 themselves, have in vain endeavoured to disembroil. 
 
 Rennel censures Eratosthenes and Strabo, for supposing 
 that Aria lay to the south of the continuation of Taurus. 
 The fact now is, that Rennel is wrong, and that they were 
 correct ; for it really lies to the south of the Paropamisan 
 range : and it is not true, as he affirms, that Drangiana, 
 or Sigistan, is separated from Aria by the range in ques- 
 tion. It is true, indeed, that a range of mountains stretches 
 south from the Paropamisan chain towards Furrah. These 
 are covered with large forests and comprehend within 
 them the extensive and fertile plain of Sebzwar. But this 
 is a mere lateral ridge, projected from the main mass. The 
 capital of Aria, at which Alexander arrived, after a rapid 
 march of 70 miles in two days, is called Aritoana, Arta- 
 canda, Artacoana, and Bitaxa; and, by Ptolemy, Aria. 
 Cap. xvii. lib. vi. Tab. Asice, p. 158. It answers to the 
 modern Heraut, situated in an ample plain of unequalled 
 fertility, and surrounded by lofty moimtains. 
 
 Captain Grant, who spent a month there in 1810, de- 
 scribes it as a large, beautiful, and populous city, contain- 
 ing upwards of lOOiOOO inhabitants. The plain, watered by 
 an ample stream, is crowded with villages teeming with 
 population, and covered with fields of corn. The rich 
 landscape receives additional beauty and variety from the 
 numerous mosques, tombs, and other edifices, intermingled 
 with numerous trees and gardens, with which it is embel. 
 lished, and the mountain slopes by which it is surrounded. 
 In Kinnier's memoir, Heraut is placed in 34. 12. north 
 latitude, and 63. 14.. according to Captain Grant, p. 202. 
 If this be not a press error, it is somewhat strange, as be- 
 ing contradictory to all the maps. In Elphinston's map 
 of Caubul, the best we have yet had of eastern Persia, 
 Heraut stands in 34. 47. north latitude, and 61. 25. east 
 longitude. In Kinnier's own map, 60. 55. east longitude ; 
 m Kennel's map of the twenty satrapies of Darius Hys- 
 taspes, 61. 5. east longitude ; and the same in his map of 
 the countries between the Ganges and the Caspian sea ; 
 and, finally, in D'Anville's map, 59. 34. ; making the re- 
 spective variations of 1. 49. 2. 9. and 0. 35. in longitude I 
 am inclined to prefer Captain Grant's position, as he was 
 there, and took it, I suppose, from observation. 
 
 In Elphinston's map, the direct disunce from Heraut to 
 Caubul is 450 British miles, 2d Ed. and in Mr. Macart. 
 ney's Geographical Memoir, appended to the work, the 
 direct distance is estimated at 418 such miles ; to which, if 
 one-seventh be added for inflections, as the country is ex- 
 cessively mountainous all the way, tJie road distance will 
 amount to about 480 British miles. He says, that Zemaun 
 Shah marched, with a body of horse and mules, this wliole 
 distance in 11 days, being a ratio of 44 miles per diem. This 
 I hold to be impossible, in a country so excessively moun- 
 tainous as he describes it. If Captain Grant's position be 
 admitted as the true one, 114 British miles will be taken 
 off, and the direct distance be reduced to 336 British 
 miles ; to which, if one-fifth be allowed for the numerous 
 ascents and descents, arising from the very rugged nature 
 of the surface, and the numerous angles that must be ne- 
 cessarily made, and less than thjs cannot, in my opinion, 
 be allowed, the road distance will be 416 British miles, or 
 58 British miles per diem, for the rapid march of Zemaun 
 Shah. 
 
 If from London to Edinburgh, a distance nearly the 
 same as from Caubul to Heraut, where the country is 
 comparatively level, and where the system of road-making 
 has arrived to such perfection, 1 mile in 7 is allowed for 
 
 thing could check his vigour. After making 
 his army repose for some time at Drapsaca, he 
 advanced towards Aornos and Bactria, the two 
 strongest cities of Bactriana, and took them 
 
 inflections ; surely 1 in 5 is not too much in a country so 
 excessively mountainous as Macartney states. 
 
 From Heraut, Alexander marched to Drangiana, against 
 Barzaentes, satrap of that province, and Arachosia, who 
 fled at his approach, and took refuge in India. The direct 
 distance from Heraut to Dooshauk, or Jellallabad, ^sup- 
 posing it to stand for Zarang, the capital, is 260 British 
 miles due south. 
 
 I his city is situated on the banks of the Etymandrus, or 
 Il-mend, not far from its outlet into the lake of Durrah, 
 and surrounded by ruins, which, for a vast extent, testify 
 its former grandeur. Indeed this whole district, up to 
 the foot of the Beloochestaun mountains, is literally full 
 of ruined cities, especially on the banks of the Hindmend 
 Il-mend, or Etymandrus. Captain Christie saw those of a 
 great Bund, or Dyke, called the Bund of Rustum, the 
 Persian Hercules. It owes its chief devastation to the 
 desolating hand of Timur Bek, who thought it his chief 
 glory to conquer, destroy, and exterminate, and thus ob- 
 tain the renown of a hero. He besieged, took, and ut- 
 terly razed to the foundation, the city of Seistan, or Za- 
 rang ; destroyed the edifice called the Bank, or mound, of 
 Kustum, and left no footsteps of that ancient monument. 
 Some fabulous authors report, that, in the country of 
 Zabulistan, a voice was heard, whicli invoked the soul of 
 Rustum, to awake and see all these calamities which had 
 b3fallen his native country. " Lift up thy head ; behold 
 tlie condition of thy country of Persia ; which is at length 
 reduced by the power of the Tartars." Sherifeddin's Life 
 of Timur Bek, vol. i. p. 244, 245. 
 
 Drangiana, in the days of its prosperity, was one of the 
 richest inland tracts in the whole Persian empire, being ^ 
 vast hollow space, every where surrounded by mountaini 
 and hills ; having, on the east, those of Arachosia , on the 
 north, the mountainous tract of Sebzwar in the ancient 
 Aria ; on the south it has Nurmanshir, a district of the 
 ancient Gedrosia, now the eastern part of Kerman, from 
 which it is parted by a chain of lofty mountains covered 
 with perpetual snow, the Montes Becii of Ptolemy. — Ta- 
 bula Asiae, ix. p. 160. I suppose the lateral range ol 
 Sebzwar, to be the Mons Bagous of Ptolemy, p. 160. It 
 has the great desert of Kirman on the west. In the centre 
 of this alluvial hollow, is the celebrated Lake of Durrah, 
 Zurrah, or Zarang. In Persian books, it is sometimes 
 called the sea of Loukh ; and, by the inhabitante, the sea 
 of Zoor, or Khaujek. Elphinston, in his account of Cau- 
 bul, reduces its dimensions to 160 miles in circuit, accord- 
 ing to the best accounts he could gather about, whilst it is 
 said in Itennel and others to be loO miles long by 20 
 broad. Though the water of this lake be not salt, it is 
 brackish, and hardly drinkable. In its centre stands an 
 insulated hill, called the Cohee Zoor, and sometimes the 
 fort of Rustum. Tradition declares this to have beei- 
 anciently a fort, and as it is steep and lofty, and surround- 
 ed by a ditch of great depth, it is still a place of refuge 
 for some of the inhabitants of the opposite shores. The 
 edges of the lake, for a considerable breadth, are choked 
 with long rushes and reeds. The shores, also, are over, 
 grown with the same sort of vegetition, and bemg liable 
 to inundation, are full of miry places and pools of standing 
 water. 
 
 These marshes and thickets are frequented by herds of 
 oxen, which are fed by a description of men distinct from 
 the other inhabitants of this province, being tall and stout, 
 but black and ugly, with long faces and large black eyes, i 
 going almost naked, and living in reed huts. Immediately [ 
 beyond these woods of reeds, the country produces grass ■ 
 and grain, and tamarisks, as does the narrow valley through | 
 which the Helmund flov/s, and probably the banks of the 
 river of Furrah, which enters the lake on the north. The 
 rest of the country is now almost a desert, yielding forage 
 for camels, and here and there it afibrds a well for the 
 wandering Beloches who tend these animals. Except on 
 the north, where it forms the south angle of the Duraunee 
 country, or the mountainous districts of Furrah and Seb- 
 swar, it is surrounaed by wide and dismal deserts, whence 
 every wind brings clouds of a light shifting sand which 
 destroys the feitility of the fields and gradually overwhelms 
 the villages. Therefore, the gradual increase of the sandy 
 deserts in the centre of Persia, has reduced the once rich 
 and alluvial tract of Drangiana, which comprehended a 
 surface double that of the ancient Susiana, to a small com. 
 pass. In process of time the lake will be dried up, and ;he 
 whole of Drangiana be merged in the growing desert. This 
 natural process is aided by the indolence of the Moham. 
 medans, the present possessors of Persia. Tnis is partly 
 owing to 'the uncertbiw tenure by which property is held; 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 157 
 
 both. At Alexander's approach, about 7 or 
 8000 Bactrians, who till then had adhered very 
 firmly to Bessus, abandoned him to a man, and 
 retired each to his respective home. Bessus, at 
 
 to the frequent revolutions to which the country has been 
 exposed; and to their abuse of the predestinarian doc- 
 trine — an abuse which supposes the decrees of the Eternal 
 to be the rule of human conduct, and to be totally inde- 
 pendent of human agency, as if the end were decreed with, 
 out the means. This naturally begets an indolent acquies- 
 cence in whatever appears to be the determination of fate, 
 and saps the foundations of human energy. Their prede- 
 cessors the Guebres or Magians, acted very differently. 
 Their prophet, while he enjoined on pain of hell-fire the 
 payment of tithes to the Uesatir or Priest, was also deeply 
 sensible that, in such a thirsty soil as that of Persia, unless 
 the most unremitting attention were paid to the arts and 
 practice of agriculture, the tithes would turn but to poor 
 account. He therefore enjoined the Persian to beget 
 children, plant useful trees, destroy noxious animals, con. 
 vey water to the dry lands of Persia, and to work out his 
 salvation by pursuing all the labours of agriculture. He," 
 says Zoroaster in the Zendavistaw, torn. i. p. 224, " who 
 sows the ground with care and diligence, acquires a greater 
 stock of religious merit, than he could gain by repeating 
 ten thousand prayers." Agriculture thus enjoined on re. 
 ligious motives, could not but flourish under the Magian 
 system, and cannot but decline under the Mohammedan. 
 Above 12,000 water courses, which the industry of the 
 Guebres, under their ancient sovereigns, had constructed 
 m the province of Khorasan, to water the arid soil, have 
 long since disappeared under the paralyzing influence of 
 Mohammedan indolence. This province, named Drangi. 
 ana by Strabo, Pliny, and Ptolemy ; Drangina, and its in. 
 habitants, Drangi, by Diodorus Siculus ; was called Za. 
 rang, and its inhabitants, Sarangteans, by Herodotus, in 
 Ills enumeration of the Persian satrapies. It was 
 also called Nimrooze. It is now called Sigistan, but 
 on what account is difficult to say. It seems to be de^ 
 rived from Sacastana, as it is found so named in Isi- 
 dore of Charax, in his Parthian stations. The term is 
 doubtless derived from the Sacaa, as Sacastana signifies the 
 region of the Sacae, who possessed it. This event must 
 have happened subsequent to the Macedonian conquest, 
 and probably about the time when the Scythians passed 
 the Jaxares and the Oxus, and overthrew the Greek em- 
 pi re of Bactria, 150 years before Christ. As Sacae was the 
 name generally applied to all the Nomadic tribes north of 
 the Oxus by the Persians, Drangiana, on its conquest by 
 the Scythians, would lose its name, and be called Sacas. 
 tana by the Persians ; and hence the modern appellation of 
 Sigistan. The lake above described, is the Aria Palus of 
 Ptolemy, Who makes the Arius, or river of Heraut, to fall 
 into it— a strange mistake, as the lake is not in Aria, 
 nor does the Arius fall into it, but is confounded by 
 Ptolemy with the Elymandrees, or 11-mend ; or with the 
 river of Furrah, which in the old maps is made to run 
 south from Heraut into the lake ; whereas the river 
 of Heraut, the ancient Ochus, runs north-west to the 
 Oxus. 
 
 Alexander is further said to have marched against the 
 Evergetse, called in our author's text, Arimaspi, from 
 Diodorus ; a mistake of some bungling transcriber, per. 
 haps for Ariaspse, as they cannot be the Arimaspi, or one- 
 eyed Scythians, of Herodotus, who inhabited the lofty 
 region of Mount Altai, and were neighbours to the Hy- 
 perboreans. These Ariaspse are called Agriaspae by A r- 
 lian and Curtius, and Argetaa by Pliny. All these diffe- 
 rences of orthography, are doubtless the errors of tran- 
 scribers. They are also called Evergetse, or Benefactors, 
 by Diodorus. This is an instance, out of many, of that 
 strange way of writing into which, out of a fondness for 
 their own language, the conceited Greeks constantly ran. 
 It is impossible that an eastern nation, who spoke Zendic, 
 or Pehlivi, should have been called by the Greek appella- 
 tion Evergetse (Benefactors). It is just a translation of a 
 Persian name, bestowed on them by Cyrus ; and it would 
 have been well, if any of the Greek geographers or histo- 
 rians had preserved the Persian name. The reason why 
 Cyrus called them Benefactors, was the following : when 
 Cyrus marched this way against the Scythians, his army 
 was grievously distressed for want of provisions, insomuch 
 that they were compelled to eat each other. Erom this 
 deplorable state they were relieved lay the kindness of this 
 nation, who brought tliem 30,000 carriage loads of provi- 
 sion of all sorts into the camp. Cyrus not only called 
 them Benefactors, but declared them free of all tribute for 
 the future. When this happened, is not particularly 
 known, as the Greeks were very ignorant of the history of 
 Cyrus and his wars with the Scythians. It appears from 
 
 the head of the smedl number of forces who con. 
 tinned faithful to him, passed the river Oxus, 
 burnt all the boats he himself made use of, to 
 prevent Alexander from crossing it, and with- 
 
 the Persian historians, that during the time of Rustum, 
 the general of Ky-Kusraw, or Cyrus, and the hero of 
 Zarang, or Drangiana, that the empire of Persia was 
 attacked by the king of Turan, or the Scythians, on 
 the N. E. frontier. This event seemed to have caused the 
 establishment of the capital at Balk (Bactria), and of Rus- 
 tum in the hereditary fief of Sigistan, or Zarang. We 
 know from Herodotus, that Cyrus undertook in person 
 the Scythian war, particularly that against the Bactrians 
 and Sacae, and was completely successful. The Evergetae, 
 therefore, were the same people with the Sarangteans. 
 The order of Rollin's text is wrong, as it makes Drangi. 
 ana, Arachosia, and the country of the Arimaspi (read 
 Ariaspa2, Evergetae, or Benefactors), three distinct coun- 
 tries ; whereas the Ariaspse inhabited Drangiana. Rollin 
 also places Arachosia before the Arimaspi, as if Alexan. 
 der had marched first from Drangiana to Arachosia, and 
 from thence to the Arimaspi ; whereas the reverse is the 
 case. He marched from Aria south to Zarang; from 
 thence to Ariaspa, the capital of the Axiaspee, and on the 
 same river with Zarang, or Seistaun, the modern ruined 
 city of Jellallabad, and from thence to Arachosia, which 
 lay E. of Drangiana, S. of Paropamisus, N. of Gedrosia, 
 and extended E. to the Indian boundary. Respecting the 
 particular position of this province and its capital, I can say 
 nothing precisely, not having materials, but merely that it 
 lay to the S. of Candahar, and the valley of the Urghundaub 
 and the Turung, or Turnuk. Ptolemy places the town of 
 Arachotos on a river of the same name, which he derives 
 from a lake. I can find nothing in Elphinston's map that 
 can assist, or in any way tally with Ptolemy's description. 
 Pliny calls the capital of Arachosia, Gophis. As Rennel 
 .justly remarks, it is not possible to follow the hne of 
 Alexander's routes on the west of the Indus, for want of 
 such unequivocal marks as are to be found in the courses 
 and confluences of the Punjaub rivers, east of the Indus. 
 We are completely out at sea, without either helm or 
 pilot, so deficient is our knowledge of the country con. 
 nected with the ranges of the Afghanistan, Paropamisan, 
 Beloochistan, and Hindoo-Kho, mountains. It is one thing 
 to know generally and superficially the geography of these 
 extensive regions, another to have a detailed, minute, and 
 exact knowledge of them. It is one thing to read the meagre 
 accounts which Strabo, Pliny, Ptolemy, and Arrian have 
 handed down to us ; and another, to apply what lights of 
 modern knowledge we possess, to elucidate these accounts. 
 Of these but a scanty portion has fallen to the lot of modern 
 geographers. It is owing to this ignorance, that every 
 attempt to delineate the marches of Alexander on the 
 west of the Indus, have failed. It is impossible, therefore, 
 exactly to say where Arachosia lay, and what were its 
 physical or political limits. The only fact we know is, 
 that it lay some where to the south-east of Drangiana, and 
 south of Candahar. Rennel has placed the city of Arokh- 
 age 100 geographical miles south of Candahar, and the 
 city of the Arachosian Alexandria 60 geographical 
 miles south-east of Arokhage ; which he makes the south- 
 east limit of Alexander's march in this quarter, and 
 places it on the banks of a river running south to a small 
 lake. Arokhage itself is placed by him on a stream run. 
 ning south to the Elymandrees, or Hermund, at Bost. 
 Ebn Haukel,in his Sur-al-Beldan, places Arokhaj betwem 
 Bost and Candahar. From Alexandria Arachosia, Ren- 
 nel conducts Alexander to the valley of Candahar, over a 
 range of mountains, called Suhmandzoog in his map, and 
 covered with snow, which he reckons the Montes Parveti 
 of Ptolemy, which separated the province of Arachosia 
 from that of Paropamisus. All this may be true ; but no 
 reader who compares his delineation of Alexander's route 
 in this region, with the large and apparently well executed 
 map of the countries in question, in Elphinston's account 
 of Caubul, will be able to trace the smallest appearance 
 of either identity or similarity. In that map, a range of 
 mountains, called Khoje Amraun, is laid down 45 miles to 
 the south of Candahar, which may possibly stand for 
 Arachosia or Arokhage. Arokhage is apparently a con- 
 traction of Amraun-Khoj, and the tract south of that 
 range may derive its name of Arachosia from it. But in 
 this case, the range of Khoje Amraun must be identified 
 with the range of Suhmandzoog, and the Montes Parveti. 
 I suspect that the Montes Parveti of Ptolemy, commence 
 on the west side of the Indus, and to the south of the 
 Kameh river, and correspond to the Teerah range, or the 
 Lumghanate and run thence W. to the Suffeid Koh, 
 or Speen Ghur, the Great White Mountain; and thence 
 run S. S. E. all the way to the Beloochistan range, under 
 
158 HISTORY OF 
 
 drew to Nauaca, a city of Sogdiana, fully deter- 
 mined to raise a new army there. Alexander, 
 however, did not give him time to do this ; and 
 not meeting with trees or timber sufficient for 
 the building of boats and rafts, he supplied the 
 
 the name of the Solimauney range, separating the streams 
 that fall into the Indus on the E. from those that form 
 the Hindmend on the W. The term Parveti, or Farvetoi, 
 is of Sanscrit origin ; and it is clearly a Sanscrit word 
 made Greek. Parbat, or Parvat, in that language, signi- 
 fies a great mountain, and is applied to different peaks of 
 the Great Himalaya range ; as the Soomeroo Purbut at 
 tlie head of the Baghirathee ; and another of the same, 
 at the source of the Jumna ; which term signifies the 
 great mountain Meroo. A large southern projection of 
 the Himalaya, to the E. of the Rauwee, or Hydraotes, is 
 called Pariyat. Now this bears so nigh an affinity, both 
 in sound and sense, to Paruetoi, or Parvetoi, that I hesi- 
 tiate not in affirming the Parveti of Ptolemy to be a Sanscrit 
 appellation ; and that it is used to signify the great range 
 that divides the whole of Afghanistan into E. and W. We 
 read of the Hindoo Goddess Parvati, that is, the Goddess 
 mountain born. A great range of mountains, running N. E. 
 and S. W. alongst the western bank of the Euphrates, before 
 it arrives at Syria, is also Paryades, Paryadres, Pariedroi, 
 Fariedri. Now 1 take Paryades to be the true reading ; 
 and what else is it but a Sanscrit word^ with a Greek ter. 
 mination. Take that away, and then you have Paryad, 
 the same in sound and meaning as Pariyat. I suspect 
 this terra was imported from India by the Greeks who 
 accompanied Alexander, and applied it to the range on the 
 west of the Euphrates. At any rate, it shows a strong 
 similarity between the Greek and the Sanscrit. There is 
 no necessity that we should be compelled to follow Ptole- 
 my either in his arrangement of boundaries, or in his 
 directions of mountain ranges. What dependence can be 
 placed on a geographer, who confounds the Heri rood, or 
 river of Heraut, with the Etymandrus ; and who places 
 the lake of Zurrah, not in Drangiana, but in Aria? 
 Leaving the subject of Arachosia as dark and uncertain, 
 and on which we can throw no additional light, we find 
 that Alexander advanced N. E. to the country of Paro- 
 pamisus, where he found the country for the most part 
 open and plain, destitute of trees, covered with snow, 
 having large open villages scattered up and down. Here 
 the inhabitants dwelt in houses covered with tiles, with 
 roofs rising up like spires, but open at the top, from which 
 they received light, and by which they let out the smoke. 
 In this melancholy plain, the Macedonians were exposed 
 to vast inconvenience from the reflexion of the snow, 
 ■which grievously affected their eyes ; and the excessive 
 cold seizing such as had either walked slow, or sat down 
 to rest, many of them perished. This description exactly 
 suits the elevated Upland of Ghazna, to which Rennel has 
 conducted the march of Alexander N. E. from Arachosia ; 
 but he was not then aware of the following facts, respecting 
 the climate of Ghazna, which so strongly corroborate 
 his opinion. Ascending the valley of the Turnuk, says Ei- 
 phinston, from Candahar, the cold increases at every stage, 
 and the heat of the summer diminishes in the same propor. 
 tion. Even at Kelauti Ghiljee, snow falls often, and lies long, 
 and the Turnuk is often frozen so as to bear a man. 
 Now this place is in N. lat. 32°. SO ., and Kelautee is in the 
 lowest part of the valley of the Turnuk. In the high tract S. 
 of that valley, the cold appears to be as great as in any part 
 of Afghanistaun. At Kelaue Abdorrchem the snow lies for 
 four months annually, and all that time the rivers are frozen 
 60 as to bear a man. Ascending still higher, we at last reach 
 the level of Ghuznee, or Ghazna, which is generally men- 
 tioned as the coldest part of the plain country in the Cau- 
 bul dominions. The cold of Ghuznee is spoken of as ex- 
 cessive, even by the inhabitants of the cold countries in 
 Us vicinity. For the greatest part of the winter, the 
 people seldom quit their houses ; and even in the city of 
 Ghuznee, the snow has been known to lie deep for some 
 time after the Vernal Equinox (22d of March). Tradi- 
 tions prevail of the city having been twice destroyed by 
 falls of snow, in which all the people were buried. De- 
 scription of the Kingdom of Caubul, vol. i. p. 1. 
 Nothing can be more trjiy descriptive of the place where 
 the Macedonians suffered so much. It was the spring 
 season when Elphinston arrived at the high level, and 
 snowy plain of Ghazna. The Paropamisus, Parapamisus, 
 Parapanisus, and Paropiinisus of the ancients, is the Paro- 
 panis of the Sanscrit ; signifying the mountain of springs, 
 or rills, compounded of Pahar, a hill, and Panir, or Pan, 
 water. The province, which was of much larger extent 
 than that of the moimtains which bounded it, took its 
 name from them. Paropamisus, with Ptolemy, extended 
 E. from Aria, or Heraut, to the Indus, having Arachosia 
 
 ALEXANDER. 
 
 want of these by distributing to his soldiers a 
 great number of skins stuffed with sttaw, and 
 such-like dry and light materials ; upon which 
 they placed themselves, and crossed the river ir 
 this manner ; those who went over first, draw 
 
 to the S. Indeed the ancients generally extended Persia 
 the Indus, and made the province of Paropamisus, Aracho, 
 sia, and Gedrosia, extend in a meridional line alongst the 
 western banks of that stream ; and yet we are told that 
 Alexander, after leaving Arachosia, where he had win- 
 tered, went into the adjacent country of the Indians, 
 which must be understood of the tract to the E. of Ghuz. 
 nee, and the crest of the mountainous ridge ; so that this 
 crest made the natural boundary between Persia and 
 India. From this it may be inferred, that the Indus was 
 not really the physical, but the political, boundary of 
 Hindoostan ; and that all those Indian tribes, against 
 which Alexander warred, previous to his passing the 
 Indus, must have been politically considered in the pro. 
 vince of Paropamisus, and therefore under Persian domi. 
 nation. This march through Paropamisus occupied only 
 sixteen days, notwithstanding the severity of the season, 
 till he arrived at the foot of the Indian Caucasus. The 
 question now is, wnat road did he take to the Indian Cau. 
 casus ? did he actually cross that range ? or did he enter 
 Bactria by the passes of the Paropamisan range, to the W. 
 of that range ?— Taking the high level of Ghuznee as the 
 point at which he arrived after leaving Arachosia, his 
 shortest route to Bactria would be across the very highly 
 elevated upland that connects the Hindoo- Kho with the 
 mountains of Afghanistaun. This elevated upland divides 
 the various sources of the Etymandrus, or Helmund, on the 
 W. from those of the river of Caubul on the E. The tract 
 called the Khohistaun of Caubul, or the mountain country, 
 succeeds this on the N. W. in which is situated thecity and 
 pass of Baumeeaun. In this range originate, on the N. E , 
 the rivers of Ghourbund and Punjshur, which run S. E. 
 to the river of Caubul; and to the W. of Baumeeaun 
 is the source of the river of Balkh, or the Bactrus ; 
 and on the north of the great range, those of the 
 Ghouree, and the river of Khullum. This is a very de. 
 lightful and elevated region. What says the emperor- 
 Bauber himself, a native of the vicinity : " The Sinde 
 (the Ghourbund) issues from the mountains of Bau- 
 meeaun, where are also the springs of the Heermund, and 
 of the double river of Balkh and Condoz (the Oxus). We 
 are assured, that a person may drink at Bameeaun, in the 
 same day, out of four rivers." Rennel's Hindoostan, 
 p. 155. On this spot the late Mr. Wilford would fix the 
 site of primeeval Eden, and makes these streams the rivers 
 that watered ancient Paradise. Baumeeaun is liO British 
 miles N. W. of Ghuznee in direct distance, and 160 S. E. 
 of Balkh^ or Bactria, measured on Elphinston's map. A 
 little to the S. of that place commences the pass over the 
 Kohee Baba, or white mountain. This is the foot of the 
 Paropamisan range, at which Alexander arrived. From 
 this point N, W. across the various r.anges, is 70 miles 
 direct. Baumeeaun is about 60 British miles S. W. of the 
 Great Snowy Peak of Hindoo-Koosh, and the pass where 
 Alexander entered Bactria is 75 miles S. W. of the same 
 peak. This peak is the western termination of the Hin, 
 doo-Kho, or Indian Caucasus, covered with eternal snow. 
 West of this commence the Paropamisan mountains, 
 which run W. all the way to Heraut, or Aria, a distance 
 of 400 miles according to Elphinston's map. They are not 
 so high by far as the Hindoo Kho, being covered with 
 snow about four months annually. The Paropamisan 
 mountains are not so properly a connected regular range, 
 as a most confused mass of mountains, about 200 miles 
 across, very difficult of access, and .so little frequented, 
 that no precise knowledge of their orography can be ob. 
 tained. They are cold, rugged, and barren, towards the Hin . 
 doo-Khoo, and have a very sudden descent into the plains 
 of Bactria on the N. It was at the southern foot of this 
 range, if so it may be called, that Alexander liuilt the 
 Paropamisan Alexandria, in the vicinity of Baumeeaun, 
 undoubtedly with a view to secure the pass leading from 
 Bactria, and keep open the communication between the 
 regions S. and N. of that mountainous country. Can- 
 dahar neither was nor could be the city in question, as af- 
 firmed by D'Anville and Principal Robertson, as it hes 
 far to the S. of the Paropamisan mountains, and is besides 
 in a level plain. Elphinston himself has fallen into the 
 same mistake, vol. i. p. 140. note. One reason these 
 gentlemen assign for making Candahar the Paropamisan | 
 Alexandria, is the resemblance of the orthography. This | 
 is a very delusive species of logic, as if similarity ot sound 
 made an identity of signification. There are different 
 cities called Kan'dar, or Kaendar, but no one dreamed 
 that they were built by Alexander, because tliey are so 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 159 
 
 ing up in battle-array, whilst their comrades 
 were coming after them. In this manner his 
 whole army passed over in six days. 
 In the mean while Spitaraenes, who was Bes- 
 
 sus's chief confidant, formed a conspiracy against 
 him, in concert with two more of his principal 
 officers. Having seized his person, they put 
 him in chains, forced his diadem from his head, 
 
 called. Besides, as Hennel informs us, from Captain 
 Kirkpatrick, the ancient name of Candahar was Balioos, 
 
 ' which completely overthrows the notion that Candahar is 
 the ancient Paropamisan Alexandria. Respecting the 
 Hindoo- Khoo, a Persian term, signifying the Indian 
 mountain, it was in vain to think of entering Bactria by 
 it at that season, being the latter end of spring, as that 
 range is not passable till the month of August. There are 
 seven passes through it ; and Timoor Bek returned from 
 his Indian expedition through one of these, by the way of 
 Caubul, Bacalan, Termed, through the defile of Cheberto, 
 where, from the commencement of the pass to the moun. 
 tain Siapoosh, they crossed the river twenty-six times, 
 and twenty-two times from that mountain to the end of 
 the defile. Sherefeddin's Timoor Bek, vol. ii. p. 104. 
 It may be asked, why is the range crossed by Alex- 
 ander called Caucasus, when by universal consent that 
 name is applied to the range between the Euxine 
 and Caspian seas, at a vast distance to the north- 
 west ? It is not easy to give an answer to this 
 query. It is so called by Strabo, Pliny, and Ptolemy ; but 
 why, they have not told us, no more than why it is 
 called the continuation of Taurus. Previous to the ex- 
 pedition of Alexander the Great, the north-western Cau- 
 casus was esteemed by the Greeks the highest and greatest 
 mountain in the world. The Tragedian ^schylus deno. 
 minates Caucasus, v'^tff^ov oqos o^mv and (^iyicvov e^oj 
 o^tuM ; and as Achilles is honoured by Homer with the 
 epithet of A/ej, or Divine, and Agamemnon with the 
 double epithet of King of men, and King of a hundred 
 kings ; so in the Prometheus Vinctus, Caucasus is digni. 
 fled with the similar title of Av<z| o^iav, or king of moun- 
 
 ' tains. 
 
 But pass it not ; tempt not its dangerous paths 
 Unfordable, till now thy weary steps 
 Shall reach the distant bounds of Caucasus, 
 Monarch of mountains^ from whose extreme heights 
 The bursting flood rolls down his power of waters. 
 Passing tho.se star-like heights, descend thence, &c, 
 
 Herodotus, speaking of the Caspian sea, says that it 
 is bounded on tlie west by Caucasus, the largest, and 
 
 I perhaps highest, mountain in the world. Clio, 203. 
 
 j The river here mentioned by the Tragedian, is the Araxes. 
 
 I Our own bard, the seraphic Milton, applies the name 
 of Caucasus to the mountains of Mazanderan, or Hyr- 
 cania. 
 
 The flower and choice 
 
 Of many provinces, from bound to bound j 
 From Arachosia, from Candaor east, 
 And Margiana, to the Hyrcanian cliffs 
 t)f Caucasus. 
 
 It is no wonder, therefore, that the Greeks who accom- 
 panied that conqueror to the foot of the Hindoo Kho, and 
 were imbued with the notions of their countrymen, would 
 give it that name, it being by far the highest they had yet 
 seen, and would very probably think it a continuation of 
 the .same range eastward ; and would therefore denominate 
 it the Indian Caucasus, to distinguish it from the other 
 Caucasus, says Aristobulus, in Arrlan, Lib. iii. cap. ifS. 
 when Alexander had arrived at its foot. 'Hie mountain 
 of Caucasus is as high as any in Asia ; but it is bare in 
 most parts, and particularly in this place. It stretches for 
 a great extent, so that Mount Taurus, which divides Pam- 
 phylia from Cilicia, is said to be part of it, as well as other 
 high mountains, distinguished from Caucasus by various 
 name.^, arising from the various nations to whose country 
 they extend. Strabo, indeed, says (Lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 117.) 
 I tliat the Macedonians and Greeks who accompanied 
 I Alexander, called this range Caucasus, to flatter the 
 I vanity of the conqueror, in order that it might be said 
 that he had passed it, and thereby excelled the fame of 
 Jason and his Argonauts, who had sailed as far as its west, 
 em limit, and seen the very eagle which gnawed the hver of 
 Prometheus. To suppose this, is to make the Macedonian 
 hero more ignorant of the site of Caucasus than his own 
 soldiers. There can be no doubt, but that Alexander was 
 acquainted with the mythological tale of Prometheus, 
 as represented by .Slschylus, and with the supposed site 
 of the tragic scene. Is it to be supposed that the scholar 
 of Aristotle, and who was at so much pains to obtain such 
 oxact information respecting Upper Asia from the Persian 
 
 ambassadors at his father's court, was so ignorant as to be 
 induced to believe, that the range, at the foot of which he 
 was now arrived, was the real Caucasus, when the mean, 
 est Macedonian in his army knew it was not so ? This 
 would be to suppose Alexander a fool and an idiot, 
 when he was neither. It would besides have been but a 
 poor compliment, as it was certainly a far more arduous 
 and glorious deed for Alexander to have arrived at the 
 foot of the Hindoo- Kho, than to have marched to the 
 foot of the Caucasus, at the head of the Euxine. The one 
 march was surely much longer than the other. Strabo is 
 the only author who affirms that this was the reason and 
 origin of the name. The fact seems to me to be the 
 reverse; the Greeks found it so called in reality; they 
 did not forge the name, but found it. The appellative 
 Caucasus is an oriental word, and made Greek. The 
 Greeks received it from the Persians, who in their turn 
 obtained it from the Hindoos. The very learned Hadrian 
 Reland h;;s shown that the Greeks framed this appellative 
 from the Persian word Koh and Kuh. Dissertatio de 
 Ling. Pers. sect. 44. p. 154. In the Sanscrit, the ancient 
 language of India, and that of their sacred books, the Ve- 
 das and Puranas, the whole mountainous tract from Boo- 
 tan, W. to the Indus, is called Kas, from its inhabitants, 
 who are constantly denominated in the Puranas, and even 
 at this very day by the modern Hindoos, Khasiyas, who 
 are considered as impure and abominable infidels by the 
 votaries of Brahma. The term is one of reproach be- 
 stowed on all the mountaineers north of Hindoostan, who 
 have no caste, and reject the authority of the Vedas. The 
 name Kas is continued W, from the Indus, to the termi- 
 nation of the Hindoo-Kho. Hence we find that monosyl- 
 lable prefixed to so many mountains and mountainous 
 regions ; as, Kas-ki in the Nepaulese dominions ; Kas- 
 mir, or Kashmire, Cas-gar or ghur, commonly written 
 Kashgar, a region of Eastern Toorkistaun ; Kaush-khur, 
 W. of the Indus, and E. of the Beloor Taugb, and imme- 
 diately N. of the Hindoo-Kho ; Cassay-Ghur, or Khase- 
 ghur,'the name of a lofty peak in the Solimauny range in 
 Afghanistaun : as also, Khaseghur, the name of another 
 lofty peak, near Khashmire. 
 
 We have, in Ptolemy, a region named Casia, evidently 
 the modern Kashgar, and also Caspiria, a region in his 
 tables placed behind the fountains of the Bidaspis, Sanda- 
 bilis, and Adris, and the people, Caspyrii, east of the Za- 
 radrus, and the city of Caspira. Tabula Asi^, x. p. 16.5. 
 Part 1st. and the same Table, Part 2d, p. 26. We have 
 also placed by him in the region of Aria, (Heraut,) a peo- 
 ple called Casirotas. We have also the city of Caspatyrus, 
 near Pactya, or Puckholi, whence Scylax sailed down the 
 Indus to the sea, at the command of Darius Hystaspes. 
 Thus, from the term Kas, used in the sacred books of the 
 Vedas and the Purans, to signify all the mountainous re- 
 gion north of India, and the appellation Khasiyas, denot- 
 ing its inhabitants, and the frequent use of this prefix to 
 denote particular regions, and mountains of that very lofty 
 region, and even apphed to denote the Peak of the Tukhti, 
 Solimaun in Afghaunistaun, and also, from the frequent 
 occurrence of the same prefix, in the tables of Ptolemy, 
 we have abundant reason to conclude, that Kas, or Cas, is 
 the elementary word of the compound term Caucasus. 
 When it passed to the Persians, they prefixed the term 
 Caw, Cau, Kho, to it ; whence Cawcas, or Caucas. Caw, 
 in Pehlivi, signifies a mountain, which in modern Per. 
 sian is written Kooh, or Koosh, or Kho. When it came 
 to the Greek colonists on the Euxine, who dwelt in its 
 vicinity, the compound was completed by the termination 
 OS, whence Caucasos, and then Latinized Caucasus, llius 
 the appellative Caucasus is composed of three syllables; 
 the first Persic ; the second Sanscrit ; and the third Greek. 
 We have also the Scythian word Cas-pi, signifying a 
 white, or snowy mountain, and we are told by Eratos. 
 theneg, that the natives of Caucasus called it ('aspics. 
 Rommel Caucasi descriptio Straboniana, quoted by Malte- 
 brun, vol. ii. p. 27. English translation. The termina- 
 tion OS, of Eratosthenes, is Greek, and we are sure that 
 this would not be used by the natives. 
 
 Pliny says, that the native name was Graucasus, lib. vi. 
 c. 17. which seems to be of Gothic original, and which also 
 means a snowy mountain. In the language of the Osse- 
 tians, a modern Caucasian tribe, a mountain is called 
 Khohk, evidently from the Persian Kho ; and in that of 
 the Circassians, Kooshkha, very similar to the Persian 
 Koosh. A lofty Peak of the Caucasus, at the source of 
 the Terek is called Kasbec, or Khasi-Beg. Here we have 
 the elementary word Kas. I am therefore induced to 
 infer, that the term Caucasus wa« used to (sip'nify thr 
 
160 
 
 HISTORY or ALEXANDER. 
 
 tore to pieces the royal robe of Darius which he 
 had put on, and set him on horseback, in order 
 to give him up to Alexander. 
 
 That prince arrived at a little city inhabited 
 
 whole range, from the isle of Taman and the Euxine sea 
 to the Indus, running north of Persia all the way. What 
 tends, in my opinion, to confirm this, is that the term 
 Elburz is still applied by the modern Persians both to the 
 Caucasus between the Euxine and Caspian, and the moun- 
 tains of Mazanderan, the ancient Hyrcania. Pallas, and 
 after him Kerr Porter, have converted El.burz into El- 
 borus, thus making it a Latin word, and then Pallas at- 
 tempts to investigate the root of the term tlius converted 
 into Elborus — a very foolish attempt, first to corrupt and 
 thereby distort the word, and then from the word thus 
 strangely mangled, to seek its root. The word is mani- 
 festly the old Pehlivi term Al-Bordj, or rather Borg, sig- 
 nifying the mountain, by way of eminency, and which is 
 applied to the highest Peak of the whole range, at the 
 sources of the Phasis and Kuban rivers. See Wahl's de- 
 scription of Persia, quoted by Maltebrun, p. 28. That 
 work is in two volumes, German. Bochart, in his Geo- 
 graphia Sacra, p. 213, Folio Edition, 1646, deduces the 
 word Caucasus from the Chaldee, or Hebrew Gog-hasan, 
 the fortress of Gog, and that it was so called by the Col- 
 chians and Armenians, whose language, he affirms, was 
 semi-Chaldaic. This etymon must be dismissed, as the 
 modern Armenian bears no analogy to the Chaldee ; and 
 as to the ancient Armenian language, we know little 
 about it, only Sir "William Jones conjectures that its basis 
 was ancient Persian, and nearly allied to the Zend. Nay, 
 further ; the word Gog is a modern Armenian term for a 
 high hilly country, whereas, in the ancient Armenian, 
 the appellative for such a country was Gjeeaguein,— (Vide 
 Schrcederi Thesaur. Ling. Armen. p. 237.)— and the other 
 term Hansen, or Hasan, is Arabic. 'I'he appellative Gog- 
 hausen therefore, is so modern as to be subsequent to the 
 Mohammedan era, and the conquest of Armenia by the 
 disciples of the false prophet. Gog-hausen, besides, does 
 not signify, as Bochart imagined, the fortress of Gog, 
 (taking Gog for a person of high dignity and power,) but 
 the lofty, or high bulwark— a term most expressive of the 
 vast elevation of that range, which may be well termed 
 the bulwark of Europe and Asia, 
 
 It was the opinion of all the ancients, that there was a 
 continuity of mountain range all the way from the basin 
 of the Kur, or Cyrus, alongst the north of Persia to the 
 Indus. ITiis they denominated Taurus and Caucasus, in- 
 differently : whether it be really so or not is impossible, from 
 our want of knowledge sufficiently exact, precisely to deter- 
 mine. But there is the strongest probability to believe, 
 that there is such a continuity of range. We know that 
 it is so from the Indus to Heraut, on the one extremity, 
 and from the Kur to the Kanahoody range, or the Masdo- 
 ramus Mons of Ptolemy, on the other. Kinnier, in his 
 Persian Memoir, says, that after leaving Mazanderan it 
 runs north-east, till it is lost in the deserts of Khorassan, to 
 the north of Mesched— p. 4. This is certainly a press 
 error, as Khorassan does not lie to the north, but to the 
 south of Mesched ; and Khowarazm, or the ancient Cho- 
 rasmia, is certainly meant. But even this is not strictly 
 true, as Mr. Foster, who travelled all the way from Can- 
 dahar to the Caspian sea, observed a lofty ridge of snow- 
 clad mountains to the north of Tershiz, or to his right. 
 Now, Tershiz is 100 geographical miles south-east from 
 where he crossed the Kanalioody ridge, so that the proba- 
 bility is, that the range extended all that distance to where 
 he crossed the lateral ridge of Masdoramus, and that it 
 extends south-east from Tershiz, under the names of the 
 Sariphi mountains to Heraut, passing to the north of that 
 city. It extends, therefore, north-east from that point to 
 where it is pierced by the Margus, or Morgaub, in 32^ 
 north lat. and then runs south-east all the way to the 
 Paropamisan range, dividing Hyrcania and the Tapuri, 
 from Parthia ; or, in modern geography, Mazanderan and 
 Taberestan from Cumis— Dahistan, Corcang, Karasm, 
 from Khorasan— and Margiana from Aria or Heraut— 
 and then, under the name of Paropamisus, separating 
 Bactriana, or Balk, and Gaur from Seistaun and the pro- 
 vince of Cabul— and finally, joins the Hindoo-Kho east of 
 Baumeeaun. 
 
 D'Anville is wrong in making the range pass to the 
 south of Heraut, as Foster met with no mountains in his 
 road from Candahar to that place, as he must have done had 
 D'Anville beenricrht. Pomponius Mela, as well as Strabo, 
 Pliny, and Ptolemy, calls the range east of the Paropamisan, 
 Caucasus. His words are — " Deinde Emodus, et Caucasus 
 et Paropamisus, turn Caspiae pylae," &c. He is proceeding 
 from east to west in his description of Mount Taurus, of 
 .vhich he makes the Emodus tlie most eastern part, an- 
 
 by the Branchidae. These were the descendantb 
 of a family who had dwelt in Miletus, whom 
 Xerxes, at his return from Greece, had for- 
 merly sent into Upper Asia, where he had set 
 
 swering to the Sanscrit Heemadree, another name to the 
 Great Heemalea range— then the Caucasus, or the Hin- 
 doo-Kho, .and the Paropamisus, or Gaurian range, which 
 he extends to the Caspian straits. Pliny makes Paropa- 
 misus only a part of Caucasus, where, speaking of the 
 Indus, which he made the river of Cabul, he says — " In jugo 
 Caucasi, montis, quod vocatur Paropamisus, adversus soils 
 ortum effusus." Lib. vi. Nay, he goes farther, and says, 
 that the whole of Persia between the Caspian sea and the 
 Persian gulf, is elevated on the ridge of Caucasus—" Persa- 
 rum regna, inter duo maria, Hyrcanum et Persicum, 
 attoUuntur jugis Cauca.siis, utrinque per devexa late- 
 rum," Lib. vi. cap. 13. This exactly harmonizes with the 
 opinion of Olivier, a modern French traveller, who says, 
 torn. V. p. 218—233, " Persia is a great table land, supported 
 on every side by high mountains. 'I'he space, thus en- 
 closed, is a depressed level, as the courses of the rivers 
 prove, which, according to a former remark of D'Anville, 
 never penetrate through the mountains to the sea, but 
 stagnate or evaporate in the sandy deserts." Having thus 
 established, on the authority of the Sanscrit, that Cas is 
 the generic -word to express all the mountainous country 
 north of India, and west from Bootan to the Indus ; that 
 the Persians adopted the same term with the prefix Can. 
 or Caw; and that the Greeks received the term from 
 them, and adopted it into their own language, by giving it 
 the usual Greek termination ; and that all the ancients 
 applied this term both to the western and the eastern ex- 
 tremities of that great range, which they conceived reached 
 from the Euxine sea to the Indus ; and that some of them 
 even applied the term, as well as that of Taurus, to the 
 whole range without exception ; and that the Persians 
 applied this term El-burz both to the Isthmian range and 
 that of Hyrcania, or Mazanderan, no reasonable doubt 
 can, in my opinion, remain respecting the legitimate ap- 
 plication of that term to the Hindoo-Kho. There is no 
 necessity that the whole range from the Euxine to the 
 Indus, .should be of equal elevation, any more than the 
 same should be supposed of the Pyrenees, the Alps, the 
 Andes, or the Heemalleh, Yet it is certain, that the whole 
 range is generally of great elevation, as the Elboors, the 
 central summit of Caucasus, has been measured geometri. 
 cally by Professor Winchkenefsky, and found to be 16,700 
 French, or 17,812 English feet, above the level of the 
 Euxine, and 18,174 above that of the Caspian. The Kas. 
 bee was also measured barometrically by two German 
 travellers, and found to be 1.5,360 English feet above the 
 Euxine, and 15,C92 above the Caspian. 
 
 The Alpons, or mountains of Talish, are also probably 
 equally elevated, but their height has not yet been taken. 
 They are called also the mountains of Deylam, or Ghilan, 
 and run S. E. to those of Mazanderan, which bound on the 
 N, the plain of Teheraun. Says Morier, " Half.way be- 
 tween Armaghaunch and Aukhend, we reached an emi- 
 nence, from which an immense range of mountains, cover, 
 ed with snow, extended itself before us. The highest 
 peaks bore generally north ; and from all I could learn, 
 are not far distant from liesht (capital of Ghilan). The 
 general chain approaches the shores of the Caspian sea," 
 (p. 160. vol. ii.) The ground whence Morier saw this 
 range is a very high level, and at least 5000 feet in height, 
 as it was a gradual rise all the way from Teheraun (itself 
 3413 Enghsh feet above the sea) to this place. They are 
 also denominated the Caspian mountains ; and it is from 
 them that the Hyrcanian sea has received the appellation 
 of Caspian, and not they from it. 'Ihen succeed the 
 mountains of Mazanderan, of which the celebrated Peak 
 of Damavend, or Damoan, seems to be the highest sum- 
 mit. From its lofty top, says Ebn Haukel, the eye takes 
 in a range of 55 farasangs, or more than 200 miles ; but he 
 places it in the chain of Elwend, between Ispahan and 
 Koordistaun, which is erroneous. Morier saw it from 
 Guebrabad, on his road from Ispahan to Teheraun— a dis- 
 tance of 150 miles direct, rising in a very symmetrical 
 cone, abruptly from a long and unbroken range. It is 
 even said that it may be seen from the minaret of Mesjid 
 Shah at Ispahan, a direct distance of 240 miles It is visi. 
 ble from Kesht and all along the south coast of the Cas, 
 plan sea, though its direct distance inland from that sea is 
 110 miles. It lies 28 miles north-east of Teheraun in 
 direct distance. It is volcanic and always covered with 
 snow. 
 
 Ebn Haukel says, that it is visible for 175 miles on every 
 side, and adds, I never heard that any man had attamcd 
 its summit. Herbert indeed in his travels says that he 
 ascended it, but Olivier only relates an ineffectual attempt. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 ICl 
 
 tledtbem in a very flourishing condition, in re- 
 turn for their having delivered up to him the 
 treasure of the temple of Apollo Didymseus, 
 the keepers of which they were. They received 
 
 and his difficulties seem to have rivalled those of Toiirne. 
 fort, when he attempted to scale the lofty summit of 
 Ararat. Morier, who visited it, says that snow only lies 
 in large patches on its summit the whole year, and that it 
 does not look so high as Ararat, though its cone is much 
 more abrupt, nor does it rest on so immense a base. 
 Trezel, a French traveller, who lately crossed the Mazan- 
 deran chain, in two places, states its elevation at only 8000 
 French, or 8533 English feet above the plains of Teheraun, 
 which are at least 3412 English feet above the Caspian, or 
 a total elevation of 11,946 feet. Maltebrun, vol. ii. p. 237. 
 I suspect the truth of this estimate, as it seems impossible 
 to me that a mountain, only 8000 French feet above the 
 level of the plain of Teheraun, could be visible at such a 
 distance as that from which Morier saw it. According to 
 Humboldt it requires an elevation of nigh 13,000 feet to 
 be barely visible at 150 miles direct distance. To this 
 we may add the authority of that profound mathema- 
 tician, Mr. Wallace, Editor of the Scots Mechanic's 
 Magazine, who lays down a rule for ascertaining the ele- 
 vation of mountains, proportioned to the distances at 
 which they are seen, founded on the 36th proposition of the 
 third book of Euclid, according to which Damavend must 
 have been 12,500 feet above the station whence Morier 
 saw it, supposing it to be just visible, and therefore nigh 
 16,000 feet above the level of the Caspian —See the Ma- 
 gazine, No. IV. April 1825, p. 165, 166. Now, its angle 
 of elevation, as seeii from Guebrabad, seems to have 
 been consideraoly above the horizon. From Mazanderaun 
 to Heraut, and onwards to the commencement of the 
 Hindoo-Kho, its eastern extremity, we have no observa- 
 tions on record, that can enable us to form any estimate 
 of its elevation, but only that it runs gradually from 
 Heraut to Baumeeaun, where Alexander crossed it. 
 Thence eastward to the Indus, it rises to an amazing 
 height, far surpassing that of the Western Caucasus, which 
 latter Kerr Porter represents as the sublimest spectacle 
 he had ever seen, and which rivetted all his attention. 
 »' Having," says he, " reached the brow of a lofty emi- 
 nence, I for the first time beheld the stupendous Cauca- 
 sus. No pen can express the emotion which the sudden 
 burst of this sublime range excited in my mind. I had 
 seen almost all the wildest and most gigantic chains in 
 Spain and Portugal ; but none gave me the idea of the 
 vastness and grandeur of that I now contemplated. It 
 seemed Nature's bulwark between the nations of Europe 
 and Asia. Elborees (Elburz), amongst whose rocks tra- 
 dition reports Prometheus to have been chained, stood 
 clad in primeval snows, in itself a world of mountains, 
 towering above all, its white and radiant summits ming- 
 ling with the heavens; while the pale and countless heads 
 of the subordinate ranges, high indeed in themselves, but 
 far beneath its altitude, stretched along the horizon, till 
 lost to sight in the soft fleeces of the clouds. Several 
 rough and huge masses of black rock rose from the inter- 
 mediate plains. Their size was mountainous ; but viewed 
 near the mighty Caucasus, and compared with it, they 
 seemed little more than hills. Yet the contrast was fine ; 
 their dark brows giving greater efiect to the dazzling sum- 
 mits which soared above them. Poets hardly feign, when 
 they talk of the genius of a place. I know not who could 
 behold the mighty Caucasus, and not feel the spirit of its 
 sublime solitudes awing his soul. " Travels, vol. i. Let us 
 hear Elphinston's description of the Indian Caucasus, its 
 mightier rival. " We marched early next morning ; and 
 after some fine views in the valley (of Cohaut), we reached 
 its mouth ; when a vast range of snowy mountains began 
 to appear, and soon disclosed a spectacle of unequalled 
 magnificence. We learned from our guides, that it was part 
 of the chain of the Hindoo-Coosh (the Indian Caucasus) ; 
 and that immediately beyond it, were Cashgar, Budukshaun, 
 and Tartary." Introduction, vol. i. p. 67. Again, p. 155 : 
 " On entering the plain of Peshawer, on the 24th of Fe- 
 bruary, 1809, four ranges of mountains were seen on the 
 north. The lowest h^d no snow ; the tops of the second 
 were covered with it ; as was the third half way down. 
 The fourth was the principal range of the Indian Cau- 
 casus, which is always wholly covered with snow ; is con- 
 spicuous from Bactria and the borders of India, and is 
 seen from places far off in Tartary Wc first saw these 
 mountains at the distance of 100 miles ; but they would 
 have been visible long before, if the view had not been 
 5hut out by the hills through which we travelled. In ap- 
 pearance, however, they were very near. The ridges and 
 hollows of their sides were clearly discernible ; and this 
 iistirictnes."!, joined to the softness and transparency which 
 
 the king with the highest demonstrations of joy, 
 and surrendered both themselves and their city 
 to him. Alexander sent for such Milesians as 
 were in his army, who preserved an hereditary 
 
 their distance gave them, produced a singular and very 
 pleasing effect. The snowy range is by no means of equal 
 altitude, being in some places surmounted by peaks of 
 great height and magnitude, which do not taper to a 
 point, but rise at once from their bases with aniazing 
 boldness and grandeur. The stupendous height of these 
 mountains, the magnificence and variety ot their lofty 
 summits, the various nations by whom they are seen, and 
 who seem to be brought together by this common object, 
 and the awful and undisturbed solitude which reigns amidst 
 their eternal snows — fill the mind with admiration and 
 astonishment, that no language can express. Several of 
 the most remarkable were measured geometrically from 
 the plain of Peshawer by Lieutenant Macartney, who found 
 their altitude 20,493 feet above that level. As that plain can. 
 not be less than 1500 feet above the level of the sea, they 
 must consequently be 22,000 feet of absolute height, and 
 therefore higher than the loftiest of the Andes, hitherto 
 esteemed the highest in the world. When the embassy 
 left Peshawer, on the 20th of June, the range was still 
 perfectly covered with snow, though the thermometer at 
 that place stood at 112°, and 113° in the shade." 
 
 All mountain ranges have in every age been the abodes 
 of superstition, credulity, and barbarism, combined with a 
 strong spirit of ferocious independence, founded on a con- 
 sciousness of comparative security from the arm of power. 
 If the mighty Caucasus has been famed both in ancient 
 and in modern story, for the count'iess tribes of rude 
 mountaineers, inhabiting its steep declivities, its number- 
 less valleys and romantic glens ; it is still more so for its 
 fabled wonders. It is a tradition among the Caucassian 
 tribes, that the ark of Noah, during the subsidence of the 
 deluge, struck the head of Elboorz, in its passage to Ara- 
 rat ; and that the cleft in the mountain has continued 
 ever since. Mr. Wilford maintains that similar traditions 
 exist in the fabulous and allegorical legends of the Hin. 
 doos, that the ark rested on the summits of the Indian 
 Caucasus, on the mountain Khaseghur, to the north-west 
 of Cashmere. But these are not the only traditions at- 
 tached to this wonderful range. Who has not read the 
 fabled story of Prometheus, fixed by command of Jupiter to 
 the huge and savage rocks of that stony girdle of the v/orld, 
 that quarry of the globe, whence all other mountains may 
 seem to have been chiselled ; — such are its wondrous 
 abysses, its vast and caverned sides, and peaks of every 
 form and elevation. There was the fabled vulture, that 
 for ever gnaws the liver of Prometheus ; that, 
 
 : furious for his food. 
 
 Screams o'er the fiend, and riots in his blood ; 
 
 Incessant gores the liver in his breast : 
 
 Th' immortal liver grows, and gives the feast. 
 
 There is still," says Kerr Porter, " a tradition among the 
 natives who reside in the valleys of Elborees (Elburz), that 
 the bones of an enormous giant, exposed there by the 
 Divine malediction, are yet to be seen on its smaller sum- 
 mits. Indeed the story is so much a matter of fact, and 
 firm belief amongst the natives in that quarter of the 
 Caucasus, that people are to be found there who will 
 swear they have seen these remains. Marvellous as this 
 story is, it seemed so well attested, that some time ago, a 
 Russian general officer thought he might make it a ground 
 for penetrating farther than had yet been attempted into 
 the interior of this mountain range ; and accordingly, as 1 
 was told, he set out with a party of 200 men, and a piece 
 of small artillery, on this expedition, to ascertain the 
 truth of so extraordinary a fact. TJie moment, however, 
 was not yet arrived for a European eye to behold the re 
 mains of this dead Colossus ; for scarcely had he pene- 
 trated any distance into the recesses of the mountain, 
 when a dreadful avalanche rolled in fury down its side, 
 and overwhelmed the whole party, excepting its comman- 
 der and two or three soldiers. There was now no doubt 
 amongst the natives, that the intention of this exprditioD 
 was to have given charitable sepulture to the unburied 
 corpse; and that the accident happened in consequence oi 
 the vengeance of the spirits of the mountain who had the 
 mysterious relics in charge ; thus to show, that the doom 
 of their being left to bleach for ever on the unsheltered 
 rock, should never be reversed. So far the judgment of 
 the spirits of the mountain. But it is more credibly be. 
 lieved by those who told me the story, that the real object 
 of the expedition which set out under this mask, was to 
 reconnoitre ground for the establishment of some advan- 
 tageous positions in the mountain." Travels, vol. i. Thf 
 r, 
 
1G2 
 
 hatred against the Branchidse, because of the 
 treachery of their ancestors. He then left them 
 the choice, either of revenging the injury they 
 liad formerly done them, or of pardoning them 
 
 ^■«ry same fable of Prometheus, Wilford informs us, exists 
 Iq the Hindoo legends; and that the scene of his im- 
 prisonment was in the vicinity of Baumeeaun, in the 
 averned rocks of tlie Hindoo-Kho. 't here is a vast cave 
 n the Hindoo-Koosh, near Aukserai, and to the north of 
 I Caubul, famed in the legends of the Hindoos, as the abode 
 ' of one of their ascetic devotees, who there performed 
 ; Tapasya, or penance. This cave Wilford will have to 
 be the celebrated cave of Prometheus ; and this seems 
 i also to have been the opinion of the Macedonian sol- 
 I dters who accompanied Alexander. The number of 
 cavernous recesses cut in the rocks in its vicinity, is said 
 to amount to 12,000, by Abulfazl, in the Ayun Akberry. 
 Some of these, on account of their extraordinary dimen- 
 sions, are believed to have been temples. Baumeeaun 
 itself is like the Egyptian Thebes, entirely cut out of a 
 mountain. Two colossal statues, each 50 cubits high, are 
 still erect, and adhere to the mountain in niches. At 
 some distance from these, is a smaller colossus, 13 cubits 
 high. From the numerous remaining fragments of sta- 
 tues still remaining, it is supposed that there have been 
 once many hundred statues in the district of Bau- 
 meeaun. In 1780 and 1781, when Praun Pory visited 
 that place, the number of these sculptures was amazing. 
 ! Some hence infer, that these have been statues of Boodh, 
 ! • and that Boodhism once prevailed at that place. I think 
 t ! differently ; for sure I am that the systems, whether of 
 j Brahma or Boodh, never existed W. or N. of the Indian ' 
 
 i Caucasus ; but that they are like those at Peisepolis, the 
 I Nakshi Roostaum, Shapoor, and Tak-i-Bostan, representa- 
 I tions of ancient Persian sovereigns, of the Kaiaunian and 
 ' Sassanian dynasties. It is probable, in my opinion, that if 
 these cavernous excavations were carefully investigated 
 by persons skilled in the oriental languages, and versant 
 in the art of drawing, that a number of cuneiform and 
 Pchlivi inscriptions might be discovered, which might 
 throw farther light on the subject of the arrow-headed 
 characters of Persepolis, and the history of Persia. Cau- 
 casus is equally celebrated in oriental romance as in the 
 classic poetry of the Greeks. It was supposed to support, 
 or surround the earth, as the ring surrounds, or encircles, 
 the finger. The sun was believed to rise from one of its 
 summits, (as over CEta by the Latin poets,) and to set on 
 the opposite side, whence from Kaf to Xa/ signified, from 
 jne extremity of the earth to the other. This word is the 
 I same with the Persian Kho— a mountain— and applied to 
 ; this range of the Hindoo-Kho by way of eminency, and 
 \ also to the Imaus, or Heemalea, which is just the Hindoo- 
 I Kho carried eastward under that name. 
 I By the fabulous orientalists Caucasus Is affirmed to be 
 j founded on a stone called Sakhrat, one grain of which, 
 according to the sage Lockman, would enable the posses- 
 sor to work wonders. This stone is also described as the i 
 I pivot of the earth, and said to be one vast emerald, frono 
 j the refraction of whose beams the heavens derive their 
 ' azure colour. It b further said, that whenever God would 
 ! ' excite an earthquake, he commands that stone to move 
 ■ ' one of its fibres, on which being moved, that part of the 
 ' ' earth connected with it is moved, convulsed, and some- 
 : times expands. The Tarekh-al Tabari, or Chronicle of 
 Aboo-Jaafar-al Tabari, relates, that were it not for this 
 I emerald the earth would be subject to perpetual comrno- 
 ' uons and unfit for the use of man : 
 
 *' To arrive at the Kaf, a vast region. 
 Far from the sun and summer's heat " 
 
 must be traversed. Over this dark and cheerless waste 
 I the road is impassable, but for superhuman aid Here 
 i the Deevs, or Giants, were confined after their defeat by 
 i the first heroes of the human race. As the fictions of 
 I poetry have peopled every mountain and valley with ideal 
 I beings, so have the gloomy wilds, the dark and deep val- 
 1 leys, the cavemed sides, the precipitous chffs and snowy 
 1 summits of the vast Caucasus been pictured in poetic 
 
 fancy as tlie abodes of supernatural beings. As on the 
 I snowy summit of the classic Olympus, thundering Jove 
 ! was fabled to have his throne, surrounded with his in- 
 1 fcrior deities, so Mahadeo sits enthroned with his consort 
 I Parva*.i, the mountain-born goddess, on the summit of the 
 I snowy Cailasa, while the Devatas, or inferior gods, dwell 
 ! ilongst the skirts of that immense mountain 
 I Oriental romance has also filled its Caucasus with the 
 ! Gins, or Genii — the Deevs, or Giants — the Tackwan, or 
 I i'Tates — and the Peri, or the Fairies. On this account Kaf 
 
 '>s called Ginnistaun, or the Land of the Gins— an appella- 
 
 in consideration of their common extraction. 
 The Melesians being so much divided in opi- 
 nion, that they could not agree among them- 
 selves, Alexand'er undertook the decision himself 
 
 tion as ancient as the days of Moses of Chorene, who 
 applies it to the mountainous region of Imaus. They were 
 an intermediate class of beings, correspondmg in seme 
 degree to the demons of the Greeks. Sukraje, the Deev, was 
 king of Kaf, and he had Kukail one of the children of Adam 
 for his grand vizier. These Gins inhabited the earth long 
 before the days of Adam, but were expelled by Eblis, and 
 confinea within the caverns of Kaf. Some of them, how. 
 ever, remained in the days of Tahmurath, as the giant 
 Argenk, who reigned here'after thatTahmuras had driven 
 him to the mountains of Kaf, and reared a superb palace 
 here, with galleries, on whose walls were painted the crea- 
 tures that inhabited the world before the formation of 
 Adam. Here also reigned Ahriman, Aherman, or Ari. 
 manius, the Demon of Discord. Here was his fortress, 
 so magnificentlv described in Persian romance, to which 
 repaired the inferior demons to receive the orders of Aber. 
 man, and from whom they proceed to execute his order* 
 in every region of the world. In the halls of Argenk, the 
 mighty Deev, were contained the statues of the 72 Soli- 
 mans, and the various creatures subject to them, not one 
 of which bore the least similitude to man. Some had 
 many heads, others many arms, and some of them con- 
 sisted of many bodies, (exactly like the figures of the Hin- 
 doo deities). Here reigned the 72 pre-adamite sultans, 
 who are fabled to repose on thrones in the subterranean 
 palace of Eblis, beneath the mountain of Istakar, (Perse- 
 : polLs). This mountein was believed to have a subterrane- 
 ous communication with the mountains of Kaf. In this 
 palace were the treasures of these sultans, their fulminat- 
 ing sabres, and the talismans that compel the Deevs in- 
 habiting the mountains of Kaf, to open its subterraneous 
 expanse and disclose their hidden treasures. Here also 
 lived Soliman Ben Gian, the celebrated prince of the 
 Peris, or Fairies, who reigned 2000 years after having 
 chained the Deevs in the dark caverns of Kaf ; but who, 
 having become so presumptuous from his success over the 
 Deevs as to doubt of the supreme power, was confined, 
 with his Genii, by Eblis, commissioned for that purpose, 
 in the remotest region of the earth ; or, as others say, 
 beneath the mountain of Istakar, in Eblis's own palace. 
 Here also resides the famous bird called the Simurgh, of 
 immense size, not only endowed with reason but also with 
 the knowledge of every language. This wonderful bird 
 is said, in oriental romance, to relate tliat it had seen the 
 great revolution of 7000 years twelve times commence and 
 end, and the world seven times void of inhabitants and as 
 oft replenished. It is hostile to the Deevs, and friendly to 
 the sons of Adam. Armed with the buckler of Gian Ben 
 Gian, Tahmuras, the Persian prince, was borne by this 
 wonderful bird through the dark desert to Kaf, when he 
 went to conquer the halls of Argenk. 
 i The above fiction of the pre-adamite sultans resting on 
 thrones in the subterranean mansion of Eblis, bears so 
 manifest a resemblance to the sublime poetical description 
 of the subterraneous mansion of Sheol, in the prophet 
 Isaiah xiv. 9. that I am induced to think that the Moham. 
 medans have borrowed it from thence. In that passage of 
 unequalled sublimity and inimitable beauty, the subter- 
 raneous mansion of Sheol is represented, by an elegant 
 poetical prosopopoeia, as moved from beneath to meet 
 the king of Babylon at his coming. There the mighty 
 dead, (tlie Rephaims,) all the chief ones of the earth, 
 are said to be roused by Sheol. There all the kings of 
 the nations are represented as reposing on thrones in 
 that subterranean abode, whence they are made to rise up 
 as from a place of rest, to salute and insult the king ol 
 Babylon at his entrance. There is an apparent resemblance 
 between the Deevs, or giants, of oriental story, and the 
 Rephaim, giants, or mighty dead, of the prophet. ITiese, 
 the Deevs, are represented as inhabiting dark and gloomy 
 caverns, beneath the mountains of Kaf. The souls of the 
 dead are called Rephaim, or giants, because in popular be- 
 lief the ghosts, or manes, of the deceased are believed to 
 appear in stature surpassing human. Hence, in the 
 Odyssey of Homer, Ulysses, in his descent to Hades, is 
 represented as saying, that 
 
 " Curious to view, the kings of ancient days, 
 The mighty dead, who live in endless praise. 
 Resolved I stand, and haply had survey'd 
 '1 he godlike Theseus and Pirithous' *liade." 
 
 I Hence also in the second .a:neid of Virgil, the Infelix 
 simulacrum, umbra Creusas, is made to appear to tlie view 
 of her husband as of gigantic size : 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 Accordingly, the next day he commanded his 
 phalanx to surround the city ; and a signal 
 being given, they were ordered to plunder that 
 abode of traitors, and put every one of them to 
 the sword : which inhuman order was executed 
 with the same barbarity as it had been given. All 
 the citizens, at the very time that they were go- 
 ing to pay homage to Alexander, were murdered 
 in the streets and in their houses ; no manner of 
 regard being paid to their cries and tears, nor 
 the least distinction made of age or sex. They 
 even pulled up the very foundations of the walls, 
 that not the least traces of that city might re- 
 main. But of what crimes were those ill-fated 
 citizens guilty ? Were they responsible for those 
 their fathers had committed upwards of 150 
 years before? I do not know whether his- 
 tory furnishes another example of so brutal and 
 frantic a cruelty. 
 
 A little after, Bessus was brought to Alexan- 
 der, not only bound, but stark naked. Spita- 
 menes held him by a chain, which went 
 round his neck; and it was difficult to say, 
 whether that object was more agreeable to the 
 Bai'barians or Macedonians. In presenting him 
 to the king, he said : "I have, at last, revenged 
 both you and Darius, my kings and masters. I 
 bring you this wretch, who assassinated his 
 sovereign, and who is now treated in the same 
 manner as he himself gave the first example of. 
 Alas ! why cannot Darius himself see this 
 spectacle!" Alexander, after having greatly 
 applauded Spitamenes, turned about to Bessus, 
 and spoke thus : " Thou surely must have been 
 inspired with the rage and fury of a tiger, other- 
 wise thou wouldst not have dared to load a king, 
 from whom thou hadst received so many in- 
 stances of favour, with chains, and afterwards 
 murder him ! Begone from ray sight, thou 
 monster of cruelty and perfidiousness. " The 
 king said no more, but sending for Oxatres, 
 
 •« Visa mihi ante oculo?, et nota major imago, 
 Ototupui, steteruntque comze, et vox faucibus hEesit." 
 
 See the luminous commentary of the very learned Vi. 
 tringa on that interesting passage of tlie inspired prophet. 
 Comm. ill lesaiam, tom. 1st. p. 432, 433. 
 
 Perhaps by the mighty Deevs, there is a dark and distant 
 allusion to the Nephilim, or giants, who lived before the 
 flood. In the oriental mythology, they are represented 
 as expelled the earth by Eblis, commissioned by God for 
 that purpose, whilst in the sacred record they are said to 
 have been destroyed by the deluge, on account of their 
 impiety. It is plain that these fictions are of Mohammedan 
 manufacture, or, at least, they have improved, embellished, 
 and added to the prevalent traditions of these preternatural 
 beings. The Mohammedan Eblis is plainly a corruption 
 of the Greek Diabolos, or the devil of the sacred writings j 
 and the fiction of the 72 Solimans, and the various crea- 
 tures subject to them, not one of which bore the least 
 similitude to man, is borrowed from, or founded on, 
 the sculptured processions and bas reliefs on the walls 
 of Persepolis. Ignorant of their origin and antiquity, 
 and totally unacquainted with their symbolical mean- 
 ing, they imagined the variously compounded human 
 and bestial forms, and the diversified animal forms 
 sculptured on these ruins, to be of superhuman origin ; 
 and hence, in my opinion, the rise of the fiction that the 
 subterranean palace of Eblis was below the mountain of 
 Istakar, and had an underground communication with the 
 mountains of Kaf, or Caucasus, where dwelt the Deevs in 
 primeval time, 'i he Kaf, where Tahmurath is fabled to 
 have imprisoned the Deevs, is the mountain Damawend, 
 and, in general, the range of the Hyrcanian Caucasus. 
 Here also, in a dark and gloomy cavern, was imprisoned 
 the tyrant Zohauk, so famed in Persian romance, as he 
 who deteated and put to death the famed Jimschid. So 
 much for the fabled wonders of the colossal Caucasus, or 
 the mighty Kaf, vouched alike by the traditions of the east 
 and the west, recorded in the page of poetic mythology, 
 and In the legends of Airan and India. — Ed. 
 
 ALEXANDER. 1G3 , 
 
 Darius's brother, he gave Bessus to him. In 
 order that he might suffer all the ignominy he 
 deserved ; suspending, however, his execution, 
 that he might be judged in the general assembly 
 of the Persians. 
 
 SECT. XIII. 
 
 Alexander, after taking a great many cities in Bactriana, 
 builds one near the river laxartes, which he calls by hi« 
 own name. The Scythians, alarmed at the building of 
 this city, as it would be a check upon them, send ambas- 
 sadors to the king, who address themselves to him with 
 uncommon freedom. After having dismissed them, he 
 passes the laxartes, gains a signal victory over the 
 Scythians, and behaves with humanity towards the van- 
 quished. He checks and punishes the insurrection of the 
 Sogdians, sends Bessus to Ecbatana to be put to death, 
 and takes the city of Petra, which was thought impreg- 
 nable. 
 
 Alexander, ' insatiable of victory and con- 
 quests, still marched forward in search of new 
 nations whom he might subdue. After recruit- 
 ing his cavalry, which had suffered very much 
 by their long and dangerous marches, he ad- 
 vanced to the laxartes. * 
 
 Not far from this river the Barbarians rush- 
 ing suddenly from their mountains, came and 
 attacked Alexander's forces ; and having carried 
 off a great number of prisoners, retired to their 
 lurking holes, in which were 20,000 men, who 
 fought with bows and slings. The king went 
 and besieged them in person, and being one of 
 the foremost in the attack, he was shot with an 
 arrow in the bone of his leg, and the iron head 
 stuck in the wound. The Macedonians, who 
 were greatly alai'med and afflicted, carried him 
 off immediately, yet not so secretly, but that fhe 
 Barbarians knew of it ; for they saw from the 
 top of the mountain every tiling that was doing 
 below. The next day they sent ambassadors to 
 the king, who ordered them to be immediately 
 brought in, when taking off the bandage which 
 covered his wound, he showed them bis leg, but 
 did not tell them how much he had been hurt. 
 They assured him, that as soon as they heard of 
 his being wounded, they were as much afflicted 
 as the Macedonians could possibly be; and, that 
 had it been possible for them to find the person 
 who had shot that arrow, they would have de- 
 livered him up to Alexander; that none but 
 impious wretches would wage war against the 
 gods ; in a word, that being vanquished by his 
 unparalleled bravery, they surrendered them- 
 selves to him with the nations who followed 
 them. The king, having engaged his faith to 
 them, and taken back his prisoners, accepted of 
 their homage. 
 
 After this he set out upon his march, and 
 getting into a litter, a great dispute arose be- 
 tween the horse and foot who should carry it, 
 each of those bodies pretending that this honour 
 belonged to them only : and thei'e was no other 
 way of reconciling them, but by giving orders 
 that they should carry it in turn. 
 
 From 'hence he got, the fourth day, to Mara- 
 canda, a very considerable city, the capital of 
 Sogdiana, which he took ; and after leaving a 
 
 1 Arrian. 1. iil p. 148, 149. et I. iv. p. 150—160. Q. Curt 
 1. vii. c. 6 — 11. 
 
 2 Quintus Curtius and Arrian call it the Tanais, but 
 they are mistaken. The Tanais lies much more west, 
 ward, and empties itself not into the Caspian Sea, but ii 
 the Pontus Euxinus, and is now called the Don. 
 
1G4 
 
 i considerable garrison there, he burned and laid 
 waste all the open country. 
 
 There came an embassy to him from the Abi- 
 an Scythians,' who since* the death of Cyrus had 
 lived free and independent : these submitted to 
 I Alexander. They were considered as the most 
 i equitable of all the Barbarians ; never making 
 i war but to defend themselves ; and the liberty 
 j established among them, and which they no 
 I ways abused, removed all distinction, and equal- 
 I led the meanest among them with the greatest. 
 I A love of poverty and justice was their peculiar 
 I characteristic, and enabled them to live happy 
 i together without wanting either kings or laws, 
 j Alexander received them kindly, and sent one 
 I of his chief courtiers to take a view of their 
 country, and even of the Scythians who inhabit 
 beyond the Cimmerian Bosphorus. 
 
 He had marked out a spot of ground proper 
 for building a city on the river laxartes, in 
 order to curb the nations he had already con- 
 quered, as well as those he intended to subdue. 
 But this design was retai'ded by the rebellion of 
 the Sogdians, which was soon after followed by 
 that of the Bactrians. Alexander despatched 
 Spitamenes, who had delivered up Bessus into 
 his hands, believing him a very fit person to 
 bring them back to their allegiance; but he 
 himself had been chiefly instrumental in this 
 insurrection. The king, greatly surprised at this 
 treachery, was determined to take vengeance of 
 him in the most signal manner. He marched 
 in person to Cyropolis, and besieged it. This 
 was the last city of the Persian empire, and had 
 been built by Cyrus, whose name it bore. At 
 j the same time he sent Craterus, with two more 
 of his general officers, to besiege the city of the 
 Memaceni, to whom fifty troopers were sent, to 
 desire them to sue for Alexander's clemency. 
 These met with a very kind reception at first, 
 but in the night-time they were all cut to 
 pieces. Alexander had resolved to spare Cyro- 
 polis, purely for the sake of Cyi'us ; for, of all 
 the monarchs who had reigned over these na- 
 tions, there were none he admired more than 
 this king and Semiramis, because they had sur- 
 passed all the rest in courage and glorious ac- 
 tions. He therefore offered very advantageous 
 conditions to the besieged, but they were so 
 blindly obstinate as to reject them, and that 
 even with pride and insolence ; upon which he 
 stormed the city, abandoning the plunder of it 
 to his soldiers, and razed it to the very founda- 
 tions. From hence he went to the other city 
 which Craterus was besieging. No place ever 
 made a more vigorous defence; for Alexander 
 lost his best soldiers before it, and was himself 
 exposed to very great danger ; a stone striking 
 him with so much violence on the head, that it i 
 deprived him of his senses. The whole army . 
 indeed lamented him as dead ; but this prince, 
 whom no danger nor disappointment could de- 
 press, pushed on the siege with greater vigour 
 than before, the instant he recovered, without 
 staying till his wound was healed, anger adding 
 fresh fuel to his natural ardour. Having there- 
 fore caused the wall to be sapped, he made a 
 large breach in it, and entered the city, which 
 he burned to the ground, and put all the inhabi- 
 tants to the sword. Several other cities met 
 with the same fate. This was a third rebellion 
 uf the Sogdians, who would not be quiet, though 
 
 Alexander had pardoned them twice before. 
 They lost above 120,000 men in these different 
 sieges. The king afterwards sent Menedemua 
 with 8000 foot and 800 horse to Maracanda, 
 whence Spitamenes had driven the Macedonian 
 garrison, and had shut himself up there. 
 
 With regard to himself, he returned back and 
 encamped on the laxartes, where he surrounded 
 with walls the whole spot of gi-ound which his 
 army had covered, and built a city on it, sixty 
 furlongs* in circumference, which he also called 
 Alexandria ; having before built several of that 
 name. He caused the workmen to make such 
 despatch, that in less than twenty days the ram- 
 parts were raised, and the houses built ; and in- 
 deed there was a great emulation among the 
 soldiers, who should get his work done soonest, 
 every one of them having had his portion allot- 
 ted him : and to people his new city, he ran- 
 somed all the prisoners he could meet with, 
 settled several Macedonians there who were 
 worn out in the service, and permitted many 
 natives of the country, at their own request, to 
 inhabit it. 
 
 But the king of those Scythians who live on 
 the other side of laxartes, seeing that this city, 
 built on the river, was a kind of yoke imposed 
 on them, sent a great body of soldiers to demo- 
 lish it, and to drive the Macedonians to a greater 
 distance. Alexander, who had no design of 
 attacking the Scythians, finding them make 
 several incursions, even in his sight, in a very 
 insolent manner, was very much perplexed ; 
 especially when advice was brought him at the 
 same time, that the body of troops he had or- 
 dered to Maracanda, had been all, a very few 
 excepted, cut to pieces. Such a number of ob- 
 stacles uniting together would have discouraged 
 any one but an Alexander; for the Sogdians 
 had taken up arms, and the Bactrians also ; his 
 army was harassed by the Scythians ; he himself 
 was brought so low, that he was not able to 
 stand upright, to mount on horseback, to speak 
 to his forces, or give a single order. To increase 
 his affliction, he found his army no ways in- 
 clined to attempt the passage of the river in 
 sight of the enemy, who were drawn up in 
 battle-array on the other side. The king con- 
 tinued in the utmost perplexity all night long ; 
 however, his courage surmounted every difficul- 
 ty. Being told that the auspices were not pro- 
 pitious, he forced the soothsayer to substitute 
 favourable ones in their stead. At day-break 
 he put on his coat of mail, and showed himself 
 to the soldiers, who had not seen him since the 
 last wound he had received. These held the 
 king in such high veneration, that his presence 
 alone immediately removed all their fears, so 
 that they shed tears of joy, and went unani- 
 mously and paid him their respects ; entreating 
 him to lead them against the enemy, against 
 whom they before had refused to march. They 
 worked so hard at the rafts or floats, that in 
 three days' time they had made 12,000 ; and also 
 prepared a great number of skins for the same 
 purpose. 
 
 As every thing was ready for the passage ot 
 the river, several Scythian ambassadors arrived, 
 to the number of twenty, according to the cus- 
 tom of their country, who rode through the 
 camp, desiring to speak with the king. Alex- 
 ander having sent for them into his tent, desired 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 1 Abii Scyiha:. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 them to sit down. They gazed attentively upon 
 him a long time, without speaking a single word, 
 j probably being surprised (as they formed a judg- 
 I ment of men from their air and' stature) to find 
 i that his did not answer the high idea they en- 
 tertained of him from his fame. The oldest of 
 the ambassadors addressed him in a speech, 
 which as Quintus Curtius relates it, is. pretty 
 long ; however, as it is very curious, I shall 
 present my readers with the greatest part of 
 it. 
 
 " Had the gods given thee a bodj^ proportion- 
 able to thy ambition, the whole universe would 
 have been too little for thee. With one hand 
 thou wouldst touch the east, and with the other 
 the west : and not satisfied with this, thou 
 wouldst follow the sun, and know where he hides 
 himself. Siich as thou art, thou yet aspirest 
 after what it will be impossible for thee to at- 
 tain. Thou Grossest over from Europe into 
 Asia; and when thou shalt have subdued all the 
 race of men, then thou wilt make war against 
 rivers, forests, and wild beasts. Dost thou not 
 know, that tall trees are many years a growing, 
 but may be torn up in an hour's time ; that the 
 I lion serves sometimes for food to the smallest 
 I birds ; that iron, though so hard, is consumed 
 j by rust ; in a word, that there is nothing so 
 I strong, which may not be destroyed by the 
 weakest thing ? 
 
 " What have we to do with thee ? We never 
 i set foot in thy country. May not those who 
 \ inhabit woods be allowed to live, without know- 
 : ing who thou art, and whence thou comest? 
 1 We will neither command over, nor sub- 
 i mit to, any man. And that thou mayest be 
 ! sensible what kind of people the Scythians are, 
 i know that we received from heaven, as a rich 
 J present, a yoke of oxen, a plough-share, an ar- 
 I row, a javelin, and a cup. These we make use 
 i of, both with our friends, and against our ene- 
 mies. To our friends we give corn, which we 
 procure by the labour of our oxen ; with them 
 we offer wine to the gods in our cup : and with 
 regard to our enemies, we combat them at a 
 distance with our arrows, and near at hand 
 with our javelins. It is with these we formerly 
 conquered the most warlike nations,^ subdued 
 the most powerful kings, laid waste all Asia, 
 and opened ourselves a way into the heart of 
 
 " But thou, who boastest thy coming to ex- 
 tirpate robbers, thou thyself art the greatest 
 robber upon earth. Thou hast plundered all 
 the nations that thou hast overcome. Thou 
 hast possessed thyself of Lydia, invaded Syria, 
 Persia, and Bactriana ; thou art forming a de- 
 sign to march as far as India, and thou now 
 comest hither to seize upon our herds of rattle. 
 The great possessions thou hast, only make thee 
 covet more eagerly what thou hast not. Dost 
 thou not see how long the Bactrians have 
 checked thy progress? Whilst thou art sub- 
 duing these, the Sogdians revolt, and victory is 
 to thee only the occasion of war. 
 
 " Pass but the laxartes, and thou wilt behold 
 the great extent of our plains. It will be in 
 vain for thee to pursue the Scythians; and I 
 
 3 This is to be understood of the famous irruption of 
 the Scythians, who advanced as far as Egypt, and possessed 
 themselves of Upper Asia for twenty-eight years. See the 
 first volume of this work, in the History of the Assyrians. 
 I have not followed Quint. Curtius literally in this place, 
 IIk! text being much embarrassed. 
 
 defy thee ever to overtake them. Our poverty 
 will be more active than thy army, laden with 
 the spoils of so many nations ; and, when thou 
 shalt fancy us at a great distance, thou wilt see 
 us rush suddenly on thy camp ; for we pursue, 
 and fly from our enemies with equal speed. 1 
 am informed that the Greeks speak jestingly of 
 the Scythian solitudes, and that they are even 
 become a proverb ; but we are fonder of our 
 deserts, than of your great cities and fruitful 
 plains. Let me observe to thee, that fortune is 
 slippery; hold her fast therefore, for fear she 
 should escape thee. Put a curb to thy felicity, 
 if thou desirest to continue in possession of it. 
 
 *' If thou art a god, thou oughtest to do good 
 to mortals, and not to deprive them of their pos- 
 sessions : if thou art a mere man, reflect always 
 on what thou art. They whom thou shalt not 
 molest, will be thy true friends ; the strongest 
 friendships being contracted between equals ; 
 and they are esteemed equals, who have not 
 tried their strength against each other : but do 
 not imagine, that those whom thou conquerest 
 can love thee; for there is no such thing as 
 friendship between a master and his slave, and 
 a forced peace is soon followed by a war. 
 
 " To conclude,* do not fancy that the Scythi- 
 ans will take an oath in their concluding an 
 alliance. The only oath among them is to keep 
 their word without swearing. Such cautions 
 as these do indeed become Greeks, who sign 
 their treaties, and call upon the gods to witness 
 them; but, with regard to us, our religion con- 
 sists in being sincere, and in keeping the pro- 
 mises we have made. That man who is not 
 ashamed to break his word with men, is not 
 afraid of deceiving the gods ; and of what use 
 could friends be to thee whom thou couldst not 
 trust ? Consider that we will guard both Eu- 
 rope and Asia for thee. We extend as far aa 
 Thrace, and we are told, that Thrace is contigu- 
 ous to Macedonia. The river laxartes alone 
 divides us from Bactriana. Thus we are thy 
 neighbours on both sides. Consider, therefore, 
 whether thou wilt have us for friends, or ene- 
 mies." 
 
 The barbarian spoke thus ; to whom the king 
 made but a very short answer : " That he would 
 take advantage both of his own good fortune, 
 and of their counsel : of his good fortune, by 
 still continuing to rely upon it; and of their 
 counsel, by not attempting any thing rashly." 
 Having dismissed the ambassadors, his army 
 embarked on the rafts, which by this time were 
 got ready. In the front, he placed such as car- 
 ried bucklers, and made them kneel down, the 
 better to secure themselves from the arrows of 
 the enemy. Behind these were those who 
 worked the machines for discharging arrows 
 and stones, covered on all sides with soldiers 
 armed cap-a-pie. The rest who followed the 
 engines, had their shields fixed together over 
 their heads, in form of a tortoise, by which they 
 defended the sailors who wore corslets. The 
 like order and disposition were observed in the 
 other rafts which carried the horse. 
 
 The army found great diflUculty in crossing. 
 Every thing conspired to intimidate them : the 
 clamour and confusion that are inseparable from 
 
 4 Jurando gratiam Scythas sancire ne credideris : co. 
 lendo fidem jurant. Grjeoorum ista cautio est, qui ai ta 
 consignant, et deos invocant : nos religionem in ipaa fide' 
 novimus. Qui non reverentur homines, fallunt deos 
 Quint. Curt. 
 
1G6 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 such an enterprise ; the rapidity of the stream, 
 which carried away every thing with it; and 
 the sight of a numerous army, drawn up in 
 battle-array, on the opposite shore. However, 
 the presence of Alexander, who was ever the 
 foremost in encountering dangers, made them 
 neglect their own safety, and be concerned for 
 his only. As soon as the Macedonians began to 
 draw near the shore, they who carried shields 
 rose up together, when throwing their javelins 
 with a steady aim, every weapon did execution. 
 When they perceived that the enemy, over- 
 j powered with that shower of darts, began to 
 I give way, and draw their horses back, they 
 j leaped on the shore with incredible swiftness, 
 j and animating one another, began the chai'ge 
 j mth vigour. In this disorder, the troopers, 
 whose horses were ready bridled, rushed upon 
 I the enemy, and quite broke them. The king 
 j could not be heard, by reason of the faintness 
 of his voice ; but the example he set, spoke for 
 ' him. 
 
 j And now nothing was heard in the Macedo- 
 nian army, but shouts of joy and victory, whilst 
 they continued to attack the Barbarians with 
 the utmost fury. The latter not being able to 
 stand so fierce an onset, fled as fast as their 
 horses could carry them ; for they consisted of 
 cavalry only. Though the king was very weak, 
 he nevertheless pursued them briskly a long 
 way, till, being at last quite spent, he was 
 obliged to stop. After commanding his troops 
 to pursue them as long as daylight lasted, he 
 withdrew to the camp, in order to repose him- 
 self, and to wait the return of his forces. The 
 Macedonians had already gone beyond the boun- 
 daries of Bacchus, which were marked out by 
 great stones ranged close one to the other, and by 
 great trees, the trunks of which were covered 
 with ivy. However, the heat of the pursuit 
 carried them still farther, and they did not re- 
 turn back into the camp till after midnight ; 
 having killed a great number of the enemy, and 
 taken m&ny more prisonersj with 1800 horses, 
 all which they drove before them. On Alex- 
 ander's side there were but sixty troopers slain, 
 and about 100 foot, with 1000 wounded. Alex- 
 ander sent back to the Scythians all their prison- 
 ers without ransom, to show, that not animosi- 
 ty, but a thirst of glory had prompted him to 
 make war against so valiant a nation. 
 
 The report of this victory, and much more 
 the clemency with which the king treated the 
 vanquished, greatly increased his reputation. 
 The Scythians had always been considered as 
 invincible ; but after their defeat, it was owned 
 that every nation in the world ought to yield to 
 the Macedonians. The Sacae, who were a 
 j powerful nation, sent an embassy to Alexander, 
 by which they submitted themselves to him, 
 I and requested his friendship. The Scythians 
 j themselves made an apology by their ambassa- 
 j dors ; throwing the whole blame of what had 
 I happened on some few individuals, and declar- 
 I ing that they were ready to obey all the com- 
 I mands of the victorious prince, 
 j Alexander, being so happily freed from the 
 1 care and trouble of this important war, bent his 
 j whole thoughts on Maracanda, in which the 
 I traitor Spitamenes had fortified himself. At 
 I the first news of Alexander's approach, he had 
 I fled away, and withdrawn into Bactriana. The 
 king pursued him thither, but despairing to 
 j come up with him, he I'eturned back and plun- 
 dered Sogdiana, which is watered by the river 
 I Polytimetus. 
 
 A raong the Sogdlans that were taken prison- 
 ers, there were thirty young men, all well i 
 shaped and very comely, and the greatest lords | 
 of the country. These being told, that they I 
 were led to execution by Alexander's command, 
 began to sing songs of joy, to leap and dance, | 
 discovering all the indications of an immoderate I 
 joy. The king, surprised to see them go to ! 
 death with so much gayety, had them brought { 
 before him ; when he asked them, how they | 
 came to break into such transports of joy, when j 
 they saw death before their eyes? They answer- 
 ed, that they should have been afiiicted, had any | 
 other person but himself put them to death ; but , 
 as they would be restored to their ancestoi's by j 
 the command of so great a monarch, who had | 
 vanquished all nations, they thought themselves ! 
 happy in a death so glorious that the bravest 
 men would wish to die the same. Alexander, 
 admiring their magnanimity, asked whether 
 they would desire to be pai'doned, upon con- 
 dition that they should no longer be his enemies? 
 They answered, he might be assured they .had 
 never been his enemies ; but that, as he had at- 
 tacked them, they had defended themselves ; i 
 and that, had they been applied to in a gentle 
 manner, and not attacked by force and violence, ! 
 they would have vied with him in politeness i 
 and generosity. The king asked them farther, 
 what pledges they would give him of their faitb 
 and sincerity? " No other," answered they, 
 "but the same life we receive from yom* good- 
 ness, and which we shall always be ready to 
 give back, whenever you shall require it." 
 And, indeed, they were as good as their word. 
 Four of them, whom he took into his body- 
 guard, endeavoured to rival the Macedonians in 
 zeal and fidelity. 
 
 The king, after having left a small number of \ 
 forces in Sogdiana, marched to Bactria, where, | 
 having assembled all his generals, he commanded 
 Bessus to be brought before them ; when, after 
 reproaching him for his treachery, and causin? 
 his nose and ears to be cut off', he sent him to 
 Ecbatana, there to suffer the most extreme tor- 
 ture, under the direction of Darius's mother. 
 Plutarch has left us an account of this execution. 
 Four trees were bent, by main force, one to- 
 wards the other ; and to each of these trees one 
 of the limbs of this traitor's body was fastened. 
 Afterwards, these trees being suff'ered to return 
 to their natural position, they flew back with so 
 much violence, that each tore away the limb 
 that was fixed to it, and so quartered him. The 
 same punishment is at this day inflicted on per- 
 sons convicted of high-treason, who are torn to 
 pieces by four horses. 
 
 Alexander received at this time, both from 
 Macedonia and Greece, a large number of re- 
 cruits, amounting to upwards of 16,000 men. 
 By this considerable reinforcement, he was en- 
 abled to subdue all those who had rebelled : and, 
 to curb them for the future, he built several for- 
 tresses in Margiana. 
 
 All things were now re- 
 A. M. S676. stored to a profound tran- 
 Ant. J. C. 828. quillity. There remained 
 but one strong hold, called 
 Petra Oxiana, or the rock of Oxiis, which was 
 defended by Arimazes, a native of Sogdiana, 
 with 30,000 soldiers under his command, and 
 ammunition and provisions for two years. This 
 rock, which was very high and craggy on all i 
 sides, was accessible only by a single path that j 
 was cut in it. The king, after viewing its 
 works, was a long time in suspense whether he 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 107 
 
 should besiege it ; but, as it was his character to 
 aim at the marvellous in all things, and to at- 
 tempt impossibilities, he resolved to try, if he 
 could not overcome, on this occasion, nature 
 itself, which seemed to have fortified this rock 
 in such a manner as had rendered it absolutely 
 impregnable. However, before he formed the 
 siege, he summoned those barbarians, but in 
 mild terms, to submit to him. Arimazes re- 
 ceived this offer in a very haughty naanner ; and 
 after using several insulting expressions, asked, 
 " whether Alexander, who was able to do all 
 things, could fly also ; and whether nature had, 
 on a sudden, given him wings ?" 
 
 Alexander was highly exasperated at this in- 
 solent answer. He therefore gave orders for 
 selecting, from among the mountaineers who 
 were in his army, 300 of the most active and 
 dexterous. These being brought to him, he 
 addressed them thus : " It was in your country, 
 brave young men, that I stormed such places as 
 were thought impregnable ; that I made my 
 way over mountains covered with eternal snows ; 
 crossed rivers, and broke through the passes of 
 Cilicia. This rock, which you see, has but one 
 outlet, which alone is defended by the barbari- 
 ans, who neglect every other part. There is no 
 watch nor sentinel, except on that side which 
 faces our camp. If you search very narrowly, 
 you certainly will meet with some path that 
 { leads to the top of the rock. Nothing has been 
 I made so-inaccessible by nature, as not to be sur- 
 j mounted by valour; and it was only by our at- 
 . tempting, what no one before had hopes of ef- 
 ! fecting, that we have possessed ourselves of 
 ! Asia. Get up to the summit, and when you 
 shall have made yourselves masters of it, set up 
 ! a white standard there as a signal ; and be as- 
 I sured, that I then will certainly disengage you 
 i from the enemy, and draw them upon myself, 
 by making a diversion." The king accompa- 
 nied this order with the most splendid promises ; 
 but the pleasing him, was considered by them 
 as the greatest of all rewards. Fired therefore 
 with the most noble ardour, and fancying they 
 had already reached the summit, they set out, 
 after having provided themselves with wedges 
 to drive into the stones, with cramp-irons, and 
 thick ropes. 
 
 The king went round the mountain with 
 them, and commanded them to begin their 
 march ' at the second watch of the night, try- 
 that part which should seem to them of easiest 
 access ; beseeching the gods to guide their steps. 
 They took provisions for two days ; and being 
 armed with swords and javelins only, they be- 
 gan to ascend the mountain, walking some time 
 on foot; afterwards, when it was necessary for 
 them to climb, some clung to the stones which 
 projected forwards, and by that means raised 
 themselves ; others thrust their cramp-irons into 
 the snow that was frozen, to keep themselves 
 from falling where the way was slippery ; while 
 others, driving in their wedges with great 
 strength, made them serve as so many scaling- 
 ladders. They spent the whole day in this 
 manner, hanging against the rock, and exposed 
 to numerous dangers and difficulties, being 
 obliged to struggle at the same time with snow, 
 cold, and wind. Nevertheless, the hardest task 
 was yet to come ; and the farther they advanced, 
 the higher the rock seemed to rise. But that 
 
 1 About nine or ten o'clock. 
 
 which terrified them most was the sad spectacle 
 of some of their comrades falling down preci- 
 pices, whose unhappy fate was a warning to 
 them of what they themselves might expect. 
 Notwithstanding this, they still advanced for- 
 ward, and exerted themselves so vigorously^ 
 that, in spite of all these difficulties, they at last 
 got to the top of the rock. But they were all 
 inexpressibly weary, and many of them even 
 lost the use of some of their limbs. Night and 
 drowsiness came upon them at the same time, 
 so that dispersing themselves in such parts of 
 the rock as were free from snows, they lay 
 down in them, and slept till day-break. At 
 last waking from a deep sleep, and looking on 
 all sides to discover the place where so many 
 people could lie hid, they saw smoke below 
 them, which showed them the haunt of the 
 enemy. They then put up the signal, as had 
 been agreed ; and their whole company being 
 di'awn up, thirty-two were found wanting, who 
 had lost their lives in the ascent. 
 
 In the mean time the king, equally fired with 
 a desire of storming the fortress, and struck 
 with the visible dangers to which those men 
 were exposed, continued on foot the whole day, 
 gazing upon the rock, and did not retire to rest 
 till dark night. The next morning, by peep of 
 day, he was the first who perceived the signal. 
 Nevertheless he was still in doubt whether he 
 might trust his eyes, because of the false splen- 
 dour which takes place at day-break ; but the 
 light increasing, he was sure of what he saw. 
 Sending therefore for Cophes, who before, by 
 his command, had sounded the Barbarians, he 
 despatched him a second time, to exhort them 
 to think better of the matter ; and in case they 
 should still depend upon the strength of the 
 place, he then was ordered to show them the 
 band of men behind their backs, who were got 
 to the summit of the rock. Cophes employed 
 all the arguments possible, to engage Arimazes 
 to capitulate ; representing to him, that he would 
 gain the king's favour, in case he did not inter- 
 rupt the great designs he meditated, by obliging 
 him to make some farther stay before that rock. 
 Arimazes sent a haughtier and more insolent 
 answer than before, and commanded him to 
 retire. Then Cophes taking him by the hand, 
 desired he would come out of the cave with 
 him, which the Barbarian doing, he showed 
 him the Macedonians posted over his head, and 
 said in an insulting tone of voice, " You see 
 that Alexander's soldiers have wings." In the 
 mean time the trumpets were heard to sound in 
 every part of the Macedonian camp, and the 
 whole army shouted aloud, and cried. Victory ! 
 These things, though of little consequence in 
 themselves, did nevertheless, as often happens, 
 throw the Barbarians into so great a consterna- 
 tion, that without once reflecting how few were 
 got to the summit, they thought themselves lost. 
 Upon this, Cophes was recalled, and thirty of 
 the chiefs among the Barbarians were sent back 
 with him, who agreed to surrender up the place, 
 upon condition that their lives might be spared. 
 The king, notwithstanding the strong opposition 
 he might meet with, was however so exaspe- 
 rated at the haughtiness of Arimazes, that he 
 refused to grant them any terms of capitulation. 
 A blind and rash confidence in his own good 
 fortune, which had never failed him, made him 
 insensible to every danger. Arimazes, on tlie 
 other side, blinded by fear, and concluding him- 
 self absolutely lost, came down with his relations 
 and the principal nobility of the country into 
 
]G8 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 Alexander's camp. But this prince, who was 
 not master of his anger, forgetting what the 
 faith of treaties and humanity required on this 
 occasion, caused them all to be scourged with 
 rods, and afterwards he fixed to crosses, at the 
 foot of the rock. The multitudes of people who 
 surrendered, with ail the booty, were given to 
 the inhabitants of the cities which had been 
 newly founded in those parts ; and Artabazus 
 was left governor of the rock, and the whole 
 pi'ovince round it. 
 
 SECT. XIV. 
 
 The death of Clitus. Several expeditions of Alexander. 
 1 He endeavours to procure worship to be paid to himself, 
 i after the manner of the Persians. Discontents arise 
 
 among the Macedonians. Death of Callistheues the 
 
 philosopher. 
 
 Alexander' having subdued the Massagetas 
 ' and the Dahae, entered Bazaria. In this pro- 
 j I vince are a great number of large parks stocked 
 ' with deer. Here the king took the diversion of 
 I ! hunting, in which he was exposed to very great 
 1 1 peril ; for a lion of an enormous size advanced 
 I i directly to him, but he killed him with a single 
 I thrust. Although Alexander came off victorious 
 j i on this occasion, yet the Macedonians, alarmed 
 I i at the danger he had run, and the whole army 
 1 in his person, gave orders, pursuant to the cus- 
 tom of their country, that the king should go no 
 more a-hunting on foot, without being attended 
 by some of his courtiers and oflScers. They 
 were sensible, that a king is not born for his own 
 sake, but for that of his subjects ; that he ought 
 to be careful of his own person for their sakes, 
 and reserve his courage for other dangers ; and 
 that the being famous for killing beasts (a repu- 
 tation unworthy of a great prince) ought not to 
 be purchased so dear. 
 
 From hence he returned to Maracanda, where 
 he quelled some tumults which had broken out 
 j in that country. Artabazus requesting to be 
 I discharged from the government of that pro- 
 ' vince, by reason of his great age, he appointed 
 Clitus his successor. He was an old officer, 
 I who had fought under Philip, and signalized 
 ! himself on many occasions. It was he who at 
 ! the battle of the Granicus, as Alexander was 
 j fighting bareheaded, and Rosaces had his arm 
 I raised, in order to strike him behind, covered 
 I the king with his sViield, and cut off the Bar- 
 . barian's hand. Hellanice, his sister, had nursed 
 I Alexander ; and he loved her with as much ten- 
 i derness as if she had been his own mother. As 
 I the king, from these several considerations, had 
 i very great respect for Clitus, he intrusted him 
 ! with the government of one of the most impor- 
 j tant provinces of his empire, and ordered him to 
 I set out the next day. 
 
 Before his departure, Clitus was invited in the 
 evening to an entertainment, in which the king,* 
 after drinking immoderately, began to celebrate 
 his own exploits; and was so lavish in his 
 praises of himself, that he even shocked those 
 very persons who knew that he spoke truth. 
 However, the oldest men in the company held 
 their peace, till beginning to depreciate the war- 
 
 1 guint Curt. 1. viii, c. 1—8. Arrian. 1. iv. p. 161—171. 
 Plut. in Alex. p. 693—696. Justin. 1. xii. c. 6, 7. 
 
 2 In quo rex, ciim multo incaluisset mere, immodicus 
 B.>stimator sui, celebrare qute gesscrat ccepit : gravis etiam 
 coium auribus, qui tentiebant vera memoraii. Q. Curt. 
 
 like acts of Philip, he boasted, *' That the fa- 
 mous victory of Chaeronea was won by his 
 means; and that the glory of that celebrated day 
 had been torn from him by the malice and jea- 
 lousy of his father: that in the insurrection^ 
 which broke out between the Macedonians and 
 mercenary Greeks, Philip, fainting from the 
 wounds he had received in that tumult, had laid 
 himself on the ground ; and could not think of a 
 better method to save himself, than by lying 
 along as dead : that on this occasion he had 
 covered him with his shield, and killed with 
 his own hands those who attempted to fall upon 
 him ; but that his father could never prevail 
 upon himself to confess this circumstance in- 
 genuously, being vexed that he owed his life to 
 his own son : that in the war against the lUy- 
 rians, he alone had done every thing, Philip 
 having had no manner of share in it; and 
 hearing of the defeat of the enemy, no other- 
 wise than by the letters he sent him : that 
 the persons worthy of praise, were not such 
 as initiated themselves in the mysteries * of 
 the Samothracians, when they ought to have 
 laid waste all Asia with fire and sword, but 
 those who had achieved such mighty exploits as 
 surpassed all belief. " j 
 
 This and similar discourse was very pleasing 
 to the young men, but highly offensive to those 
 advanced in years ; especially for Philip's sake, 
 under whom they had fought many yeai-s. 
 Clitus, who also was flushed with wine, turn- 
 ing about to those who sat below him at table, 
 quoted to them a passage from Euripides,^ but 
 in such a manner that the king could only hear 
 his voice, and not the words distinctly. The 
 sense of this passage was, " That the Greeks 
 had done very wrong in ordaining, that in the 
 inscriptions engraved on trophies, the names of 
 kings only should be mentioned ;^ because, by 
 these means, brave men were robbed of the 
 glory they had purchased with their blood. " The 
 king, suspecting Clitus had let drop some dis- 
 obliging expressions, asked those who sat nearest 
 him, what he had said ? As no one answered, 
 Clitus, raising his voice by degrees, began to 
 relate the actions of Philip, and his wars in 
 Greece, preferring them to whatever was doing 
 at that time ; which created a great dispute be- 
 tween the young and old men. Whatever vexa- 
 tion the king might inwardly feel, he neverthe- 
 less stifled his resentment, and seemed to listen 
 very patiently to all Clitus spoke to bis preju- 
 dice. It is probable he would have quite sup. 
 pressed his passion, had Clitus stopped there ; 
 but the latter, growing more and more insolent, 
 as if detennined to exasperate and insult the 
 king, went such lengths, as openly to defend 
 Parmenio ; and to assert, that the destroying of 
 Thebes was but trifling in comparison of the 
 victory which Philip had gained over the Athe- 
 nians ; and that the old Macedonians, though 
 sometimes unsuccessful, were greatly superior 
 to those who were so rash as to despise them. 
 
 Alexander telling him, that in giving cowar- 
 
 5 This sedition Is not mentioned in any other piace. 
 
 4 It was usual for generals, before they set out on their 
 expeditions, to cause themselves to be initiated in these 
 mysteries, and offer sacrifices to the gods who presided 
 over them. Possibly Philip, by observing this ceremony, 
 had delayed some enterprise. 
 
 5 In his Andromache. 
 
 6 Alieno enim sanguine partam gloriam intercipi. Q. 
 Curt. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 1G9 
 
 dice the name of ill success, he was pleading his 
 own cause ; Clitus rises up, with his eyes 
 sparkling with wine and anger : *' It is never- 
 theless this hand," said he to him, extending it 
 at the same time, " that saved your life at the 
 battle of the Gfanicus. It is the blood and 
 wounds of these very Macedonians, who are 
 accused of cowardice, that raised you to this 
 grandeur. But the tragical end of Parmenio 
 shows, what reward they and myself may ex- 
 pect for all our services." This last reproach 
 stung Alexander: however, he still restrained 
 his passion, and only commanded him to leave 
 the table. " He is in the right," says Clitus, 
 as he rose up, " not to bear freeborn men at his 
 table, who can only tell him truth. He will do 
 well to pass his life among Barbarians and 
 slaves, who will be proud to pay their adoration 
 to his Persian girdle and his white robe.'' The 
 king, now no longer able to suppress his rage, 
 snatched a javelin from one of his guards, and 
 would have killed Clitus on the spot, had not 
 the courtiers withheld his arm, and Clitus been 
 forced, but with great difficulty, out of the hall. 
 However, he returned into it immediately by 
 another door, singing, with an air of insolence, 
 verses reflecting highly on the prince : who see- 
 ing the general near him, struck him with his 
 javelin, and laid him dead at his feet, cryingout 
 'at the same time, " Go now to Philip, to Par- 
 menio, and to Attalus." 
 
 The king's anger being in a manner extin- 
 guished on a sudden in the blood of Clitus, his 
 crime displayed itself to him in the blackest and 
 most dreadful light. He had murdered a man, 
 who indeed had abused his patience, but who 
 till then had always served him with the utmost 
 zeal and fidelity, and saved his life, though he 
 was ashamed to own it. He had that instant 
 performed the vile office of an executioner, in 
 punishing, by a horrid murder, the uttering of 
 some indiscreet words, which might be imputed 
 to the fumes of wine. With what face could 
 he appear before the sister of Clitus, his nurse, 
 and oflfer her a hand imbrued in her brother's 
 blood ? No longer able to support these melan- 
 I choly reflections, he threw himself on his friend's 
 j body, forced out the javelin, and would have 
 I despatched himself with it, had not the guards, 
 I who rushed in upon him, laid hold of his 
 i hands, and forcibly carried him into his own 
 apartment. 
 
 He passed that night and the next day in 
 tears. After that groans and lamentations had 
 quite wasted his spirits, he continued speechless, 
 stretched on the ground, and only venting deep 
 sighs. But his friends, fearing this silence 
 would be fatal, forced themselves into his cham- 
 ber. The king took very little notice of the 
 efforts that were employed to comfort him ; but 
 Aristander, the soothsayer, putting him in mind 
 of a dream, in which he had imagined he saw 
 Clitus, clothed in a black robe, and seated at 
 table ; and declaring, that all which had then 
 happened, was appointed by the eternal decree 
 of fate, and consequently unavoidable, Alexander 
 appeared a little easier in his mind. He next 
 was addressed by two philosophers, Callisthenes 
 and Anaxarchus. The former went up to him 
 with an air of humanity and tenderness, and 
 endeavoured to suppress his grief, by agreeably 
 insinuating himself, and endeavoured to make 
 him recall his reason, by sound reflections drawn 
 from the very essence of philosophy, and by 
 carefully shunning all such expressions as might 
 renew his affliction, and fret a wound, which, 
 
 as it was still bleeding, required to be touched 
 with the gentlest hand. But Anaxarchus was 
 not so considei'ate ; for the moment he entered, 
 he cried aloud, " What ! is this Alexander, on 
 whom the eyes of the world are fixed ? Behold 
 him here extended on the floor, shedding floods 
 of tears, like the meanest slave ! Does not he 
 know, that he himself is a supreme law to his 
 suWects ; that he conquered merely to raise him- 
 self to the exalted dignity of lord and sovereign, 
 and not to subject himself to a vain opinion ?" 
 The king was determined to starve himself; so 
 that it was with the utmost difficulty that his 
 friends prevailed with him to take a little suste- 
 nance. The Macedonians declared by a decree, 
 that Clitus had been justly killed ; to which de- 
 cree Anaxarchus the philosopher had given oc- 
 casion, by asserting that the will of princes is 
 the supreme law of the state. Alas ! how weak 
 are all such reflections against the cries of a 
 justly alarmed conscience, which can never be 
 quieted either by flattery or false arguments ! 
 
 It must be confessed that Clitus had commit- 
 ted a great and inexcusable fault. It was indeed 
 his duty, not to join in discourses calculated to 
 sully the glory of Philip his benefactor ; but to 
 show his dislike of what was said, by a mourn- 
 ful but modest silence. He possibly might have 
 been allowed to have given his testimony to the 
 merits of the late monarch, provided he had ex- 
 
 ?ressed himself with prudence and moderation, 
 lad such moderation been unsuccessful, he 
 might justly have merited pity, and would not 
 have been criminal. But by breaking into in- 
 jurious and shocking reproaches, he quite forgot 
 the veneration due to the sacred character of 
 kings ; with regard to whom, how unjustly so- 
 ever they may act, not only every contemptuous 
 and insulting expression is forbid, but every 
 disrespectful and unguarded word; they being 
 towards their subjects the representatives of 
 God himself. I 
 It must nevertheless be confessed, that the 
 circumstance of the banquet extenuates very I 
 much, or throws, in some measure, a veil over 
 Clitus's fault. When a prince invites a subject 
 to his table; when he makes him the com-j 
 panion of a debauch, and in person excites him 
 to drink immoderately ; a king on such an occa- 
 sion, seems to forget his dignity, and to permit 
 his guests to forget it also ; he gives a sanction, 
 as it were, to the liberties, familiarities, and 
 sudden flights, which wine commonly inspires : 
 and should he be displeased with a subject for 
 equalling himself with him, he ought to blame 
 himself, for having first raised a subject so 
 high. A fault committed under these circum- | 
 stances, is nevertheless a fault ; but then it does 
 not deserve to be expiated by the blood of the^ 
 offender. | 
 A certain author compares anger,° when 
 united with power, to thunder; and, indeed,; 
 what havoc does it not then make ? But how j 
 dreadful must it be, when joined with drunken- 
 ness ! We see this in Alexander. How un-i 
 happy was that prince, not to have endeavoured 
 to subdue those two vices in his youth;' but. 
 
 6 Fulmen est, ubi cum potestate habitat iracundia, 
 Publ. Syr. . -v, 
 
 7 Nec minds error eorum nocet monbus, si quiden. 
 Leonidas Alexandri paedagogus, ut !L Babylonio Diogene 
 traditur, quibusdam sum vitiis imbuit, qu£E robustum quo 
 que et jam maximum regem ab illi institutione puerU. 
 sunt prosecuta. Quintil. 1. i. c. i. 
 
170 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 ■ even to have been confirmed in them, from the 
 example of one of his tutors ? For it is asserted, 
 that both were the consequences of his education. 
 But what can be meaner, or more imworthy a 
 king, than drinking to excess ? What can be 
 more fatal or bloody, than the transports of 
 anger ? Alexander,* who had overcome so many 
 nations, was himself conquered by those two 
 vices, which throw a shade over "the glory of 
 bis brightest actions. The reason of this, says 
 Seneca, is, he endeavoured more to vanquish 
 others, than to subdue himself; not knowing, 
 that to triumph over our passions is, of all con- 
 quests, the most glorious. 
 
 Alexander, after continuing ten days in Mara- 
 canda, in order to recover his spirits, marched 
 , into the Xenippa, a province bordering upon 
 , Scythia ; whither some rebels were retired, all 
 ; whom he subjected, and gave them a free par- 
 i don. From thence he set forward with his 
 army towards the Chorienian rock, of which 
 Sysimethres was governor. All access to it 
 seemed absolutely impracticable ; nevertheless, 
 he at last got near it, after having passed through 
 ; numberless difficulties, and, by the mediation of 
 Oxjartes, a prince of that country, who had 
 adhered to Alexander, he prevailed with Sysi- 
 methres to surrender. The king after this left 
 him the government of that place, and promised 
 him very great advantages in case he continued 
 faithful.' 
 
 Alexander had resolved to attack the Dahae, 
 I because Spitamenes, the chief of the rebels, had 
 taken refuge among them ; but the good fortune 
 which always attended him, spared him that 
 labour. The wife of this barbarian, being no 
 longer able to bear the vagabond wretched life 
 her husband had forced her to lead, and having 
 often entreated him, but in vain, to surrender 
 himself to the conqueror, she herself murdered 
 him in the night ; and, quite covered with his 
 blood, went and carried his head to the king. 
 Alexander was shocked at so horrid a spectacle, 
 and ordered her to be driven ignominiously from 
 the camp. 
 
 Alexander, after having drawn his army out 
 of the garrisons, where they had wintered three 
 months, marched towards a country called Ga- 
 baza. In his way he met with a dreadful 
 storm. Flashes of lightning coming thick one 
 upon the other, dazzled the eyes of the soldiers, 
 and entirely discouraged them. It thundered 
 almost incessantly, and the thunderbolts fell 
 every moment at the feet of the soldiers ; so that 
 they did not dare either to stand still or advance 
 forward. On a sudden, a violent shower of 
 rain, mixed with hail, came pouring down like 
 a flood ; and so extreme was the cold in this 
 country, that it froze the rain as soon as it fell. 
 The sufferings of the army on this occasion 
 were almost insupportable. The king, who 
 was the only person invincible by these calami- 
 ties, rode up and down among the soldiers, com- 
 forted and animated them ; and pointing at 
 smoke which issued from distant huts, urged 
 j them to march thither with all the speed pos- 
 ; Bible. Having given orders for the felling of a 
 great number of trees, and laying them in heaps 
 up and down, he had fires made in different 
 places, and by this means saved the army, but 
 
 ! I I Victor tot regum atque populorum, \Tse succuhuit. 
 I Id enim egerat, ut omnia potiCls haberet in potestate, qilam 
 
 iffoctus. — Imperare sibi, 
 tivtst. csiiv. 
 
 maximum imperium est. Senec. 
 
 upwards of 1000 men lost their lives. Tht 
 king made up to the officei-s and soldiers tb< 
 several losses they had sustained during this 
 flital storm. 
 
 When they were recovered so well as to be 
 able to marc^, he went into the country of the 
 Sacae, which he soon overran and laid' waste. 
 Soon after this, Oxyartes received him in his 
 palace, and invited him to a sumptuous banquet, 
 in which he displaved all the magnificence of 
 the Barbarians. fie had a daughter called 
 Roxana, whose exquisite beauty was heightened 
 by aU the charms of wit and good sense. Alex- 
 ander found her charms irresistible, and made 
 her his wife; covering his passion with the 
 specious pretence, of uniting the two nations iu 
 such bands as should improve their mutual har- 
 mony, by blending their interests, and throwing 
 down aU distinctions between the conquerors 
 and the conquered. This marriage displeased 
 the Macedonians very much, and exasperated 
 his chief courtiers, to see him make one of his 
 slaves his father-in-law : but as, after his mur- 
 dering Clitus,* no one dai'ed to speak to him 
 with freedom, they applauded what he did with 
 their eyes and countenances, which can adapt 
 themselves wonderfully to flattery and servile 
 complaisance. 
 
 In fine ; having resolved to mai'ch into India, 
 and embark from thence on the ocean, he com- 
 manded (in order that nothing might be left be- 
 hind to check his designs) that 30,000 young 
 men should be brought him, all completely 
 armed, out of the several provinces, to serve 
 him at the same time for hostages as well as 
 soldiers, fn the meanwhile he sent Crateras 
 against some of the rebels, whom he easily de- 
 feated. Polysperchon likewise subdued a coun- 
 try Ccilled Bubacene ; so that all things being in 
 perfect tranquillity, Alexander bent his whole 
 thoughts to the caiTying on war with India. 
 I'his country was considered as the richest in 
 the world, not only in gold, but in pearls and 
 precious stones, with which the inhabitants 
 adorned themselves, but with more luxury than 
 gracefulness. It was related, that the shields 
 of the soldiers were of gold and ivory ; and the 
 king, now the greatest monarch in the world, 
 being determined not to yield to any person 
 whatsoever, in any circumstance, caused the 
 shields of his soldiers to be set off with sUver 
 plates, put golden bridles to the horses, had the 
 coats of mail ornamented with gold and silver, 
 and prepared to march for this enterprise, at the 
 head of 120,000 men, all equipped thus magni- 
 ficently. 
 
 All things being ready for their setting out, 
 he thought proper to reveal the design he had so 
 long meditated, vk. to have divine honours paid 
 him ; and was solely intent on the means of 
 putting that design in execution. He was 
 anxious, not only to be called, but to be believed, 
 the son of Jupiter ; as if it had been possible for 
 him to command absolutelv the mind as well 
 as the tongue, and that the Macedonians should 
 fall prostrate, and adore him after the Persian 
 manner. 
 
 To soothe and cherish these ridiculous pre- 
 tensions," there were no* wanting flatterers, 
 
 2 Sed, post Clyti cadem, libertate sublatA, vultu, qui 
 maxime servit, a'ssentiebamur. Q. Cut-t. 
 
 3 Non deerat Ulia concupiscent! perniciosa adulatia 
 perpetuum malum regum, quorum opes sjepiils assentatio. 
 quam hostis, evertit. Q. Curt. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 171 
 
 those common pests of courts, who are more 
 dangerous to princes than the arms of their ene- 
 mies. The Macedonians, indeed, would not 
 stoop to this base adulation ; all of them, to a 
 man, refusing to vary, in any manner, from the 
 customs of their country. The whole evil was 
 owing to some Greeks, whose depraved manners 
 were a scandal to their profession of teaching 
 virtue and the sciences. These, though the very 
 refuse of Greece, were nevertheless in greater 
 credit with the king, than either the princes of 
 his blood, or the generals of his army : it was 
 such creatures as these that placed him in the 
 skies ; and published, wherever they came, that 
 Hercules, Bacchus, Castor, and Pollux, would 
 resign their seats to this new deity. 
 
 He therefore appointed a festival, and made 
 an incredibly pompous banquet, to which he in- 
 vited the greatest lords of his court, both Mace- 
 donians and Greeks, and most of the highest 
 quality among the Persians. With these he sat 
 down at table for some time, after which he 
 withdrew. Upon this Cleon, one of his flattei'- 
 ers, began to speak, and expatiated very much 
 on the praises of the king, as had before been 
 agreed upon. He made a long detail of the 
 high obligations they had to him, all which (he 
 observed) they might acknowledge and repay at 
 a very easy expense, merely with two grains of 
 incense, which they should offer to him as to a 
 god, without the least scruple, since they believed 
 him such. To this purpose he cited the ex- 
 ample of the Persians. He took notice, that 
 Hercules himself, and Bacchus, were not ranked 
 among the deities till after they had surmounted 
 the envy of their contemporaries : that in case 
 the rest should scruple to pay this justice to 
 Alexander's merit, he himself was resolved to 
 show them the way, and to worship him if he 
 should come into the haU : but that all of them 
 must do their duty, especially those that pro- 
 fessed wisdom, who ought to set to the others 
 an example of the veneration due to so gi'eat a 
 monarch. 
 
 It appeared plainly that this speech was di- 
 rected to Callisthenes. He was related to Aris- 
 totle,* who had presented him to Alexander his 
 pupil, that he might attend upon that monarch 
 
 1 in the war of Persia. He was considered, upon 
 
 I account of his wisdom and gravity, as the fittest 
 person to give him such wholesome counsel as 
 
 I was most capable of preserving him from those 
 excesses, into which his youth and fiery temper 
 might hurry him ; but he was accused of not 
 
 ! possessing the gentle, insinuating behaviour of 
 courts ; and of not knowing a certain medium,^ 
 between grovelling complaisance, and inflexible 
 obstinacy. Aristotle had attempted, but to no 
 purpose, to soften the severity of his temper; 
 and foreseeing the ill consequences with which 
 this disagreeable liberty of speaking his mind 
 might be attended, he used often to repeat the 
 following verse of Homer to him :^ 
 
 My son, thy freedom will abridge thy days. 
 
 And his prediction was but too true. 
 This philosopher, seeing that every one, on 
 
 4 Diog. Laert. in Aristot lib. v. 303. 
 5 Inter abruptam contumaciam et deforme obsequlum 
 )ergere iter ambitione ac periculis vacuum. Tacit. Annal. 
 lb. iv. cap. 20. 
 
 11. xviii. V. 95. 
 
 this occasion, continued in a deep silence and 
 that the eyes of the whole assembly were fixed 
 on him, made a speech, which appears to me 
 just enough. However, it often happens, when 
 a subject is bound in duty to oppose the inclina- 
 tions of his sovereign, that the most cautious 
 and most respectful zeal is considered as inso- 
 lence and rebellion. " Had the king," said he, 
 "been present at the speech which thou hast 
 just made, none among us would have attempted 
 to answer thee, for he himself would have inter- 
 rupted thee, and not have suffered thee to 
 prompt him to assume the customs of barba- 
 rians, in casting an odium on bis person and 
 glory, by so servile an adulation. But since he 
 is absent, I will answer thee in his name. I 
 consider Alexander as worthy of all the honours 
 that can be paid a mortal ; but there is a difi"er- 
 ence between the worship of the gods and that 
 of men. The former includes temples, altars, 
 prayers, and sacrifices ; the latter is confined to 
 praises only, and awful respect. We salute the 
 latter, and look upon it as glorious to pay them 
 submission, obedience, and fidelity; but we 
 adore the former, we institute festivals to their 
 honour, and sing hymns and anthems to their 
 glory. The worship of the gods does itself vary, 
 according to their rank ; and the homage we 
 pay to Castor and Pollux, is not like that with 
 which we adore Mercury and Jupiter. We 
 must not therefore confound all distinctions, 
 either by bringing down the gods to the con- 
 dition of mortals, or by raising a mortal to the 
 state of a god. Alexander would be justly 
 offended should we pay to another person, the 
 homage due to his sacred person alone ; ought 
 we not to dread the indignation of the gods as 
 much, should we bestow upon mortals the hon- 
 ours due to them alone? I am sensible that 
 our monarch is vastly superior to the rest ; he 
 is the greatest of kings, and the most glorious of 
 conquerors : but then he is a man, not a god. 
 To obtain this title, he must first be divested of 
 his mortal frame : but this it is greatly our inte- 
 rest to wish may not happen, but as late as pos- 
 sible. The Greeks did not worship Hercules 
 till after his death : and that not till the oracle 
 had expressly commanded it. The Persians are 
 cited as an example for our imitation : but how 
 long is it that the vanquished have given law to 
 the victor? Can we forget that Alexander 
 crossed the Hellespont, not to subject Greece to 
 Asia, but Asia to Greece?" 
 
 The deep silence which all the company ob- 
 served whilst Callisthenes spoke, was a sufficieut 
 indication of their thoughts. The king, who 
 stood behind the tapestry all the time, heard 
 whatever had passed. He thereupon ordered 
 Cleon to be told, " That without insisting any 
 farther, he would only require the Persians to 
 fall prostrate, according to their usual custom." 
 A little after this he came in, pretending he 
 had been busied in some affair of importance, 
 and immediately the Persians fell prostrate to 
 adore him. Polysperchon, who stood near him, 
 observing that one of them bowed so low that 
 his chin touched the ground, bid him, in a rally- 
 ing tone of voice, to strike harder. The king, 
 offended at this joke, threw Polysperchon into 
 
 Erison, and broke up the assembly. However, 
 e afterwards pardoned him; but Callisthenes 
 was not so fortunate. 
 
 To rid himself of him, he laid to his charge a 
 crime of which he was no ways guilty. Her- 
 molaus, one of the young officers who attended 
 upon the king in all places, had, upon account 
 
] 72 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 j of some private pique, formed a conspiracy 
 [ against him ; but it was very happily discovered, 
 1 the instant it was to be put in execution. The 
 criminals were seized, put to the torture, and 
 executed. Not one among them had accused 
 Callisthenes ; but having been very intimate 
 with Hermolaus, that alone was sufficient. Ac- 
 cordingly he was thrown into a dungeon, loaded 
 i with irons, and the most grievous torments 
 were inflicted on him, in order to extort a con- 
 fession of guilt. But he insisted upon his in- 
 nocence to the last, and expired in the midst of 
 his tortures. 
 
 Nothing has reflected so much dishonour on 
 Alexander's memory, as this unjust and cruel 
 death of Callisthenes. He truly merited the 
 name of philosopher, from the solidity of his 
 understanding, the extent of his knowledge, the 
 austerity of his life, the regularity of his con- 
 duct, and above all, from the hatred he so evi- 
 dently manifested for dissimulation and flattery 
 of eveiy kind. He was not boi'n for courts, the 
 frequenters of which must have a supple, pli- 
 able, flexible temper ; sometimes indeed it must 
 be of a knavish and treacherous; at least of a 
 I hypocritical, flattering turn. He very seldom 
 was seeYi at the king's table, though frequently 
 invited to it : and whenever he prevailed so far 
 upon himself as to go thither, his melancholy 
 silent air was a manifest indication, that he dis- 
 approved of every thing that was said or done 
 at it. With this humour, which was a little 
 too severe, he would have been an inestimable 
 treasure to a prince who hated falsehood ; for 
 among the many thousands who surrounded 
 Alexander, and paid court to him, Callisthenes 
 alone had courage enough to tell him the truth. 
 But where do we meet with princes who know 
 the value of such a treasure, and the use which 
 ought to be made of it ? Truth seldom pierces 
 those clouds which are raised by the authority 
 of the great, and the flattery of their courtiers. 
 And indeed, Alexander, by this dreadful ex- 
 ample, deprived all virtuous men of the oppor- 
 tunity of pointing out his true interest. From 
 that instant no one spoke with freedom in the 
 council ; even those who had the greatest love 
 for the public welfare, and a personal affection 
 for Alexander, thought themselves not obliged 
 to undeceive him. After this, nothing was 
 listened to but flattery, which gained such an 
 ascendant over that prince, as entirely depraved 
 him, and justly punished him for having sacri- 
 ficed to the wild ambition of having adoration 
 paid him, the most virtuous man about his 
 person. 
 
 I observe, after Seneca,' that the death of Cal- 
 listhenes is an eternal reproach to Alexander, 
 and so horrid a crime, that no quality, how 
 beautiful soever, no military exploit, however 
 brilliant, can ever efl^ace its infamy. If it is 
 eaid in favour of Alexander, that he killed an 
 infinite number of Persians ; that he dethroned 
 
 1 Hoc est Alexandri crimen jeternuin, quod nulla vir- 
 tus, nulla bellorum felicitas redimet. Nam quotiens quis 
 dixerit, occidit Persarum multa millia ; opponetur, et 
 Callistlienem. Quotiens dictum erit, occidit Darium, 
 pends quem tunc magnum regnum erat; opponetur, et 
 Callisthenem. Quotiens dictum erit, omnia oceano tenus 
 vicit, ipsum quoque tentavit novis classibus, et imperium 
 ex angulo Thraciae usque ad orientis terminos protulit ; 
 dicitur, sed Callisthenem occidit. Omnia licfit antiqua 
 ducum regumque exempla transierit, ex his quse fecit, 
 nihil tam m>agnum erit, quSm scelus t'allisthenis. Senec. 
 A'a/. qucBSt, 1. vi. c. 23. 
 
 , and slew the most powerful king of the earth ; 
 
 I conquered innumerable provinces and nations; 
 
 ! penetrated as far as the ocean, and extended the 
 bounds of his empire from the most remote 
 part of Thrace to the extremities of the East ; 
 in answer to each of these particulars, " Yes," 
 says Seneca, " but he murdered Callisthenes 
 a crime of such magnitude, that it entirely obli- 
 terates the glory of all his other actions. 
 
 SECT. XV. 
 
 Alexander sets out for India. A digression with regard 
 to that country. He besieges and takes several cities 
 which appeared impregnable, and is often in danger of 
 his life. He crosses the river Indus, and afterwards the 
 Hydaspes, and gains a signal victory over Forus, whom 
 he restores to his throne. 
 
 Alexander,^ to stop the murmurs and discon- 
 tents which arose among his soldiers, set out for 
 India.'* He himself wanted action and motion, 
 
 2 Q. Curt. 1. viii. c. 9. 
 3 As soon as Alexander had entered Bactria by the 
 pass of Baumeeaun, as has been shown in the previous 
 note, we are told in the text, that after having refreshed 
 his array at Drapsaca, he commenced the campaign with 
 the capture of Aornos and Bactra, the capital of Bactri. 
 ana. But here a difficulty arises from the supposed site of 
 Drapsaca, and its relative situation to Bactria. One would 
 have supposed that Bessus, during Alexander's stay 
 amongst the Arachotas, where he wintered, would have for. 
 tified all the mountain passes leading over the Paropami- 
 sus and Caucasus, or the mountains of Gaur and the 
 Hindoo- Kho, into Bactria. This he migiit well have 
 done, and thereby rendered it impossible, at least a very 
 arduous matter, for Alexander to have entered tliat pro- 
 vince. It does not appear, however, that he took this ' 
 wise precaution, but suffered the Macedonian hero to pass I 
 the mountain range without opposition ; and thought it 
 the best step he could take, to lay waste the country all the | 
 way to the Oxus. Had he done the former, he would I 
 not perhaps have been under the necessity of doing the 
 latter, and thereby ruining the country. If Drapsaca, 
 Darapsa, or Drepsa, be the modern Anderab, as all geo- 
 graphers of modern note agree ; it is difficult to conceive 
 how Alexander, after having entered Bactria by the Bau- 
 meeaun pass, should march to it, instead of advancing 1 
 directly to Bactra, which is only 140 British miles N. W. 
 of Baumeeaun, according to Elphinston's map, and 170 by 
 that of Rennel. According to our author's account, ( 
 which seems to be taken from Quintus Curtius, he must | 
 first have crossed the ridge of Paropamisus, and then ad. 
 vanced 100 British miles along the northern foot of the 
 Hindoo-Kho, in direct distance to the mountain district 
 of Drapsaca, or Anderab, and then marched N. W. from 
 that to Bactra, a distance of 185 British miles direct; thus 
 making a circuitous march of 285 British miles, when, by 
 advancing direct from the northern foot of the Paropami- 
 sus, he had only 140 such miles to march, and that alongst ' 
 the banks of a fine river all the way. This would almost \ 
 induce me to suppose, in opposition to Rennel, that he i 
 crossed the Indian Caucasus, or the Hiiidoo-Kho itself, 
 instead of the Paropamisan range, to the N. W. of Ghiz- j 
 ni. The pass of the Hindoo-Kho, leading to Anderab, 
 or Drapsaca, lies directly N. of Ghizni, where I judge j 
 Alexander to have arrived from Arachosia, and where the | 
 cold was so excessive. Timoor Bek crossed this pass in j 
 the summer of 1398, and returned by it from his Indian | 
 expedition in the following spring. But, independent of i 
 the far greater difficulties to be endured in crossing this 
 pass than that of Baumeeaun, it would have been making I 
 a great detour, to march from Ghizni to Bactra by the 
 way of Anderab, the direct distance being not less than j 
 340 British miles direct ; whilst, by taking the road from 
 the former to the latter by the pass of Baumeeaun, the ! 
 distance would have been only 220 British miles direct, or | 
 more than one half less. For these reasons, I think that 
 there is a transposition in the narrative; and that the 
 capture of Drapsaca was considerably subsequent to that 
 of Bactra. There is a great discrepancy amongst the an. 
 cients respecting the site of Drapsaca; Strabo placing it 
 amongst the cities of Bactriana ; whereas Ptolemy placet 
 it N. of the Oxus in Sogdiana, and far to the N, E. of 
 Bactria, or Balkh. Ptolemy's position is so evidently er- 
 roneous, that "^e need not hesitate in rejecting it. Drap. 
 saca is called Fanda by Pliny and Solinus. Zariaspa is mailt 
 
HISTORY OF ALKXANDER. 
 
 173 
 
 for he always, when unemployed, lost part of 
 the glory he had acquired in war. An excess of 
 vanity and folly prompted him to undertake this 
 expedition; a project quite useless in itself, 
 
 the same with Bactraby Strabo and Pliny ; whilst Ptolemy 
 makes it a different city from Bactra regia, and places it a 
 degree to the W. and 3 degrees to the N. of the latter. It 
 Is quite evident that the knowledge of the ancients re- 
 specting the countries N. of the Paropamisusand the Cau- 
 casus, was very limited ; and, indeed, how could it be 
 otherwise ; all their knowledge of that extensive region 
 being derived from the conquests of our hero, and from 
 the scanty reports of such adventurous persons, who, for 
 the sake of commerce, traversed it in their way to the 
 Seres. The region of Bactria, as indicated in the tables ot 
 Ptolemy, occupied a far more extensive region than that 
 occupied by the present province of Balk. It compre- 
 hended all the tract to the S. of the Oxus, and N. of the 
 Paropamisus and Caucasus, and reached from Margiana 
 on the W. to the sources of the Oxus on the E., accord, 
 ing to the table of Ptolemy, including the extensive re- 
 gion of Gaur, to the S. W. of Balk. This latter region is 
 called Mardiene by Pliny, lib. vi. c. 16th. and, as remarked 
 in a former note, the appellation Mardi is common to all 
 savage mountaineers ; and no tract is better suited to this 
 description than Gaur, or Ghoree,as it is called in Elphm- 
 ston's map, being environed by lofty and rugged moun. 
 tains, and in some measure sequestered from the surround, 
 ing regions by this mountainous barrier of Paropamisus. 
 Bactria is evidently connected with the term Bactiar, sig- 
 nifying the East, as we are informed by De Herbelot, in his 
 Bibliotheque Orientale, article Bakhter ; and correspond, 
 ing to the Persian word Khorasan, or the rising Sun ; a 
 term applied to designate the N. E. part of the Persian 
 empire. Morier, in his Second Travels, p. 125, mentions the 
 mountain tribe of Baukhteeaurees inhabiting the range of 
 mountains, called by their name, to the S. W.of Ispahan, 
 a range covered with snow eight months in the year. 
 They are also to be found amongst the Yeylaks and Rish- 
 .aks, or the highlands and lowlands, reaching from Ker- 
 man to Kauzeroon, and from Kom to Schouster, or 
 Tostar. They have various and opposite traditions re. 
 specting their origin ; for some, in a vague manner, as- 
 sert that they came from the East ; others, from Room, or 
 the West ; and that at any rate, they are not of Persian 
 origin. Their language, however, would tend to disprove 
 this last assertion, as it abounds with words of the old 
 Parsee, and has a great affinity to the Zend. They have, 
 however, some customs altogether foreign to the modern 
 Persians. Their national dance, in particular, the Chup- 
 pee, exactly resembles the Arnautika of the modern 
 Greeks, and which is generally allowed to be of ancient 
 Greek origin. One is reminded, by this circumstance, of 
 the Greek colony planted in Bactria by Alexander, and 
 expelled thence by the Scythians 150 years before Christ. 
 I therefore suppose these mountaineers to be the offspring 
 of these Greeks, who by intermarrying with the natives, 
 Decame a mixed race, and gradually becoming assimilated 
 to them, adopted their language, whilst their own became 
 obsolete. The Deri, or court dialect, of the old Persee, 
 we are told by the poet Ferdausee, was spoken at Bok. 
 hara. Now if this tribe came from Bactria, their laii- 
 euage would bear a strong similitude to the Parsee. They 
 are computed at 30,000 families. I do not think with Ken- 
 nel, that they are the Factyes of Herodotus. What con- 
 firms me more that the Baukhteeaurees are an Eastern 
 tribe from Bactria, is the additional circumstance, that 
 the mountainous district whence the Kuraub is made to 
 come, is called Roh-Kiian, or the mountain district of 
 Kilan. Now this is a portion of the range possessed by 
 that tribe, and in all probability derived from Kilan, a 
 mountainous territory in the country of Badakshan, if not 
 Badakshan itself, the eastern part of Bactria. But if they 
 should not be allowed to have migrated from Bactria, but 
 to be an aboriginal tribe, they may correspond to the 
 Parsetaxse of Strabo, amongst whom he places the sources 
 of the Araxes, that watered the vale of Persepolis. Now 
 his Parffitaxae inhabited the district called Paraetacene, by 
 others. Now, the people of that district would be called 
 Parjetacae, or the people of Paraetacene. The appellation 
 ParsBtaxae, Paraetacae, and Baukhteeauree, are so similar in 
 point of sound and orthography, that by a mere transposi- 
 tion of the letters, and an elision of the diphthongs, and a 
 substitution of the vowels in their place, the Baukhteeauree 
 may be well supposed to correspond to the Paraetacae, or 
 PariBtaxae, and may of course be the same people with the 
 Pactyes of Herodotus It is still, however, but conjec- 
 ture; and 1 am still disposed to consider the modern 
 Baukhteeaurees as of Bactrian origin. 
 
 and attended with very dtingerous consequences. 
 He had read in the ancient fables of Greece, 
 that Bacchus and Hercules, both sons of Jupi- 
 ter, like himself, had marched so tar. He was 
 
 The ancient Bactria included the modern province of 
 Gaur. and the extensive districts of Balk and Badakshan. 
 Ptolemy represents it as watered by the rivers Dargidus, 
 Dargomanis, Zariaspis, Artames, and Ochus. It is im- 
 possible to reconcile this with such knowledge as we at 
 present possess. The Ochus is well known not to be a river 
 of Bactria, but to be the Tedgend.Poolimalan, or river whicL 
 waters the cities of Heraut, Bawerd, and Nesa, and enters 
 tbe Caspian to the N. of Astrabad ; and besides this, the 
 Margus, or Morgaub, the river of Margiana, runs to the 
 E. of the Ochus, and to the W. of the river of Balk ; 
 which renders it impossible that the Ochus should be one 
 of the Bactrian rivers. The Artames and Zariaspis, which 
 are made by Ptolemy to unite, after having run parallel 
 courses, may answer to the river of Gaur, or Zouf, and the 
 Dehash,or river of Balk, which, in his map, really unite 
 in the manner represented by Ptolemy ; but no such junc- 
 tion appears in Elohinston's map; and Gaur is there 
 made to lie to the S.'E. of Balk, instead of to the S. W., as 
 in Kennel. For the total want of actual knowledge respect- 
 ing the country and rivers in question, it is impossible to 
 say whether Kennel or Elphinsion be right : for it must 
 be remembered, that the latter map is drawn wholly from 
 the report of the natives. The Dargidus seems to repre- 
 sent the Bunghee, that runs E. of Condooz ; and his Oxus 
 appears to be the Kokcha, or river of Badakshan. Balk, 
 or Bactra, is situated on the river Dehash, the Bactrus of 
 Curtius, Pliny, Polyaenus, and Strabo, and the Zariaspis 
 of Ptolemy. It is also called Zariaspa by Pliny and Strabo, 
 who here differ from Ptolemy, who makes Zariaspa a dit- 
 ferent city from Bactra. It lies in a plain four farsangs 
 from a mountain ; and the river Dehash, after having 
 washed its suburbs, fields, and gardens, enters the Oxus, 
 or Amoo, twelve farsangs below the city, as we are told 
 by Ebn Haukel, in his Sur-al-Beldan, who had very atten- 
 tively viewed its situation. ^ „ „ , „ 
 
 The Dehash is denominated the river of Balk and Bau- 
 meeaun by the orientals, because it originates in the dis- 
 trict of Baumeeaun, about SO miles to the S. W. of that 
 city, and runs a course of 180 British miles N. W. to Balk. 
 The name Balk is, as Abulfeda informs us, an Arabic 
 contraction of the Persic word Balakh, Balach, or Balah. 
 This is confirmed by the inscription in Chinese and Syriac, 
 dug up at Siganfu in China in 1625, where we find Balkh 
 called Balakh,jn the 8th century, by the Nestorian mission- 
 aries, who went from that place to China, to propagate the 
 Christian faith ; and it is therefore clear that the very learned 
 Dr. Hyde is wrong, in contradicting Ismael Abulfeda, that 
 prince of oriental geographers ; and in maintaining that 
 Balk was never called Balakh ; and that Bactra and Bac- 
 tria were names derived from Bokhara ; whereas that 
 district is plainly the Bazaria of Quintus Curtius 1 am 
 of opinion, that Balakh was its real name, and that Bac- 
 tra was its provincial appellation, taken from the province 
 of which it has always been the capital ; and that this lat- 
 ter name is from Baklitiar, the East. Balk was also 
 called Bilalij, and the city of Abraham by the Persians ; 
 because, as Hyde thinks, they pretended to be of his reh- 
 gion. But this surely is a later appellation, invented by 
 the Mohammedan Persians, who have a great veneration 
 for that patriarch, and fain would have him to be a de- 
 vout Mussulman, and in some sort a predecessor of the pro- 
 phet of Mecca ; for there is no proof or appearance of proof, 
 that the ancient Persians knew any thing about that 
 venerated personage. Balk is considered to be the oldest 
 city in the world, and is hence denominated Omool Belad, 
 the mother of cities. It is now reduced, as we are in- 
 formed by Elphinston, to a state of insignificance. Its 
 ruins cover still a great extent of ground, surrounded by a 
 wall but only one corner is now inhabited, and was lately 
 under the government of an Afghan deputy, appointed by 
 the court of Caubul. The country round it is flat, fertile, 
 and well cultivated, and said to contain 360 villages, and 
 to be watered by eighteen canals drawn from a celebrated 
 reservoir in the neighbouring mountains, called Bunde. 
 mir The west of this tract is covered with thick and 
 deep woods of reeds, which, though an annoyance to 
 the traveller, imply a rich soil, and well watered country. 
 The part towards the Oxus, is said to be sandy and bar- 
 ren. The soil round Balk, according to Abulfeda, pro- 
 duced quantities of excellent sugar canes. To particularize 
 the various revolutions of this celebrated city, from the 
 days of that Mythic heroine, Semiramis, down to the pre. 
 sent day, would require more time and paper than is con- 
 ; sistcnt with the purpose of our notes, and must therefoirf 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 W 174. 
 
 I determined not to be surpassed by them : and 
 ; there was not wanting many flatterers, who ap- 
 i plauded this wild, chimerical design. 
 
 These are the things that constitute the glory 
 
 be omitted. Its longitude, adopted by Rennel from Beau. 
 I champ, is 65. 33. east of Greenwich, and lat. 26. 41. north ; 
 1 herein agreeing with Ulugh-Beigh ; but in Elphinston's 
 map of Caubul its longitude is 66. 15. east, and 36. SO. 
 north latitude. 
 
 The passage of the Oxus to the north of Baikh by Alex- 
 iinder, appears to have been a difficult affair from the 
 j great depth and rapidity of the stream. It was, in fact, 
 I the largest stream Alexander had crossed since he had 
 j passed the Hellespont. It would have been a very easy 
 ! affair for Bessus to have prevented the passage of such a 
 ! ieep and rapid river as the Oxus, unprovided as the Mace- 
 I donian was with pontoons, and with materials for con- 
 1 Btructing them. But the whole of Bessus's conduct proves 
 him to have been totally destitute of capacity, courage, or 
 ; conduct. We find him totally neglectful of fortifying the 
 I mountain passes leading into Bactria, and allowing his 
 antagonist to enter the country without opposition, but 
 : such as arose from the nigged nature of the passes them- 
 I selves. We again find, that instead of defending his pro- 
 \ vince like a man, or facing Alexander in the open field, 
 ; he lays it waste, as the only method which, in his wisdom, 
 could stop the career of the victor ; and now, when Alex- 
 I ander arrived at the Oxus, instead of opposing his passage 
 j as he easily might, he runs away and abandons his camp, 
 I which is captured by the conqueror. Such a tissue of 
 : .absurd and cowardly conduct could not fail of dishearten. 
 I ing his soldiers, and rendering Bactria an easy conquest to 
 I the Macedonian, and yet we see that its conquest, though 
 abandoned by Bessus, occupied two campaigns. 
 
 The river, where Alexander crossed it, was three-fourths 
 of a mile broad ; its depth more than proportioned to its 
 breadth ; its bottom sandy ; and its stream so rapid as to 
 render it almost unnavigable : neither boat nor tree could 
 be found. In fine, from the.^e combined circumstances, 
 its passage was deemed so arduous an undertaking by his 
 ablest commanders, that they advised him not to attempt 
 it, but to return. But Alexander was no ordinary man. 
 His genius rose superior to these apparently insurmount- 
 ] able obstacles, and suggested an expedient which proved 
 ; successful. He caused the hides which covered the sol. 
 j diers' tents and baggage, to be tilled with straw and tiea 
 I together, and thus supplied the want of timber, and passed 
 over his whole army, which however occupied six days. 
 
 The Oxus, now called Jihoon and Amoo, is a stream 
 little inferior to the Indus, and much superior, in volume 
 of water, to the Euphrates and Tigris. It is but lately 
 that we have known any thing respecting its source, but 
 I merely that it rose in the Beloor-Tae, or the Imaus, 
 dividing the two Scythias, 100 miles east of Badakshan, 
 and that it is there called Harrat, The only European 
 who ever visited Badakshan and the countrj' at the sources 
 of the Oxus, was the celebrated Marco Polo, and his ac- 
 count is the foundation of all our modern knowledge on 
 this point. " Balashan," (Badakshan,) says he, p. 120, 
 Ed. Marsden, "is an extensive kingdom, twelve days' 
 journey in length, and is governed by princes in heredi. 
 tary succession from Alexander the Great, by the daugh. 
 ter of Darius, and have all borne the title of Zulkarnein, 
 (double-homed). Here are found the precious stones 
 1 called Balass rubies, of fine quality and great value. They 
 i I are imbedded in the high mountains, but are searched 
 1 I for only in one named Sikinan. The mountains afford 
 1 pasture' for innumerable flocks of sheep, of from 400 to 
 1 I 600 in number, and although many are taken and killed, 
 ' there seems to be no diminution. These mountains are 
 I , exceeding lofty, insomuch that it employs a man a whole 
 I I day, from morning till night, to ascend one of them. Be- 
 j I tween them are large plains, clothed with grass and trees, 
 I I and large streams of the purest water precipitating them- 
 I selves through the fissures of the rocks. On the summits 
 I I of the mountains the air is so pure and so salubrious, that 
 when those who dwell in the towns and subjacent plains 
 1 and valleys feel themselves attacked with fevers, or other 
 I inflammatory complaints,they immediately remove thither, 
 1 and remaining there three or four days recover their 
 health. I myself," says he, " experienced its salubrious 
 effects, for, having been confined by sickness, for nearly 
 a year, I was advised to change the air by ascend, 
 j ing the hills, when I presently became convalescent. 
 Leaving the province of Balashan, (Badakshan,) and tra- 
 veiling in a direction between north-east and east, you 
 pass many towns and castles on the banks of the Oxus, 
 belonging to the brother of the king of Balashan ; and 
 liter three days' journey, reach a province called Vokan, 
 which itself extends three days' journey in length and 
 
 and merit of such pretended heroes ; and it is 
 this which many people, dazzled by a false 
 splendour, still admire in Alexander: a ridi- 
 culous desire of rambling up and down the 
 
 breadth," p. 141. Upon leaving thiS country, and pro- 
 ceeding for three days in a north-east course, ascending 
 mountain after mountain, you at length arrive at a point 
 of the road, where you would suppose the surrounding 
 summits to be the highest land in the world. Here, be. 
 tween two ranges, you perceive a large lake, from which 
 flows a handsome river, pursuing its course along an ex. 
 tensive plain covered with the richest verdure. Such 
 indeed is its excellent quality, that the leanest cattle turned 
 upon it would become fat in the course of ten days. In 
 this plain are wild animals in great numbers, particularly 
 sheep of a large size, having horns 3, 4, and even 6 palms 
 long. Of these the shepherds make ladles and vessels for 
 holding their victuals, and with the same materials they 
 construct fences for enclosing their cattle and securing 
 them against the wolves, with which, they say, the coun- 
 try is infested, and whicli destroy many of these wild 
 sheep and goats. Their horns and bones being found in 
 large quantities, heaps of them are made at the sides of 
 the road, for the purpose of guiding travellers at the sea- 
 son when it is covered with snow. For twelve days the 
 course is along this elevated plain, which is named Pamer, 
 and as, during all that time you do not meet with any 
 habitations, it is necessary to make provision at the outset 
 accordingly. So great is the height of the mountains that 
 no birds are to be seen near their summits ; and, however 
 extraordinary it may be thought, it was affirmed that, 
 from the keenness of the air, fires, when lighted, do not 
 give the same heat as in the lower regions, nor produce 
 the same effects in dressing victuals. After finishing this 
 journey of twelve days, you have still forty days to travel 
 in the same direction, (east north-east,) over mountains 
 and through valleys in perpetual succession ; passing many 
 rivers and desert tracts, without being able to see any 
 habitations, or the appearance of verdure. Every article 
 of provision, therefore, must be carried along with you. 
 This region is ca'.ied Beloor. Even amidst the highest of 
 these mountains there lives a tribe of savage, ill-disposed, 
 and idolatrous people, who subsist on the animals they . 
 can destroy, and clothe themselves with the skins." Thus 
 far Marco Polo. 
 
 Vokhan is now identified by its connection with a place 
 called Weiihgherd, or Weishkird, the Vashjird of Rennel, 
 concerning which Ebn Haukel thus speaks : " The river 
 Wekshab comes out of Turkestan into the land of Weksh, 
 near a mountain, where there is a bridge between Khotlan 
 and the borders of Weishkird. From that it runs towards 
 Balk and falls into the Jihoon, (Oxus,) at Termed," p. 239. 
 It is again identified in another passage of the same ori- i 
 ental geographer. What says Sharif al Edrisi ? " De ; 
 regionibus finitimis Vackas, (Weksh, or Waksh,) et Gii, 
 (Kilan of Rennel,) sunt Vachan, (Vokhan,) et Sacquita, , 
 (Sakita,) in Terra Tore, (Toorkistaun,)" p. 141. " Inter 
 Vachan et Tobbat, (Tibet,) intercedit iter octodecem di- 
 erum. In Vachan sunt fodines argenli." Ibid. Weish- [ 
 gherd here, seems to be the country immediately between i 
 Badakshan and Vokhan, which our author tells us was | 
 governed by a brother of the king of Badakshan. It is j 
 also identified in the map prefixed to Elphinston's Caubul, I 
 drawn by Mr. Macartney, who, in his memoir of that . 
 map, makes the Oxus to rise in the highlands of Pamer, j 
 (the Pamer of Marco Polo,) issuing from a narrow valley [ 
 2 or 300 yards broad, in Wukhan, the southern boundary i 
 of Pamer. This valley is enclosed on three sides by the | 
 high snowy mountain called Pooshtikaur, to the south- i 
 east and west. The stream is seen coming from under the | 
 ice. The name and position of a place so secluded as 
 Vokhan, by Edrisi and Macartney, as Marsden observes, 
 p. 646. No. 291. place the veracity of Marco Polo beyond 
 all reasonable ground of suspicion. But if Edrisi be right, 
 and his construction of his text be correctly understood by 
 Marsden, Rennel's position of these regions is erroneous. 
 In his map the district of Vashgherd is included in Khot- 
 Ian, on the north side of the Upper Oxus, and Gil, or 
 Kilan, is placed south of Badakshan, near the Siaposhes, 
 or Black vests — the Kaufirs of Goes, Rennel, and Elphin- 
 ston— whereas Sakita is placed to the north of KhotLm, 
 and divided from it by a chain of mounUins, having tlie 
 district of Saganian on the south-west and the Ak.Tau, 
 or the White mountains, also denominated Yespera-Tag, 
 or the mounUins of Jasper, on the north ; and the Belor- 
 Tag on the east ; being thus enclosed on all sides. So far 
 as respects the countries between the Oxus and the Jaxar, 
 tes, Rennel's map is little more than a mere transcript of 
 that published by the learned and intelligent Strahtenberg. 
 in 1730. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 175 
 
 world ; of disturbing the tranquillity of nations, , 
 who were not bound to him by any obligations ; 
 of treating all those as enemies, who should re- 
 fuse to acknowledge him for their sovereign ; of 
 
 Rennel's mistake, and consequently that of his proto- 
 type Strahlcnberg, and also D'Anville, consists in his 
 making the Kckcha, or river of Badakshan, the prnicipal 
 stream of the Oxus ; and accordingly, fixing the site of 
 Badakshan not far due west of its source, in north latitude 
 37 25. and east longitude 68. 40. whereas, in Elphmston s 
 map, it is placed in north latitude 36. 10. and 70. 16. east 
 longitude ; and consequently 130 British miles south-east 
 of its position, as assigned by Rennel, and not on the 
 principal stream but on the most south-east branch of the 
 Oxus. In the memoir of Elphinston's map Fyzabad, the 
 capital of Badakshan, is placed 10 miles below the junction 
 of two streams, which, when united, are equal to the mam 
 stream, though in the map itself, Fyzabad is placed on the 
 south-west bank just below the confluence, or rather above 
 it on the south-east branch. A route is there marked, 
 leading alongst the north-east branch of the Kokcha, to 
 its source in a ridge of mountains, which separates the 
 valley of Badakshan from the Upper Oxus, and which 
 route goes across that ridge. This route is certainly that 
 which Marco Polo crossed, as otherwise he would have 
 taken a great detour to the north-west if he had crossed 
 the Kokcha at its junction with the Oxus at Kajaghar, 
 130 miles north-west of Fyzabad, in direct distance. At 
 the point where he would cross the ridge separating the 
 valley of Badakshan from the Upper course of the Oxus, 
 as represented in Elphinston's map, after going alongst 
 the banks of a tributary stream, and passing many castles 
 and villages dependent on Badakshan, he would find the 
 Oxus really coming from the north-east. On that point 
 of that stream the district of Voklian, or Wuk^an, com- 
 mences. According to Marco Polo, this district extends 
 three days' journey up the stream, and is succeeded by an- 
 other which he does not name. It would seem from 
 Macartney's information, that the whole of the upper 
 valley of the Oxus, comprised between the ranges of the 
 Pamer and the Belor, is called Wukhan ; though in his 
 map that appellation is confined to the narrow valley at 
 the source of the Oxus itself, and is succeeded by those of 
 Shoognaun and Durwauz, farther down the river on the 
 north side. If the Wushkirnee of Elphinston's map to 
 the east of the Soorkhaub, or Kurrat-teggun river be 
 the Weishgird of Edrisi, or the Vashjird of Rennel, then 
 this district will be to the north-west of Durwauz, in 
 which case Edrisi's description will neither tally with 
 Elphinston's map nor Marco Polo's route, north-east from 
 Badakshan, over the intervening ridge to Vokhan. El- 
 I phinston's map, principally drawn by Macartney, is almost 
 totally deficient respecting the tracts to the north of the 
 Oxus, so that there is no clue to guide us in that quarter. 
 Marco Polo's route seems to have occupied nine days after 
 he left the district of Balashan, (Badakshan,) till he ar. 
 rived at the Pamer and source of the Oxus ; which proves, 
 if Elphinston's map be correct, that he crossed the ridge 
 to the north-east of Fyzabad, where the north branch of 
 the Kokcha originates, and not at Kajaghar, as in that case 
 he would have occupied a much longer interval of time in 
 his route. He mentions a large lake out of which the 
 Oxus comes, and which he had seen in crossing the 
 Pamer. This fact has not been verified, nor is such a lake 
 laid down in Elphinston's map, nor is it mentioned by any 
 oriental author, except perhaps Edrisi, who says that in 
 Wakhan is a lake, called Berwan, 40 leagues long and 24 
 in breadth. I have little doubt that this Berwan is the 
 lake seen by Marco Polo. From this traveller, Strahlen- 
 i berg has placed in his map a lake and town, called Belor, 
 at the head of the Oxus, and Rennel has copied these 
 from him. 
 
 It is not impossible that the Oxus may have one of its 
 sources, if not ^he principal one, in the manner described 
 by Marco Polo. In this respect Ephinston's map is drawn 
 ! merely from report ; as the river is so very large ere it 
 i escapes from the narrow valley, as described in Macart- 
 ! ney's memoir, as to be 50 yards broad and breast deep. 
 I There is ground of suspicion that its remote source is 
 either farther distant, or that it really rises from an Alpine 
 lake, fed with the melted snows of the Belor-Taugh. It 
 ; must also be remembered, that though De Lisle, Strah- 
 lcnberg, D'Anville, and Rennel, make this lake in their 
 maps, the source of the Oxus, Marco Polo does not say 
 I that this lake, though the source of a river, is the source 
 ! of the Oxus The fact is, he never mentions the Oxus in 
 ' this part of his journey It is only by inference that mo. 
 i dem geographers make it the Oxus. For any thing that 
 ! he has said it may be a different river from the Oxus that 
 i flows from that lake. He does not mention the particular 
 
 ransacking and extirpating such as should pre- 
 sume to defend their liberties, their possessions, 
 and their lives, against an unjust invader, who 
 came from the extremity of the earth to attack j 
 
 direction of its course ; but as he afterwards calls it the 
 plain of Pamer, alongst which he travelled all the way for 
 twelve days, in a north-east direction, one would be apt to 
 imagine that the stream was in that direction. But in 
 that case he must have travelled alongst its banks, for 
 most, if not all of that time, but this he does not say. 
 One would thence rather infer, that, having reached this 
 elevated level, he found a large river running west, or 
 north-west, from the lake in question, on its southern or 
 western declivity, and which was perhaps only a branch 
 of the Oxus. Indeed Strahlenberg in his map makes it 
 so, marking it there as falling into the Oxus east of the 
 Badakshan branch, whilst the river of Congoralinke is 
 made the main stream, running from a more eastern and 
 distant source. At the south-east corner of this lake he 
 places the city of Belor, for which he produces no autho. 
 rity. As not a single river is marked in Elphinston's map 
 as falling into the Oxus east of the Soorkhaub, on the 
 north side, and east of the Kokcha, on the south side, it 
 is very possible that the lake may exist on the north-west 
 side of the Belor- Tai gh, which may send forth a branch 
 to the north or north-west, to the Oxus. At any rate it 
 is very clear, that the source of the Oxus, thus supposed to 
 be given by Marco Polo, is very different from that laid 
 down in Elphinston's map. Marco Polo does not say that 
 that river rises in the valley of Vokhan, but three days* 
 journey beyond it, crossing mountain behind mountain 
 in succession, till he arrived at the highly elevated and 
 extensive plain, between two very lofty ranges of moun- 
 tains, or what I would denominate the crest of the ele- 
 vated plain, or depressed summit, bounded by opposite 
 ranges, which he calls Pamer— such a plain, perhaps, as 
 that through which the Sutley flows, bounded by the two 
 ranges of the Himalaya and the Caillas, and like it con- 
 taining a large lake in its bosom. There is nothing at all 
 improbable in this supposition, as the whole Alpine coun- 
 try of Great and Little Tibet is studded with such lakes. 
 Now this is vastly dififerent from Elphinston's informa- 
 tion, which makes it originate in a glacier 40 spears deep, 
 at the foot of a very lofty mountain, called Pooshtikhur, 
 wholly covered with snow, in a valley every where shut 
 in by mountains but on the north, where the infant stream { 
 finds an egress. 
 
 Undoubtedly the Vokhan of Marco Polo, and the Wuk- 
 han of Elphinston are the same ; but the latter places it 
 at the very source, whilst the former places it three days' 
 journey below. Both agree in calling the high level 
 where it originates Pamer, of which Wukhan is stated by 
 the latter to be the southern boundary. Both accounts 
 may possibly be rendered consistent, by supposing the 
 appellation Wukhan to comprehend the whole tract east 
 of Badakshan, on the south of the Oxus, to its source in 
 the high level of Pamer, and that Marco Polo, having 
 ascended its course as far as the said lake, his road led 
 him to the north while the stream entered it from the 
 south, coming in that direction from the narrow valley 
 described in Elphinston, so that he did not see the remote 
 source. I am surprised that his annotator, Mr. Marsden, 
 did not notice the discrepancy between a large lake and a 
 glacier, the more especially as Edrisi confirms Marco 
 Polo's statement of a large lake, as before observed. The 
 Chinese general, in his despatches to the emperor Kien 
 Long, recounting his pursuit of the Mohammedan chiefs 
 ofCashgar, across the Beloor-Taugh to Badaksfian, men- 
 tions several lakes which he met with in his passage. 
 Both these accounts go far to prove the veracity of Marco 
 Polo in stating the existence of such a lake, and that one 
 of these may be either the remotest source, or that of one 
 of its head branches. It must also be remarked to the 
 credit of Marco Polo, that he is the first person who ob- 
 served that the action of fire was modified by the rarity of 
 the atmosphere on the summits of high mountains. Every 
 one's experience shows him, that in places exposed to ex- 
 cessive cold, a much greater quantity of fuel is required, 
 to produce the same effect, than where the temperature is 
 moderate. De Luc observes, that on high mountains fire 
 burns more sluggishly, and its effects are less powerful, 
 than at the level of the sea. Hence, the altitude of high 
 mountains is estimated by the temperature at which water 
 boils. 
 
 According to Syed Mohammed Hassan, quoted by Kin- 
 nier, in his memoir of the Persian empire, the Oxus rises 
 in the Pamer mountains 13 marches of 36 miles each, 
 or 468 miles, east of Badakshan, p. 178. These mountains 
 are inaccessible, uninhabited, and always white with snow. 
 Ibid. In Elphinston's map it is made to rise in the Beloor 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 them, without the least shadow of reason. Add 
 to this glaring injustice, the rash and wild pro- 
 ject he had formed, of subduing with infinite 
 labour, and the utmost hazard, many more na- 
 tions than it was possible for him to keep in 
 
 Taugh, E. long. 73°. and N. lat. 38". 15', under the name 
 of Punj, from the mountain before mentioned. It runs 
 5 coss through the narrow valley of Wukhan, before men. 
 tinned. At 4 coss, it is 20 yards broad, and breast deep ; 
 and on leaving the valley, after having been joined by 
 many other springs from the same hill, it is SO yards 
 broad, and middle deep. Twenty-five coss below its source, 
 j it is joined by the Shiber, coming from the Adum Koosh, 
 north. At 5 coss above the junction, the Shiber was 60 yards 
 broid, and middle deep ; so that at the distance of 5 coss 
 from its source, as Macartney was informed, the Punj 
 was nearly equal to it, and must have attained a very con- 
 I sidcrable size before its junction with that river, as seven 
 or eight streams of from 10 to 30 yards broad, and from 
 knee to middle deep, joined it from the S. This circum- 
 1 stance would induce me, as before mentioned, to believe, 
 ; that it had a more distant source than that laid down in 
 ' ' the map, especially as the Shiber is there made to have a 
 j ' more distant origin, than its rival and superior stream. 
 I From this junction it runs 120 miles S W , where it 
 ! meets a range of mountains running W. N. W. and 
 E. S. E., and thence changes its direction to the N. W., 
 running along the north side of that range through Shoog- 
 naw, Durwauz, and Kurrateggeen, where it finds a pas- 
 sage through this ridge, after a farther course of lilO 
 miles. 'ITience again, running 75 miles S. W., it meets tlie 
 Kokcha, or river of Badafahan, at Kajaghar, at the dis- 
 tance of more than 360 miles from its source. 
 
 The Kokcha is a very rapid and unfordable stream, and 
 enters the Oxus with such force, as to rush across its 
 stream to the opposite bank. From this junction, to 
 where it meets tlie river of Condooz, its course is 80 miles 
 still VV. and a little S. During all this cour*e of 490 
 miles, it runs through a mountainous country, and is 
 joined by innumerable streams, from two to four of which 
 are crossed in each day's march, along its left bank, or S. 
 side, from 10 to 30 yards wide, and from knee to breast 
 deep, besides the 3 large streams of the Soorkhaub, Kok- 
 cha, and river of Condooz, or the Aksurrai. It must receive 
 an equal, if not a greater, number of streams from the N. 
 or the Pamer ridge, and these more considerable than 
 those from the S. or the Hindoo. Kho, as the distance is 
 greater. From its junction with the river of Condooz, 
 to where it receives the Dehash, or river of Balk, is 50 
 miles, receiving the river of Khooloom from the S. 
 From this to Bokhara, its course is N. W. for 270 miles, 
 v/hen it receives the Turufshan, or Sogd, that waters Sa. 
 marcand and Bokhara. Five marches below or W. of 
 Bokhara, it receives the Margus, or river of Margiana, 
 now called the Morg-aub Near the city of Kheeva it re- 
 ceives a river, as Macartney was told, called the Neelum, a, 
 stream nearly as large as itself. This river I take to be 
 the Khesel Daria of Bruce and Strahlenberg, or the Red 
 River. The appellative Khesel is Turkish, and Daria is 
 another Persian name for a river. If the Neelum and 
 Khesel Daria be tlie same river, then it comes from the 
 east, and enters the Oxus on the right hand; whereas 
 Kheeva stands not far from the left bank or western 
 shore of the Oxus. The remaining course, from Its 
 reception of the Sogd, to where it enters the Aral Nor, or 
 Lake of Eagles, is 350 miles ; thus having a total course of 
 more than 1100 British miles. For the last 500 miles, the 
 Oxus runs through a desert. It appears that near the 
 source of the river, its northern branch, the Shiber is so 
 rapid, that no horse can keep his feet, and that it is crossed 
 on cows, which have long bushy tails, and stand ttie force 
 of the current much better than a horse. It is surprising 
 that Macartney, who received this information, did not 
 know that the cows spoken of as there used for riding and 
 crossing streams, were Yaks or Tibetian bulls, as they are 
 called, a very different animal from a cow, and in com- 
 .-non use over all the mountainous tract N. of Hindoostan, 
 and from the Belor Taugh to the frontiers of China. The 
 modern names of the Oxus are, the Jihoon, the Ammoo, 
 and the Punj. Respecting its classical appellation of 
 Oxus, I have no doubt that it is Persian, though Rennel 
 would derive it from the Outzes, Oulzians, or Outchi, a 
 Scythian tribe ; and quotes the instance of the Oxydracje 
 in Sogdiana, with whom Alexander warred ; and another 
 tribe settled in India, near the confluence of the Indus 
 and the Punjnud, whose capital is the modern Outch, as 
 a proof of his etymology, Geogr. of Herod, p. 225. What 
 connection the Scythian Outzi can have wiUi the Indian 
 Oxydracas, 1 cannot see ; and am disposed t" think this 
 
 subjection ; and the sad necessity to which he 
 was reduced, of being perpetually obliged to 
 conquer them anew, and punish them for their 
 rebellion. This is a sketch of what the con- 
 quest of India will exhibit to us, after I shall 
 
 last a Persian appellative. We read also of the Oxycani, 
 another Indian trilie, near the mouth of the Indus; of 
 Oxyartes, kii.g of Bactria; and another of the same 
 name, whose daughter Alexander married ; of Oxathres 
 a brother of the unfortunate Darius; of Oxydates, a 
 noble Persian ; and, finally, of the Oxii, or Uxii, a 
 people of Elymais. These instances induce rae to 
 think, that the appellative Oxus is Persian and not Scy. 
 thian. The Oxus was a Persian river ; the country beyond 
 it under Persian domination ; that language was vernacular 
 in Bactria and Sogdiana ; and therefore it is natural to 
 infer, that the name of the river was Persian. The Per- 
 sians also denominated the Oxus Ab-Telah, or the Golden 
 River ; and the Byzantine Greeks, corrupting the term, 
 called the people inhabiting its banks, Nephtalites, Euta^ 
 lites, and more nearly Ephtalites ; and the Arabs called 
 them Hayatelah. Dr. Hyde observes, that Hiyate- 
 lah, or Prince of the Golden river, was a title of the 
 king of Khotlan, a province on the north of the Oxus 
 in Mawaralnahar. I'liny calls the Oxus, Zonus, a cor- 
 ruption undoubtedly of the name. 'I'he appellation 
 of Pamer given to the high level at the source of the Oxus, 
 by Marco Polo, Strahlenbergh, and Elphinston, and to 
 the range which runs N. W. and S E. from the Beloor 
 Taugh, is Sanscrit, and signifies the country of rills, and is 
 derived from Pan, or Panir, water : and which, as Malte- 
 brun observes, corresponds to the Danish Vand ; and 
 hence perhaps the Vandabanda of Ptolemy derives its 
 name from the union of waters. Inter Caucasum men. 
 tern et Imaum est regio nomine Vandabanda, (p. 154. 
 Asi£B Tab. vii.) The great dividing ridge running N. 
 from tlie Hindoo-Koosh, or Indian Caucasus, to the 
 Mooz-Tagher, or Northern Imaus, I take to have three 
 appellations, lurkish, Sanscrit, and Persian. The first is 
 the Beloor Taugh, evidently a corruption of Beloot 
 Taugh, the cloudy mountain ; the second, Pamer, or 
 country of rills and fountains, which supply on the W. 
 the great streams of the Oxus and the laxartes, and on 
 the S. and S. E. those which swell the Indus, and the 
 Kameh, or river of Kaush-khaur. The Persian appella- 
 tion is the Bellor Koh, or the shining mountains, from the 
 brilliancy of their snowy sides and summits, when illu- 
 mined by the solar rays. That appellation, Dr. Hamilton 
 informs us, is also applied to the Himalaya range 
 that overlooks the valley of Nepaul. The tract at the 
 head of the Oxus is denominated Belor, a cold moun. 
 tainous region, in the maps of Strahlenberg and D'An. 
 ville from Marco Polo ; whilst in that of Elphinston, it is 
 called Sirhud, the Persian appellative for the cold region, 
 in opposition to Gurmseer, the hot region. The term 
 Pamer is also applied to the whole elevated level that lies 
 between the Himalaya and the Northern Imaus, or the | 
 N. VV. part of what is called Baltistan, Baladeshan, or I 
 Little Tibet. The subject, however, is still dark, and ' 
 must remain so, till the discoveries of Mr. Morecroft, who I 
 has traversed part of that region, be laid before the pulilic, 
 which it is hoped will appear in due time. In the Mew \ 
 moires de la Chine, vol. xi p. 550, the citv of Badakshaun i 
 is placed in 72". 37'. E \or,^. and 36*". 23'. N. lat. or 2°. 17'. i 
 to the E, and 0". 13'. to the N. of its position in Elphin- | 
 ston's map. It is impossible to reconcile this difference ; • 
 and conjectures are of no use, where we have no data. | 
 Having crossed the Oxus, Alexander advanced first to ! 
 Nautaca, the modern Naksheb, and then to Maracanda. j 
 There cannot a doubt remain of this latter city beii.g the 
 modern 
 
 — Samarcand, by Oxus, Temir's throne 
 Milton. 
 
 It is not, however, on the Oxus, but on the Sogd, a tribu- 
 tary of that stream. Ii is evidently a 'l urkish appellation, 
 the termination Kanda, kand, kunda, or kend, beii'g 
 applied to many other places besides Samarcand, both in 
 Eastern and Western Toorkistaun, and Mawar-al-Nahar, 
 or Great Bukharia ; as, Tash-kund, or the stone castle •. 
 Khowa-kund, or by abbreviation, Kokun, the Fargana of 
 the Persian and Arabian geographers, near the sources cf 
 the laxartes. Maltebrun, by mistake, confounds Kokun 
 with Kojund, a city on the most southern bend of that 
 river (vol. ii. p. S71.), whereas they are widely distant 
 from each other. Yenghe.kimd, or the New City, 
 Demir-kund, or the Iron Castle, Ande-ktmd. Mara- 
 canda, in my opinion, is just the Turco-Tartarian 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 177 
 
 have given some little account of the situation 
 and manners of that country, and of some of its 
 rarities. 
 
 Ptolemy divides India into tvs^o parts ; India 
 on this, and India on the other side of the 
 
 designation, Mir-Kand, or the Prince's Castle, made 
 Greek ; whicli shows tlie antiquity of the Turkish 
 language. If we could further suppose that a trans- 
 l)osition of tlie letters has taken place, then Samar. 
 caud would be Mursakand, or the Castle of the Mur. 
 sa, a military title common at this very dav amongst 
 the Turco-Tartai ian tribes. In Eastern Toorkistaun we 
 have the cities of Yar-kand, Nam.kand, Isital-kand, and 
 Gaolo-kand, as we learn from the despatcfies of the 
 Chinese general to the emperor Kien .Long in 1759. In 
 Elphinston's map, Samarcand is placed 230 British miles 
 N. N. W. of Balk, or Bactria, in 39°. 37 . N, lat. and very 
 nearly 65*'. K. long, or 45'. farther E. than in that of 
 Rennel, founded on the observations of Beauchamp at 
 Casben, and the tables of Ulugh-Beg. But these tables 
 would need to be verified before we can place much de- 
 pendence on them. 
 
 It is situated on the southern side of the Sogd, a stream 
 which has a much longer course than any other which 
 falls into the Oxus, having its source in" the ridge of 
 Pamer— here called Ak-Tau, or the White mountain, 
 from the ever-during snows which clothe its sides and 
 summits— and which, running south-west from the Beloot- 
 Taugh, divides the waters that descend south to the Oxus 
 from those that run north to the laxartes. But in Elphio- 
 ston's map the source of this river is placed in a ridge run- 
 ning south from the Ak-Tau, and separating the districts of 
 Samarcand and Bokhara from the very mountainous dis- 
 trict of Kurratteggun on tiie east, from which it runs west 
 and then south-west, till it joins the Oxus two marches be- 
 5ow Bokhara, after a course of 300 miles direct. It has but 
 a small volume of water compared to the Ox us, being ford- 
 able all over, excepting wlien swelled by the melting 
 snows, 'i'his is owing to its long course over a sandy coun- 
 try, which absorbs the greater part of its waters before they 
 reach Bokhara. The tract watered by its stream, is called 
 the Vale of Sogd, the Sogdiana of the ancients. But this 
 latter term comprehended, according to them, much more 
 than this region, even all the tract from the Oxus south to 
 the laxartes north, and from Khowarasm west to the 
 sources of these two rivers east. Nay, Ptolemy applies 
 the name Caucasus to the mountains bounding it on the 
 south, or part of the Belor-Taugh— '* et montibus qui 
 proprie Caucasii appellantur," p. 151-. — or, in other words, 
 the range that bounds the valley of the Upper Oxus on* 
 the north, running west from the Belor-Taugh. 
 
 The Sogd is called Polytimetus by Curtius. The vale 
 or, as it is sometimes called, the Sogd of Samarcand, ex- 
 tends eight days' journey in length, from the district of 
 Bokhara to the foot of the mountain ALBotom, whence 
 the Sogd springs 20 farsangs east of Samarcand. Ebn 
 Haukel extends it to ten days' journey, and calls it all a 
 delighcful tract, affording fine prospects, and full of gar- 
 dens, orchards and villages, corn-fields and villas, and 
 running brooks, reservoirs, and fountains, both on the 
 right and the left hand. « On this beautiful river," says 
 he, « are situated 2000 villas and gardens. Wlien be- 
 sieged by Alexander, it was 3 leagues, or 70 stadia, in 
 circumference, according to Curtius " It was afterwards 
 much enlarged, and surrounded with a wall 12 farsangs 
 in circumference, in the time of Jenghiz-Khan, who took 
 ifc ni A. D. 1220, after a long siege and gallant defence 
 The mner city was 4 leagues in circumference and also 
 walled. It was afterwards the favourite capital of the 
 celebrated Timoor Bek, the hero, the fanatic, the scourge 
 Though still the seat of an Usbeck-Khan, it has by no 
 means the celebrity it enjoyed in former days. We are 
 further told, that when Alexander arrived on the banks 
 of the laxartes, he received an embassy from the Abian 
 Scythians, as also from the European Scythians, desiring 
 j:eace. Who were these Abian Scythians ? is the ques- 
 tion, and where was their site. The query is difficult of 
 solution. If they were the same with the Abians of 
 Homer, so celebrated for their justice and peaceful dispo- 
 sition, they belonged to the Eurooean Scythi.ms, as he 
 places them with the Hippomolgians beyond the Thra 
 Clans and Mysians, and could not therefore be classed with 
 the Asiatic Scythians : — 
 
 " Then turn'd to Thracia from the field of fight 
 Those eyes that shed insufferable light. 
 To where the Mysians prove their martial force. 
 And hardy Thracians tame the savage horse ; 
 And where the far-famed Hipperaolgian strays, 
 Renown'd for justice and for length of days ; 
 
 Ganges. Alexander did not go beyond the 
 former, nor even so far as the Ganges. This first 
 pai't is situated between two great rivers, the In- 
 dus, whence this country receives its name, and the 
 Ganges. Ptolemy says, the limits of it are, to the 
 
 Thrice happy race, that innocent of blood. 
 From milk, innoxious, seek their simple food 
 
 Jove sees delighted. 
 
 Iliad, Book xiii. 1. v. H. 
 
 If we could suppose that the poet intended the same 
 Abians as those seen by Alexander, it would prove, as 
 Kennel justly remarks, that the Greeks had a very early 
 knowledge of the eastern Scythians. But this cannot 
 once be imagined; for how were the Greeks to gain a 
 knowledge of the tribes of central Asia, so far removed 
 from them in the days of Homer— a period of at least 
 eight centuries before the birth of Christ ? 'I here is room 
 to suspect that the Greeks applied, without any regard to 
 accuracy, the names of nations and tribes in Asia, men- 
 tioned in their native poets and historians, to very diflfe- 
 rent people. But a still greater difficulty occurs from 
 their site, as they are placed by the ancients in Scythia 
 extra Imaum, and by Ptolemy far to the north-east 
 of the laxartes, and to the north of the Hippopbagi, 
 or horse-eaters, apparently in tfie Steppe, or desert of 
 Ablai, on the south-west of the Upper Irtish; 600 
 geographical miles distant from the supposed position 
 of Alexander's army, on the banks of the laxartes. It is 
 difficult to conceive how they could even hear of such a 
 man as Alexander, or of his campaigns in Sogdiana, re- 
 moved, as they were, to such a distance ; and separated, 
 moreover, by several chains of lofty mountains, and par- 
 ticularly by that of the Imaus Versus ad Arctos of Ptole. 
 my ; or what ground of alarm they could possibly have, 
 supposing they had heard of him and his conquests, 'I'he 
 very jciurney of their own ambassadors must have occu. 
 pied several weeks if not monlhs. What is more extra, 
 ordinary still, ambassadors came all the way from the 
 European Scythians, who dwelt to the west of the Don, 
 or Tanais, to solicit peace also, so great was the terror 
 produced on the Scythians by the success of the Macedo- 
 nian arms. One would think from this, that all the Scy- 
 thias, both east and west, the Euxine Scythians, the Scy- 
 thians intra and extra Imaum, with the wide intervening 
 region of the Asiatic Sarmatia, were put into a complete 
 fright as soon as Alexander arrived on the banks of the 
 laxartes. If ambassadors really came from the European 
 Scythians, they must have had a journey of at least three 
 months to travel, ere they could be admitted to an audi- 
 ence of that terrible personage — the distance being at least 
 1500 miles direct — and to.accomplish thi?, they must have 
 traversed the deserts ot the Kuban and the salt plains of 
 Astracan, turned the north corner of the Caspian sea, 
 crossed the Volga, Yaik, Yem, and the vast sandy plains 
 now occupied by the Kiguisian hordes, to arrive at 
 the Macedonian camp. What possible reason could thev 
 have to dread that Alexander would, or could, march his 
 army all the way north-west to the Don, through such 
 inhospitable tracts. His army must have perished in the 
 march. I cannot conceive how at such a distance, and 
 altogether out of the way, they could have even heard 
 that Alexander was at the laxartes. I take the whole to 
 be a fabrication — a piece of fustian— invented to flatter 
 Greek vanity, and tickle the ears of their credulous coun- 
 trymen with hyperbolical tales of the exploits of their 
 national hero : — 
 
 " HiEC credat Judceus Apclla, 
 
 Non ego."- ■ — ■ 
 
 Strahlenberg, in his Introduction to his map, p. 53, sup- 
 poses the Abian Scythians to be the same with the Su 
 Mongols, or Mongols of the waters , an appellation, he 
 says, given to the Tartars to distinguish them from the pro. 
 per Mongols. This notion is taken from De la Croix's Life 
 of Jenghis Khan. But it must be observed, that La Croix 
 has no authority for the appellation Su Mongols in any 
 oriental author, but borrowed it from the relation of tlia 
 legate Carpini. The appellative is Turkish besides, and 
 we may rest assured that Turkish was not spoken at the 
 court of Karacorom, either in the days of the Vang Khan, 
 or of Jenghis his supposed son-in-law. The language 
 was Mongolian, and the Turkish term Caracoram itstli 
 is only to be found in Abulgasi, himself a Turk, and in 
 the histories of the Mohammedan Tartars. 'I'he term Abii, 
 I think, would be otetained by the Greeks from the Per- 
 sians, in whose language Ab, or Aub, Abe, Abi, signifies 
 water, sea- water, and therefore the term would signify, 
 either the Scythians who inhabited the banks of the 
 M 
 
178 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 west, Paropamisus, Arachosia, and Gedrosia, 
 which either form a part, or are upon the confines 
 of the kingdom of Persia : to the north. Mount 
 Imaus, which is part of Great Tartary : to the 
 
 laxartes, and therefore a name including all those tribes 
 .in the vicinity of that stream; or, as I rather imagine, 
 those tribes who dwelt in the islands at the mouths of the 
 I laxartes and alongst the shores of the Aral lake. Thus 
 it would signify the Scythians of the fea, or lake ; and a 
 tribe of Tartars are at this day called Aralians, because 
 they dwell along the shores of that sea. The Greeks 
 could have no knowledge of them but from the Persians, 
 ■ and would, from sheer ignorance of the Persian language, 
 take them for the Abii of their own poet, or confound 
 them with those so called, and very probably erroneously 
 with those to the east of Imaus. Understood m this way 
 1 the story may tell, and it was very natural for such a 
 I tribe living in peace amongst themselves and with their 
 neighbours, to be alarmed at the hostile approach ot a 
 1 foreign and victorious foe, and to send ambassadors to 
 j deprecate his wrath. Otherwise understood, the story is 
 not capable of belief from a rational mind. ^ ^ ^ , . 
 
 The Persian Ab, a river, is synonymous with the Celtic 
 I or Gaelic Aber, a river, and the French Havre, is just 
 Aber corrupted. Curtius confounds the laxartes with 
 the Don, by c-alling it the Tanais ; and in his mistaken 
 geography, the European Scythians would not have far to 
 lend their an.bassadors ; but on the other hand, the Abii 
 would have to send their deputies all the way from the 
 Irtcsh to the Don, a distance of more than 'iOOO miles. 
 \rrian indeed also calls the laxartes lanais, but he dis- 
 tinguishes this trom the European Tanais ; but still we 
 want proof that ever any but Alexander s soldiers ca jed 
 the laxartes by that name, though it is frequently called 
 Araxes by the Greek writers, and confounded with the 
 noted Armenian river. laxartes is a corruption of tne real 
 name Ik-sert, or Ik-sertes, a Tartarian epithet, signifying 
 the Great River, and a tribe on its banks is denominated 
 laxarta; both by Ptolemy and Ammianus ; the former of 
 whom places them on the northern bank, throughout the 
 lower half of its course. A tribe at this day remains m 
 tlie tract to the S. of that stream, and the aboriginal na- 
 tives are still called Sartes and Buchars, to distinguish 
 them from their masters the Usbecks, and are an industri- 
 ous, peaceable people, addicted to agriculture and com- 
 merce Possibly these may be the very Aba mentioned 
 above As Kennel justly remarks, p. 22-t, they may have 
 been one of the tribes of the Massagetas, a generic bey- 
 thian name applied to all those who dwelt on the west of 
 Imaus ; or of the Sacs, another generic term, but at tne 
 same time, as observed in a former note, an epithet of re. 
 preach applied by the Persians to all the Scythian tribes in 
 their vicinity. 'J'he modern name of Sirr, or Sirt, applied 
 to that river, is taken from the Sartes now mentioned. 
 The laxartes is by no means so large a stream as the 
 Oxus, though still a large river. Like its rival stream, it 
 ri<;es in the Beloor Taugh, by which it is separated from 
 those of the river of Ka^hghdr, in N. lat. 41". and E. long. 
 73". in the district of Kokun, or Khowakund, the Far. 
 ganah of the oriental geographers. Its course is first W , 
 and then S W to Khoojund, or Cogende, where it is said 
 to be smaller than the Oxus, and larger than the Indus, 
 at Paishawur. A stream joins it near Kokun, running 70 
 miles S from the Pamer range, to its junction at Kokun. 
 At Kokun the Sirr divides into twobranches, and passes the 
 town E, and W. From Khoojund its course is N. W., till 
 it eiAters the Lake of Aral, or the sea of eagles, after pass- 
 ing the cities of Tashkunt, Tonkat, Sairam, Otrar, Jund, 
 in 448 N. lat. and 618. E. long. Its whole course is up- 
 wards of 5.50 geographical miles. Its chief tributaries are 
 from the N E as the Talash, or Taraz, the Turugay, the 
 Narin the Karasu, and others of less note. It forms the 
 southern boundary of Old or Western Toorkistaun, which 
 it separates from the ancient Sogdiana Strahlenberg, 
 however, in his large map, extends Joorkistaun much to 
 to the S of the laxartes, or Syr, even to the ridge of 
 Pamer We are, however, very little acquainted with 
 Toorkistaun, or with the streams that compose the mam 
 body of the la sartes, or Sihoon, our chief knowledge ol it 
 bein<' derived from the oriental historians and geograph- 
 ers, who are far from accurate, and often contradict 
 each other, which could not bo the case, were they them 
 selves well informed about that country. 
 
 The Cyropolis taken bv Alexander, is supposed to have 
 stood on or near the site of the modern Khoojund 
 140 miles norih-east of Maracanda, or Samarcand 
 Where the city of the Mamaceni stood, or where that 
 tribe were settled, is impossible to say ; but they would 
 seem to have been situated to the east of Mara- 
 canda. It is not a little remaikable, that a tribe of 
 
 east, the Ganges: to the south, the Ocean, or 
 Indian Sea. 
 
 All the Indians,' according to Arrian, are 
 free, and, like the Lacedsemouians, have no 
 
 1 Arrian. de Indie, p. S2l— 323. 
 
 this very name exists at this day in the mountains to 
 the north-west of Schiras, called the Eauchteeauree 
 range. Morier informs us in his second tour, that when 
 at that city in 1811, the prince, or governor, was employed 
 in an expedition against them, as by their activity and 
 courage they had become quite formidable in their 
 mountain fastnesses. Their principal haunts are in the 
 mountains in the vicinity of the Kala-Suffeed, or white 
 castle, an almost impregnable hill fort, 70 miles N. W. of 
 Schiras, and called by Sherefedden, in his Lifeof Tirnur one 
 of the strongest citadels in Asia, and in the Kala-Suffeed 
 itself Their numbers at present are estimated at from 
 10 to 12,000 families. They boast themselves on being 
 the descendants of Rustoom the famed Persian hero. 
 Two of their principal tribes are called Rustamee and 
 Zaubulec ; and as the feats of these legendary heroes are 
 fully described in the Shah Nameh of the renowned Fccr- 
 doosi, they read that poem with great avidity ; and it is 
 quite common to hear some of the lowest of them reciting 
 passages from it with great rapture and enthusiasm. 
 " The history of this people," says Morier, " excites the 
 more interest, from the account given by Quintus Cur- 
 tius, lib. vii. cap. 6. and lib. ix. cap. 7. of a people bearing 
 the very same name, who made an obstinate resistance to 
 the progress of Alexander in the East, and who in fact 
 were one of the chief causes which stopped his career in 
 Tartary. The position of their city was near Cyropolis, or 
 Cogende. Yet although they lived in cities, whilst the 
 modern Wamacenni dwelt chiefly in tents, and although 
 the former were in Tartary, and the latter in Ears,— it is 
 not impossible that the one may be the descendants of the 
 other, on account of the well known transposition of 
 tribes in the East, as the transportation of the Jews to 
 Babylon and Media, and the fact that Hyrcanians were 
 found in Asia Minor, and its being the avowed intention 
 of Darius to remove the Phcenicians to Ionia, and the 
 lonians to Phoenicia, The recent removal of the Ar- 
 menians to Ispahan by Shah Abbas, and the transportation 
 of the great Arabian tribe from Nejid to the north of Per. 
 sia by Shah Ismael, where they now occupy the whole 
 tract between Ardistan Mesched and Heraut; give an 
 air of strong probability to the conjecture." Travels, 
 p. 47. 
 
 We are told that Pharaimanus, king of Chorasmia, came 
 to Alexander with l.=;00 horse, and informed him that his 
 dominions bordered on the Euxine sea ; and offered him 
 his services, in case he should think fit to turn his arms m 
 that direction. This is a very wonderful piece of geo. 
 graphy, that Chorasmia, the modern Karazm, bordered 
 on the Black Sea. Chorasmia lay to the W. and S. W. of 
 the Oxus ; ;uid Pharaimanus surely knew that it was the 
 Caspian and not the Euxine sea, on which his own terri- 
 tories bordered ; unless we suppose him to have been as 
 ignorant as the Greeks of Alexander's army, who ima- 
 gined the laxartes to be the Don, which is hardly con. 
 ceivable. It is possible that some ignorant transcriber of 
 Curtius may have wrote the Euxine for the Caspian sea, 
 and thereby have perpetuated the mistake, otherwise I 
 consider it unaccountable ; and we may be perfectly cer- 
 tain, that Alexander sent none of his own people home 
 with the ambassadors of the European Scythians, as repre- 
 sented by his historian ; as in that case they must have 
 gone round by the north of the Caspian, and thereby 
 ascertained it to be a great inlaiid sea, unconnected with 
 the Northern Ocean ; whereas his followers imagined it 
 to be c. nr.ecled with it bv a great strait, which error con. 
 tinned to the days of Ptolemy. It is strange, that the ex- 
 tensive country of Chorasmia, though mentioned by 
 Herodotus, and classed by him in the 16ih satrapy of the 
 Persian empire, is not mentioned in the Tables of Ptole- 
 my, but is evidentlv included in that part of Scythia which 
 lay opposite Bactria and Margiana. Tab. vii. p. 148. 
 " Sogdiana," says he, " terminatus ab Occasu ea particula 
 Scythiffi qua; est versus Bactrianam et Margianam ad 
 Oxum fluvium." 
 
 Respecting the famous speech of the Scythian aniba.ssa- 
 dors, it is wholly a piece of manufacture, got up by 
 Curtius, and may do very well for recitation by a school- 
 boy ; but no one in the right use of his senses will evei 
 beiieve, that such a specimen of ornate eloquence wa."! 
 1 made by savages. It is impossible to fix, with any thing 
 I like precision, the geographical sites of the Massage'tae and 
 
179 
 
 slaves among them The only difference is, the | The second and greatest is that of the hus- 
 latter make use of foreign slaves, whereas there ! bandmen. These are had 
 
 are none in India. They do not erect anv 
 monuments in honour of the dead, but are oV 
 opinion, that the reputation of illustrious men is 
 their mausoleum. 
 
 They may be divided into seven classes. 
 The first and most honourable, though the 
 least numerous, is that of the Brahmans, who 
 are, as it were, the guardians of religion. I 
 shall have occasion to mention them in the 
 sequel. 
 
 DahcE ; but only that they lay some where in the vicinity 
 of the laxartes. Bazaria, I take to be the territory of 
 Bokhara, S. W. of Maracanda, or Samarcand. Respecting 
 Xenippa, Gabaza, and Bubacene, I can tay nothing ; only 
 tliat the two former of these regions lay in the east of 
 Sogdiana, towards the Beloor and Famer ridges, and that 
 perhaps the last may be the province of Budukshauii, 
 or Badakshan, mentioned before in our account of the 
 Oxus. It would strengthen the conjecture, were we to 
 suppose that it was originally written Budacene, instead of 
 Bubacene. The supposition that Budukshaun corresponds 
 to the Bubacene of Curtius, is much strengthened by what 
 is related of Bubacene in the text, that it was the richest 
 in the world, not only in gold, but in pearls and precious 
 stones. Now this exactly corresponds to Budukshaun, 
 which has from time immemorial been celebrated for its 
 mineral wealth. « Here," says Marco Polo, (p. 120. Ed. 
 Blarsden), " are found precious stones, called Balass rubies, 
 of fine quality and great value. They are embedded in 
 the high mountains, but are .searched for only in one 
 named Sikinan. In this case, the king of Balaslian (Bu. 
 dukshaun) causes mines to be worked in the same manner 
 as for gold or silver ; and through this channel alone they 
 are obtained, none daring, under pain of death, to make 
 one excavation for this purpose, unless as a piece of spe- 
 cial favour he obtains his majesty's license. Tliere are 
 mountains likewise in which are found veins of that stone 
 called lapis lazulli (lazulite), which yields the azure 
 colour, called Ultramarine, hore the finest in the world. 
 Their mines of silver and of copper and lead, are also very 
 productive." Thus Marco Polo confirms our hypothesis, 
 that Bubacene is Budukshaun. 
 
 " Buciukshaun," says Elphinston, " though an exten. 
 sive country, seems to be one great valley, running up 
 from the province of Balkh to Beloor Taugh, between the 
 Ingh lands connected with the Pamer and the range of 
 Hmdoo-Koosh. The part of Beloor 'J'augh within Buduk- 
 shaun, produces iron, salt, and sulphur, as well as abun- 
 dance of lazulite; but tlie celebrated mines of rubies, 
 which occasion Budukshaun to be so often alluded to by 
 the Persian poets, are situated in the lower hills near the 
 Oxus. Ihey are not now wrought." Elphinston's Cau- 
 bul, vol. ii, p. 441. Budukshaun was overrun by Shah 
 Woolee Khan, visir to Ahmed Shah Doorannee, king of 
 Candahar; but he was unable to retain possession of so 
 mountainous a country, and so difficult of access on the 
 side of Caubul. He therefore contented himself with tak- 
 ing some relics, and evacuating tiie country. Among the 
 rehcs was the shirt of the prophet Mohammed, which in 
 the neighbouring countries was thought as great a prize, 
 as Christ's napkin brought by the Crusaders from the 
 Holy Land, or tlie statues taken from Italy during the late 
 war by the successful and conquering French, were in 
 Europe. It is said that Alexander entered Bubacene, 
 after warring with the Sacgz. These Sacs, I think, with 
 Kennel, to have occupied the tract called Sackita by Edri. 
 s], in the east of Bactria, at the foot of the Beloor Taugh, 
 to the north of the upper Oxus, and north-east of Buduk- 
 shaun. Ammianus mentions a city in that region, called 
 Saga, which may perhaps be the modern Saganian. But 
 It IS impossible to pretend certain knowledge, without pre- 
 cise data, and the.se we have not. The king of Durvvauz, 
 in the valley of the upper Oxus, claims his descent from 
 Alexander the Great, and liis pretensions are admitted by 
 all his neighbours. Elphinston's Caubu!, vol. ii. p 441. 
 Respecting the tremendous rocks besieged by Alexander, it 
 IS plain that they must be placed in the upper parts of 
 Bactna and Sogdiana. Curtius's tales concerning these 
 sieges are romantic, and in many particulars unworthy of 
 belief. Similar hill forts .are quite commor^ in Hindoos- 
 taun, particularly in the hills bordering the Great Hima- 
 laya. It is plain from the history, that Alexander tra. 
 versed the v/hole of the tract between the Oxus and the 
 laxartes with his victorious troops; but it is also equally 
 so, that they had hard work of it. — Ed. 
 
 great esteem. 
 
 Their only occupation is to cultivate the fields, 
 and they are never taken from this employment 
 to carry arms and serve in the field : even in 
 time of war, it is an inviolable law, never to 
 molest them or their lands. 
 
 The third is that of herdsmen and shepherds, 
 who keep herds and flocks, and never come into 
 cities. They rove up and down the mountains, 
 and often exercise themselves in hunting. 
 
 The fourth is of traders and artificers, among 
 M'hom pilots and seamen are included. These 
 three last orders pay a tribute to the king, and 
 none are exempt from it but those that make 
 arms, who instead of paying any thing, receive 
 a stipend from the public. 
 
 The fifth is of soldiers, whose only improve- 
 ment is war : they are furnished with all sorts 
 of necessaries ; and, in time of peace, are abun- 
 dantly supplied with all things. Their life, at 
 all times, is fi-ee and disengaged from cares of 
 every kind. 
 
 The sixth order is that of overseers CE^i'a-y.c 
 ^oi), who superintend the actions of others, and 
 examine every transaction, either in cities or 
 the country, and report the whole to the prince. 
 The virtues and qualities required in these ma- 
 gistrates are exactness, sincerity, probity, and 
 the love of their country. None of these ma- 
 gistrates, says the historian, have ever been ac- 
 cused of telling an untruth. Thrice happy 
 nation, were this really fact ! However, this 
 observation proves at least that truth and jus- 
 tice were had in great honour in this country, 
 and that knavery and insincerity were detested 
 in it. 
 
 Lastly, the seventh class consists of persons 
 employed in the public councils, and who share 
 the cares of the government with the sovereign. 
 From this class are taken magistrates, inten- 
 dants, governors of provinces, generals and all 
 military officers, whether for land or sea; comp- 
 trollers of the treasury, receivers, and all who 
 are entrusted with the public moneys. 
 
 These different orders of the state never inter- 
 mix by marriage ; and an artificer, for instance, 
 is not allowed to take a wife from among the 
 class of husbandmen ; and so of the rest. None 
 of these can follow two professions at the same 
 time, nor quit one class for another. It is na- 
 tural to conclude, that this regulation must have 
 contributed very much to the improvement of 
 all arts and trades ; as every one added his own 
 industry and reflections to those of his ances- 
 tors^ which were delivered down to him by an 
 uninterrupted tradition. 
 
 Many observations might be made on these 
 Indian customs, which I am obliged to omit, 
 for the sake of proceeding in my history. I 
 only entreat the reader to observe, that in every 
 wise government, every well governed state, 
 the tilling of lands, and the grazing of cattle 
 (two perpetual and certain sources of riches and 
 abundance), have always been one of the chief 
 objects of the care of those who preside in the 
 administration ; and that the neglect of either, 
 is erring against one of the most important 
 maxims in policy. 
 
 I also admire very much that custom of ap- 
 pointing overseers, whether they are known for 
 such or not, who go upon the spot, in order to 
 inspect the conduct of governors, intendants.; 
 and judges; the only method to prevent the 
 rapine and outrages to which unlimited autho- 
 rity, and the distance from a court, frequently 
 
 J.I 2 
 
180 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 give occasion; thu only method, at the same 
 time, for a sovereign to know the state of his 
 kingdom, without which it is impossible for 
 him to govern happily the people whom Provi- 
 dence has entrusted to his care. This care re- 
 gards him personally ; and those who act under 
 him can no more dispense with the discharge of 
 it, than they can usurp his diadem. 
 
 It is remarkable, that in India, from the 
 month of June to those of September and Octo- 
 ber, excessive rains fall very often, whereby the 
 crossing of rivers is rendered much more diffi- 
 cult, and frequent inundations happen. Hence 
 we may judge how greatly, during all this sea- 
 son, the aiunies of Alexander must have suffer- 
 ed, as they were at that time in the field. 
 
 Before I leave what relates in general to In- 
 dia, I shall say a few words concerning the ele- 
 phants, with which that country abounds more 
 than any other. The elephant exceeds all ter- 
 restrial aninaals in size. Some are thirteen or 
 fifteen feet high. The female goes a whole 
 year with her young. It lives sometimes to the 
 age of 100 or 120 years ; nay much longer, if 
 some ancient writers may be credited. Its nose, 
 called its trunk (proboscis J, is long and hollow, 
 like a large trumpet, and serves the elephant in- 
 stead of a hand,* which it moves with incredible 
 agility and strength, and thereby is of prodigious 
 service to it. The elephant,*^ notwithstanding 
 its prodigious size, is so tractable and industri- 
 ous, that one would be almost apt to conclude it 
 were formed with something like human rea- 
 son. It is susceptible of affection, fondness, 
 and gratitude, so far as to pine away with sor- 
 row when it has lost its master, and even some- 
 times to destroy itself when it happens to have 
 ill used or murdered him in the transport of its 
 fury. There is no kind of thing which it can- 
 not be taught. Arrian, whose authority is nut 
 to be questioned, relates, that he had seen an 
 elephant dance with two cymbals fixed to his 
 legs, which he struck one after the other in 
 cadence with his trunk; while the rest danced 
 round him, keeping time with a surprising 
 exactness. 
 
 He describes very particularly the manner in 
 which they are taken. The Indians inclose a 
 large spot of ground, with a trench of about 
 twenty feet wide, and fifteen high, to which 
 there is access but in one part, and this is a 
 bridge, which is covered with turf; in order 
 that these animals, who are very subtle, may 
 not suspect any thing. Of the earth that is dug 
 out of the trench, a kind of wall is raised on the 
 outer side, of which a little kind of chamber is 
 made, where people conceal themselves in order 
 to watch these animals, leaving a very small 
 opening. In this enclosure two or three tame 
 female elephants are set. The instant the wild 
 elephants see or smell them, they run and whirl 
 about so much, that at last they enter the en- 
 closure, upon which the bridge is immediately 
 broken down, and the people npon the watch 
 fly to the neighbouring villages for help. After 
 they have been broke for a few days by hunger 
 and thirst, people enter the enclosure upon tame 
 elephants, and with these they attack them. 
 
 1 1 1 Manus data clcphaiitis, quia propter magnitudineni 
 , I corporis difficiles aditus habebant ad pastum. Cic. de net. 
 j I aeor. lib ii. n. 1-3. 
 
 2 Elephanto belluaruin nulla providenlior. At fiuura 
 1 1 qure vastior? De nat. deor. lib. i. n. "J7 
 
 As the wild ones are by this time very much 
 weakened, it is impossible for them to make a 
 long resistance. After throwing them on the 
 ground, men get upon their backs, having first 
 made a deep wound round their necks, about 
 which they throw a rope, in order to put them 
 to great pain, in case they attempt to stir. Be- 
 ing tamed in this manner, they suffer them- 
 selves to be led quietly to the houses with the 
 rest, where they are fed with grass and green 
 corn, and gradually tamed by blows and 
 hunger, till such time as they obey readily their 
 master's voice, and perfectly understand his 
 language. 
 
 Every one knows the use that was formerly 
 made of these animals in battle ; however, they 
 frequently made greater havoc in the army to 
 which they belonged than in that of the enemy. 
 Their teeth, or rather tusks, furnish us with 
 ivory. But it is time to retui'n to Alexander. 
 
 This^ prince having entered India,* all the 
 petty kings of these countries came to meet him, 
 and make their submissions. They declared 
 that he was the third son of Jupiter,^ who had 
 arrived in their country : that they had known 
 Bacchus and Hercules no otherwise than by 
 fame ; but as for Alexander, they had the hap- 
 piness to see him, and to enjoy his presence. 
 The king received them with the utmost cour- 
 tesy, commanding them to accompany him, and 
 serve him as guides. As no more of them came 
 in to pay their homage, he detached Hephastion 
 and Perdiccas with part of his forces, to subdue 
 all who should refuse to subm.it. He ordered 
 them to advance as far as the Indus, and to 
 prepare boats to convey his army across that 
 river. But finding he was obliged to cross 
 several rivers, he caused these boats to be built 
 in such a form, that they could be taken to 
 pieces ; the several parts of them carried upon 
 waggons, and afterwai-ds put together again. 
 Then, having commanded Craterus to follow 
 liim with his phalanx, he himself marched be- 
 fore, with his cavalry and light-armed troops ; 
 and after a slight engagement, he defeated those 
 who had dared to make head against him, and 
 pursued them to the next city, into which they 
 fled. Craterus being come up, the king, in 
 order to terrify, at the first onset, those nations 
 who had not yet felt the power of the Macedo- 
 nian arms, commanded his soldiers to burn 
 down the fortifications of that place which he 
 besieged in a regular way, and to put all the 
 inhabitants to the sword. But as he Avas going 
 round the walls on horseback, he was wounded 
 by an arrow. Notwithstanding this accident, 
 he took the city, after which he made dreadful 
 havoc of all the soldiers and inhabitants, and 
 did not so much as spare the houses. 
 
 After subduing this nation, which was of no 
 great consequence, he marched towards the city 
 of Nysa, and encamped pretty near its walls, 
 behind a forest, that liid it. In the mean time, 
 it grew so very cold in the night, that they had 
 never yet felt so excessive a chill; but, very 
 happily for them, a remedy was near at hand. 
 
 5 Quint. Curt. 1. viii. c. Arrian. 1. iv. p. lf>C— 195 
 
 1. V. p. 195— ^Jiil. I'lut. in Alex. p. 697—699. Diod. I. xvii. 
 p. 557 — 559. Justin. 1. xii. c. 7, S. 
 
 4 Quintus Curtius supposes, that several countries on 
 this tide of the Indus, hut adj icent to that river, belonged 
 to India, and made part of it. 
 
 5 Could these Greek names of gods be known to the 
 Indians ? 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 181 
 
 They felled a great number of trees, and lighted 
 up several fires, which proved very comfortable 
 to the whole army. The besieged having at- 
 tempted a sally with ill success, a faction arose 
 in the city, some being of opinion that it would 
 be best for them to surrender, whilst others 
 were for holding out. This coming to the 
 king's ear, he only blocked up the city, and did 
 not do the inhabitants any farther injury; till 
 at last, tired out with the length of the siege, 
 they surrendered at discretion, and accordingly 
 were kindly treated by the conqueror. They 
 declared that their city had been built by Bac- 
 chus. The whole army, for six days together, 
 celebrated games, and made rejoicings on this 
 mountain, in honour of the god who was there 
 worshipped. 
 
 He marched from thence 
 A. M. 3677. to a country called Dtedala, 
 Ant. J. C. 327. which had been abandoned 
 by the inhabitants, who had 
 fled for shelter to inaccessible mountains, as had 
 also those of Acadera, into which he afterwards 
 entered. This obliged him to change his me- 
 thod of war, and to disperse his forces in differ- 
 ent places, by which means the enemy were all 
 defeated at once : no resistance was made any 
 where, and those who were so courageous as to 
 wait the coming up of the Macedonians, were 
 all cut to pieces. Ptolemy took several little 
 cities the instant he set down before them : 
 Alexander carried the large ones, and, after 
 uniting all his forces, passed the river Choas- 
 pes,'' and left Coenus to besiege a rich and popu- 
 lous city, called Bazira by the inhabitants. 
 
 He afterwards marched towards Massaga, 
 whose king, called Assacanus, was lately dead, 
 and Cleophes, his mother, ruled the province 
 and city. There were 30,000 foot in it, and 
 both nature and art seemed to have vied with 
 each other in raising its fortifications; for to- 
 wards the east, it was surrounded with a very 
 rapid river, the banks of which were steep, and 
 difficult of access ; and on the west and south 
 were high craggy rocks; at the foot whereof 
 were caves, which through length of time had 
 increased into a kind of abysses ; and where 
 these failed, a trench of an astonishing depth 
 was digged with incredible labour. 
 
 Whilst Alexander was going round the city, 
 to view its fortifications, he was shot by an ai-- 
 row in the calf of his leg ; but he only pulled 
 out the weapon, and, without so much as bind- 
 ing up the wound, mounted his horse, and con.- 
 tinued to view the outward fortifications of the 
 city. But as he rode with his leg downward, 
 and the congealing of the blood put him to great 
 pain, it is related that he cried,' " Every one 
 swears that I am the son of Jupiter, but my 
 wound makes me sensible that I am a man." 
 However, he did not leave the place till he had 
 seen every thing; and given all the necessary 
 orders. Some of the soldiers, therefore, de- 
 molished such houses as stood without the city, 
 and with the rubbish, filled up the gulfs above- 
 mentioned. Others threw great trunks of trees 
 and huge stones into them ; and all laboured 
 wjth so much vigour, that in nine days the 
 I works were completed, and the towers were 
 raised upon them. 
 
 6 This is not the Choaspes which runs by Susa. 
 7 Omnes jurant me Jovis esse filium, sed vulnus hoc 
 hominem esse me clamat. Senec. Epist. lix. 
 
 The king, without waiting till his v/ound 
 was healed, visited the works, and after ap- 
 plauding the soldiers for their great despatch, 
 caused the engines to be brought forward, 
 whence a great number of darts were dis- 
 charged against those who defended the walls. 
 But that which most terrified the barbarians 
 was those towers of a vast height, which seemed 
 to them to move of themselves. This made 
 them imagine, that they were made to advance 
 by the gods ; and that those battering-rams 
 which beat down walls, and the javelins thrown 
 by engines, the like of which they had never 
 seen, could not be the effect of human strength : 
 so that, persuaded that it would be impossible 
 for them to defend the city, they withdrew into 
 the citadel ; but not finding themselves more 
 secure there, they sent ambassadors to propose 
 a surrender. The queen aftei'wards came and 
 met Alexander, attended by a great number of 
 ladies, who all brought him wine in cups, by 
 way of sacrifice. The king gave her a very 
 gracious reception, and restored her to her king- 
 dom. 
 
 From hence Polysperclion was sent with an 
 army to besiege the city of Ora, which he soon 
 took. Most of its inhabitants had withdrawn 
 to the rock called Aornos. There was a tradi- 
 tion^ that Hercules having besieged this rock, 
 an earthquake had forced him to quit the siege. 
 There are not on this rock, as on many others, 
 gentle declivities of easy access ; but it rises like 
 a bank ; and being very wide at bottom, grows 
 narrower all the way to the top, which termi- 
 nates in a point. The river Indus, whose 
 source is not far from this place, flows at the 
 bottom, its banks being perpendicular and high ; 
 and on the other side were vast morasses, which 
 it was necessary to fill up before the rock could 
 be taken. Very happily for the Macedonians 
 they were near a forest. This the king caused 
 to be cut down, commanding the soldiers to 
 carry off nothing but the trunks, the branches 
 of which were lopped, in order that they might j 
 be carried with the less diflSculty ; and he him- | 
 self threw the first trunk into the morass. The 
 army seeing this, shouted for joy, and every 
 soldier labouring with incredible diligence, the 
 work was finished in seven days; immediately 
 after which the attack began. The officers were 
 of opinion, that it would not be proper for the 
 king to expose himself on this occasion, the dan- 
 ger being evidently too great. However, the 
 trumpet had no sooner sounded, than this prince, 
 who was not master of his courage, commanded 
 his guards to follow, himself first climbing the 
 rock. At this sight it appeared no longer inac- 
 cessible, and every one flew after him. Never 
 were soldiers exposed to greater danger; but 
 they were all resolved to conquer or die. Several 
 fell from the rock into the river, whose whirl- 
 pools swallowed them up. The Barbarians 
 rolled great stones on the foremost, who being 
 scarce able to keep up their feet (the rock was 
 so slippery), fell down the precipices, and were 
 dashed to pieces. No sight could possibly be 
 more dismal than this; the king, greatly afflicted 
 at the loss of so many brave soldiers, caused a 
 retreat to be sounded. Nevertheless, though he 
 had lost all hopes of taking the place, and was 
 determined to raise the siege, he acted as if he 
 intended to continue, and accordingly gave or- 
 ders for bringing forward the towers and other 
 engines.^ The besieged, by way of insult, made 
 great rejoicings; and continued their festivity 
 for two days and two nights, making the rock 
 
182 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 and the whole neighbourhood echo with the 
 sound of their drums and cymbals. But the 
 third night they were not heard, and the Mace- 
 donians were surprised to see every part of the 
 rock illuminated with torches. The king was 
 informed, that the Indians had lighted them to 
 assist their flight, and to guide them the more 
 easily among the pi'ecipices, during the ob- 
 scurity of the night. Immediately the whole 
 army, by Alexander's order, shouted aloud, 
 1 which terrified the fugitives so much, that 
 ! several of them fancying they saw the enemy, 
 j flung themselves from the top of the rock, and 
 i perished miserably. The king having so hap- 
 i pily and unexpectedly possessed himseif of the , 
 i rock, in an almost miraculous manner, thanked i 
 
 the gods, and offered sacrifices in their honour. 
 I From hence he marched towards Echolimus, { 
 j which he took, and after sixteen days' march 
 ■ arrived at the river Indus, wher£ he found that 
 i Hephgestion had got all things ready for his 
 ! passage, pursuant to the orders given him. The j 
 king of the country, called Omphis, whose fa- ; 
 I ther died some time before, had sent to Alexan- 
 j ; der, to know whether he would give him leave to 
 j ' wear the crown. Notwithstanding he had re- j 
 ceived this permission, he nevertheless delayed! 
 j assuming it till his arrival. He then went to 
 meet him with his whole army ; and when ] 
 Alexander was advanced pretty near, he pushed j 
 forward his horse, came up singly to him, and i 
 the king did the same. The Indian then told | 
 bim by an interpreter, " that he was come to ! 
 meet him at the head of his army, in order to j 
 deliver up all his forces into his hands ; that he 
 suiTendered his person and kingdom to a mo- 
 narch, who, he was sensible, fought only with 
 the view of acquiring glory, and dreaded no- 
 thing so much as treachery." The king, greatly 
 satisfied with the frankness of the Barbarian, 
 gave him his hand, and restored him to his 
 kingdom. He then made Alexander a present 
 of fifty-six elephants, and a great number of' 
 other animals of prodigious size. Alexander 
 asking him which were most necessary to him, ' 
 husbandmen or soldiers ? he replied, that as he 
 was at war with two kings, the latter were of 
 greatest service to him. These two mouarchs 
 were Abisares and Porus, the latter of whom • 
 was the most powerful, and the dominions of' 
 both were situated on the other side of the 
 Hydaspes. Omphis assumed the diadem, and j 
 took the name of Taxilus, by which the kings ! 
 of that country were usually called. He made 
 magnificent presents to Alexander, who did 
 not suffer himself to be exceeded in generosity. 
 
 The next day, ambassadors from Abisares 
 waiting upon the king, surrendered up to him, 
 pursuant to the power given them, all the do- 
 minions of their sovereign ; and after a promise 
 of fidelity had been given on both sides, they 
 returned back. 
 
 Alexander expecting that Porus, astonished 
 with the report of his glory, would not fail to , 
 submit to him, sent a message to that prince, as ' 
 if he had been his vassal, requiring him to pay 
 tribute, and meet him upon the frontiers of his 
 dominions. Porus answered with great com- 
 posure, that he would meet him upon the fron- 
 tiers, but it should be sword in hand. At the 
 same time, a reinforcement of thirty elephants, 
 whi^h were of great service, were sent to Alex- 
 ander. He gave the superintendence of all his 
 elephants to Taxilus, and advanced as far as the 
 banks of the Hydaspes. Porus was encamped 
 on the other side of it, in order to dispute the 
 
 passage with him ; and had posted at the head 
 of his army eighty-five elephants of a prodi- 
 gious size, and behind them 300 chariots, sup- 
 ported by 30,000 foot ; he had not at most above | 
 7000 horse. This prince Avas mounted on an j 
 elephant much larger than any of the rest, and 
 he himself exceeded the usual stature of men ; 
 so that, clothed in his armour glittering with 
 gold and silver, he appeared at the same time 
 terrible and majestic. The gi-eatness of his 
 courage equalled that of his stature, and he was 
 as wise and prudent as it was possible for the 
 monarch of so barbarous a people to be. 
 
 The Ivlacedonians dreaded not only the ene- 
 my, but the river they were obliged to pass. 
 It was four furlongs wide (about 400 fathoms), 
 and so deep in every part, that it looked like a 
 sea, and was no where fordable. It was vastly 
 impetuous notwithstanding its great breadth ; 
 for it rolled with as much violence, as if it had 
 been confined to a narrow channel ; and its 
 raging, foaming waves, which broke in many 
 places, discovered that it was full of stones and 
 rocks. However, nothing was so dreadful as 
 the appearance of the shore, which was quite 
 covered with men, horses, and elephants. Those 
 hideous animals stood like so many towers, and 
 the Indians exasperated them, in order that the 
 horrid cry they r?ade might fill the enemy with 
 great terror. However, this could not intimi- 
 date an army of men, whose courage was proof 
 against all attacks, and who were emboldened 
 by an uninteiTupted series of prosperity; but 
 then they did not think it would be possible 
 for them, as their barks were so crazy, to sur- 
 mount the rapidity of the stream, or land with 
 safety. 
 
 This river was full of little islands, to which 
 the Indians and INIacedonians used to swim, 
 with their arms over their heads ; and slight 
 skirmishes took place every day in the sight of 
 the two kings, who wei-e' well pleased to try 
 their strength in these small excursions, and to 
 form a judgment from such skirmishes of the 
 success of a genei-al battle. There were two 
 young officers in Alexander's army, Egesima- 
 chus and Nicanor, men of equal intrepidity, and 
 who, having been ever successful, despised dan- 
 gers of every kind. They took with them the 
 bravest youths in the whole army; and with 
 no other weapons than their javelins, swam to 
 an island in which several of the enemy were 
 landed ; where, with scarce any other assistance 
 but their intrepidity, they made a great slaugh- 
 ter. After this bold stroke, they might have 
 retired with glory, were it possible for rashness, 
 when successful,' to keep within bounds. But 
 as they waited with contempt, and an insulting 
 air, for those who came to succour their com- 
 panions, they were surrounded by a band of 
 soldiers, who had swam unperceived to the 
 island, and overwhelmed with the darts which 
 were shot from far. Those who endeavoured 
 to save themselves by swimming, were either 
 carried aAvay by the waves, or swallowed up by 
 the whirlpools." The courage of Porus, who 
 saw all this from the shore, was surprisingly 
 increased by this success. 
 
 Alexander was in great perplexity ; and find- 
 ing he could not pass the Hydaspes by force of 
 arms, he therefore resolved to have recourse to 
 artifice. Accordingly he caused his cavalry to 
 attempt several times to pass it in the night, 
 and to shout as if they really intended to ford 
 the river, all things being prepared for that pur- 
 pose. Immediately Porus hurried thither with 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 183 
 
 bis elephants, but Alexander continued in bat- 
 tle-array on the bank. This stratagem having 
 been attempted several times, and Porus finding 
 the w^hole but mere noise and empty menaces'^ 
 he took no farther notice of these motions, and 
 only sent scouts to every part of the shore. 
 Alexander being now no longer apprehensive of 
 having the whole army of the enemy fall upon 
 him, in his attemjjting to cross the river in the 
 night, began to resolve seriously to pass it. 
 
 There was in the river, at a considerable dis- 
 tance from Alexander's camp, an island of a 
 greater extent than either of the rest, vv^hich 
 being covered with trees, was well suited to 
 conceal his design, and therefore he resolved to 
 attempt the passage that way. However, the 
 better to conceal the knowledge of it from the 
 enemy, and deceive them on this occasion, he 
 left Craterus in his camp with a great part of 
 the army, with orders for them to make a great 
 noise, at a certain time which should be ap- 
 pointed, in order to alarm the Indians, and 
 make them believe that he was preparing to 
 cross the river ; but that he should not attempt 
 this, till such time as Porus should have raised 
 his camp, and marched away his elephants, 
 either to withdraw or advance towards those 
 Macedonians who should attempt the passage. 
 Between the camp and the island he had posted 
 Meleager and Gorgias with the foreign horse 
 and foot, with orders for them to pass over in 
 bodies, the instant they should see him engaged 
 in battle. 
 
 ^ After giving these orders, he took the rest of 
 his army, as well cavalry as infantry; and, 
 wheeling off from the shore, in order to avoid 
 being perceived, he advanced in the night-time 
 towards the island into which he was resolved 
 to go; and the better to deceive the enemy, 
 Alexander caused his tent to be pitched in the 
 camp where he had left Craterus, which was 
 opposite to that of Porus. His life-guards were 
 drawn up round, in all the pomp and splendour 
 with which the majesty of a great king is usu- 
 ally surrounded. He also caused a royal robe 
 to be put upon Attains, who was of the same 
 age with himself, and so much resembled the 
 king, both in stature and features, especially at 
 so great a distance as the breadth of the river, 
 that the enemy might suppose Alexander him- 
 self was on the bank, and was attempting the 
 passage in that place. He, however, was by 
 this time got to the island above-mentioned ; 
 and immediately landed upon it from boats, 
 with the rest of his troops, whilst the enemy 
 was employed in opposing Craterus. But on a 
 sudden a furious storm arose, which seemed as 
 if it would retard the execution of his project, 
 yet proved of advantage to it; for so fortunate 
 was this prince, that obstacles changed into ad- 
 vantages and succours in his favour. The storm 
 was succeeded by a very violent shower, with 
 impetuous winds, flashes of lightning and thun- 
 der, insomuch that there was no hearing or see- 
 ing any thing. Any man but Alexander would 
 have abandoned his design ; but he, on the con- 
 trary, was animated by the very danger, not to 
 mention that the noise, the confusion, and the 
 darkness, assisted his passage. He thereupon 
 made the signal for the embarkation of his 
 troops, and went off himself in the first boat. 
 It^ is reported that it was on this occasion he 
 cried out, " O Athenians, could you believe that 
 I would expose myself to such dangers to merit I 
 your applause !'' And, indeed, nothing could I 
 contribute more to eternize his name, than the I 
 
 having his actions recorded by such great histo- 
 rians as Thucydides and Xenophon and so 
 anxious was he about the character which would 
 be given him after his death, that he wished it 
 were possible for him to return again into the 
 world only so long as was necessary to know 
 what impression the perusal of his historj 
 would make on the minds of men. 
 
 Scarce any person appeared to oppose their 
 landing, because Porus was wholly taken up 
 with Craterus, and imagined he had nothing to 
 do but to oppose his passage. Immediately this 
 general, pursuant to his orders, made a prodi- 
 gious clamour, and seemed disposed to attempt 
 the passage of the river. Upon this all the 
 boats came to shore, one excepted, which the 
 waves dashed to pieces against a rock. The 
 moment Alexander was landed, he drew up in 
 order of battle his little army, consisting of 6000 
 foot and 6000 horse. He himself headed the 
 latter ; and having commanded the foot to 
 make all imaginable despatch after him, he 
 marched before. It was his firm opinion, that 
 in case the Indians should oppose him with 
 their whole force, his cavalry would give him 
 infinite advantage over them ; and that, at all 
 events, he might easily continue fighting till his 
 foot should come up ; or, that in case the ene- 
 my, alarmed at the news of his having passed 
 the river, should fly, it would then be in his 
 power to pursue, and make a great slaughter of 
 them. 
 
 Porus, upon hearing that Alexander had 
 crossed the river, had sent against him a detach- 
 ment, commanded by one of his sons, of 2000 
 horse and 120 chariots. Alexander imagined 
 them at first to be the enemy's van-guard, and 
 that the whole army was behind them; but 
 being informed it was but a detachment, he 
 charged them with such vigour, that Porus's 
 son was killed upon the spot, with 400 horses, 
 and all the chariots were taken. Each of these 
 chariots carried six men ; two were armed with 
 bucklers, two bowmen sat on each side, and two 
 guided the chariot, who nevertheless always 
 fought when the battle grew warm, having a 
 great number of darts which they discharged at 
 the enemy. But all these did little execution 
 that day, because the rain, which had fallen in 
 great abundance, had moistened the earth to 
 such a degree, that the horses could scarcely 
 stand upon their legs ; and the chariots being 
 very heavy, most of them sunk very deep into 
 the mud. 
 
 Porus, upon receiving advice of the death of 
 his son, the defeat of the detachment, and of 
 Alexander's approach, was in doubt whether it 
 would be proper for him to continue in his post, 
 because Craterus, with the rest of the Mace- 
 donian army, made a feint as if they intended 
 to pass the river. However he at last resolved 
 to go and meet Alexander, whom he justly sup- 
 posed to be at the head of the choicest troops of 
 his army. Accordingly, leaving only a few 
 elephants in his camp, to amuse those who were 
 posted on the opposite shore, he set out with 
 S0,000 foot, 4000 horse, 300 chariots, and 200 
 elephants. Being come into a firm, sandy soil, 
 in which his horses and chariots might wheel 
 about with ease, he drew up his army in battle- 
 array, Avith an intent to wait the coming up of 
 the enemy. He posted in front, and on thf. 
 
 1 I-')cian de conscrib. hist. p. G91. 
 
184 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 first line, all the elephants at 100 feet distance 
 one from the other, in order that they might 
 serve as a bulwark to his foot, who were be- 
 hind. It was his opinion, that the enemy's 
 cavalry would not dare to engage in these inter- 
 vals, because of the fear their horses would 
 have of the elephants ; and much less the infan- 
 try, when they should see that of the enemy 
 posted behind the elephants, and themselves in 
 danger of being trod to pieces by those animals. 
 He had posted some of his foot on the same line 
 with the elephants, in order to cover their right 
 and left; and this infantry was covered by his 
 two wings of horse, before which his chariots 
 were posted. Such was the order and disposi- 
 tion of Porus's army. 
 
 Alexander being come in sight of the enemy, 
 halted to wait the coming of his foot, which 
 marched with the utmost diligence, and arrived 
 a little after ; and in order that they might have 
 time to take breath, and not be led, fatigued as 
 they were, against the enemy, he caused his 
 horse to make a great many evolutions, in order 
 to gain time. But now every thing being 
 ready, and the infantry having sufficiently re- 
 covered their vigour, Alexander gave the signal 
 of battle. He did not think proper to begin 
 by attacking the enemy's main body, where the 
 infantry and the elephants were posted, for the 
 very reason which had made Porus draw them 
 up in that manner : but his cavalry being 
 stronger, he drew out the greatest part of them ; 
 and marching against the left wing, sent Coenus 
 with his own regiment of horse, and that of 
 Demetrius, to charge them at the same time ; 
 ordering him to attack the cavalry on the left, 
 in the rear, while he himself would charge 
 them both in front and flank. Seleucus, Anti- 
 gonus, and Tauron, who commanded the foot, 
 were ordered not to stir from their posts, till 
 Alexander's cavalry had put that of the enemy, 
 1 as well as their foot, into disorder. 
 
 Being come within arrow-shot, he detached 
 1000 bowmen on horse-back, with orders for 
 them to make their discharge on the horse of 
 Porus's left wing, in order to thx'ow it into 
 disordei', whilst he himself should charge this 
 body in flank, before it had time to rally. The 
 Indians, having closed their squadrons, ad- 
 vanced against Alexander. At that instant 
 Coenus charged them in the rear, according to 
 the orders given him ; so that the Indians were 
 obliged to face about on all sides, to defend 
 themselves from the 1000 bowmen, and against 
 Alexander and Coenus. Alexander, to make 
 the best advantage of the confusion into which 
 this sudden evolution had thrown them, charged 
 with great vigour those that made head against 
 him, who being no longer able to stand so vio- 
 lent an attack, were soon broke, and retired 
 behind the elephants, as to an impregnable ram- 
 part. The leaders of the elephants made them 
 advance against the enemy's horse; but that 
 very instant, the Macedonian phalanx moving 
 on a sudden, surrounded those animals, and 
 charged with their pikes the elephants them- 
 selves and their leaders. This battle was very 
 different from all those which Alexander had 
 hitherto fought ; for the elephants rushing upon 
 the battalions, broke, with inexpressible fury, 
 the thickest of them ; when the Indian horse, 
 seeing the Macedonian foot stopped by the ele- 
 phants, returned to the charge : however, that 
 of Alexander being stronger, and having greater 
 experience in war, broke this body a second 
 time, and obliged it again to retire towards the 
 
 elephants ; upon which the Macedonian horse 
 being all united in one body, spread terror and 
 confusion wherever they attacked. The ele- 
 phants being all covered with wounds, and the 
 greatest part having lost their leaders, no longer 
 observed their usual order ; but, frantic as it 
 were Avith pain, no longer distinguished friends 
 from foes, but running about from place to place, 
 they overthrew every thing that came in their 
 way. The Macedonians, who had purposely 
 left a greater interval between their battalions, 
 either made Avay for them wherever they came 
 forward, or charged with darts those that fear 
 and the tumult obliged to retire. Alexander, 
 after having surrounded the enemy with his 
 horse, made a signal to his foot to march up 
 with all imaginable speed, in order to make a 
 last effort, and to fall upon them with his whole 
 force ; all which they executed very successfully. 
 In this manner the greatest part of the Indian 
 cavalry were cut to pieces ; and a body of their 
 foot, which sustained no less loss, seeing them- 
 selves charged on all sides, at last fled. Crate- 
 rus, who had continued in the camp with the 
 rest of his army, seeing Alexander engaged with 
 Porus, crossed the river, and chai'ging the rout- | 
 ed soldiers with his troops, who were fresh and i 
 vigorous, killed as many enemies in the retreat j 
 as had fallen in the battle. 
 
 The Indians lost on this occasion 20,000 foot 
 and 3000 horse ; not to mention the chariots 
 which were all broken to pieces, and the ele- 
 phants, all of which were either killed or taken. 
 Porus's two sons fell in this battle, with Spita- 
 cus, governor of the province ; all the colonels 
 of horse and foot, and those who guided the 
 elephants and chariots. As for Alexander, he 
 lost but fourscore of the 6000 soldiers who were 
 at the first charge, ten bowmen of the horse, 
 twenty of his horse-guards, and 200 common 
 soldiers. 
 
 Porus, after having performed all the duties 
 both of a soldier and a general in the battle, and 
 fought with intrepid bravery, seeing all his 
 horse defeated and the greatest part of his foot, 
 did not behave like the great king Darius, who, 
 on a like disaster, was the first that fled ; on 
 the contrary, he continued in the field as long 
 as one battalion or squadron stood their ground ; 
 but at last, having received a wound in the ; 
 shoulder, he retired upon his elephant; and was 
 easily distinguished from the rest, by the great- 
 ness of his stature, and his unparalleled bravery. 
 Alexander, finding who he was by those glori- 
 ous marks, and being desirous of saving him, sent 
 Taxilus after him, because he was of the same 
 nation. The latter advancing as near to him as 
 he might, without running any danger of being 
 wounded, called out to him to stop, in order to 
 hoar the message he had brought him from 
 Alexander. Porus turning back, and seeing it 
 was Taxilus, his old enemy : " How !" says he, 
 " is it not Taxilus that calls, that traitor to his 
 country and kingdom?" Immediately after 
 which, he would have transfixed him with his 
 dart, had he not instantly retired. Notwith- 
 standing this, Alexander being still desirous to 
 save so brave a prince, despatched other officers, 
 among whom was Meroe, one of his intimate 
 friends, who besought him, in the strongest 
 terms, to wait upon a conqueror altogetlicr 
 worthy of him. After much entreaty, Porus 
 consented, and accordingly set forward. Alex- 
 ander, who had been told of his coming, ad- 
 vanced forwards in order to receive him with 
 some of his train. Being come pretty near, 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 Alexander stopped, purposely to take a view of 
 his stature and noble mien, he being above five 
 cubits in height.' Porus did not seem dr^ject d 
 at his misfortune, but came up with a resolute 
 countenance, like a valiant warrior, whose cou- 
 rage in defending his dominions ought to ac- 
 quire him the esteem of the brave prince who 
 had conquered him. Alexander spoke first, 
 and with an august and gracious air, ask(?d him 
 how he desired to be treated ? " Like a king," 
 replied Porus. " But," continued Alexander, 
 "do you ask nothing more?" "No," replied 
 Porus ; " all things are included in that single 
 word." Alexander, struck with this greatness 
 of soul, which seemed heightened by the distress 
 of that prince, did not only restore him his 
 kingdom, but annexed other provinces to it, and 
 treated him with the highest testimonies of hon- 
 our, esteem, and friendship. Porus was faith- 
 ful to him till his death. It is hard to say, 
 whether the Yictor or the vanquished best de- 
 served praise on this occasion. 
 
 Alexander built a city on the spot where the 
 battle had beeoi fought, and another in that 
 place where he had crossed the river. He 
 called the one Nicsea, from his victory ; and the 
 other Bucephalia, in honour of his horse, who 
 died there, not of his wounds, but of old age. 
 After having paid the last duties to such of his 
 soldiers as had lost their lives in battle, he so- 
 lemnized games, and offered up sacrifices of 
 thanks, in the place where he had passed the 
 Hydaspes. 
 
 This prince did not know to whom he was 
 indebted for his victories. We are astonished 
 at the rapidity of Alexander's conquests ; the 
 ease with which he surmounts the greatest ob- 
 stacles, and forces almost impregnable cities : 
 the uninterrupted and unheard-of felicity that 
 extricates him out of those dangers into which 
 i his rashness plunges him, and in which, one 
 j would have concluded, he must a hundred times 
 ! have perished. But to unravel these mysteri- 
 I ous kinds of events, several of vi^hich are repug- 
 j nant to the usual course of things, we must go 
 ! back to a superior cause, unknown to the pro- 
 i fane historians and to Alexander himself. This 
 I monarch was, like Cyrus, the minister and in- 
 i strument of the Sovereign Disposer of empires, 
 j who raises and destroys them at pleasure. He 
 1 had received the same commission to overthrow 
 the Pei'sian and eastern empires, as Cyrus to 
 destroy that of Babylon. The same Power 
 conducted their enterprises, assured them of 
 success, protected and preserved them from all 
 dangers, till they had executed their commis- 
 sion, and completed their ministry. We may 
 apply to Alexander, the words which God spake 
 concerning Cyrus in Isaiah.^ " Cyrus, whose 
 right hand I have holden, to subdue nations be- 
 fore him ; and I will loose the loins of kings, to 
 open before him the two-leaved gates ; and the 
 gates shall not be shut : I will go before thee, 
 and make the crooked places straight : I will 
 1 break in pieces the gates of brass, and cut in 
 I sunder the bars of iron. And 1 will give thee 
 j the treasures of darkness, and hidden riches of 
 I secret places. — 1 girded thee, though thou hast 
 j not known me." This is the true and only 
 j cause of the incredible success with which this 
 j conqueror was attended ; of his unparalleled 
 
 1 Seven feet and a half. 
 2 Chap, xlv. 1—5. 
 
 ALEXANDER. ^85 
 
 bravery ; the affection his soldiers had for him ; 
 that anticipation of good fortune, and that as- 
 surance of success, which astonished liis most 
 intrepid captains. 
 
 SECT. XVI. 
 
 Alexander advances into India. A digrefsion relating to 
 the Brachmans. That prince resolves to march as far 
 as the Ganges, which raises a general discontent in his 
 army. Remonstrances being made to him on this ac- 
 count, he lays aside his design, and is contented with 
 going no farther than the ocean. He subdues all ob- 
 stacles in his way thither, and is exposed to great danger 
 at the siege of the city of the Oxydracae ; and arriving at 
 last at the ocean, lie afterwards prepares for his return 
 into Europe. 
 
 Alexander,^ after his fa- 
 A. M. 3677. mous victory over Porus, 
 Ant. J. C. S27. advanced into India, where 
 he subdued a great many 
 nations and cities. He looked upon himself as 
 a conqueror by profession as well as by his 
 dignity, and engaged every day in new exploits 
 with so much ardour and vivacity, that he 
 seemed to fancy himself invested with a personal 
 commission, and that there was an immediate 
 obligation upon him to storm aU cities, to lay 
 waste all provinces, to extirpate all nations, 
 which should refuse his yoke ; and that he 
 should have considered himself as guilty of a 
 crime, had he forborne visiting every corner of the 
 earth, and caiTying terror and desolation wher- 
 ever he went. He passed the Acesines, and af- 
 terwards the Hydraotes, two considerable rivers. 
 Advice was then brought him, that a gi'eat 
 number of free Indians had made a confederacy 
 to defend their liberties ; and among the rest, 
 the Cathajans, who woxe the most valiant and 
 most skilful of those nations in the art of war ; 
 and that they were encamped near a strong city, 
 called Sangala. Alexander set out against these 
 Indians, defeated them in a pitched battle, took 
 the city, and I'ased it to the very foundations. 
 
 One day, as he was riding at the head of hi^ 
 army, some philosophers,'' called Brachmans in 
 the language of that country, were conversing 
 together as they were walking in a meadow. 
 The instant they perceived him, they all stamp- 
 ed against the ground with their feet. Alexan- 
 der, surprised at this extraordinary gesture, de- 
 manded the cause of it. They answered, point- 
 ing to the ground with their fingers, " That no 
 man possessed any more of that element than he 
 could enjoy: that the only difference between 
 him and other men, was, that he was more rest- 
 less and ambitious than they, and overran all 
 seas and lands, merely to do harm to others 
 and himself : and yet— he would die at last, and 
 possess no greater part of the earth than was 
 necessary for his interment." The king was not 
 displeased at this answer : but he was hurried 
 on by the torrent of glory, and his actions were 
 the vei'y reverse of what he approved. 
 
 These Brachmans, says Arrian, are held in 
 great veneration in their country. They do 
 not pay any tribute to the prince, but assist him 
 with their counsel, and perform the same of- 
 fices as the Magi do to the kings of Persia. 
 
 3 Q. Curt. lib. ix. cap. 1. 
 4 Arrian. lib. vii. p. 275, 276. Id. in Indie, p. 324. 
 Strab. lib. xv. p. 715—717. Plut. in. Alex. p. 701. Quint 
 Curt, lib, viii. c. 9. 
 
186 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 They assist at the public sacrifices; and if a 
 person desires to sacrifice in private, one of 
 these must be present, otherwise the Indians 
 are persuaded the sacrifices would not be agree- 
 able to the gods. They apply themselves parti- 
 cularly to consulting the stars ; none but them- 
 selves exercise the art of divination ; and they 
 foretell, chiefly, the change of the weather and 
 of the seasons. If a Brachman has failed thrice 
 in his predictions, he is silenced for ever. 
 
 Their sentiments, according to Strabo, are 
 not very different from those of the Greeks. 
 They believe that the world had a beginning ; 
 that it will end; that its form is circular; that 
 it was created by God, who presides over and 
 fills it with his majesty : and that water is the 
 principle of all things. With regard to the im- 
 mortality of the soul, and the punishment of the 
 vi^icked in hell, they follow the doctrine of Plato ; 
 intermixing with it, like that philosopher, some 
 fictions, in order to express or describe those 
 punishments. 
 
 Several among them go always naked, whence 
 the Greeks give them the name of Gymnoso- 
 phists. Many incredible particulars are related, 
 concerning the austerity of their lives, and their 
 prodigious patience. Their only meat and drink 
 is roots and water. As they admit the metemp- 
 sychosis, and believe that the souls of men trans- 
 migrate from their bodies into those of beasts, 
 they abstain from the flesh of animals. It is 
 thought that Pythagoras borrowed this doctrine 
 from the Brachmans. They continue whole 
 days standing with their faces towards the sun, 
 and that in the season when this luminary darts 
 its rays with the greatest violence. Persuaded 
 that it is beneath the dignity of a man to wait 
 calmly for death, Avhen he finds himself op- 
 pressed by age or sickness, they hold it glorious 
 to anticipate their last hour, and burn them- 
 selves alive ; and, indeed, they pay no honours 
 to those who die merely of old age ; and ima- 
 gine they would pollute their funeral pile, and 
 the fire that is to burn them to ashes, should 
 they go into it otherwise than full of life and 
 vigour. Other Brachmans, more judicious and 
 humane than the former, live in cities, and as- 
 sociate with mankind : and so far from con- 
 sidering self-murder as a virtuous or brave 
 action, they look upon it as a weakness in man, 
 not to wait patiently the stroke of death, and 
 as a crime to dare to anticipate the will of the 
 gods. 
 
 Cicero admires, in his Tusculan questions, 
 the invincible patience, not only of the Indian 
 sages, but also of the women of that country,' 
 who used to contest for the honour of dying 
 with their common husband. This privilege 
 was reserved for that wife whom the husband 
 had loved most affectionately ; and was given 
 in her favour by the sentence of persons ap- 
 pointed for that purpose, who never gave judg- 
 ment till such time as they had made a strict 
 examination, and heard the allegations on all 
 sides. The wife on whom the preference was 
 bestowed, ran to meet death, and ascended the 
 funeral pile with incredible resolution and joy : 
 whilst the surviving wives withdrew in the 
 
 1 Rlulicres in IndiS, cilm est cujusque earum vir mor- 
 tuus, in certamen judiciumque veniunt, quam plurimOm 
 ille dilexerit : plures enim singulis solent esse nuptae. 
 Quae est victrix, ea la!ta, prosequentibus suis una cum 
 viro in rogum imponitur : ilia victa moesta discedit. Tttsc. 
 QuiEst. lib. V. n. 78. 
 
 deepest transports of aflliction, and with their 
 eyes bathed in tears. 
 
 The description which Porphyry - has left ua 
 of these philosophers, resembles in many par- 
 ticulars that given above. According to this 
 author, the Brachmans live on herbs, roots, and 
 fruits. They abstain from animals of every 
 kind, and if they touch any, they thereby ren- 
 der themselves unclean. They spend the great- 
 est part of the day and night in singing hymns 
 in honour of their gods. They fast and pray 
 perpetually. The greatest pai't of them live 
 alone, and in the deepest solitude, and neither 
 marry nor possess any thing. They wish for 
 nothing so earnestly as death ; and considering 
 this life as a burden, they wait impatiently for 
 the moment when the soul will be separated 
 from the body. 
 
 These philosophers exist still in India, where 
 they are called Bramins : and retain, in many 
 points, the tradition and tenets of the ancient 
 Brachmans.^ 
 
 Lib. de Abstin. Animal. 
 
 3 As was said before, Alexander seems to have com 
 pletely traversed the whole of Sogdiana and Bactriana, 
 conquering the Massagetae, Dahse, and Sacs. The appella. 
 tion Massagetee is Scythian, and signifies, according to 
 Strahlenberg, those Scythians who dwelt on the western 
 side of Imaus; whereas those who dwelt beyond, or to 
 the east of that celebrated range, were called Geth, Get£e, 
 or Getes. According to him, therefore, the Gets and 
 Massa-Getze of the Greeks and Romans, the Gog and Ma- 
 gog of the Hebrews, the Jajuje and Majuje of the Arabi- 
 ans, the Gaed-Tschudi and Mad-Tschudi of the Tartars, 
 are not only synonymous terms, but also appellatives taken 
 from their mutual relative situation, and therefore appli- 
 cable to all the pastoral tribes of Asia, who roam to the 
 east or west of the vast Imaus. "Whatever of truth or 
 fancy mav be in this, it is certain that the Tartars who 
 live to the east of the Beloor Taugh, in Eastern Toorkis- 
 taun, or Kashghar, are actually denominated the Getes, 
 and their country Jetah. In Sherifeddin's Timoor Bek, 
 we find those very Tartars so denominated, and who are 
 supposed to be the ancestors of a powerful tribe in North- 
 ern Hindoostan, called Jats, who seem to have migrated at 
 a very early period into the Funjaub, as Tamerlane 
 attacked them on his march from Batnir to Samanah. 
 The name of this tribe will be for ever memorable in the 
 annals of British India, for the gallant resistance which 
 they made to our victorious army under Lord Lake, in 
 1806, when they repeatedly repulsed the attacks of that 
 general on the fortress of Bhurtpore, with vast slaughter; 
 so great indeed was the loss the British troops sustained in 
 their desperate, but unavailing attempts, to storm the 
 place, that it surpassed what they had met with in any three 
 of the greatest pitched battles they had hitherto (ought in 
 India. It has happened here, as in many similar cases, 
 through ignorance or inattention, that the generic appella. 
 tive Massagetse, has been applied to a particular tribe ol 
 that people. Thus the appellative Nomades, which signi. 
 fies wandering herdsmen, and is therefore a term appli- 
 cable to all the pastoral tribes of Asia, was applied by 
 Arrian to the roving Tartars to the north of Maracanda 
 when it was in fact predicable of all the Scythian tribes 
 who either roved amongst the plains of the I'olytimeLus or 
 Sogd, or wandered in those of '1 oorkistaun. Tlie Dahse 
 are placed by Arrian on the north of the laxartes; and a 
 tribe of them seems to have migrated from the vicinity of 
 that stream, to the south-west, and to the eastern shore ot 
 the Caspian, where we find a tract adjoining to Hyrcania, 
 or Korcang, called Dahistan, or the country of the Dahjc, 
 and which tribe is denominated the Parni Dahas by Stra. 
 bo, to distinguish them from the other Dahae, who re- 
 mained in their original seat, if a tribe of Nomades may be 
 said to have a seat. They appear to have been a very war. 
 like people, at least if we can credit Virgil, who calls them 
 the indomitable Dahre. 
 
 Euphrates ibat jam mollior undis ; 
 
 Exlremique hominum Morini, Rhenusque bicornis j 
 Indomitique Dahce, et pontem indignatus Araxes. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 187 
 
 Alexander passing near a city wherein seve- 
 ral of" these Brachmans dwelt, was very desirous 
 to converse with them, and, if possible, to pre- 
 vail with some of them to follow him. Being 
 
 If the appellative Sacac, as observed in a former note, be 
 an epithet of re[)roach, then the Sakita of Edrisi.will be 
 equivalent to the Persian Sacistan, or Sacastan, signifying 
 the land of dogs. The Arabs, who bore a similar hatred 
 to the Turks, call Toorkistaun, or the tract beyond the 
 laxartes, Belad al Atrak, or the land of robbers. From 
 Sakita, or the Sacs, who dwelt between the sources of the 
 Oxus and Kokun, or Fargana, Alexander moved south- 
 west to Bubacene, which, as before observed, appears to be 
 Budukshaun. Respecting the countries or districts of Das- 
 dala, Naura, Paratacffi, &c. it is impossible to identify 
 them with any known positions in the modern Mawar-al- 
 Nahar. From Budukshaun, our hero seems to have 
 inarched westward, along the northern side of the Hin. 
 doo-Kho, taking Drapsaca and Aornos in his way, till he 
 arrived at the pass which leads from Bactra, or Balk, to 
 Baumeeaun ; by which, as I suppose, in conformity to the 
 opinion of Rennel, — for we have no positive data to settle 
 the precise spot, — he entered Bactria. We are told that 
 he took ten days to cross the ridge and arrive at his new 
 founded city, or rather fort, erected to secure the pass j 
 and that from thence he commenced his march for India, 
 which lay to the east, as Bactria had done to the north, 
 and arrived at the river Cophenes, where that country 
 commenced, and which constituted, in Alexander's new 
 political arrangements, the eastern limit of Faropaniisus. 
 The question then is. What river was the Cophenes ? In 
 the solution of this query, modern geographers are by no 
 means agreed ; and our ignorance respecting the topogra- 
 phy of the countries immediately to the west of the Indus, 
 and to the east of Baumeeaun, is one great cause of this 
 disagreement, if not the only one. Kennel supposes the 
 Cophenes to be the river of Bungush, which enters the 
 Indus; which junction he makes in his map of the Pun- 
 jaub and Caubul, p. 65. of his Indian Memoir, to be 35 
 miles below Attock, after running an eastern course of 
 ISO miles from Ghiznee, after passing by that city, Nughz, 
 or Nagaz, and Bunnoo. He also denominates it the River 
 of Ghiznee, and says that it is the Cow-mull of the em- 
 peror Bauber, and the Cow River of D'Anville, who 
 quotes the Turkish geographer, Kiatib Chelebi, to show 
 that a river called Uilen, rises to the north-west of Ghiz- 
 nee, and receives, near Kirdis (Gurdaiz), another river 
 called Semil ; after which the confluent stream assumes 
 the name ot Cow ; and, pursuing its course towards Nagaz 
 (N ughz),receives near that place another river, coming from 
 the quarter of Candahar, (p. '26. of his Eclaircissemens Geo- 
 graphiques sur la Carte de I'lnde). Rennel further en- 
 deavours to support his opinion, by identifying Nagara, or 
 Nysa, with Nughz, or Nagaz. Mr. Wilford, on the con- 
 trary, places the Nysa of the Greeks and Alexander on 
 the river of Caubul ; and maintains that the true name of 
 the capital of the Nughz district, is not Nughz, but Bughz, 
 or Bughzan; and the name of the district itself, Iryab. Ken- 
 nel's opinion, that the Cow-mull is the river of Ghiznee, is 
 completely set aside by the map of Elphinston. There 
 he denominates the Cow-mull the Gomul, and makes 
 it quite a distinct stream from the river of Ghiz- 
 nee J and as to a river joining the Cow.mull, or Go- 
 mul, from the quarter of Candahar, that is quite ab-. 
 surd, and evidently impossible, as Candahar lies to the 
 west of the great dividing ridge, where all the streams in 
 that vicinity run to the lake of Zurrah, in the centre of 
 Sigistan, as shown in a former note. Instead of the Cow- 
 m.ull of Kennel being a great river, as he denominates it, 
 it is said by Elphinston to be but a small stream, rising at 
 the eastern slope of the high level or plateau of Ghiznee. 
 Its waters never reach the Indus, but are spent in thecul- 
 tivation of the plain of Damaun, except when swelled with 
 rain. Elphinston, who traversed all the road a little to 
 the west of the Indus, from Dera Ismail Khan, to Pesh- 
 awer, cro.ssed no stream of consequence, but the Koorrum, 
 which enters the Indus more than 100 British miles below 
 Attock at Kaggalwalla, where it is shallow, but very 
 broad. In summer, and the commencement of autumn, 
 it is, however, a deep and rapid stream. The fact is, that 
 below Attock, to the sea, all the streams that descend 
 from the Afghanistaun and Brahooick mountains, east to 
 that river, do not merit the name of rivers, but are mere 
 torrents, except the Koorrum. This river originates 60 
 British miles to the north-east of Ghiznee, and 20 to the 
 south-west of Irjab, Iryab, or fluryoob, as it is called in El- 
 phinston's map. It is this river, and not the Cow.mull, 
 as D'Anville, Rennel, and Kirkpatrick, affirmed, that 
 waters the districts of Bughzan and Banou, or Bunnou ; 
 and instead of entering the Indus only 40 geographical 
 
 informed that these philosophers never make 
 visits, but that those who had an inclination to 
 see them must go to their houses, he concluded 
 that it would be beneath his dignity to go to 
 
 miles below Attock, its junction with that stream is more 
 than 100 British miles below that city. It is this river, 
 therefore, and not the insignificant torrent of the Gomul, 
 that can any way correspond to the Cophenes of Arrian. i 
 But in our opinion, neither the Gomul nor the Koorrum j 
 at all answers to the Cophenes ; cs in that case Alexander j 
 must have marched 135 British miles at least in direct dis- I 
 tance from Baumeeaun, before he reached the source of I 
 the Koorrum, or the supposed Cophenes, and must have [ 
 crossed the river of Ghiznee in the march. Rennel him- 
 self admits that the Cophenes was the first river that ran 
 between Baumeeaun and the first scene of Alexander's | 
 military operations ; and, further, that he must have > 
 crossed it pretty early in the march. Now these remarks 
 of Rennel will not quadrate with the hypothesis, that 
 either the Cow-mull or the Koorrum rivers answer to the 
 Cophenes. It is plain from the narrative of Alexander's 
 military operations, and the order of his marches, that the 
 Cophenes was the principal stream on the west of the In- 
 dus; and that the others, astheChoe, Euaspla, and Guree. 
 us, were accessory streams to it. The Cophenes of Arri- 
 an is plainly the Cophes of Strabo, and the Coas of Ptole- 
 my ; and Strabo makes the Choaspes a tributary of the 
 Cophes. Now it is impossible that the diminutive stream of 
 the Cow-mull, or Gomul, or that of the Koorrum, can an- 
 swer to the descriptions of either Strabo or Ptolemy. Says 
 Strabo : " Post Cophen, erat Indus, postea Hydaspes, 
 postea Acesines, postea Hyarotis, postremo Hypanis." 
 Here we have, successively, the Cophes, Indus, Hydaspes, 
 Acesines, Hyarotis, and Hypanis. Now, the Cophes, or 
 Cophenes, must be a river of some note, nay, of great 
 note, to be ranked with such streams. Ptolemy places the 
 fountains of the Coas two degrees to the west, and one 
 to the north, of those of the Suastus, which is understood 
 by Rennel himself to be the river of Suvad, or the Suvat 
 of Otter and D'Anville, and the Swaut of Elphinston. 
 Now if his Coas be the Cophes of Strabo, and the Cophe. 
 nes of Arrian, this will not at all suit the Koorrum, or the 
 Gomul rivers, which rise in the Solimauny ridge, where- 
 as the Coas and Suastus originate in the Hindoo- Kho, or 
 Caucasus; I therefore think, that the Cophenes is either 
 the river of Ghiznee, which runs north and then east to 
 join the combined stream of the Ghourbund and Pung- 
 sheer rivers, or this latter stream. If the former, then, 
 having crossed it, he would march alongst the southern 
 side of the river of Caubul till he arrived at the commence, 
 ment of the Sohmauny range, at Sufiaid-Koh, or the 
 Snowy mountain, when finding his march obstructed by 
 this very lofty range, he would be compelled to recross the 
 Cophenes above this point, and now running east to the 
 north, and the streams crossed in the march from the 
 river of Ghiznee to this point, would be those of the Nim- 
 grahaur, or the country of the Nine rivers. If the latter, 
 then his course would be all along the north side of the Co. 
 phenes till he crossed the Indus, which, 1 rather think, was 
 the case. But it is impossible to be certain here ; for we 
 are totally unable to identify the Choe of Arrian, the 
 Choaspes of Strabo, the Euaspla and the Gura3us, with 
 the modern names of any stream that falls into the Co. 
 phenes, or Kameh, the Suastus being the only one rccog. 
 nizable in the Sewad, or Swaut river, which, in the order 
 of Alexander's marches, must have run to the east of the 
 Gurseus, and entered the Cophenes on the north ; and as 
 to the Aspii, Thyrsi, Arasaci, I must say, in the lan- 
 guage of Rennel, they are nations, whose modern names 
 and sites are utterly unknown to me. He thinks that the 
 city of Arigaeus is Irjab, from the similarity of sound. 
 But, unless there be something more decisive than this, it 
 will go for nothing. I might as well suppose, from a 
 similar likeness of sound and orthography, that the Aspii 
 inhabited the valley of Oosbeen, as that the Thyrasi, in 
 his opinion, inhabited the Teerah range that runs west 
 from the Indus to the SufFaid-Koh ; and more so, as in 
 that case he must have crossed the Solimauny range, and 
 marched alongst it till he came to Attock, and then 
 crossed the Cophenes to the north, and then marched west 
 till he came to the Gurseus, which would be absurd. 
 Supposing Alexander to march to the east from Baumee- 
 aun, his line of direction would lead him alongst the high 
 level separating the sources of the Etymandrus, or Hel. 
 mund, on the south, from the course of the Ghorebound 
 on the north, which would run parallel with his iine of 
 march on his left hand, till he arrived at some distance 
 below its junction with the Pungsheer river, coming from 
 the north-east. He would of course pass the confluent 
 stream, now called the Cophenes j or, supposing him to 
 
188 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 them, and not just to force these sages to any 
 thing contrary to their laws and usages. Onesi- 
 critus, who was a great philosopher, and had 
 been a disciple of Diogenes the Cynic, was de- 
 
 have passed the Ghorebund at some distance above the 
 junction, the Ghorebund will be the Cophenes, and the 
 Fungsheer will correspond to the Choe or Choaspes ; then, 
 advancing still east, he came to the Aspii, or the people 
 of the valley of Oosbeen, watered by the Euaspla ; then, 
 n ext to tiie territories of the Gursi, where he crossed a 
 river of the same name, which is represented as deep and 
 rapid, with its bed full of round slippery stones. Tliese 
 combined circumstances occasioned great difficulty to the 
 Macedonians in the attempt to cross it, and it appears to 
 have been the most considerable stream they had hitherto 
 crossed in their march from Baumeeaun. 
 
 Kennel takes the Guraus to be the river of Caubul, or the 
 Kameh, which he makes Alexander to have crossed from 
 the south, between Jellallabad and Paishawur, below its 
 junction with the river of Kaushkur. This I hold to be 
 impossible, as below that junction it is unfordable in the 
 month of May, when collected into one stream ; and if he 
 crossed it in the plain of Paishawur, he would have had 
 three great branches of that stream to pass, the second of 
 which Macartney found impracticable to cross on horse- 
 back, and where these re-unite twelve miles below, deep 
 boats are sailed at the Ghat, or passage. For these rea- 
 sons I dissent from Kennel's opinion, and take the Gu- 
 rsus to be the river of Kaushkhur, which joins the river 
 of Caubul at the village of Kamma, a little below Jellalla- 
 bad, and the united streams take the name Kamma till 
 their union with the Indus. I take the name Gurteus, 
 and Gurjei to be appellatives, from the Pooshtoo word 
 Ghur— a mountain— and then they will signify the moun. 
 tain river, and the mountain people, by way of eminency. 
 
 The Gurseus has all the characteristics of a mountain 
 stream, being rapid, rocky, and full of stones, and pur- 
 suing its whole course through a mountainous country, 
 called Kaushkhur, or Khashghur, the mountain of the 
 Chasas, as before-mentioned, and which corresponds to the 
 Casia of Herodotus, according to whom the Sacee and Casii, 
 (not Caspii, as Kennel justly remarks,) formed the fifteenth 
 satrapy of Darius Hystaspes. But Kennel, not knowing 
 that the country to the north of the Hindoo- Kho, between 
 the Beloor-Taugh on the west, and the Indus on the east, 
 having the districts of Sewad, Bijore, and Boonere on the 
 south, was called Khaushkur, confounded it with Kash- 
 ghar, or little Bukaria, and consequently reckoned this 
 latter country among the Persian satrapies — an error 
 he neither would, nor could have committed had he 
 been apprized of the fact. This Casia, or Kaush- 
 khur, answers to the Comedi of Ptolemy, who are by 
 him placed amongst the Saca; : " Inter Sacas est etiam 
 regio Comedorum dicta montana," p. 155, Tab. vii. 
 cap. xiii. lib. vi. The valley of the Comedi is placed by 
 him to the south of the Saca ; now Kaushkhur really lies 
 to the south and south-east of Sakita, mentioned in a for- 
 mer note, and has the Byltae of Ptolemy, or Little Tibet, 
 commonly called Baltistaun, on ths north-east, and Buba- 
 cene, or Budukahaun, from which it is separated by the 
 Beloor-Taugh, on the west, and Kuttore, or Kaufiristaun, 
 on the south-west. It forms a triangle, of which the 
 Hindoo-Kho forms the base, and the Beloor-Taugh and 
 the icy ridge of Khumdaun the two sides. The whole 
 co'.uitry is mountainous, high, cold, and ill inhabited; 
 the people living in tents though tl;ere are some towns. 
 The natives are called Gobi ; hence perhaps Comedi. 
 Kaushkhur is mentioned in the Ayeen Akberry as border, 
 ing on Sewad and Bijore, and that Munglore, the capital 
 of Sewad, is near a pass adjoining to Cashgar. Kennel, not 
 knowing what to make of this, imagines it to be so called 
 as being a dependency of Cashgar, in Little Bucharia. 
 Elphinston himself was surprised when told at Paishawur, 
 that tea was brou^^ht by caravans from Kaushkhur, and 
 that they might easily go to it and return from it in a 
 fortnight, and th.it the resemblance of the names led them 
 into great mistakes. The Guraeus, or river of Kaushkhur, 
 as above supposed, originates immediately to the south of 
 the source of the Oxus, in the snowy hill of Pooshtikhur, 
 in north latitude 38. and east longitude 73. and after run- 
 •ning a south-west course of 315 miles alongst the eastern 
 side of the Beloor-Taugh, and piercing the great range of 
 the Hindoo-Kho, it rushes with surprising violence into 
 the valley of the Caubul river 85 miles above its junction 
 with the Indus. The Caubul river itself has a course of 
 nigh 200 miles before it joins the Kaushkhur river, and is 
 therefore of itself a large stream, though not equal to its 
 more powerful rival. Tlio confluent river is in some places 
 300 yards, and in others 400 yards broad, when united into 
 one stream, and not broken into several branches, as in 
 
 pitted to them. He met not far from the city, 
 with fifteen, who from morning till evening 
 stood always naked, in the same posture in 
 which they at first had placed themselves, and 
 
 the valley of Paishawur. Its rapidity must be great, as 
 the source on the opposite side of that of the Oxus must 
 be at least from 8000 to 10,000 feet above the level of the 
 sea, and 6000, or more, above its junction with the ri\ er 
 of Caubul. It would seem the Assacani dwelt to the 
 east of this river, and their territory corresponds to the 
 modern district of Ashenagur. Their capital, Massaga, is 
 Mashangur, two marches south-east of Bajour, and is 
 mentioned in the marches of the emperor Bauber. See 
 Kennel's Indian Memoir, p. 158. The district of Ashena- 
 gur once comprehended the upper and lower valley of 
 Sewad, but the latter are now distinct districts from the 
 former. 
 
 Alexander next marched to Bazira, a city, as above 
 stated, to the north-west of Massaga. This city and dis- 
 trict clearly correspond to the Bijore of Kennel, and the 
 Bajour of Elphinston, It is a large interior undulating 
 plain, every where surrounded by hills 25 miles long from 
 east to west, and 12 from north to south. Several long 
 and wide valleys run down to it from the neighbouring 
 mountains, which in other places are inaccessible, not 
 more from their steepness than from the dense woods 
 which cover them. Its plain equals in fertility that of 
 Paishawur, and is watered by a stream called the river of 
 Bijore, which rises in the southern projection of the lofty 
 Hindoo-Kho, which bounds the plain on the west, and is 
 successively augmented by numberless rills from the sur- 
 rounding valleys ; and which, after receiving another 
 river called Daunishkool, in its progress to the south-east, 
 falls into the Sewad river at Hushtnuggur. The modern 
 town of Bajour, the ancient Bazira, still contains 1000 
 houses. The plain of Bajour is at present inhabited by 
 the Afghaun tribe of Turcolaunees, in estimated numbers 
 12,000 families, and the other inhabitants amount to 
 30,000. Elphinston, vol. ii. p. 44, 45. 
 
 In the vicinity of Bajour Alexander besieged, and took, 
 the famed rock Aornos, belonging, in all probability, to 
 some of the ranges which environ the delightful plain, and 
 to which the unhappy natives had fled to avoid the fury of 
 the invader. The appellative Aornos is Greek, denoting 
 its elevation to be so great as to be above the flight of 
 birds; the word being Ornos, a bird, with the privative 
 alpha prefixed. Arrian describes it as of vast height, 
 having a base of 18 or 20 miles in circuit, reckoning 10 
 stadias to a mile, and accessible by only one narrow path 
 cut out in the rock. It appears to have been a tal>le rock, 
 or rather mountain, having a great extent of arable and 
 pasture land on its summit, with springs of water, so that 
 a garrison of 1000 men could subsist without extraneous 
 support. Such elevated table mountains are by no means 
 uncommon in mountainous countries, and in India are 
 very frequent, as in the Concan, the southern peninsula, 
 and northern Hindoostaun. 
 
 Ecbolimus, or Emboli ma, seems to have stood in the 
 vicitiity of Aornos, and probably to the east or south-east, 
 as Alexander on his return from Peucelaotis to press the 
 siege of Aornos, which made a protracted defence, took 
 that city in his way. After the capture of Aornos, Alex, 
 ander again traced his march through the Assacani, on 
 his march to the Indus, which he accomplished in sixteen 
 days. This is certainly a long space of time to be occu- 
 pied in that march, for, from that point to the junction of 
 the Kamma, ,or river of Caubul, with the Indus, is only 
 six marches, or 76 British miles, according to Kennel, and 
 somewhat more than 80 by Elphinston's mnp. The ap. 
 parent cause of tlie delay was the search for elephants, 
 which, after some difficulty, were obtained in some pas. 
 tures near the Indus. 'I'he passage was effijcted by a 
 bridge of boats, which had been prepared previous to his 
 arrival by Hephaestion and Perdiccas, who had been time- 
 ously despatched by Alexander for that purpose. The 
 I)lace where he passed that celebrated stream, was in the 
 district of I'eucclantis, now the modern Pekkhely, oi 
 Puckholi, to the north of Attock and on the east of the 
 Indus. But it would appear that at that epoch, the dis. 
 trict so called, extended to the west of the Indus, and 
 comprehended the valley of Boonere to the cast of the 
 vallei^ of Sewad, watered by a river of the same name, 
 clearly corre.'^ponding to the Suastus river of Ptolemy, and 
 divided from it by a range of steep and rugged mountains. 
 The Peucelaotis of Arrian, and the I'eucolaitis of Strabo, 
 are identical with the Pactya of Herodotus, whence Scylax 
 of Caryanda, at the orders of Darius Hystaspes, sa;led 
 down the river to the sea 180 years before. 
 
 The exact spot of this celebrated passage cannot be fixed, 
 but is supposed, with great probability, by IJennel, to have 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 189 
 
 afterwards returned to the city at night. He 
 addressed himself first to Calanus, and told him 
 the occasion of his coming. The latter, gazing 
 upon Onesicritus's clothes and shoes, could not 
 
 been the ferry of Paishawur, in front of the fortxess of At- 
 tock, which was erected by the emperor Acicbar, to com- 
 mand the passage of that river, five miles below its junc- 
 tion with the Cophenes, and ten miles above the site of 
 Neelaub, the Naulibis of Ptolemy, which, according to his 
 description, stood on the opposite or western bank of the 
 river ; which we now know to be wrong, as it stands on 
 the eastern bank, unless it be supposed that there were 
 two cities so called on opposite sides of the river. In Tab. 
 ix. it is called Naulibis, and in Tab. x. Naulibe. In both 
 these tables, it is placed on the western bank ; but by some 
 unaccountable inconsiitency, it is placed by the former 
 table in 117- E. long, and 35. 30. N. lat., and by the other, 
 in 124. 20. E. long, and 33. 20. N. lat. In the former 
 table, it is placed in the province of Paropamisus, which is 
 thus extended to the Indus ; and in the latter, in India 
 intra Gangem, between the Suastus and the Indus, to the 
 north of the Cophenes, in the district of Suastene. This 
 is both inexplicable, inaccurate, and contrary to fact ; 
 India is by this means extended as far west as the 
 source of the Cophenes, in contradiction to the arrange- 
 ments of Tab. ix. ; and we cannot suppose that Ptolemy 
 meant a political boundary in the one talkie, and a physical 
 one in the other, as there is no reason to believe that in 
 his day the Parthian empire extended so far east as the 
 Indus. 
 
 The Punjaub country is that region of India, which lies 
 towards Tartary and the northern parts of Persia, whence 
 have sprung, in every age, the conquerors of that exten- 
 sive country, except the Macedonian hero. The pass of 
 Attock is the ordinary route by which they have entered 
 it, as Alexander, Mahmood of Ghiznee, Mohammed of 
 Ghor, Nadir Shah, and Achmet Abdalla, the founder of 
 I the Afghaun monarchy, now on the wane. 
 I At the fortress of Attock, the Indus is 2G0 yards across, 
 I but is too deep and rapid to be accurately sounded, its 
 : banks are of black stone, polished by the force of the 
 I stream, and by the white sand it carries along with it, so 
 i as to resemble black marble, and always to look as if it were 
 \ wet. At the point of junction with the Cophenes, or rapid 
 j river of Caubul, the scene is grand and terrific. Even 
 j when the two rivers are lowest, their confluence and their 
 course through the rocks, before they are test in the 
 mountains, is full of waves and eddies, and i)roduces a 
 sound like that of the sea in a storm. But when they are 
 swelled with the melted snows of the Caucasus and the 
 Imaus, they create a tremendous whirlpool, the roaring of 
 j which is heard at a great distance, and which often swal- 
 : lows up boats, or dashes them to pieces against the rocks, 
 i These famous rocks are denominated Kemalleea and Jel- 
 i lalleea ; which latter appellation has no reference to suitan 
 I Jellaleddin (who crossed the Indus in the sight of Jenghiz 
 Khan's army, and escaped into India), as some have ima- 
 gined, as he crossed the stream far below Attock. In the 
 1 rainy season, the Indus rises 40 feet perpendicular, but 
 i does not spread above 50 yards more, from the great height 
 i of its banks. Ten miles south of Attock, its breadth is so 
 contracted between the hills, that at Neelaub it is said to 
 i be no more tijan a stone's throw across. Besides the clas- 
 sic name of Indus, it has the three other appellations of 
 i Sinde, Neelaub, and Shoor. Sinde, or Sindeh, is its Asia- 
 I tic name, as Indus is its European. This name was not un- 
 known to the Romans. " Indus incolis Sindus appellatus," 
 I says the laborious Fliny, lib. vi. Sinde is synonymous with 
 i the other appellation of Neelaub, both signifying the Blue 
 River ; Neelaub being the Persian name. It was from 
 I this latter name that the Naulibe of Ptolemy obtained that 
 j denomination. This city of Neelaub is, in the histories of 
 \ that country, called Old Neelaub, which implies that it is 
 i an ancient city, and that Attock in a manner succeeded 
 i Neelaub, their sites being but ttn miles asunder. We 
 [ may infer, of course, that in Ptolemy's days, the Indus 
 , was called Neelaub ; and if so, that it was also so called 
 I in the days of Alexander. This circumstance may per- 
 i haps account for the strange story, that Alexander fancied 
 i that he had discovered the head of the Nile, when he 
 I saw the Indus. Finding the river so called, he might 
 ! confound the term Neelaub with the Neilos of the 
 I Greeks, and the river of Egypt ; or perhaps in some of 
 ; his letters, boasting that he had discovered the head of the 
 i Neelaub, or Indus, those into whose hands they came, ig- 
 I norant of the fact that the Indus was so called, might lay 
 the strange tale in Alexander's name that he had dis- 
 covered the source of the Egyptian Nile. The Cophenes 
 I is by some at this day reckoned the true Indus ; and the 
 I same Neelaub has also been applied to it. Even Pliny 
 
 forbear laughing ; after which he told him, 
 " That anciently the earth had been covered 
 with barley and wheat, as it was at that time 
 with dustj that besides watex', the rivers used 
 
 himself was of that opinion, along with others of the an- 
 cients. " In jugo Caucasi mentis, quod vocatur Paropa- 
 misus, adversus solits ortum ejffusus." Lib. i. The em- 
 peror Bauber himself was al.^o of the same mind, in 
 making the Cophenes, or river of Caubul, the western 
 branch of the Indus, the true Indus. Now Alexander 
 having marched from nigh its source to its junction, 
 and finding the same name applied to the confluent stream, 
 might really imagine he had discovered the source of the 
 Neelaub, or Indus. Can it be possibly supposed, that Al- 
 exander, the pupil of Aristotle, was bo ignorant as to sup- 
 pose that the source of the Egyptian Nile was in India, 
 and that the Neelaub, or Indus, and the Nile, were one 
 and the same river .' He could not possibly be ignorant, 
 that Herodotus had described both rivers in his history ; 
 and detailed, though shortly, the discovery of the Indus 
 by Scylax, and his voyage down that stream to the Indian 
 ocean. If he did not, then certainly his great master, the 
 Stagirite, was inexcusable, in not putting such a valuable 
 performance into the hands of his pupil. I am almost 
 persuaded, that the whole mistake originated in the word 
 Neelaub, which he had mentioned in his letter to his 
 mother Olympias, which his ignorant countrymen in 
 Greece and Macedon, not knowing it to be the Persian, 
 if not native denomination for the Indus, took it for the 
 Nile ; and hence spread the ridiculous story, that Alexan. 
 der had wrote to his mother that he had found out the 
 source of the Nile. Abdul Humeed of Lahore, and Mo- 
 hamed Casim, apply the name Neelaub to the Nile ; and 
 even the latter, speaking of a march of the emperor Shah 
 Jehan, says, that he came to the banks of the Sinde, better 
 known by the name of Neelaub, opposite the fort of Attock. 
 Rennel's Hindoostan, p. 95. In Abdul Kurrira's Life of 
 the celebrated Nadir Shah, translated by Gladwin, we find 
 the same appellative given the Indus. Speaking of Nadir 
 Shah's crossing the rivers above Attock, he says, " These 
 five streams unite at the ferry of Paishawur, which con- 
 fluence is called the Attock ; in ancient books it is called 
 the Nilab." Rennel's ibid. That name is applied 
 to the Indus as far up as Baltistaun, or Little Tibet, as 
 may be learned from Abdul Humeed's Life of Shah Jehan, 
 in which the expedition of Zuffer Khaun into that region 
 in 1638, is recorded. There the Nilab is repeatedly men- 
 tioned, and once as a deep river. The name Sinde, or 
 Sindus, is the Sanscrit Sindhus, or Sindhu. The last ap- 
 pellation of Shoor, or Forbidden, is from a prohibition en- 
 joined by the Brahmins on the Hindoos, not to cross the 
 river below Attock, but they may cross it above that place. 
 Rennel, in his Memoir, places Attock too far south, and 
 too far west; an error obviously owing to want of proper 
 materials, as no European had ever been there to fix its 
 true site. Hence, instead of being in north latitude 33. 6. 
 and east longitude 71. 15. as in Rennel and Hamilton's 
 Indian Gazetteer ; its true latitude is 33. 57. north latitude, 
 and 72. 25. east longitude, as fixed by Macartney in Elphin- 
 ston's map. 
 
 Alexander having crossed the Indus, refreshed his 
 army for thirty days ; and much need they had of it, as 
 they had been obliged to fight their way to that river, 
 through a rugged and difficult tract, inhabited by rude, 
 ferocious, and warlike mountaineers, a distance of 2fc0 
 miles direct. As it was the month of May when he passed 
 the Indus, including the rest of thirty days above-men. 
 tioned, it was the season of the summer solstice ere he 
 arrived at the Hydaspes. It was a mighty help to his 
 warlike operations, that the country of India was at that 
 time divided amongst a vast number of petty princes, 
 called Rajahs, in Hindoostan, independent of and at 
 variance with each other. Taxiles was at enmity with 
 Porus, and for the sake of this, sacrificed himself and his 
 country to the ambition of the invader, facilitated his en. 
 trance, and joined his army. Alexander's forces amount- 
 ed to 135,C00 men, most of whom hau seen service, and 
 many had grown grey in the profession of soldiers. 
 Fifteen thousand of these were cavalry; in addition to 
 which, he had a large body of elephants. All these, joined 
 to the army of Taxiles, rendered him more than a match for 
 any force which an Indian rajah, like Porus, could possibly 
 bring against him. He was, over and besides all this, 
 aided by the warlike mountaineers who inhabited the 
 hilly country to the west and to tlie south of Cashmere, 
 and rtorth of the Punjaub, under the command of Ambi- k 
 sares; a race who, like their successors the Ghickers, if. 
 they were not the Ghickers themselves, were always 
 ready to aid any invader, in order to reap the spoil, or at least 
 to share it with the conqueror. Another mountain rajah, 
 
190 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 to flow with milk, honey, oil, and wine ; that 
 man's guilt had occasioned a change of this hap- 
 py condition ; and that Jupiter, to punish their 
 ingratitude, had sentenced them to a long, pain- 
 
 oalled Doxarcas, also submitted, and sent him presents. 
 Taking all these into our view, Alexander's successes m 
 the Punjaub were not wonderful. It would have been 
 more wonderful, had he not been successful ; and yet we 
 tind, after all the exaggerated accounts of his victories 
 and conquests, by Curtius, Diodorus, and Arrian, he did 
 not conquer all the Punjaub, which is but a small portion 
 of India. Tamerlane and Nadirshah, in modern times, 
 did more in one campaign than he did in two. The fact 
 is, India like Italy, has alwavs been an easy conquest ; yet 
 as easily lost as won. Unless we except the vigorous 
 reigns of Acbar and Aurungzebe, the concentrated 
 strength of that immense region has never once been em- 
 ployed to repel an invader. 
 
 In order to trace the path of Alexander with perspi- 
 cuity, it is necessary to give a short sketch of tiie country 
 and the rivers by which it is crossed. 
 
 From the Indus to the Hysudrus, the most eastern 
 stream that falls into the Indus, the flat country com- 
 monly called the Punjaub, or country of five rivers, the 
 direct distance is 360 British miles, and the breadth from 
 north to south is generally two degrees. Exclusive of the 
 Indus this region is watered by tive large rivers, besides 
 innumerable smaller streams, which fall into one or other 
 of these rivers. These rivers all hold parallel courses, 
 running from the great ridge of the Himmaleh at right 
 angles, and consequently in a south-west direction to the 
 Indus, which is the main trunk, conveying their confluent 
 waters to the Indian sea. Their order, eastward of the 
 Indus, is the following— the Ihylum, the Chunaub, the 
 Rauwee, the Beyah, the Sutluj. The first is the Bedusta 
 and Behut of the Ayeen Akberry, the Indrani of Hindoo 
 mythology, the famed Hydaspes of Arrian, and the Bi- 
 daspis of Ptolemy, ai^d the Dendana of Sherifeddin. The 
 learned Dr. Hyde thinks that .the Hydaspes should be 
 called the Hystaspes from Darius Hystaspes ; but he pro- 
 duces no authority to prove that Hydaspes is a wrong 
 reading. Lower down, near its confluence with the Ace. 
 sines, it is called the .lamad in Sherifeddin's Timoor. 
 This famed stream originates near the great Himalaya, 
 it> the south-east border of Cashmere, in north latitude 
 3+. 30. or half a degree to the south of its position in 
 Ptolemy, and in east" longitude 77. at the western foot of 
 mount Kantel, which separates Cashmere from Landauk 
 80 miles east south-east of Cashmere city. At Islamabad 
 it is 80 yards broad. About 10 miles cast of Cashmere it 
 spreads out into a beautiful sheet of water lU miles across, 
 called the Dal, or Duller Lake. At Barehmooleh, 28 
 miles west of Cashmere, it enters the mountains, having 
 been previously joined by the Khote, or Little Sind, from 
 the Tibetian mountains, and pursuing its course through 
 the district of Mozufferabad, where it is joined by the 
 Kishengonga and the N'ainsook, it escapes from the moun- 
 tains in the district of Puckholi and enters the Punjaub. 
 Its course is so rapid through the deep winding valley, 
 while escaping from the wide base of the vast Cashmerian 
 mountains, that the stoutest elephant cannot keep its feet. 
 From this it traverses the territories of the Ghickers, still 
 running through hills till it crosses the upper road lead- 
 ing from Lahore to Attock, where the hills are confined 
 to the western bank, where stood an ancient city called 
 Jelum. About 50 miles below this is the Ghat, or pass, 
 leading over the river at the eastern foot of the Joud 
 mountains, or salt ridge, extending from Callabaugh on 
 the Indus to this (ihat, called Jellallpore Ghat, I'iO miles 
 in a direct eastern course. From this point it enters the 
 flat country, and rims first a south-west and then a .south 
 course till it joins the Acesines 70 miles above Moltauu, 
 where its name is lost in that of the latter, after having 
 run a direct course of 450 miles. Rennel says, that the 
 widest space between the Indus is only 94 geographical 
 miles, but in Elphinston's map it is 114 British miles, and 
 its nearest approach to the Indus is at Mozuff'erabad, 
 where the intervening space is only 60 British mile.;. 
 
 Jellallpore Ghat was the pass where Alexander crossed 
 the stream, and vvhere Porus lay encamped on the oppo- 
 site side. It is 114 British miles, in direct distance, south, 
 east of Attock, where Alexander crossed the Indus ; but 
 owing to the hilly nature of the country, the road distance 
 was not less than 160 such miles. Elphinston declares 
 this intervening tract to be the strongest country he ever 
 Baw, it is so intersected with hills, passes, and narrow de- 
 files, whilst the mountains on the right of their route rose 
 to a great height above the clouds, and increased in alti.. 
 tude as they approach Cashmere, to which they run up in 
 successive groups. This was the country of Taxilcs. So 
 
 ful labour. That their repentance afterwards 
 moving him to compassion, he had restored their 
 former abundance ; however, that by the course 
 of things, they seemed to be returning to their 
 
 precisely does the Jellallpore pass, which the British em- 
 bassy crossed in their return from Paishawur, correspond 
 to the description of the scene of the battle between Alex, 
 ander and Porus, that several gentlemen of the mission 
 who read the passage on the spot, were persuaded that it 
 referred to the very place before their eyes. It is here 
 divided by islands, which present the very same appear- 
 ance one expects from reading the accounts of the an. 
 cients. Next to the Acesines it is the largest of the five 
 rivers. When crossed by the British mission in July, it 
 had not attained its maximum height, which is eight feet 
 more in August. Its breadth, at this part, was one mile, 
 one furlong, 35 perches, from edge to edge of the bank. 
 The deep part of the channel did not exceed 250 yards, 
 where the soundings varied from 9 to 14 feet. The deep 
 part is toward the left, its bottom sand, with a small por- 
 tion of mud. The left bank is low, and, at the season of 
 the highest inundation, must overflow to the extent of 
 five miles on that side. It is not fordable at any season. 
 Kennel places the passage of Alexander over the Hydas 
 pes at Khotas, half a degree farther up. 
 
 The next river is the Acesines, named Sandabilis by 
 Ptolemy, in Sanscrit Chandrabhaga, the Chanderbaka of 
 the Ayeen Akberry. This is the largest of the five rivers, 
 measuring, at the Wuzzeerabad Ghat, on the 31st July, 
 1 mile, 3 furlongs; 20 perches from edge to edge of the 
 bank ; the soundings the same as in the Hydaspes, 14 feet 
 being the greatest ; but the current was more rapid by a 
 knot and a half, the former running 4 and the latter 5| 
 miles an hour. Diodorus Sictilus makes its breadth 15 
 furlongs, or nigh 2 miles. It rises in the snowy mountains 
 to the south-east of the source of the Hydaspes, and runs a 
 south-west course of 370 British miles to its junction with 
 that river. It is not however true that it is the longest of 
 the five rivers, as Rennel, Hamilton, and Elphinston 
 atRrm, for in that respect it is exceeded by the Hydaspes 
 80 miles ; whereas Hamilton makes its length 420, and 
 Elphinston 515 miles; but in this calculation they forget 
 that they have included its course below its reception of 
 the Hydaspes, till its union with the Indus, 155 miles 
 more, or 525 in whole. But if the whole course of the 
 Hydaspes is to be included as part of the confluent stream, 
 then from'this junction to the source of the Hydaspes 
 exceeds 600 miles. The reason therefore why it is called 
 the longest river, is because it pre-ei ves its name till its 
 junction with the Indus, whereas that of the Hydaspes is 
 lost in it But, even in this respect, it must yield to the 
 Hysudrus, or Sutluj, which runs more th.in double the 
 length of the Acesines before it meets with the Indus. 
 The course of the Acesines is remarkably straight, whilst 
 that of the Hydaspes is just the reverse ; which accounts 
 for the greater length of its course than that of the Acesi- 
 nes previous to the junction. In the dry season the chan- 
 nel of the Acesines does not exceed 250 yards, or 300 at 
 most— the second channel, which is much the broadest, 
 being quite dry in the cold season. Between the Hydas- 
 pes and it the character of the interjacent tract is quite 
 different, from that to the west of the former stream 
 being excessively flat and tame, and the soil as rich as 
 that of Bengal. The horizontal distance, from the pass 
 of the Hydaspes to that of the Acesines, is 44 miles ; 
 whilst Rennel makes it only 30 geographical miles. But 
 Elphinston travelled it, and the road was measured by a 
 perambulator, so that his account of the intervening space 
 must be preferred to that of Rennel. 
 
 From this river Alexander proceeded to the Hydraotes. 
 This river is the Adris of Ptolemy, the Hyarotis of 
 Strabo. Its Sanscrit appellation is the lyrawutty, or Ira- 
 waddy, in the Ayeen Akberry. This river is said by El. 
 phinston to be by far the least of all the Punjaub rivers, its 
 breadth from bank to bank, being on the 12th of August, 
 when it should have reached its maximum height, only 513 
 yards Its channel is very narrow, and the greatest depth was 
 Ascertained to be 12 feet. Its bottom is much more mud- 
 dy than any of the other rivers. The deep channel did 
 not exceed 40 yards, and the depth of the remainder was 
 from 3 to 5 feet— and 9 feet at two or three throws cf the 
 lead. In the cold season it is fordable all over, not above 
 4 feet deep. But on an inspection of the direction ot the 
 British mission across the Punjaub, we find that at the 
 place vvhere they crossed it at Meeaunee Ghat was con. 
 siderably above Lahore, where it is joined by a branch 
 from the north-east, apparently as large as itself There 
 the stream is said to be 300 yards broad in the cold season, 
 and a little below that city it is joined by another large 
 stream, called the Basuntur, from the north. <;o that the 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 191 
 
 ancient confusion." This relation shows evi- 
 dently, that these philosophers had some notion 
 of the felicity of the first man, and of the toil 
 to which he had been sentenced for his sin. 
 
 mission did not really see the Hydraotes in its full magni- 
 tude, so that I do not reckon Elphinstoii's estimate a fair 
 and just one. He also says, or rather Mr. Macartney, " I am 
 not quite certain of its having the course I have given it 
 to its junction with the Cluinaub, of 415 miles." Now this 
 is a mistake, for in the map its course does not exceed 250 
 miles, and its course is by no means serpentine. He can. 
 not have meant the Indus, for the name of Hydraotes is 
 lost in that of the Acesines, or Chunaub, and it cannot 
 therefore be a press error. It enters the combined stream 
 of the Acesines and Hydaspes, 35 miles below that conflu- 
 ! once. The breadth of the three streams united, is said to 
 ! be 1 mile, 1 furlong, and 85 yards, in the wet season. But 
 in the dry season, the breadth of these at Kaj-Ghat was 
 found to be only 500 yards across, and the greatest depth 
 17 feet, and its average depth is estimated, by Elphinston, 
 at 8| feet ; 230 yards being allowed for the Hydaspes at 
 8 feet, and 270 feet for the Acesines at the same depth, and 
 the remaining half foot for the Rauwee. But this must 
 be an under calculation for that river, from what we have 
 stated above of two large streams not being taken into 
 account in the estimate of the size of the Rauwee, at the 
 place where the mission crossed it. The horizontal dis- 
 tance between the Ghat of the Acesines and the pass of 
 the Rauwee is 55 miles. The country is rich and flat, but 
 higher land than that between the Hydaspes and Ace- 
 sines, and not so very fertile. By Rennel the space 
 is made 54 geographical miles at their entrance into 
 the plains, and the rivers gradually approach each 
 other for 170 miles, till they finally unite. Two mis- 
 takes have been rectified in Rennel's account by Elphin- 
 ston ; the one respecting the three rivers above described, 
 which he in his map made to enter the Indus below Mool- 
 taun, whilst the united streams of the Hyphasis and Hy- 
 sudrus were made to enter that river 80 miles below the 
 mouth of the Chunaub. The fact is otherwise. The com- 
 bined stream of the three rivers joins that of the Hyphasis 
 and Hysudrus near Ouch, 85 miles to the south south-west 
 of Mooltaun, whence the full stream, now called Punjnud, 
 flows on till it enters the Indus at Mittenda-Kot, 80 miles 
 nelow Ouch. The other mistake lay in his affirming the 
 size of the three rivers, at their supposed confluence with 
 the Indus, to be equal to that of the Indus itself; where, 
 as, the reverse is the truth ; the Indus being more than 
 double the breadth at Leia, where the mission crossed it 
 and of equal depth to the three streams united, far above 
 the confluence. The cause of the mistake, that the three 
 j i rivers fell into the Indus 80 miles above the other two 
 j j seems to be this— that for 44 coss, or 80 miles, from MitI 
 I tenda-Kot, the Indus and Punjnud run parallel courses, 
 the distmce across from Ouch being only 7 co-s, or 12 
 miles. During the rainy season, when the inundations 
 take place, the whole of this space is one complete sheet 
 of water, and therefore seems one river— the waters of 
 these three and the Indus meet, at that season, for some 
 distance above the point where the combined stream of 
 the Hyphasis and Hysudrus joins them. 
 
 From the Hydraotis Alexander marched to the Hypha- 
 I sis, the Biliasis of Ptolemy; the Hypasis of Pliny; the 
 I Hypanis of Strabo ; in Sanscrit, Beypasha or Vipasa. At 
 Bhirowal Ghat, where the British mission crossed it, it 
 I was 740 yards broad, its right bank very high, and the 
 I current very rapid, being then at its greatest height ; so 
 ; rapid indeed, that the boats could not gain the left bank, 
 j some were even carried 7 coss down the stream. It how-' 
 I ever fell the next day. It is fordable in most places in 
 the cold season, but there are many quicksands in its bed ; 
 and, at this season, there are many islands and sand beds 
 formed towards the centre. Diodorus Siculus states its 
 breadth at 7 furlongs, and its depth at 6 fathoms. This is 
 an exaggeration; but Elphinston has not recorded its 
 depth, the rapidity preventing, it may be suppo.-ed, the 
 use of the sounding line. Its modern name is the Beyah, 
 and the Beas Gunga. Its source seems to be in the Great 
 Himalaya, or Himadri, in the Rajahdry of Kooloo, the 
 Keeloo of the Ayeen Akberry. It is separated in the upper 
 part of its mountainous course, from that of the Rauwee 
 on tlie west, by a long ridge of lofty mountains clothed in 
 garments ot perpetual snow, denominated Pariyat, pro. 
 jecting south.west from the Himalaya, near its source • 
 and which, passing to the west of Kangra, crosses 
 the upper Rauwee, and then turns north-wesi towards 
 Cashmere. On the south-east the upper course of 
 the Beyah is separated from tiiat of the Sutluj, by a 
 similar ridge of mountains, running south-west and 
 Qorth-east. It joins the Sutluj 18 cess below the Ghat, 
 
 After this conversation, Onesicritus spoke to 
 Mandanis, the eldest, and, as it were, the supe- 
 rior of the band. This Brachman said, " That 
 he thought Alexander worthy of admiration, in 
 
 where its breadth was measured. After their junction 
 the combined stream is called Beas, and afterwards the 
 Gharra, till it is lost in that of the Punjnud, above Ouch, 
 58 coss south of Mooltaun, and 32 south .west of Bahawul- 
 pore. For the first 200 miles of its course, it runs almost 
 due south and then south-west for the space of 2fi0 
 miles. 
 
 The most eastern of the five rivers, is the Sutluj; but as 
 Alexander did not advance to its banks, we have merely 
 to add, that it is the Hysudrus of that warrior's history, 
 the He.sudrus of Pliny, the Zaradrus of Ptolemy, and the 
 Saranges of Arrian, the Shetooder of the Ayeen Akberry; 
 which is just a corruption of its Sanscrit name, Satadru, or 
 Sutroodra ; and it is equally clear, that Zaradrus is also a 
 Greek corruption of Satadru. The Beyah and Sutluj are 
 nearly equal in volume, but the former 'is said to be rather 
 the larger of the two. As the Beyah was the utmost limit of 
 Alexander's progress eastward, it follows, that his whole 
 course from the Indus to the altars erected by him 
 on its eastern bank, as trophies of his victorious career, 
 supposing these to be erected at the Ghat of Bhirowal, 18 
 coss above the confluence, would not much exceed 500 
 miles, allowing one-sixth of traversed space for windings; 
 D'Anville's account of Alexander's progress in the Punj. 
 aub is extremely erroneous ; and no wonder it should be 
 so, considering what little geographical knowledge of In- 
 dia was possessed in Europe, in the middle of the lasi 
 century. Though he had been a much abler geographei 
 than the voice of well-earned fame has justly pronounced 
 him to be, he could do no better with such a slender stock 
 of materials as he possessed. Nothing was known of its 
 geography, but a few points on the Malabar and Coroman. 
 del coasts, and these were so, because frequented by Euro- 
 peans for the sake of commerce. It was impossible foi 
 D'Anville, or any speculative geographer whatever, who 
 drew his materials almost solely from the ancients, or the 
 inaccurate accounts of a few orientalists, to verify the geo- 
 graphy of Alexander's marches in India, or the descrip- 
 tions of Strabo, Pliny, Dionysius, Arrian, and Ptolemy, 
 without an actual knowledge of its modern geography. 
 Classical geography is of little or no use without the lights 
 of modern geography, and the one cannot be studied to 
 any useful or practical purpose without the aid of the 
 other. India, in the days of D'Anville, was as much a 
 terra incognita to Europeans, as Africa is at this moment ; 
 and might perhaps have remained so, but for the wars and 
 conquests of our countrymen in that extensive region ; 
 and it was not till the days of the able and enlightened 
 Rennel, who published the first edition of his Indian 
 Memoir in 1788, that India maybe said to have become 
 knov.'n to Europe; and much additional geographical 
 knowledge of that country has been since obtained, and 
 that almost solely owing to conquest, on the one 
 hand, and embassies to ihe native and neighbouring 
 powers, on the other. D'Anville supposed th;:t Alex- 
 ander had only four rivers to cross, between him and 
 the Prasii, or the country watered by the Ganges, after 
 he crossed the Indus, and hence he took the Behut, or 
 Ihylum, for the Indus ; the Acesines he names the 
 Shantru, then the Rauwee, and the Beyah ; but the 
 Sutluj does not appear in his map of India at all. In. 
 stead of it, a river, called Caul, is made to run by Sirhind 
 to the south-west, and fall into the Indus at Buckor ; so 
 that neither his map nor that of De Lisle, published in 17^:9, 
 is of any use to assist a reader in the geography of Alex- 
 der's Indian conquests. It was a great blessing to the 
 unhappy and unoffending natives, that the army of the 
 conqueror refused to march any farther. The Macedo- 
 nians were completely tired of the endless labours of 
 marching, and fighting, and conquering. The warfare 
 seemed interminable, and their difficulties appeared to in. 
 crease proportionally as they advanced; and all these, and 
 whatever more might arise, they were doomed to bear, to 
 gratify the insatiable ambition of a restless man, who, 
 while he could comimand the means, would neither suffer 
 others nor himself to live in peace, constantly procuring 
 new work for himself and them. His conquests in India 
 by no means deserve the credit vulgarly attached to them. 
 In the Punjaub, a region only nearly equal to England, 
 we find no less than seven independent nations, and along 
 the lower course of the Indus many more. There was 
 little or no concert amongst them, each actin r -jeperatly 
 for themselves, the Malli, Catheri, and Oxydracse, ex- 
 cepted, who leagued together for their mutual defence. 
 This subdivision, into a great nuniber of petty states, as it 
 facilitated the career of Macedonian conquest so it lias 
 
192 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 seeking thus for wisdom in the midst of the 
 cares of his government : that he was the first,' 
 who had ever united in himself the two charac- 
 ters of conqueror and philosopher ; that it were 
 
 also, with ordinary minds, given a celebrity to Alexander s 
 name. Such readers, either not regarding, or not com- 
 prehending the small extent and diminutive importance of 
 these petty states, have taken them for powerful nations 
 I and extended kingdoms. In modern times, the conquest 
 of the Punjaub, and all the country bordering on the In- 
 dus and its tributary streams, would be considered as no 
 very great matter, with such an army as Alexander head- 
 ed, of 135,000 men, besides auxiliaries; yet this is con- 
 I sidered, in his case, as wonderfully brilUant. The fact is, 
 ! tne romantic traveller is blinded with the adveiUurous 
 i hero, and the feelings of the reader are interested at the 
 ! expense of his judgment. What confirms the above re- 
 i mark is this, that the Macedonians, who had had pretty 
 I tough work of it with the gallant Porus, and who had 
 ' been accustomed to fight with separate tribes and insulat- 
 ed states, and conquer them successively one by one, as 
 I soon as they heard of a great desert to be crossed, ere they 
 I could arrive at die Ganges, or rather Juranah ; and that 
 i all the tribes to tlie east of that river were confederated 
 i against them for mutual defence, and that their united 
 I number, amounting to 200,000 foot and 80,000 horse, 8000 
 I war-chariots, and 6000 elephants, were waiting for their 
 advance ; they were seized with a sort of panic, which all 
 I the eloquence of their adventurous leader could not re- 
 move ; neither threats nor caresses could prevail on them 
 to move a step farther, thinking it better that their bones 
 I should lie in Greece, than be left to bleach under a burn- 
 ing sun in the hot sands of India. Alexander was of 
 i course compelled to retrace his steps to the Hydraotes. 
 I It is impossible to fix the site of Sangala with precision ; 
 I but it seems, in Rennel's opinion, to have stood to the 
 I south-west of Lahore, 36 geographical miles direct dis- 
 ! tance. This name occurs only in Arrian, and is said to 
 I have been a place of great s'trength and imiiortaiice in 
 I the country of the Cathei. These are the C'Htheri 
 i of Diodorus Siculus, the Catry of Thevenot, evidently 
 ! corresponding to the Rajpoots, or military cast, called 
 I Ci-hatriyas, in the Sanscrit. Now these Catheri, or Raj- 
 I poots, were confederated with the Malli and Oxydracae, 
 j for ihe purpose of mutual defence against the invader. 
 I The Malli were evidently the inhabitants of the modern 
 I Mooltaun, and the Oxydracaj the people of Outch. 
 These latter, namely the Malli and 0.xydracae, there, 
 fore lay south-west of the confluence of the Hydrsotes, 
 and Acesines, or Rauwee, and Chunaub. Ridiculous 
 mistakes have been committed by the learned, respect- 
 ing the Catheri. These being called Cathaei, or Cathei, 
 by Arrian, and their kingdom, or state, Cathea by 
 Strabo. Berkelius and Strahlenberg imagined them to be 
 ' the Chinese ; and Cathea to be Cathay, or what is now 
 called Chinese Tartary, and Northern China. 'J his mis- 
 i take originated solely in an' error of the transcriber of 
 • Arrian, who wrote Cathei, for Catheri. The Sophitian 
 ' kingdom of Diodorus, Curtius, and Str.ibo, is t:.ken also 
 1 hi Strahlenberg for 'I'ibet, or the country of the Dalai 
 i Lamai ; whereas that state was in the vicinity of the 
 C.Uheri, or Rajpoots. As the term of Gymnosoiihists was 
 d[)plied by the Greeks to these naked ascetical savages, 
 now called logees and Saniasses, so the name of Sophita', 
 or wise men, was applied by the same Greeks to the Bra- 
 minical tril)e, or priesthood, who then kept, as they still 
 do, all the learning and science, such as it is, in Hindoo- 
 stan, in their ov,-n hands. Many rajahs have been Bra- 
 mins; and as it is likely tiie Catheri, or those next them, 
 were governed by a Braminical rajah, the territory would 
 be called the kingdom of Sopithes, or Sophites, the name 
 of the rajah being confounded with that of the cast to 
 which he belonged. 
 
 From the Hydraotes, he returned to the Hydaspes, and 
 there embarked for the Indus in the middle of November. 
 We are told by Arrian, that the timber for building the 
 vessels was procured from the neighbouring mountains ; 
 and enough is known of the country, to convince us that it 
 would be got from the forests at the foot of the mountains 
 , that skirt the western bank of the Ihylum. In five days 
 ' he came to the confluence of the Hydasnes and Acesines. 
 \ Both the historians of Alexander and Timoor Beg agree, 
 I that the junction of these rivers i.' etiected with groat 
 j noise and violence, the waves dasning against one an- 
 j other, making it appear like a troul.;led ocean. The army 
 
 to be wished, that the latter character were the 
 attribute of those who could inspire the wisdom 
 which they themselves possessed, and enjoin it 
 by their authority." He added, that he could 
 
 was in three divisions; one of which marched alongst the 
 Acesines, the other two alongst those of the Plydaspes ; 
 whilst Alexander in person commanded the fleet : so that 
 the whole country may be said to have been swept The 
 Hydaspes is stated to have been twenty stades, or tsvo 
 miles broad, the whole way to the confluence ; which is 
 perfectly probable, as Elphinston allows that the Hy- 
 daspes, in the height of the inundation, must over, 
 flow four or five miles of the low country on its left 
 bank. The army now was divided into four divi. 
 sions, three of which marched at a considerable distance 
 from each other, in parallel columns, sweeping the coun- 
 try all the W3v; whilst Alexar.dtr, at tlie head of the | 
 fourth, marched inland from the river, to attack the 
 Malli on that side, and compel the fugitives to fly to the 
 forks of the rivers, that they might be intercepted by the 
 other divisions. 
 
 He arrived at lengfJi at the confluence of the Hydrao. 
 tes with the Acesines, and then attacked the capital of the 
 INIalli, not the modem Mooltaun, which is forty miles b«. 
 low the confluence, but another city a little above the 
 confluence ; for the garrison retreated to the north side of 
 the Rauwee, whither Alexander pursued them to another 
 fortified city. This nameless city was neither the capital 
 of the Malli, nor among the Oxydracans at Outch, liO 
 miles below, but about 10 geographical miles, as Renncl 
 judges, above the confluence of the Rauwee and Chunaub, 
 a few miles to the north of the Rauwee and the ancient 
 capital of the Malli Rennel finds fault with Arrian for | 
 saying that the Hyphasis fell into the Acesines, whereas 
 says he, the truth is, the Hyphasis, or Beyah, does not join the 
 Chunaub, but after combining its stream with the Sutluj, 
 enters the Indus, far below the entrance of the Chunaub. 
 To speak in his own language, the truth is, that the Beyah 
 does join the Chunaub, as before observed, and therefore 
 ' that Arrian is right and Rennel wrong. 
 I From this he marched to the territories of the Sogdi, 
 Musicani, Oxycani, Sindomanni, and Pacalans. It is im. 
 i possible to identify these tribes with those which at pre- 
 sent inhabit the vicinity of the Lower Indus. I take 
 ; the Musicani of Arrian to be the same with the Sabracs? ■ 
 of Curtius, and these latter scera to have inhabited the j 
 ' district and island of Buckor, Bhakor, orBekkher; and [ 
 the Oxvcani were tlie inhabitants of the tract an- 
 fwering 'to the modern Hajvkan on the west of the 
 : Indus— a narrow stripe of low land, bounded by the 
 mountains of Balloochistaun on the west, and occu- 
 pied at present by a few Ballooches and Afghauns, 
 ; who migrate to these mountains in tJie hot and rainy 
 season. The Sindomanni correspond to the people of 
 Siiide, a large province extending alongst both banks of 
 the Indus down to its mouth, and PatUila corresponds to 
 the Delta of the Indus. But as there are several Deltas 
 in the Lower Indus, there called Mehran, a Persian ap- j 
 pellation, it is impossible to say what particular Delta is j 
 meant by Pattala, or Patalene. The ancients mention 
 ! only one great Delta, and place Pattala at the head of it. 
 1 In Ptolemv, p. 166, this city is placed very far below where 
 i the Indus begins to separate into branches. Great changes 
 ' must have happened in the Delta and mouths of the In- 
 dus since the days of Alexander, which render it impossi- 
 i ble to reconcile his vovage down the Delta with modern 
 I appearances. The Indus is now known to enter the sea 
 ' by onlv one mouth, L2 miles broad— instead of several, 
 I those so called being creeks— shallow and unnavigable for 
 most part of the vear. ! 
 
 The Indus was esteemed by the ancients the largest 
 river in the world next to the Ganges, the Nile being j 
 inferior to it, and the Danube to this last. 1 
 
 In the Tables of Ptolemv the sources of the Indus are 
 placed in 1!l'5". east longitude, and ol". north latitude, two 
 and a half degrees east of tlie Suastus river, and a degree 
 to the south of that point, aiid eleven degrees west of the 
 sources of the Ganges. How contrary this is to fact, aP 
 who are acquainted with the modern geography of Hin- 
 doostaun know. Instead of being eleven degrees west of 
 the source of the Ganges, it is half a degree to the east of 
 the head of that stream. Ptolemy likewise places the 
 sources of the five rivers of the Punjaub, the Hydasiies, 
 Acesines, Hvdraotes, Hvphasis, and Hysudrus, to tlie east 
 of those of tlie Indus. Now, instead of this, their sources, 
 except those of the Hvsudrus, or Sutluj, are all to the 
 south-west of those of the Indus. Those of the Sutluj are 
 to the south and souUi-east of those of the Indus, at no 
 great distance. The sources of the Indus are also placed 
 by Ptolemy 10 degrees west, and 7 degrees south, ot th« 
 
History of Alexander. 193 
 
 not conceive the motive which had prompted 
 Alexander to undertake so long and laborious a 
 journey, nor what he came in search of, in so 
 remote a country. 
 
 LithiDos Pyrgos, or Stone Tower, denominated by him, 
 " receptaculum eorum, qui ad Seras negotii caiisa profis- 
 ciscuntur penes montem Imaum." I cannot reconcile 
 this with Mr. Murray's notion, that the Stone Tower of 
 Ptolemy was on the great ridge separating Little Tibet 
 from Great Tibet, and which Murray will have to be 
 the Imaus versus ad Arctos ; for, if this be the case, 
 the Indus actually rises on its western side, and must 
 therefore be in its very vicinity, instead of being so far 
 removed from it as in Ptolemy's Tables. 
 
 The ancients, in fact, had very indistinct and inaccurate 
 notions of the source and course of the Indus ; and though 
 we are now well acquainted with both the source and a 
 great pavt of its course, yet, as it flows through the great 
 Alpine country behind the Himalaya, hitherto unexplored 
 by European eyes, we remain still ignorant of the upper 
 course of that stream. What was once supposed to be the 
 northern branch of the Ganges, and as such laid down 
 in the Lamas' map of Tibet, in the Chinese atlas ap- 
 pended to Du Halde, is now known to be the Indus, 
 Irom the information of Mr. Moorcroft, that persevering 
 and inquisitive traveller. Below Ghara, or Ghortope, 
 where that traveller saw it, we are as ignorant of its 
 course as when the Lamas' map first appeared in Du 
 Halde. 
 
 The Indus is formed by the junction of two mountain 
 streams, called the Eekung.Tchu and the Sing-Tchu in 
 the Tibetian language, and which, when combined, cor- 
 respond to the La-Tchu of Du Halde. I must here cor- 
 rect two verbal errors which have, through inattention, 
 crept into the Dissertation on the sources of the Ganges 
 and the Lamas' map of Tibet. In p. 118. line 9, we have 
 denominated the Tibetian name of the Sutluj the La- 
 Tchu, and, in line SO, that of the Indus the Lank-Tchu. 
 The very reverse is the fact ; the Tibetian appellation of 
 the former being Lank-Tchu, and that of the latter the 
 La-Tchu. 
 
 It is impossible to fix, with precision, the sources of the 
 La-Tchu and Eekung-Tchu, as Moorcroft made no celes- 
 tial observations, in his journey, to fix the sites of either 
 Ghortope, or that of the Mansarowar lake, or of the great 
 intervening ridge which separates their sources from 
 those of the Sutluj, once imagined to be the southern 
 branch of the Indus. The river of Ghortope, called the 
 Sing-Tchu, originates at the northern foot of the Caiilas, 
 or great snowy range north of the Himalaya, or rather its 
 northern branch, in 31°. 25r. north lat. and 80*^. 30'. east 
 {ong. ; 25 miles direct south of Ghortope, in Moorcroft's 
 map. Four days' journey below tliat place, it is joined by 
 the other branch, called the Eekung-Tchu, or Kanpa, in 
 the Bhotea dialect, coming from the east, from another 
 great dividing ridge, running north-west from the angle 
 formed by the converging of the Himalaya and the Caiilas, 
 east of the Mansarowar lake. From Tuzheegong the 
 combined stream, under the name of the Sing-Tchu, runs 
 north-west to Koutho, or Rodauk, (the Rudoc of Anthony 
 Andrada,) and tlience to Ladauk, its course being con- 
 fined within most of that space by two ranges of lofty 
 and snow-clad mountains — that on the left separating its 
 tributary streams from those of the Sutluj. As the posi- 
 tion of Ladauk is not yet fixed, with any thing approach, 
 ing to precision, it is impossible to say how far it runs to 
 the north-west from Tuzheegong, or what is its most 
 northern point. The journey of Moorcroft to Ladauk 
 will determine that question, but it has not yet been 
 made public. Eighteen cosses above Ladauk, accord- 
 ing to Elphinston's information, vol. i. p. 181. note, 
 it receives a large stream, called the Shauyook, from 
 the north, originating in the northers Imaus, or Mooz- 
 Taugler, or Icy mountains, 15 maisches to the north 
 of Ladauk by the road. The ridge where the Shau- 
 yook originates, is called also Karra- Koorrum, separat- 
 ing the district of Ladauk, or the La-Tatse Tartars of Du 
 Halde's map, from Khasligar, or eastern Toorkistaun, on 
 the north, and corresponding to the Karangou-Tagh of 
 Sherifeddin, and not to the western range as Rennel 
 affirms in his Indian Memoir, p. 196. From Ladauk 
 the combined stream of the Sing-Tchu and Shauyook 
 runs south-west to Draus, placed in 76*. 48', east longi- 
 tude, and 36°. north latitude, in Elphinston's map. 
 If Draus be really in that latitude, I am led to suspect 
 that the course from Ladauk to it is north-west, and not 
 soutfi-west, being suspicious that Ladauk is placed too 
 far north. From Draus it runs west, or south-west, to 
 iMullai, after running through an opening in the Great 
 Himalaya, there called th« Hindoo- Koh, or the Indian 
 11, 
 
 Onesicritus was very urgent with both of ] 
 them to quit their austere way of life, and fol- | 
 low the fortune of Alexander, saying, that they 
 would find in him a generous master and bene- ' 
 
 Caucasus. There it receives the appellation of the Nee 
 laub, and receives the Abba-Sun from the north-west 
 after a course of 120 miles south-east. It then runs be. 
 tween the lower hills of the Hindoo-Koosh for 50 miles, 
 to Torbaila, where it enters an open country and imme- 
 diately spreads itself over the plain, and forms innumer- 
 able islands, being, in several places, more than a mile 
 broad ; and at the ford of Bazaar, 20 miles above Attock, 
 three-fourths of a mile wide. Forty miles lower down it 
 receives the Kamma, or rapid river of Caubul, and soon 
 after rushes, through a narrow opening, into the midst of 
 the branches of the Solimany mountains at Attock. Five 
 miles south of this it enters a plain, and is then again con- 
 fined between high mountains to Neelaub, and continues 
 to wind its course among deep groups of hills on to Kar- 
 rabaugh, in lat. 33°. 7', 30". north, where it is compressed 
 into a deep, narrow channel, of 350 yards wide. 
 
 The mountains here descend almost perpendicular to 
 the river, and a road is cut along their base for two miles, 
 but still so narrow that a loaded camel cannot pass. This 
 pass is overhung by the town of Karrabaugh, which is built 
 on the face of the hill, every street rising above its neigh- 
 bour, and only accessible by means of the flat roofs of the 
 houses below it ; and the road beyond is cut out of solid 
 salt, at the foot of cliffs of that mineral, in some places 
 more than 100 feet above the river. South of this it enters 
 the rich valley of the Esau-Khails, in 4 great branches, 
 and is not agaiii interrupted by hills. At Mittenda-Kot 
 it receives the stream of the Punjnud, or combined flood 
 of the five rivers, Hydaspes, Acesines, Hydraotes, Hy- 
 phasis, and Hysudrus. The breadth of the Indus at 
 Kaheeree Ghaut, 31°. 28'. north lat. where the British 
 mission crossed it in the month of January, when the 
 river is lowest, was found in two points to be 1010 and 
 905 yards. The depth of the deep part of the channel 
 which was not 100 yards, was 12 feet. An elephant 10| 
 feet high had not 100 yards to swim, but the main chan- . 
 nel is here considerably reduced by several large branches, i 
 which had separated from it and ran parallel to it, one 
 from its right bank was fordable only in a few places, 
 having boats at many of the Ghats, and its breadth was 
 200 yards. The mission forded this branch where it was 
 3i feet deep, and 500 yards broad diagonally. Another 
 channel 50 yards broad and 3 feet deep, was crossed before 
 they came to the left bank of the main stream, besides two 
 other inferior branches. 
 
 The banks of the Indus are generally very low, the 
 inner seldom exceeding 6 feet, and generally 4 and 5 ; 
 but, in the rainy season, the river spreads to the breadth 
 of 12 cosses, or 20 miles. From Mittenda-Kot, where it 
 receives the waters of the Punjnud, for 50 cosses up it 
 runs parallel to it, and at Ouch, the distance from the 
 Indus to the Punjnud, does not exceed 12 miles. All this 
 space presents a complete sheet of water in the months of | 
 July and August. There, at that season, ' 
 
 ————«' Scarce the rnuse 
 Dares stretch her wing o'er the enormous mass 
 Of rushing water, to whose dread expanse. 
 Continuous depth, and wondrous length of course. 
 
 Our floods are rills." 
 
 Thomson's Seasons. 
 
 From Mittenda-Kot in 28°. 27'. the coml)ined flood runs 
 south-west to the sea, and in 27°. north lat. it sends off a | 
 large branch, called the Larkhanu, to the west. 'I'his j 
 branch is re-united to the parent stream in 26°. &. north 
 lat. after enclosing a large and beautiful district, called 
 Chandookey. Immediately below the re-union a separa- 
 tion again takes place, and an island is thus formed, of 
 some extent, affording capital pasturage in the dry sea- 
 son, but which is overflowed in the annual inundation. 
 From this branch several minor ones disengage them- 
 selves, and irrigate the districts in their vicinity for SO or 
 40 miles in extent, when the main stream is swollen, 
 but they are perfectly dry in the cold season. At some 
 distance above Hyderabad, a branch, called the Fullallee, 
 separates from the Indus to the east, and is re-united to 
 the main stream 10 miles south-west of that city, which is 
 built on an island encircled by this branch. At tlie most 
 eastern point of the Fullallee branch it sends off another 
 branch, called the Goonee, which enters the sea a degree 
 east of the mouth of the main stream ; but, in 1799, an 
 embankment was thrown across it at Ally-Bunder, whern 
 there was an island in the centre of the stream, and now 
 the water presses against the dam, whiUt the tide regu- 
 
194 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 factor, who would heap upon them honours and 
 riches of all kinds. Then Mandanls assuming 
 a haughty, philosophical tone, answered, " That 
 he did not want Alexander, and was the son of 
 
 larly flows to it on the other, which has so interrupted 
 the navigation of this branch that it is only navigable for 
 four months of the year. After the reunion of the Ful. 
 lallee with the Indus it runs south-west 53 miles to 
 Tatta, four miles below which it sends oflF a small branch 
 CO the west, which, in its farther progress, is joined below 
 Dharaiay.Bunder by another detached branch, and then 
 falls into the sea. The Indus enters the ocean 79 miles 
 below Tatta in one vast body ; for though the Goonee, 
 mentioned above, and three or four other small streams 
 separate from the main trunk, and fall into the sea by 
 difiFerent channels, yet, strictly speaking, they are mere 
 creeks, varying according to the state of the tide, or river, 
 and overgrown with thick jungles of mangrove. There is 
 no sand bar at the mouth, and such is the depth of the 
 stream, that a man of war may sail 25 miles up to Lahore- 
 Bunder, without any obstruction. Below is a table of 
 the depth and breadth of the Indus, extracted from Fot- 
 tenger's account of Beloochistaun and Sinde, published in 
 1816. The depth at Attock was not ascertained, on ac- 
 count of the extreme rapidity of the current there, con- 
 fined between high banks of 40 feet, and which are sur. 
 mounted in the season of the river floods. At Karrabagh 
 the current is slow, still, and extremely deep. The 
 breadth here adopted is that of the dry season exclusively, 
 as the really narrowest places of the river seem to be 
 broadest in the season of the annual inundations. 
 
 TABLE of the Depth and Breadth of the INDUS. 
 
 Latit. 
 
 33. 55. 
 S3. 7. 
 31. 52. 
 31. 28. 
 29. 54. 
 29. 20. 
 28. 27. 
 27. 13, 
 26. 6 
 25. 22, 
 25. 9. 
 2*. 44. 
 24. 40. 
 24. 32. 
 24. 29. 
 24. 8. 
 
 Places. 
 
 Attock. 
 
 Kallabaugh. 
 
 Dera Ismael Khan. 
 
 Kaheree. 
 
 Dera Ghazi Khan. 
 
 Rajunpoor. 
 
 Conf of the5 rivers, 
 
 Bhukor. 
 
 Sehwan. 
 
 Hyderabad. 
 
 Fullallee river. 
 
 Tatta. 
 
 Peer Putta. 
 
 Lahoree Bunder 
 
 Dharajey Bunder. 
 
 Extreme Mouth. 
 
 Depth. 1 
 
 Breadth. 
 
 Dry season. 
 
 Wet season. 
 
 Dry season. 
 
 
 
 260 yards 
 
 
 
 380 
 
 2 fath. 
 
 
 1000 
 
 2 
 
 
 1200 
 
 3 
 
 7 fath. 
 
 1000 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 1400 
 
 8 
 
 16 
 
 2200 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 
 1600 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 900 
 
 5 
 
 8 
 
 2000 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 
 2200 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 1800 
 
 7 
 
 18 
 
 700 
 
 11 
 
 16 
 
 4 miles 
 
 13 
 
 16 
 
 9 
 
 13 
 
 16 
 
 12 
 
 Jupiter as well as himself : that he was exempt- 
 ed from want, desire, or fear ; that so long as 
 he should live, the earth would furnish him all 
 things necessary for his subsistence, and that 
 
 In Pottinger's Table, the breadth and depth of the Indus 
 is steted to be 3 fathoms deep, and 1400 yards broad, at 
 Rajunpoor, in north latitude 29. 20. at low water, and 7 
 fathoms deep at high water. At the conflux of the Indus 
 <ind Punjnud, or 5 rivers, in north latitude 28. 27., sixty 
 English miles below, the depth is stated to be 8 fathoms, 
 and the breadth 2200 yards, at low water, or in the dry 
 season, and 16 fathoms deep when the inundation is full. 
 This is certainly extraordinary, as in that case the united 
 stream of the Punjnud must have a volume of water 
 more than double that of the Indus, since it adds 5 fathoms 
 to its depth, and 800 yards to its breadth. This seems ab- 
 surd and impossible. In Elphinston's account of these 
 rivers, the united stream of the 5 rivers, called the Punj- 
 nud, is stated to be much inferior to the Indus, 'i'he 3 
 united streams of the Hydaspes, Acesiiies, and Hydraotes, 
 are stated to be only 600 yards of average breadth, and 8| 
 feet of mean depth, in the cold or dry season, which is just 
 about, one-sixth of the volume of the Indus. Allowing 
 the united streams of the Hypliasis and Hysudrus to be 
 just one-half the volume of the other three streams which 
 join it at Ouch, below Mooltan, the whole breadth in 
 that case would be only 750 yards by 8^ feet of mean depth, 
 or 500 yards by 13 feet depth, which would be only little 
 more than one-fourth of the volume of the Indus, or add 
 only 4| feet of depth to the stream, without at all increas- 
 ing its breadth. Instead of this, by the addition of these 
 waters, the volume of the Indus is so much increased, that, 
 previous to the junction, its volume is f^nly as 1 to 5^ ; or, 
 in other words, the volume is increased to 5^ times its 
 previous magnitude ; from which one would infer, that the 
 united stream of the Punjnud is to the Indus, as 5^ to 1, 
 or five times and one-fourth the cubical volume of the 
 river which it joins — a most extraordinary conclusion in 
 deed, but apparently justified by Pottinger's Table. Th( 
 
 only solution I can find for this difficulty is this, that the 
 relative magnitudes of the Indus and the Punjnud, are not 
 at all accurately known. At the place where the embassy 
 crossed the Indus, the river was divided into a number of 
 separate channels, the chief of which was 1010 yards 
 broad. The same is probably the case at Rajunpoor ; and 
 that in addition to this, many canals are probably drawn 
 from it on both sides ; and that they all re-unite above the 
 confluence, in one mighty stream, and not divided as 
 above into a number of branches, which give the appear- 
 ance of a diminished stream. Unless this be admitted, 
 the difficulty is insuperable, -^t Bhukor, the depth and 
 breadth are stated to be 5 fathoms, and 1600 yards, respec- 
 tively, which is less than half of the volume at the junc 
 tion, 120 miles above. But it must be remembered, that 
 Bukor is situated in an island of the river ; and that the 
 breadth specified in the Table, is only that of the right or 
 left hand branch. The same remark applies in a much 
 greater degree to its specified breadth at Sehwan, which is 
 only 900 yards by 3 fathoms deep, as Sehwan is situated with- 
 in the angle formed by the re-unition of the Larkhanu 
 branch with the main stream. It is probable that it is 
 the depth of the Larkhanu, and not of the Indus, that is 
 there specified. At Hyderabad it is probably the depth of 
 the Fullallee which is stated ; as 13 geographical miles be- 
 low, the breadth and depth of the Fullallee is estimated at 
 5 fathoms deep, and 2200 yards broad. As the text, how. 
 ever, states the breadth of the Fullallee to be from 2 to 400 
 yards broad, it is probable that the depth and breadth men- 
 tioned in the Table, mean that of the reunion of the Indus 
 with the Fullallee, otherwise the Table and the text contra, 
 diet each other. At Tatta, the magnitude of the river is un- 
 derrated, as Hamilton reports it to be, upwards of a mile 
 broad, and 6 fathoms deep, from side to side. Peer Putta 
 is opposite an island, and the numbers there specified be- 
 long to the branch next the town, and not to the whole 
 stream. 
 
 In addition to what was above remarked concerning 
 the size of the Indus at Sehwan, it must be observed, that 
 a large branch goes off from the main stream, above where 
 the Indus fronts the fort. The city of Tatta is 79 English 
 miles distant from the sea, and 53 miles below Hyderabad, 
 by the course of the river ; so that Hyderabad is 132 
 English miles from the sea. From the mouth of the river 
 to Dera Ghazi Khan, in 29. 54. north latitude, is upwards 
 of 500 English miles in direct distance up the river. To 
 Mooltan, the distance is almost exactly the same, though 
 by Rennel's statement the distance is 850 English miles by 
 water, including the windings of the stream. From Dera 
 Ghazi Khan, the direct course of the stream, is 300 English 
 miles to Attock ; so that the direct course of the Indus 
 from Attock to the sea, is 800 British miles, and perhaps 
 1200 such miles if the windings of the stream be taken 
 into the account. The tide does not flow higher up 
 the Indus than 65 miles, and its velocity is stated from 
 Kennel's information, to be at the medium rate of four 
 miles per hour. There is, however, no certain and accu- 
 rate authority for this. The velocity must vary with the 
 state of the river, and its different degrees of slope. From 
 Ttttah upwards, Pottinger estimates the rapidity of the cur- 
 rent to be usually from 2| to four miles per hour. This is 
 a very vague estimate, from which nothing certain can be 
 drawn. From his manner of speaking, I am led to suppose 
 he means its velocity in the dry season, as he mentions im- 
 mediately on the back of this opinion, that below Tattah 
 tiie velocity is influenced by the tides, as he was informed 
 that they cause the stream to run off at the rate of eleven 
 or twelve miles an hour, when the river is in a state of in. 
 undation. This is an extraordinary velocity, and argues a 
 great degree of slope ; and if true, its motion in the dry 
 season is not likely to be under four miles an hour. Its 
 slope must be much greater than that of the Ganges, as its 
 course is much less .sinuous, and the distance from where 
 it emerges from the mountains much shorter than that of 
 the Ganges. I should imagine the bed of the Indus at 
 Attock to be more than 1500 feet above the level of the 
 sea, as its course from Attock to Kallabaugh, where it 
 escapes from the mountains, a distance of 80 English 
 miles, is extremely rapid at all seasons, arguing a great 
 declivity. In the journey from Korachie to Tattah, 
 in an east direction across the country, the mission 
 crossed several river beds, as those of the Baksan, Gun. 
 gara, Gortukee, Peepul, and Koaknee, of various breadths, 
 from 50 to 500 yards, but all stated to be navigable in the wet 
 season. Whether these are streams descending from the 
 Jungar mountains, or arms of the Indus above Tattah. he 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 195 
 
 death would rid him of a troublesome com- 
 
 {»anion (meaning his body), and set him at full 
 iberty." Calanus was more tractable; and, 
 notwithstanding the opposition, and even the 
 
 does not say. But at any rate, they must prodigiously in- 
 crease the arm of the Indus that strike off at Peer Putta, 
 during the rainy season. It is probable, that during that 
 season the superfluous waters of the Indus are thrown 
 off by these various channels, and that the Delta presents 
 a very different appearance from that in which the em- 
 bassy beheld it ; and that though in the dry season, the 
 great body of the river enters the sea in one great stream, 
 vet the case must be very different in the rainy season. 
 
 In the Table of the comparative magnitudes of rivers in 
 the Appendix to the Britannica Encyclopedia, article 
 Physical Geography, the basin of the Indus is estimated 
 at 400,000 square miles, being to that of the Thames as 
 72| to 1, its length at 2070 miles, or 11 1 to that of the 
 Thames, and its annual discharge 133 to 1, and its aver- 
 age discharge per second of time, 239,400 cubical feet. 
 I he story of Alexander being astonished at seeing the 
 tides in the Indus, is a very improbable circumstance, as 
 Rennel justly observes ; for he had surely read Herodotus, 
 who says that the tides in the Red sea are not only strong, 
 but ebbing and flowing every day. Curtius has made a fine 
 flourish about this story. Arrian takes no notice of the tide, 
 till his hero had arrived at the mouth of the river ; and 
 when he does so, his account is descriptive of the Bore, 
 or sudden influx of the tide, a phenomenon quite common 
 at the mouths of the Ganges. He says that those ships 
 which lay upon the sand were swept away by the fury of 
 the tide, while those that stuck in the mud were set afloat 
 again without any difficulty. Readers, in general, will 
 see no reason why the circumstances of the ships should 
 be different in the mud and on the sand. The fact, as 
 Rennel says, is, that the bottoms of channels, in great 
 rivers, are muddy, while their shallows are formed of 
 sand ; and it is the nature of the bore to take the shortest 
 cut up a river instead of following the windings of the 
 channel. It must, consequently, cross the sand banks in 
 its course, and prove, also, more destructive to whatever 
 it meets with a-ground than what is afloat. The same 
 phenomenon also occurs at the mouth of the great river 
 Maranon, in South America. There the Bore rises from 
 V2 to 15 feet in height ; and the noise of this watery erup- 
 tion is heard at the distance of six miles. This effect, 
 called Pororoca by the Indians, is chiefly observable at 
 and towards Cape North, at the mouth of the Arawari. 
 
 At the mouth of the Hoogly branch of the Ganges, the 
 bore commences at Hoogly point — and so quick is its mo- 
 tion, that it hardly employs four hours in travelling to 
 Calcutta, 70 miles distance, a velocity equal to nigh 18 
 miles an hour. At Calcutta it sometimes occasions an in- 
 stantaneous rise of 5 feet ; and in every other part of its 
 track the boats, on its approach, immediately quit the 
 shore and make for safety to the middle of the river. It 
 was this phenomenon therefore, and not the ordinary 
 regular tides, that alarmed Alexander and his command- 
 ers, who had never witnessed any thing similar to it. At 
 the mouth of the Megna branch of the Ganges it rises 
 more than 12 feet in almost an instant, and so terrific is 
 its appearance, and dangerous its consequences that no 
 boat will venture to pass at spring tide. The Oritse who 
 inhabited the tract near and alongst its shores are called 
 Orbitae by Diodorus j Aribes by Dionysius Periegetea, 
 and Arbitse by Strabo ; and correspond to those who in- 
 habit the insulated district of Lus- 
 
 The port whence Nearchus, the admiral of Alexander, 
 sailed was that of Crocala, the modern Coratchie, at the 
 mouth of the most western stream diverging from the In- 
 dus. This port is 57 miles north-west of Tatta, and south- 
 east of Cape Monze, and is situated in 24,". 51'. north lat. 
 and 67°. 16'. east long. This is the only sea-port in the 
 province of Sindy. Nearchus sailed about the middle of 
 October with the north-east monsoon, being the first Eu- 
 ropean who with a fleet navigated the Indian seas. From 
 the port of Coratchie to the mouth of the river Arabis, 
 the Arabius of Ptolemy, the Arbis of Strabo, was esti- 
 mated by him at 1000 stadia. The Arabius is the modern 
 Poorally ; Cape Urboo, the Arabah of the same journalist ; 
 and the bay of Sonmeany the port of Alexander. The 
 modern province of Lus, though it may be reckoned the 
 most eastern part of Mekran, or Gedrosia, is not, however, 
 properly speaking, in that region, being separated from it 
 by the Brahooick mountains on the west, and by another 
 branch of the same range on the east— being, in fact, a level 
 surface of country, surrounded on all sides by mountains 
 but on the south, where it has the sea, being inclosed with- 
 in the two arms of the Brahooick range. Cape Urboo and 
 Cape Monze> their most southern projection, and on the 
 
 prohibition, of his superior, who reproached him 
 for his abject spirit, in stooping so low as to 
 serve another master besides God, he followed 
 Onesicritus, and went to Alexander's coiu-t. 
 
 north by the Kohunwat, or southern ridge of Ihalawan. 
 It is 90 miles in length by 50 in breath, containing about 
 1400 English square miles of average surface. Cape 
 Monze, the most south-west point of India, is in il5°. 
 north lat. and 67°. east long. 55 miles north north-west 
 of the mouth of the Indus, or 1 degree, 14 minutes, more 
 to the east than in the maps of D'Anville and Rennel. 
 
 On a careful inspection of Ptolemy's Tables of India 
 intra Gangem, and a comparison of these with the maps 
 of D'Anville, Rennel, and Elphinston, delineating the 
 country to the west of the Indus, traversed by Alexander 
 previous to his passage of the Indus, I feel myself necessi- 
 tated to make a few further remarks, though at the risk 
 of their being supposed somewhat out of place, and with 
 these the note shall be closed. 
 
 I take the Cophenes of Arrian, the Cophes of Strabo, 
 and the Coas of Ptolemy, to be the same river ; and it is 
 clear from an inspection of Ptolemy's Tables, that his 
 Coas cannot be the CowmuU of Bauber, D'Anville, and 
 Rennel, for he makes it run from north-west to south, 
 east towards the Paropanisadse, and then still farther 
 south-east, till it meets the Suastus, or river of Sewadi 
 whereas the Cowmul falls into the Indus far below its 
 junction with the Kamma, and has no connection what- 
 ever with the Suastus, or river of Sewad. Ptolemy men- 
 tions no river in his Tables between the Coas and the 
 Indus save the Suastus and the district of Suastene, tlie 
 Sewad of Rennel, and the Swaut of Elphinston, is the 
 only tract mentioned by him between the Coas and the 
 district of Poclais, the Pucelaotis of Arrian, another proof 
 that his Coas is not the Cowmul, or Gomul. The sources 
 of his Coas are placed in the region of the Lambatas, 
 whose mountains, says he, are stretched as far as the 
 mountains of the Comedi — another proof that his Coas is 
 not the Cowmul — which waters the district of BungusL, 
 and not the modern Lumghanate, the Lambatse of Ptole. 
 my, and which district, including the whole northern part 
 of the ancient Suhbadry of Caubul, is watered by the Co- 
 phenes, or river of Caubul and Ghiznee, in the whole of 
 its course, and has no connection whatever with the river 
 of Bungusii, the Bankish of the old maps. I also take the 
 Choaspes of Strabo and Curtius to be the Gura;us of Ar- 
 rian, and the river of Khaushkhaur. Ptolemy, as was 
 above observed, mentions no river between his Coas and 
 the Indus but the Suastus ; but he mentions the district 
 of Gorysea, which is evidently the region watered by the 
 Guraeus, or lower course of the Khaushkhaur river ; and, 
 in his Tables, it is evident that his district of Gorysa and its 
 capital Gorya, the Gorydalis of Strabo, lay between the Lam- 
 bat£e and Suastene. Now taking the Lambatse of Ptolemy 
 for the mountainous region between the Coas, or river of 
 Caubul and Ghiznee, and the river of Khaushkhaur — hav- 
 ing the mountains of the Comedi to the north-east, and the 
 Gurasi of Arrian and Gorysea of Ptolemy, for the tract be- 
 tween the river of Khauslikaur and the Suastus, or river 
 of Sewad— then his Gandaree, which are placed in his 
 Tables between Suastene and the Indus, correspond to the 
 valley of Boonere — and then the river of Boonere, called 
 the Burrindoo, will be the Gandares, or stream which 
 watered the district of the Gandars, who are evidently 
 the Gandari of Phny and Pomponius Mela. Among the 
 Gandarae Ptolemy places the city of Poclais, the Peucela 
 of Arrian. Poclais is evidently a corruption of Peucolais. 
 Among the Gandarse, also, he places the city of Naulihe, 
 so that, in his Table of India intra Gangem, Naulibe 
 stood above the confluence of the Coas and the Indus, and 
 west of the latter ; whereas we know that it stood on the 
 east side of the Indus, and to the south of the modern 
 Attock. 
 
 It is difficult to say what modern river corresponds to 
 the Choe of Arrian. I do not think it to be the Choaspes 
 of Strabo and Curtius, which I have supposed to be the 
 Guraeus. I take the river of Ghourband to be the Co- 
 phenes of Arrian, and his Choe to be the river of Punj- 
 shur. After the junction of these two streams, the com. 
 bined river retains the latter appellation. 
 
 If any should suppose the river of Ghiznee, which, after 
 being joined by the small stream that waters the city of 
 Caubul, runs north-east to meet the combined stream of 
 the Ghorebund and Punjshur rivers, to be the Cophenes, 
 I would not object to it, but for this reason, that as Ar- 
 rian represents him to have passed it after his march from 
 Baumeeaun he must have passed it again— on the hypo- 
 thesis that the combined stream of the Ghorebund and 
 Punjshur was the Choe— whereas no mention is made ot 
 his re-crossing the Cophenes, by Arrian, in order to arrive 
 N 2 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 196 
 
 w^oreceived him with great demonstrations of 
 
 find by a circumstance which history has 
 recorded, that this people used often to employ 
 
 at the Clioe. The Aspii, Thyrai, Arasaci, seem to have 
 inhabited the valleys and mountains between the Choe, on 
 the west, and the Gurjeus, or Choaspes, on the east ; but 
 what minor stream corresponds to the Euaspla, near which 
 he defeated the Aspii, I cannot divine. It may answer 
 to the river that waters the district of the Tugow valley, or 
 to that of the valley of Oosbeen, or that tribe may have m- 
 habited the tract between the Euaspla and the Choaspes, 
 or Kho.Asp, and have obtained the name of the Aspu, 
 from their vicinity to the former or latter of these rivers, 
 as the Gurffii of Arrian manifestly did theirs from the 
 Gureeus. Dionysius Periegites confounds this Indian 
 Choaspes, or river of Khaushkhaur, with the Choaspes of 
 Susa, and brings it all the way from India to Persia, till 
 it enters the Euphrates. So much for the knowledge and 
 accuracy of that geographer and traveller. 
 
 As for the country of Dadala, mentioned m the text of 
 our author, I can say nothing about it, nor of the city of 
 Acadera. The inaccessible mountains to which they fled 
 must have been those of the Kaufirs, or the Lambats. 
 But Curtius appears to have been RoUin's favourite author, 
 from whom he seems to have taken his narrative of Alex- 
 ander'8 marches, victories, and conquests, instead ot Ar- 
 rian. As Rollin himself was a professed rhetorician, the 
 style of Curtius suited him better than that of Arnan, as 
 his narrative is interspersed with abundance of fine 
 speeches, rhetorical flourishes, and wondrous tales. He 
 lost no opportunity of digressing, describing, and making 
 every incident in the life of his hero turn to account, 
 whereas Arrian is sober, judicious, and by no means so 
 disposed to relate the marvellous, and retail fictitious 
 stories as Curtius. Ptolemy also places the city of Nagara 
 or Dionysiopolis, in the district of Goryaa, and so called 
 from Bacchus, or Dionysius. Now as this lay between 
 his Suastene and the Lambatffi, on the north of the river 
 Cophenes, or Coas, it is clear that his Nagara cannot have 
 stood on the banks of the Cowmul, or river of Bungush, 
 as D'Anville and Kennel imagined, who supposed it to be 
 the city of Nughz, the Nagaz of Sherifeddin on that river. 
 The city of ofa, as it was besieged by Polysperchon after 
 the capture of Magosa, or Massaga, the modern Mashan- 
 cur, seems to havl stood in the district of Penjekoreh 
 or Punicora, and perliaps on the banks of the stream that 
 watered that district. The rock Aornos appears from 
 circumstances to have stood in the same district, which 
 anciently made part of Bijore, or Bajore ; and as in Kol- 
 lin's text the river Indus it said to have its source not far 
 from this place, it must have been situate near the source 
 of the Punicora river, the north-west branch of the Suas- 
 tus. or river of Sewad, erroneously here called the Indus. 
 The Suastus is formed by the junction of the Punjcora 
 from the north-west, and the Lundye from the north-east^ 
 The vallev watered by the north-west branch makes part 
 of Bajour, or, at least, did so anciently, and derives its 
 name from the river. If we could suppose the source ot 
 this north-west branch of the Sewad to be that of his 
 Suastus, it will be nigh two degrees west, and half a de- 
 cree south, of the source of the Abba-Seen, a tributary of 
 the Indus from the north-west. Now the source of his 
 Indus is 3 degrees east and 1 north of the sources of the 
 Suastus. Elphinston informs us, that the neighbouring 
 Afghauns imagine the Abba-Seen to be the principal 
 sTreamof the Indus. Now, may "ot ^'o^einy have re- 
 ceived similar false information, and made the Abba- 
 Seen the Indus, especially as he places it so far west of 
 the source of the Ganges, and even north-west of the 
 "ZrTof the Hydaspes.^ He places a city c^^^d D^dala 
 amongst the Caspiraei ; but it cannot be the Daedala ot 
 Curt"u on the west of the Indus, as he places it south- 
 east of the junction of the Bidaspis and Sandabihs, or the 
 fhylum anrthe Chunaub. Were it not that lie places 
 rasniria and the Caspirse to the south-east of the Hydas- 
 pes, I would take th'em to be Cashmire. But Cashmire 
 seems to have been entire y unknown the Greek and 
 Roman geographers; and it would appear that Alexan- 
 deThad never heard of it whilst in India, else so romantic 
 and curious a character as he would have certamly gone 
 to visit that delightful spot, shut up in the very bosom of 
 the sublime Himalaya. I should diminish our wonder 
 S'theXaSe ignorance of Ptolemy, i^f we cons.der 
 the scanty stock of materials possessed in his days by the 
 very best informed men in the wide extent of the Roman 
 empire ; and that even in the very middle of the last cen- 
 ter?, the illustrious D'Anville, the father of modern 
 geography, knew as little, if not less, than Ptolemy him- 
 idf wwcf ming India: witness his map of Asia, where, 
 
 parables and similitudes for conveying their 
 thoughts. One day as he was discoursing with 
 Alexander, upon the maxims of wise policy and 
 a prudent administration, he exhibited to that 
 jrince a sensible image and a natural emblem of 
 lis empire. He laid upon the ground a great 
 ox-hide, which was very dry and shrunk up, 
 and then set his foot upon one end of it. ihe 
 hide being pressed so gave way, and all the other 
 ends flew up : going thus quite round the hide, 
 and pressing the several edges of it, he made hira 
 observe, that whilst he lowered it on one side 
 all the rest rose up, till treading at last upon the 
 middle, the hide fell equally on all sides, ijy 
 this image he hinted to him, that it would be 
 proper for him to reside in the centre ot his do- 
 minions, and not undertake such long journeys. 
 We shaU soon show the reader the manner m 
 which this philosopher ended his days. 
 
 Alexander ' being determined to continue the 
 war as long as he should meet with new na- 
 tions, and to look upon them as enemies whilst 
 they should live independently of him, was 
 meditating about passing the Hyphasis. He 
 was told that after passing that river, he must 
 travel eleven days through deserts, and that 
 then he would arrive at the Ganges, the great- 
 est river in all India. That farther in the 
 country lived the Gangaridse and the Trasii, 
 whose king was preparing to oppose his enter- 
 ing his dominions, at the head of 20,000 horse, 
 and 200,000 foot, reinforced by 2000 chariots ; 
 and, which struck the greatest terror, with 
 3000 elephants. A report of this being spread 
 through the armv, struck all the soldiers with 
 consternation, and raised a general murmur. 
 The Macedonians, who, after having traversed 
 so many countries, and being grown gray in the 
 field, were incessantly directing their eyes and 
 wishes towards their dear native country, made 
 loud complaints that Alexander should every 
 day heap war upon war, and danger on danger. 
 They had undergone, but just before, inexpres- 
 sible fatigues, having been exposed to rain, ac- 
 companied with storms and thunder, for above 
 two months. Some bewailed their calamities 
 in such terms as raised compassion ; others in - 
 solently cried aloud, that they would march no 
 
 Alexander, being informed of this tumult, 
 and learning that secret assemblies were held m 
 his camp, to prevent the ill consequences of 
 
 in the tract west of the Indus, he places the river of Sewad 
 east of the Indus; describes the river of Caubul as a 
 small stream; represents the river of B""g"/h, (Bank.sl 
 in his map,) as a larger river than the ^d us or that 
 of Caubul; and delineates the Hydaspes as the river 
 
 "'^Weirit not that D'Anville places the Hydaspes, or 
 river of Cashmire, immediately to the east of the Suastus, 
 or river of Sewad, his Indus, from its relative situation to 
 the west of the Sewad river and to the east of the river of 
 Caubul, might pass for the river of Khaushkaur, as de 
 lineated in the map of Elphinston. In this note I ha e 
 }Xwed tharmap%s I c'onsider it by fa^ the best that 
 has yet appeared of the country west of the Indus, n.- 
 "ure and further knowledge may abate the value of the 
 information contained in it (as it has certainly done that 
 of all its predecessors,) and very probably show it to be 
 very erroneous in many of its positions ; but tdl that l^e 
 obtlined, which is not very likely soon to occur, tiie r^der 
 must be just content with what geographical »nfo^"l«tion 
 we have been able to glean on « subject where our 
 knowledge is so scanty, and reduced, at most, to mere 
 
 ^T^ST^. 1. ix. c. 1-9. Arrian. 1 v. p 221-^34^ 
 & 1. vi. p 235-259. Plut. in Alex r- 699. 701. Diod. 
 1. xvii. p. 559—570. Juitin. 1. xu. c. 9, lU 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 ! 
 
 j them, sent for the officers into his tent, and 
 ! commanding them to call the soldiers together, 
 I he made the following speech : " I am not igno- 
 rant, O soldiers, that the Indians have spread 
 abroad many reports, purposely to terrify us ; 
 but such discourses and artifices are not unusual 
 to you. Thus the Persians described the straits 
 of Cilicia, the vast plains of Mesopotamia, the 
 j rivers Tigris and Euphrates, as so many insur- 
 mountable difficulties, and yet your bravery 
 conquered them. Do you repent you have fol- 
 lowed me thus far? As your glorious deeds 
 have subdued for you a multitude of provinces, 
 as you have extended your c-onquests beyond the 
 ' laxartes and mount Caucasus; as you see the 
 rivers of India flow through the midst of your 
 empire ; why are you afraid of crossing the 
 Hyphasis, and of setting up your trophies on 
 the banks of it, as on those of the Hydaspes ? 
 What ! can the elephants, whose number is so 
 falsely augmented, terrify you to such a degree ? 
 But has not experience taught you, that they 
 I are more destructive to their own masters than 
 I to the enemy? Endeavours are used to intimi- 
 j date you by the dreadful idea of innumerable 
 ' armies ; but are they more numerous than those 
 j of Darius ? It is sure too late for you to count 
 j the legions of the enemy, after your victories 
 have made Asia a desert. It was when you 
 crossed the Hellespont that you ought to have 
 reflected on the small number of our forces : 
 but now the Scythians form part of our army ; 
 the Bactrians, the Sogdians, and the Dahse, are 
 with us, and fight for our glory. I, however, 
 do not depend on those barbarians. It is on 
 you only that I rely ; your victorious arms alone 
 i are present to my imagination ; and your cou- 
 • rage alone ensures me success. So long as I 
 -\ shall be surrounded with you in fight, I shall 
 i not have any occasion to count the number of 
 my troops nor that of the enemy, provided you 
 go on to battle with the same marks of joy and 
 confidence you have hitherto discovered. Not 
 only our glory, but even our safety, is at stake. 
 Should we now retreat, it will be supposed that 
 we fly before our enemies, and from that mo- 
 ment we shall appear as mean as the enemy 
 will be judged formidable ; for you are sensible, 
 that in war reputation is every thing. It is in 
 my power to make use of authority, and yet I 
 employ entreaties only. Do not abandon (I 
 conjure you), I do not say your king and mas- 
 ter, but your pupil and companion in arms. 
 Do not break to pieces in my hand that glorious 
 palm, which will soon, unless envy rob me of 
 80 great a glory, equal me to Hercules and to 
 Bacchus." As the soldiers stood with their 
 eyes cast on the ground, and did not once open 
 their lips, "What!" continued he, " do I then 
 speak to the deaf? Will no one listen to me, 
 nor condescend to answer? Alas! I am aban- 
 doned, I am betrayed, I am delivered up to the 
 enemy. But — I will advance still farther, 
 though I go alone. The Scythians and Bac- 
 trians, more faithful than you, will follow me 
 whithersoever I lead them. Return then to 
 your country, and boast, ye cowardly deserters 
 of your king, that you have abandoned him. 
 As for myself, I will here meet either with the 
 victory you despair of, or with a glorious death, 
 which henceforwards ought to be the sole object 
 of my wishes." 
 
 Notwithstanding this lively, pathetic speech, 
 the soldiers still kept a profound silence. They 
 waited in expectation of hearing their command- 
 ers and chief officers remonstrate to the king, 
 
 that their affection was as strong as ever; but 
 that as their bodies were covered with wounds, 
 and worn out with toils, it would be impossible 
 for them to continue the war. However, not 
 one of them presumed to address him in their 
 favour. The example of Clitus, and that of 
 Callisthenes, were still recent. The officers, 
 who were then with him, had a hundred times 
 ventured their lives in battle for their prince ; 
 but they had not the courage to hazard the los- 
 ing of their fortunes by telling him the truth. 
 Whilst therefore the soldiers, as well as officers, 
 continued dumb, without once daring to lift up 
 their eyes, there rose on a sudden a murmur, 
 which increasing by insensible degrees, broke 
 into such deep groans and floods of tears, that 
 the king himself, whose anger was now changed 
 into compassion, could not forbear weeping. 
 
 At last, whilst the whole assembly were in 
 tears, and in deep silence, Coenus took courage, 
 and drew near to the thi'one, discovering by his 
 air and action, that he desired to speak. And 
 when the soldiers saw him take off his helmet, 
 that being the custom when any person spoke 
 to the king, they besought him to plead the 
 cause of the army ; and accordingly he spoke as 
 follows : " No, Sir, we are not changed with 
 regard to our afi'ection for you : God forbid that 
 so great a calamity should ever befall us. We 
 still have and shall always retain the same zeal, 
 the same affection and fidelity. We are ready 
 to follow you at the hazard of our lives, and to 
 march whithersoever you shall think fit to lead 
 us. But if your soldiers may be allowed to lay 
 before you their sentiments sincerely, and with- 
 out disguise, they beseech you to condescend so 
 far as to give ear to their respectful complaints, 
 which nothing but the most extreme necessity 
 could have extoi-ted from them. The greatness, 
 Sir, of your exploits has conquered, not only 
 your enemies, but even your soldiers themselves. 
 We have done all that it was possible for men 
 to do. We have crossed seas and land. We 
 shall soon have marched to the end of the 
 world ; and you are meditating the conquest of 
 another, by going in search of new Indias, un- 
 known to' the Indians themselves. Such a 
 thought may be worthy of your valour, but it 
 surpasses ours, and our strength still more. 
 Behold those ghastly faces, and those bodies 
 covered over with wounds and scars. You are 
 sensible how numerous we were at your first 
 setting out, and you see what now remains of 
 us. The few, who have escaped so many toils 
 and dangers, have neither courage nor strength 
 enough to follow you. All of them long to I'e- 
 visit their relations and country, and to enjoy 
 in peace the fruit of their labours and your vic- 
 toi'ies. Forgive them a desire natural to all 
 men. It will be glorious. Sir, for you to have 
 fixed such boundaries to your fortune, as only 
 your moderation could prescribe you ; and to 
 have vanquished yourself, after having con- 
 quered all your enemies. " 
 
 Cojnus had no sooner spoken, but there were 
 heard, on all sides, cries and confused voices, 
 intermixed with tears, calling upon the king as 
 their lord and their father . Afterwards all the 
 rest of the officers, especially those whose age 
 gave them a greater authority, and a fairer ex- 
 cuse for the fi'eedom they took, made the same 
 humble request; but still the king would not 
 comply with it. It must cost a monarch many 
 pangs, before he can prevail with himself to 
 comply with things repugnant to his inclina- 
 tion. Alexander therefore shut himself up two 
 
198 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 days in his tent, without once speaking to any 
 one, not even to his most familiar friends, in 
 order to see whether some change might not be 
 wrought in the army, as frequently happens on 
 such occasions. But finding it would be im- 
 possible to change the resolution of the soldiers, 
 he commanded them to prepare for theii* re- 
 turn. This news filled the whole army with 
 inexpressible joy; and Alexander never appeared 
 greater, or more glorious, than on this day, in 
 which he condescended, for the sake of his sub- 
 jects, to sacrifice some part of his glory and 
 grandeur. The whole camp echoed with praises I 
 and blessings of Alexander, for having suffered 
 himself to be overcome by his own army, who 
 was invincible by the rest of the world. No 
 triumph is comparable to those acclamations 
 j and applauses that come from the heart, and 
 I which are the lively and sincere overflowings of 
 1 it ; and it is great pity that princes are not 
 i more affected with them. 
 
 i Alexander had not spent 
 
 A. M. 36T8. above three or four months. 
 Ant. J. C. S26. at most, in conquering all 
 the country between the In- 
 dus and the Hyphasis, called' to this day The 
 Penjah, which is, the Jive n-aters, from the five 
 I i rivers which water it. Before his setting out, 
 1 he raised twelve altars, to serve as so many tro- 
 ! j phies and thanksgivings for the victories he had 
 I j obtained. 
 
 1 These instances of gratitude towards the gods, 
 j were attended with roarks of vanity carried to 
 an excess almost incredible. The altars which 
 he erected in their honour were seventy-five 
 feet high. He caused a camp to be marked out, 
 three times as large again as his own, and sur- 
 rounded it with fosses fifty feet in depth by ten 
 broad. He ordered the foot to prepare, and 
 leave each in his tent two beds, seven feet and 
 a half in length ; and the cavah-y to make man- 
 gers for the horses of twice the usual dimen- 
 sions. Every thing else was in proportion. 
 Alexander's views in these orders, which flowed 
 from an extravagance of vanity, was to leave 
 posterity monuments of his heroic and more 
 than human grandeur, and to have it believed, 
 that himself and his followers were superior to 
 all other mortals. 
 
 He afterwards crossed the Hydraotes, and 
 left Porus all the lands he had conquered, as far 
 as the Hyphasis. He also reconciled this mo- 
 naj-ch with Taxilus, and settled a peace between 
 them by means of an alliance equally advanta- 
 geous to both. From thence he went and en- 
 camped on the banks of the _ Acesines but 
 great rains having made this river overflow its 
 banks, and the adjacent countries being under 
 water, he was obliged to remove his camp to a 
 higher ground. Here a fit of sickness carried 
 off Ccenus, whose loss was bewailed by the king 
 and the whole army. There was not a greater 
 officer among the Macedonians, and he had dis- 
 tinguished himself in a very peculiar manner in 
 every battle in which he engaged. He was one 
 of those singularly good men, zealous for the 
 public welfare, all whose actions are free from 
 self-interested or ambitious views, and who bear 
 so great a love to their king, as to dare to tell 
 him the truth, be the consequence what it will. 
 But now Alexander was preparing for his de- 
 parture. 
 
 His fleet consisted of 800 vessels, as well gal- i 
 leys as boats, to carry the troops and provisions. \ 
 Every thing being ready, the whole army em- J 
 barked, about the setting of the Pleiades, or ; 
 seven stars, according to Aristobulus, that is, j 
 about the end of October. The fifth day the j 
 fleet arrived where the Hydaspes and Acesines 
 mix their streams. Here* the ships were very 
 much shattered, because these rivers unite with 
 such prodigious rapidity, that as great storms 
 arise in this part as in the open sea. At last 
 he came into the coimtry of the Oxydracse and 
 the Malli, the most valiant people in those 
 parts. These were perpetually at war one with 
 another ; but having united for their mutual 
 safety, they had drawn together 10,000 horse, 
 and 80,000 foot, all vigorous young men, with 
 900 chariots. However, Alexander defeated 
 them in several engagements, dispossessed thero 
 of some strongholds, and at last marched against 
 the city of the Oxydracse, whither the greatest 
 part vfere retired. Immediately he causes the 
 scaling-ladders to be set up ; and, as they were 
 not nimble enough for Alexander, he forces one 
 of the scaling-ladders from a soldier; runs up 
 the first (covered with his shield) and gets to the 
 top of the waU, followed only by Peucestes and 
 Limneus. The soldiers anxious for his safety, t 
 mounted swiftly to succour him ; but the ladders 
 breaking, the king was left alone. Alexander, | 
 seeing himself the mark against which aU the 
 darts were levelled, both from the towers and 
 from the rampart, was so rash, rather than 
 valiant, as to leap into the city, which was 
 crowded with the enemy, having nothing to 
 expect but to be either taken or killed, before it 
 would be possible for him to rise, and without j 
 once having an opportunity to defend himself, 
 or revenge his death. But, happily for him, he j 
 poised his body in such a manner, that he fell 
 upon his feet ; and finding himself standing, 
 sword in hand, he repulsed such as were near- 
 est him, and even killed the general of the ene- 
 my, who advanced to run him through. Hap- 
 pily for him a second time, not far from thence 
 stood a great tree, against the trunk of which 
 he leaned, his shield receiving all the darts that 
 were shot at him from a distance ; for no one 
 dared to approach him, so great was the dread 
 which the boldness of the enterprise, and the 
 fire that shot from his eyes had struck into the 
 enemy. At last an Indian let fly an arrow 
 three feet long (that being the length of their 
 arrows), which piercing his coat of mail, en- 
 tered a considerable way into his body, a little 
 above the right side. So great a quantity of 
 blood issued from the wound, that he dropped 
 his arms and lay as dead. Behold then this 
 mighty conqueror,^ this vanquisher of nations, 
 upon the point of losing his life, not at the head 
 of his armies, not at the siege of any place of 
 importance, but in a corner of an obscure city, 
 into which his rashness had thrown him. The 
 Indian who had wounded Alexander, ran, in 
 the greatest transports of joy, to strip him ; 
 however, Alexander no sooner felt the hand of 
 his enemy upon him, but fired with the spirit 
 of revenge, he recalled his spirits ; and grap- 
 pling with the Indian, as he had no arms, be i 
 plunged his dagger into his side. Some of his 
 chief ofl&cers, as Peucestes, Leonatus, and Ti- 
 mseus, who had got to the top of the wall with 
 
 1 A mat., in Ind. p. 319 Strab. lib. xv. p. 692. 
 
 2 I'lu-. de fortun. .Alex, p 344. 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 some soldiers, came up at that instant, and at- 
 tempting impossibilities for the sake of saving 
 their sovereign's life, they form themselves as a 
 bulwark round his body, and sustain the whole 
 effort of the enemy. It was then that a mighty 
 battle was fought round him. In the mean 
 time the soldiers, who had climbed up. with the 
 oflScers above-mentioned, having broken the 
 bolts of a little gate, standing between two 
 towers, they by that means let in the Macedo- 
 nians. Soon after the town was taken, and all 
 the inhabitants were put to the sword, without 
 distinction of age or sex. 
 
 ITieir first care was to carry Alexander into 
 his tent. Being got into it, the surgeons ^ cut 
 off, so very dexterously, the wood of the shaft 
 which had been shot into his body, that they 
 did not move the steel point ; and after undress- 
 ing him, they found it was a bearded arrow 
 and that it could not be pulled out, without 
 danger, unless the wound were widened. The 
 king bore the operation with incredible resolu- 
 tion, so that there was no occasion for people to 
 hold him. The incision being made, and the 
 arrow drawn out, so great an effusion of blood 
 ensued, that the king fainted away. Every one 
 thought him dead ; but the blood being stopped, 
 he recovered by degrees, and knew the persons 
 about him. All that day, and the whole night 
 after, the army continued under arms round his 
 tent ; and would not stir from their posts, till 
 certain news was brought of his being better, 
 and that he began to take a little rest. 
 
 At the end of the seven days he had employed 
 for his recovery, before his wound was closed, 
 as he knew that the report of his death gained 
 ground among the Barbarians, he caused two 
 vessels to be joined together, and had his tent 
 pitched in the middle, in sight of every one, 
 purposely to show himself to those who imagined 
 him dead, and to ruin, by this means, all their 
 projects, and the hopes with which they flat- 
 tered themselves. He afterwards went down 
 the river, going before at some distance from 
 the rest of the fleet, for fear lest the noise of the 
 oars should keep him from sleep, which he very 
 much wanted. When he was a little better, 
 and able to go out, the soldiers who were upon 
 guard brought him his litter, but he refused it, 
 and calling for his horse, mounted him. At 
 this sight, all the shore, and the neighbouring 
 forests, echoed with the acclamations of the ar- 
 my, who imagined they saw him rise, in a 
 manner, from the grave. Being come near his 
 tent, he alighted, and walked a little way, sur- 
 rounded with a great number of soldiers, some 
 of whom kissed his hands, whilst others clasped 
 his knees; others again were contented with 
 only touching his clothes, and with seeing him ; 
 but all in general burst into tears, and calling 
 for a thousand blessings from heaven, wished 
 him long life, and an uninterrupted sei'ies of 
 prosperity. 
 
 At this instant deputies came from the Malli, 
 with the chiefs of the Oxydracse, to the number 
 of 160, besides the governors of the cities and of 
 the province, who brought him presents, and 
 paid him homage, pleading in excuse, for not 
 having done it before, their strong love of 
 
 3 In those ages they and physicians were the same 
 thing. 
 
 4 So arrows are called that have beards at their points 
 like fish-hooks. Animadvettunt hanos messe tela. 
 
 ALEXANDER. 199 j 
 
 liberty. They declared that they were ready 
 to receive for their governor whomsoever he 
 pleased to nominate ; that they would pay him j 
 tribute, and give him hostages. He demanded 
 1000 of the chief persons of their nation, whom | 
 he also might make use of in war, till he had 
 subjected all the country. They put into his 
 hands such of their countrymen as were hand- 
 somest and best shaped, with 600 chariots, 
 though not demanded by him; at which the 
 king was so much pleased, that he gave them 
 back their hostages, and appointed Philip theiJ 
 governor. 
 
 Alexander, who was overjoyed at this em- 
 bassy, and found his strength increase daily, 
 tasted with so much the greater pleasure the 
 fruits both of his victory and health, as he had 
 like to have lost them for ever. His chief cour- 
 tiers, and most intimate friends, thought it a 
 proper juncture, during this calm and serenity 
 of mind, for them to unbosom themselves, and 
 expose their fears to him : it was Craterus spoke 
 on this occasion. " We begin, royal Sir, to 
 breathe and live, now we find you in the condi- 
 tion to which the goodness of the gods has re- 
 stored you. But how great were our fears and 
 our griefs ! How severely did we reproach 
 ourselves, for having abandoned, in such an ex- 
 tremity, our king, our father ! It was not in 
 our power to follow him ; but this did not ex- 
 tenuate our guilt, and we look upon ourselves 
 as criminals, in not having attempted impossi- 
 bilities for your sake. But, Sir, never plunge 
 us in such deep affliction hereafter. Does a 
 wretched paltry town, deserve to be bought at 
 so dear a price as the loss of your life ? Leave 
 those petty exploits and enterprises to us, and 
 preserve your person for such occasions only as 
 are worthy of you. We still shudder with hor- 
 ror, when we reflect on what we so lately were 
 spectators of. We have seen the moment, when . 
 the most abject hands upon earth were going to 
 seize the greatest prince in the universe, and 
 despoil him of his royal robes. Permit us, Sir, 
 to say, you are not your own master, but that 
 you owe yourself to us : we have a right over 
 your life, since ours depends on it ; and we dare 
 take the freedom to conjure you, as being your 
 subjects and your children, to be more careful 
 of so precious a life, if not for your own sake, 
 at least for ours, and for the felicity of the uni- 
 verse." 
 
 The king was strongly touched with these 
 testimonies of their aff'ection, and having em- 
 braced them severally with inexpressible tender- 
 ness, he answered as follows : " I cannot enough 
 thank all present, who are the flower of my 
 citizens and friends, not only for your Jjaving 
 this day preferred my safety to your own, but 
 also for the strong proofs you have given me of 
 your zeal and affection, from the beginning of 
 this war ; and if any thing is capable of making 
 me wish for a longer life, it is the pleasure of 
 enjoying, for ye^rs to come, such valuable friends 
 as' you. But give me leave to observe, that in 
 some points we differ very much in opinion. 
 You wish to enjoy me long; and even, if it 
 were possible, for ever ; but as to myself, I com- 
 pute the length of my existence, not by years, 
 but by glory. I might have confined my am- 
 bition within the narrow limits of Macedonia ; 
 and, contented with the kingdom my ancestors 
 left me, have waited, in the midst of pleasures 
 and indolence, an inglorious old age. I own, 
 that if my victories, not my years, are com- 
 puted, I shall seem to have lived long ; but can 
 
200 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 srou imaeine, that, after having made Europe | 
 and Asia^but one empire, after having conquered 
 the two noblest parts of the world, in the tenth 
 year of my reign, and the thirtieth of my age, 
 it will become me to stop in the midst of so 
 brilliant a career, and discontinue the pui-suit 
 of glorv, to which I have entirely devoted my- 
 self? Know that this glory ennobles all things, 
 and gives a true and solid gi'andeur to whatever 
 appears insignificant. In what place soever I 
 may fight, 1 shall fancy myself upon the stage 
 of the world, and in jirese'nce of aU mankind. 
 I confess that I have achieved mighty things 
 hitherto; but the country we are now in, re- 
 proaches me that a woman has done still greater. 
 It is Semiramis I mean. How many nations 
 j did she conquer ! How many cities were built 
 ; by her ! What magnificent and stupendous 
 t works did she finish ! How shameful is it, that 
 { I should not yet have attained to her pitch of 
 ! glory ! Do biit second my ardoui', and I soon 
 ; shall surpass her. Defend me only from secret 
 I cabals, and domestic treasons, by which most 
 i princes lose their lives. I take the rest upon 
 myself, and will be answerable to you for all 
 the events of the war." 
 
 This speech gives us a perfect idea of Alexan- 
 der's character. He had no notion of true glory. 
 He did not know either the principle, the rule, 
 or end of it. He placed it where it certainly was 
 I not. The common error was that which he 
 i adopted and cherished. He fancied himself 
 born merely for glory ; and that none could be 
 acquired biit by unbounded, unjust, and irregu- 
 lar conquests.' In his impetuous sallies after a 
 mistaken glory, he followed neither reason, vii-- 
 tue, nor humanity ; and, as if his ambitious 
 caprice ought to have been a rule and standard 
 to all other men, he was surprised that neither 
 his officers nor soldiers would enter into his 
 views, and lent themselves very unwillingly to 
 support his ridiculous enterprises. 
 
 Alexander, after having ended his speech, dis- 
 missed the assembly, and continued encamped 
 1 for several days in this place. He afterwards 
 ; went upon th*e river, and his army marched 
 I after him along the banks. He then came 
 I among the Sabracae, a powerful nation of In- 
 dians. These had levied 60,000 foot and 6000 
 horse, and reinforced them with 500 chariots ; 
 however, the arrival of Alexander spread terror 
 through the wliole country, and accordingly 
 t they sent ambassadors to ruake their submis- 
 j eion. After having built another city, which 
 j he also called Alexandria, he arrived in the ter- 
 I ritories of Musicanus, a very rich prince, and 
 i afterwards in those of king Samus. At the 
 ! siege of one of this king's towns, Ptolemy was 
 i very dangerously wounded ; for the Indians 
 ! had' poisoned all their arrows and swords, so 
 that the wounds they made were mortal. Al- 
 ] exander, who had the highest love and esteem 
 j for Ptolemy, was very much afflicted, and caus- 
 j ed him to be brought in his bed near him, that 
 I he himself might have an eye to his cure. He 
 ! was his near relation, and, according to some 
 I writers, a natural son of Philip. Ptolemy was 
 I one of the bravest men in the army, was highly 
 esteemed in war, and had stiU greater talents 
 for peace. He was averse to luxury, vastly 
 j generous, and easy of access, and did not imitate 
 1 the pomp, which wealth and prosperity had 
 made the rest of the JNIacedonian noblemen 
 assume : in a word, it is hard to say, whether 
 he were more esteemed by his sovereign or his 
 country. We are told there appeared to Alex- 
 
 ander, in a dream, a dragon, which presented 
 him an herb, as an eflfectual remedy for his 
 friend's wound ; and that upon his waking, he i 
 ordered it to be sent for ; when laying it upon 
 the wound, it was healed in a few days, to the 
 universal joy of the army. 
 
 The king continuing his voyage, * arrived at i 
 Patala about the rising of the dog-star, that is, i 
 about the end of July, so that the fleet was nine i 
 months at least from its setting out, till its ar- I 
 rival at that place. There the river Indus divides ' 
 into two large arms, and forms an island, 'but ; 
 much larger, like the Delta of the Nile ; and i 
 hence the city above-mentioned received its ' 
 name, Pa/a/a, 'according to Arrian,* signifying, \ 
 in the Indian tongue, the same as Delta in the i 
 Greek. Alexander caused a citadel to be built i 
 in Patala, as also a harbour, and an arsenal for i 
 the shipping. This being done, he embarked j 
 on the right ann of the river, in order to sail as j 
 far as the ocean, exposing in this manner so ; 
 many brave men to the mercy of a river with • 
 which they were whoUy unacquainted. The \ 
 only consolation they had in this rash enterprise, ! 
 was Alexander's uninterrupted success. When j 
 he had sailed twenty leagues,^ the pilots told i 
 him that they began to perceive the sea-air, and i 
 therefore believed that the ocean could not be | 
 far ofi'. Upon this news, leaping for joy, he be- | 
 sought the sailors to row with all their strength, j 
 and told the soldiers, " That they at last were j 
 come to the end of their toUs, which they had so I 
 earnestly desired; that now nothing could op- j 
 pose their valour, nor add to their glory ; that ! 
 without fighting any more, or spilling of bloody ' 
 they were masters' of the universe; that their 
 exploits had the same boundaries with nature ; 
 and that they would soon be spectators of things, j 
 known only to the immortal gods." | 
 
 Being come nearer the sea, a circumstance i 
 new and unheard of by the Macedonians, threw I 
 them into the utmost confusion, and exposed the ! 
 fleet to the greatest danger ; and this was the | 
 ebbing and flowing of the ocean. Forming a \ 
 judgment of this vast sea, from that of the Me- i 
 diterranean, the only one they knew, and whose j 
 tides are imperceptible, they were very much i 
 astonished when they saw it rise to a great I 
 height, and overflow the country; and con- 
 sidered it as a mark of the anger of the gods, . 
 who were disposed to punish their rashness. 1 
 They were no less surpi'ised and terrified, some | 
 hours after, when they saw the ebbing of the ! 
 sea, which now withdrew as it had before | 
 advanced, leaving those lands uncovei-ed it had , 
 so lately overflowed. The fleet was very much | 
 shattered, and the ships being now upon dry ' 
 land, the fields were covered with clothes, with i 
 broken oars and planks, as after a great storm. | 
 
 At last Alexander, after having spent full j 
 nine months in coming down the rivers, arrived | 
 at the ocean ; where gazing with the utmost i 
 eagerness upon that vast expanse of watei-s, he 
 imagined that this sight, worthy of so great a 
 conqueror as himself, greatly overpaid all the 
 toils he had undergone, and the many thousand 
 men he had lost, to arrive at it. fie then of- 
 fered sacrifices to the gods, and particularly to 
 Neptune ; threw into the sea the bulls he had 
 slaughtered, and a great number of golden cups ; ' 
 
 1 Strab. 1. XV. p. 692. 
 
 2 Arrian. In Indic. p. 314. 
 
 3 Four hundred furlongs. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 201 
 
 and besought the gods not to suffer any mortal 
 after him to exceed the bounds of his expedition. 
 Finding that he had extended his conquests to 
 the extremities of the earth on that side, he 
 Imagined he had completed his mighty design ; 
 and, highly delighted with himself, he returned 
 to rejoin the rest of his fleet and army, which 
 waited for him at Patala, and in the neighbour- 
 hood of that place. 
 
 SECT. XVII. 
 
 Alexander, in his march through deserts, is grievously 
 distressed by famine. He arrives at Pasargada, where 
 Cyrus's monument stood. Orsines, a powerful satrap, is 
 put to death through the clandestine intrigues of Bagoas 
 the eunucli. Calanus the Indian ascends a funeral pile, 
 where he voluntarily meets his death. Alexander mar- 
 ties Stalira, the daughter of Darius. Harpalus arrives 
 at Athens. Demosthenes is banished. The Macedoni- 
 an soldiers make an insurrection, which Alexander ap- 
 i peases. He recalls Antipater from Macedonia, and 
 I sends Craterus in his room. The king's sorrow for the 
 I death of Hephsestion. 
 
 Alexander being returned to Patala, prepared 
 all things for the departure of his fleet.* He 
 appointed Nearchus admiral of it, who was the 
 only officer that had the courage to accept of 
 this commission, which was a very hazardous 
 one, because they were to sail over a sea entirely 
 unknown to them. The king was very much 
 pleased at his accepting of it ; and, after testify- 
 ing his acknowledgment upon that account in 
 the most obliging terms, he commanded him to 
 take the best ships in the fleet, and to go and 
 observe the sea-coast, extending from the Indus 
 to the bottom of the Persian gulf ; and, after 
 having given these orders, he set out by land for 
 Babylon, 
 
 Nearchus did not leave the Indus at the same 
 time with Alexander.^ It was not yet the 
 season proper for sailing. It was summer, 
 when the southern sea-winds rise ; and the sea- 
 son of the north- winds, which blow in winter, 
 was not yet come. He therefore did not set sail 
 till about the end of September, and even that was 
 too soon ; and accordingly he was incommoded 
 i by adverse winds some days after his departure, 
 j and obliged to shelter himself for twenty-four 
 i days. 
 
 1 We are obliged for these particulars to Ar- 
 1 rian, who has given us an exact journal of 
 ' this voyage, copied from that of Nearchus the 
 admiral. 
 
 Alexander, after having left Patala, marched 
 through the country of the Oritse, the capital 
 whereof was called Ora or Rhambacis. Here 
 he was in such want of provision, that he lost a 
 great number of soldiers; and brought back 
 from India scarce the fourth part of his army, 
 which had consisted of 120,000 foot, and 15,000 
 horse. Sickness, bad food, and the excessive 
 heats, had swept them away in mxiltitudes ; but 
 famine made a still greater havoc among the 
 troops in this barren country, which was neither 
 ploughed nor sewed ; its inhabitants being savages, 
 who fared very hard, and led a most uncomfort- 
 able life. After they had eaten all the palm-tree 
 roots that could be met with, they were obliged 
 to feed upon the beasts of burden, and next upon 
 their war-horses ; and when they had no beasts 
 left to carry their baggage, they were forced to 
 
 4 Arrian. in Indie, p. 334. 
 Arrian. p. 335. 
 
 burn those rich spoils, for the sake of which the 
 Macedonians had run to the extremities of the 
 earth. The plague, the usual attendant upon 
 famine, completed the calamity of the soldiers, 
 and destroyed great numbers of them.^ 
 
 After marching threescore days, Alexander 
 arrived at the confines of Gedrosia, where he 
 found plenty of all things : for not only the soil 
 was very fruitful, but the kings and great men, 
 
 6 Alexander, having despatched Nearchus with the 
 fleet from the port of Crocala, or the modern Corachie, 
 resolved to return to Persia by the way of Gedrosia 
 and Carmania, now called Mekran and Kerman, with 
 the main body of his army ; while another part of 
 his army, under the command of Craterus, who had 
 the charge of conducting the elephants, were to march 
 through Arachpsia and Drangiana, described in a for- 
 mer note ; so that the whole expedition homewards was 
 composed of the fleet, that sailed along the coast, and 
 communicated occasionally with the main army, the main 
 army itself, and the body of troops under Craterus. The 
 nature of the land march, and the difficulties to be over- 
 come, cannot be well understood, without a previous de- 
 scription of the mountains to be crossed, and the deserts that 
 lay to the west of them. To the S. of the Cophenes, the 
 whole tract, then called Arachosia and Gedrosia, but now 
 denominated Afghanistaun, Beloochistan, and Lus (the 
 country of the Oritas ; for in reality Arachosia and Gedrosia 
 lay to the W. of the two former ; a fact unknown to the an- 
 cients), as far S. as Capes Urboo and Monze, is a mass of 
 mountains, bordered on the east for the most part by a 
 narrow stripe of low land, reaching to the western bank of 
 the Indus ; for in some places this mountainous region 
 touches the Indus itself; as for instance, from the junction 
 of the Indus and Kamma, to the city of Karrabagh, a dis- 
 tance of 80 miles, the whole space is so intersected 
 witli ranges of mountains and hills, as to resemble a piece 
 of net-work. These even stretch across the Indus, and 
 run east as far as the western bank of the Hydaspes, or 
 Ihylum ; or to speak more correctly, the eastern and wes- 
 tern masses are there merely divided by the narrow though 
 deep channel of the Indus, which winds its way through 
 the openings of the ridges. The whole of this moun- 
 tainous mass is ranged under two general designations ; 
 the northern part being called the mountains of Af- 
 ghanistaun, and the southern, the Brahooick moun- 
 tains. The whole range may be considered as a vast lateral 
 ridge thrown ofTfrom the enormous Hindoo- Koosh, or In- 
 dian Caucasus ; the western part of the sublime Himalaya, 
 in east longitude 71. and 34. 30. north latitude ; the nar. 
 row valley of the Caubul river running between, and ex- 
 tending south and south-west to Capes Urboo and Cape 
 Monze, in 67. east longitude, and 25. north latitude, 65 
 miles north-west of the mouth of the Indus, a distance of 
 fuU 700 British miles in a direct line. The northern part 
 of this extensive range extends from 34. 30. north latitude, 
 to 30. 40. north latitude ; and the southern or Brahooick 
 mountains, from SO. 40. north latitude, to the sea. Be- 
 sides these two general designations, this great range un- 
 dergoes various other appellations in different parts of ita i 
 course, from its entering different regions inhabited by 
 different tribes, especially when it enters Beloochistaun, ' 
 where the tribes of the Beloochees, Brahooees, and 
 Dehwars, not only differ from those of Afghanistaun in 1 
 language, origin, and customs, but also as much from each 
 other. Nothing has perplexed physical geography so ; 
 much, and embarrassed description more, than the mere 
 circumstance of change of name, which every extensive 
 range of mountains is sure to undergo in different 
 parts of its course. Still though the names be ever so 
 numerous, it is yet the same range ; and from want of due 
 attention to this, it has been rashly inferred, that the 
 ranges are as various as the names they undergo. The 
 breadth of this immense mass is great, in proportion to ita 
 length. Other great mountain chains, as the Alps and 
 Pyrenees, seldom exceed 70 or 80 miles in their greatest 
 breadth. The Alleghanies, in the United States, vary 
 from 70 to 110 miles in breadth j and the general breadth 
 of the Andes seldom exceeds 120 miles directly across, 
 and in many places not near so many. But the range 
 now under consideration, exceeds any of these in breadth. 
 In the latitude of 30. north, it exceeds 275 miles ; in lati- 
 tude 33. north, 250 ; in 34. 30. north latitude, as much. 
 In fact, its general breadth is from 200 to 240 British 
 miles, and in one place, 180. In 28. north latitude the 
 chain is full 200 miles broad, but as it approaches the sea, 
 it diminishes in breadth, and at Kohunwat, the southern 
 termination of the province of Ihalawan, it does not exceed 
 40 miles from £, to W., which breadtii it keeps as far as th« 
 
202 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 who lay nearest that country, sent him all kind 
 of provisions. He continued some time here, 
 in order to refresh his anny. The governors of 
 India having sent, by his order, a great number 
 
 sea at Cape Monze, or Mowaree. The range of Solimaim 
 ! seems to be the eastern crest of the Afghanistaun moun. 
 tains, whence numerous lateral ridges project to the 
 east ; but we have not sufficient information to enable us 
 to speak with precision on this point. The ranges are so 
 numerous, and so intersected, as to render it impossible to 
 say which is the head range, or crest of the mountainous 
 region. The Solimauny range originates at the Suffaid- 
 Koh or Speen-Ghur, or great snowy mountain, con- 
 siderably to the west of Faishawur, between which and it 
 are four ranges of mountains, rising successively in height, 
 till they reach this very elevated summit. From this point 
 the Solimauny runs south south-east, and passes the Jaujee 
 country near Huryoob (the Irjab of Sherifeddin), 12 miles 
 to the south of which it is pierced by the Korrum. It 
 then runs south, and forms the mountainous region of the 
 Jadrauns, in latitude 31. north. From this it seems to 
 run south to the Gomul, where it forms a mountain mass, 
 covered with pine forests, which shelters the wild hill 
 tribe of the Vizeerees. From the Gomul it runs south 
 through the country of the Sheraunees and that of the 
 Zmurrees, as far as 29. north latitude, where it seems either 
 to end, or to be lost amidst the Brahooick mountains. ITie 
 highest part of this range is near its commencement, as 
 the Suffaid Koh has snow on its summit all the year, but 
 no other part of the range, as Elphinston believes, has 
 snow after the end of spring. In the Shiraunee country is 
 the lofty peak of the Tukhte Solimaun, or the throne of 
 Solomon, otherwise denominated in the Pooshto language 
 used by the Afghauns, Cassay Ghur, or the mountain of 
 the Chasas. Snow lies on this peak for three months in 
 the year, and on the surrounding mountains for two 
 months annually. At the distance of 60 miles from Dera 
 Ismael Khaun, it had an altitude of I*'. SCK. which gives a 
 perpendicular elevation of 12,830 feet above that point, or 
 13,000 feet above the level of the sea. Two of the gentle- 
 men belonging to the British mission, while at Dera Is- 
 mael Khaun, in the month of January, set out thence to as- 
 cend that peak ; but after a fatiguing march of three days, 
 they found that they were still three days' journey from 
 the summit, and that the upper part of the mountain was 
 inaccessible from the snow : they therefore desisted from 
 pursuing the attempt. Elphinston supposes that the 
 mountainous tract of the Zmurrees is as high as most 
 parts of the Cassay Ghur, and it is distinctly visible from 
 Mooltaun, though 100 miles distant. After passing the 
 country of the Zmurrees, the Solimauny range takes a 
 deep curve to the south-west from the river, and is not 
 visible from Shikarpoor. But in the province of Sind, they 
 again curve toward the river, and are visible all the way to 
 Tatta, at 20 or 30 coss distant. But if the map prefixed by 
 Elphinstonhimself be carefully examined, it is plain that the 
 Solimauny range must be lower than the parallel range to the 
 west, at least its base must be lower than that of the western 
 range, as all the rivers of Afghaunistaun that run east to the 
 Indus, the Koorrum, the Gomul, the Zhobe, pierce the base 
 of the Solimauny i-ange, in their progress to the Indus. 
 Near the source of the first of these streams, in the vicini- 
 ty of Huryoob, the range of the Suffaid Koh branches off 
 into two parallel ridges, that to the east being the Soli- 
 mauny range already mentioned, whilst that to the west 
 runs south and south-west alongst the east side of the high 
 level of Ghiznee, as far south as 30. north latitude, separat- 
 ing all the sources of those streams that descend to the 
 Etymandrus or Helmund, or that go to the sandy desert, 
 from those that flow eastward to the Indus. This western 
 ridge must of course be regarded as the highest land in 
 Afghaunistaun, where the slope is to the east and west ; but 
 it must be observed, that the declination to the east is 
 much greater than that to the west, the level of the great 
 eandy desert of Beloochistaun, Mekran, and Seestaun, be- 
 ing much higher than the level of the Indus. What is the 
 precise elevation of this high level, which serves as the 
 base of the western range, is not known, nor is that of the 
 range itself But I believe it to be much higher than the 
 eastern range, or that of Solimaun, as I infer from Pottin- 
 ger, who ascended the pass of the Kohunwaut from Bayla 
 all the way to Kelaut. Says he, p. 37 of his Journal, 7th 
 of February, " Our bags of water were froze into a mass of 
 ice this morning, and our people could not venture out 
 before eight o'clock, at which time we mounted, and after 
 a very fatiguing march of 50 miles through a bleak and 
 desert country, with a bad road, alternately over and 
 between mountains, we arrived at the village of 
 Soheraub, situate in a plain of the same name, at nine 
 j'clock at night. It became so piercing cold after 
 
 of horses, and all kinds of beasts of burden, from 
 the several kingdoms subject to him, he re- 
 mounted his troops; equipped those who had 
 lost every thing ; and soon after presented all of 
 
 sun-set, that we were obliged to dismount and lead the 
 camels, which were nearly exhausted from famine and 
 toil, when we got to the village, where a MinguU Bra- 
 hooe kindled a fire for us, and gave up his house to iis 
 himself and family going into a neighbour's. The val- 
 ley of Soheraub is very extensive, being from 30 to 40 
 miles long, and from 10 to 20 miles broad. Tlie moun. 
 tains on the east of the plain are exceedingly lofty, and 
 their summits white with snow. A snowy peak also ap- 
 peared during the latter part of our march to-day, which 
 we subsequently found lies upwards of 73 miles north ol 
 Kelaut in a direct line, and must have been at the most 
 moderate calculation, when we first saw it, at least 150 
 miles distant. " This must of course give an altitude of 
 15,000 feet above that point where first descried, and much 
 more than that above the level of the sea, if we consider 
 the piercing cold which he and his fellow travellers en. 
 dured in their ascent from Khosdar, in 28. north latitude, 
 to Soheraub. The snowy peak here mentioned is deno- 
 minated in Pottinger's map, Kohee Tchihultaun, or the 
 mountain of forty bodies, supposed to be those of forty 
 persons, or saints, whom the prophet Mohammed left 
 among the Brahooees for their conversion. North-east of 
 this peak is another of equal altitude, named Tukkatoo 
 both in the maps of Pottinger and Elphinston, sixty-five 
 British miles in horizontal distance. Now as these lofty 
 peaks belong to lateral ranges projecting from the 
 great dividing range, it appears conclusively evident, 
 taken in connection with what has been already observed, 
 that the western range is much higher than that of Soli 
 maun. The length of the Brahooick range, or southern I 
 part of this great mountain mass, in a diagonal line from j 
 Cape Monze along the eastern side, is 350 miles ; and from i 
 the Kohunwaut on the southern verge, in a line due north [ 
 to the 30th degree, is 250 miles. On the western side, | 
 which is much more devious in its direction, the length i.« j 
 425 miles from Cape Urboo to the north of Nooshky. ; 
 Beyond 30". north latitude, the range decreases so much in j 
 magnitude and elevation, that in the space of 40 miles it ! 
 sinks to a level with the Afghan hills, inhabited by the j 
 Kaukers and other tribes. These hills form an interme. i 
 diate lower level between the Brahooick mountains and ^ 
 those to the north-east, being merely a depression of the 
 mountainous summits, for beyond this, the range again 
 rises to a greater height About 90 miles north-east from 
 the Brahooick range, at its commencement at Cape Monze, 
 a branch strikes off as far as the Indus, which washes its 
 base at the fort of Sehwan. On the west the range is 
 much more complicated. At its emergence from the sea 
 at Cape Urboo, the breadth does not exceed SO miles from 
 the opposite side of the base ; an extent not at all propor- 
 tioned to its comparative altitude. But from 25|. N. 
 latitude, these mountains progressively sweep round 
 to N., N.N.W., W.N.W., expanding over several de- 
 grees of longitude, and sending forth many collateral 
 chains, all inferior to the original ridge, some of which 
 pass the whole length of Beloochistaun, and conjoin with 
 the mountains of Persia. Others elongate southerly, till 
 they touch the sea, or come within a few miles of it, and 
 then either take the direction of the coast, or subside intc 
 the low and barren plains in its vicinity ; while the main ! 
 body, or rather its western side, stretches away north-west 
 by north, to the 28th degree of north latitude, where it 
 meets the south-east termination of the desert in 64. east 
 longitude ; thence it inclines, with a northern aspect, be« 
 tween north-east and north, to Nooshky, in 30. north lati- 
 tude ; whence it runs more easterly, till at length it gra. 
 dually sinks to an equality with the Afghan hills, and can 
 no longer be traced as a distinct series. Among these 
 ridges, however, there are intermixed in this quarter, 
 numerous towering ridges, coming from the north-east, 
 and terminating on the edge of the desert, between longi- 
 tude 64. and 65. Within a few leagues of this spot, at 
 which the western face of the great body is repelled by the 
 sandy desert, an immense mass disengages itself, and di- 
 verges, in a variety of ramifications, to the south and to 
 the west One of the latter, of a superior bulk and eleva- 
 tion, establishes a barrier against the farther encroach- 
 ment of that desolate waste, by running along its southern 
 side. In a line of more than two degrees directly west, it 
 suddenly alters its course, from a cause hereafter describ- 
 ed, to north-west, which direction it keeps for 50 miles, 
 and then gradually recedes more westerly, converging 
 with divers lesser ranges, that here advance from the 
 westward, to one focus. Ihese all become united, in ! 
 about 31. north latitude, in a narrow, tJiough at some in- 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 203' 
 
 them with arms, as beautiful as those they had 
 before, which it was very easy for him to do, 
 as they were upon the confines of JPersia, at 
 that time in peace, and in a very flourishing 
 condition. 
 
 tervals a very lofty, ridge, extending between 59. and 60. 
 east longitude, so far northwards as to seem in some mea- 
 sure joined to the Paropamisan range, W. of Heraut. This 
 chain divides the provinces of Carmania Desertaand Dran- 
 giana (the Great Salt Desert and Seestaun) from each other, 
 and marks the hmits of Persia and the kingdom of Cau. 
 bul, or as they may more properly be denominated Western 
 and Eastern Persia. From the south-west angle of the 
 Brahooick mountains, another range of great extent and 
 elevation protrudes about a degree and a half to the south 
 of that above-mentioned, with which it runs parallel for 
 more than 230 miles, both reciprocally protrudmg arms, 
 connecting them so intimately, that were it not for the 
 intervention of some capacious and barren flats, added to 
 their total eventual disjunction, they might have been ac- 
 curately examined as one mass. At the western termina- 
 tion of this course, they meet a weighty and powerful pile 
 of mountains, opposing their further progress. By this 
 means the range diverges into two branches, one to the 
 north and another to the south, both of which, after hav- 
 ing made a short circuit, again unite. The range thus 
 reunited, tends to the south-west, and proceeds in that 
 direction, spreading or contracting according to the height 
 and variety of the eminences, till it joins the mountains 
 of Laristaun, among which it is completely overwhelmed 
 and lost. From the commencement to the final disap- 
 pearance of this range, many branches project to the 
 south, and form headlands on the coast of Gedrosia, or 
 Mekran ; the chief of which are Cape Urboo and Cape 
 Mobarek, on the confines of Persia. The ranges ter- 
 miuating on the west of Mekran, coalesce in a very con- 
 fused mass, called, in the Persian language, Kohistaun. 
 The most western district of this tract is denommated 
 Bushkurd, a compound term, signifying the residence of 
 the Koord, or Koord Belooches. Some of Its towering 
 peaks are visible from Bunpoor, a distance of more than 
 ICO miles direct. Previous to the junction of these several 
 ranges composing the Kohistaun, they disperse number- 
 less inferior ridges of rocky hills, that stretch in uneven 
 and oft interrupted lines, across that part of Mekran 
 through which Pottinger, as he himself informs us, tra- 
 velled. These are, by slow and imperceptible degrees, 
 compressed on one side by the wilds of Kerman, and on 
 the other by that range which is turned to the north l)y 
 the Kohistaun mass, until they meet and conjoin in the 
 manner above-mentioned. A few of them bend south- 
 west, and constitute that continuation of mountains, that 
 Pottinger passed the day he quitted Basman, and in 
 which the Kohee Noushadir, or Sal-ammoniac mountain, is 
 found. All these end in abrupt cliffs on the edge of the 
 sandy waste, separating Bushkurd from Nurmansheer,and 
 are excessively rugged to their very roots or bases. Mek. 
 ran, or Gedrosia, including Lus, or the district of the 
 Oritffi, extends from the eastern range of the Brahooick 
 mountains, that separate it from Sinde, to Cape lask on 
 the frontiers of Laristaun, or from the 68th degree of 
 east longitude, to the 58th degree of the same, a space of 
 613 British miles, by 200 such miles broad, from the 26th 
 to the 28th degree of north latitude, containing 120,000 
 British square miles. In the eastern part, between 62. 
 and 66. east longitude, the breadth does not exceed 100 
 miles, benig there separated from the desert of Beloochis- 
 taun by the northern branch, that projects from the 
 Brahooick mountains, in 28. north latitude, called Wushu- 
 tee, and also Much, or the Palm, as there that tree grows 
 in great plenty and perfection. The northern extremity of 
 the Kohistaun may be denominated a northern inland pro- 
 jection of this province, reaching to 30. north latitude, 
 'l^is northern division of the Kohistaun, is called the Sar- 
 hud, or the cold region, as its peaks may be seen soaring 
 above all the rest to 90 miles distance north of Pottinger's 
 route. This northern district has the desert of Beloochis- 
 taun on the east, that of Kerman on the west, and the 
 »andy waste of Bunpoor on the south-west. This seems to 
 be the only sandy waste in Mekran or Gedrosia, but is of 
 considerable extent, being 155 miles long, by 80 in its 
 greatest breadth, being of an oval form, llie Kohistaun, 
 or land of mountains, is from 160 British miles, its great- 
 est breadth, to 60 British miles where narrowest, at its 
 northern extremity. The mountainous district of Bush, 
 kurd, to the east of Laristaun, is also of a circular form, 
 110 British miles long, by 85 in its greatest breadth. 
 There are no rivers of any note in Mekran, being all 
 merely torrents, deep and rapid in the rainy season, but 
 almost all dry in summer. Mekran may be divided into 
 the coast and the interior ; the former being a narrow 
 
 He arrived in Carmania, 
 A. M. S679. now called Kei-man, and 
 Ant. J. C. 325. went through it, not with 
 the air and equipage of a 
 warrior and a conqueror, but in a kind of mae- 
 
 tract, varying from 25 to 105 miles in breadth, being se- 
 parated from the interior by a chain of mountains, run- 
 ning the whole way to Cape lask in a wavering direction, 
 but never receding further inland than 100 miles. I'rom 
 Cape lask, the south-east promontory of Laristaun, the 
 chain extends north-west, or rather following the great 
 bend of the coast to the north, it runs along the west 
 frontier of the Bushkurd, till meeting another chain from 
 the north-east, it strikes off to the north-west, till it joins 
 the range that forms the southern frontier of Kerman, at 
 150 miles distance from the point where it formed the 
 western limit of Mekran. From this point the range runs 
 west-north-west, to the vicinity of Shiras, a distance of 
 300 British miles. Beyond this point it joins the moun- 
 tains of theBactiarees, the south-east range of the Zagros, 
 comprehending a hne of 1100 British miles from Cape 
 Urboo, the south-east point, to where it joins the moun- 
 tains mentioned above. 
 
 Comparing this statement of the Beloocliistaun deserts, 
 the Brahooick mountains, and the province of Gedrosia, 
 as gathered from a minute inspection of the maps of El- 
 phinston and Pottinger, especially the latter, which is a 
 very large and apparently well executed map, as the tract 
 there described was traversed in part by Pottinger himself, 
 and the coast of Mekran also by some British officers, 
 whose conjoined information forms the base of the map ; 
 it will easily be seen what vague performances are the 
 maps of Rennel and D'Anville. The former has carried 
 the province of Mukran so far north as to include the pro- 
 vinces of Ihalawaun and Sarawaun. It must, however, be ob- 
 served, that Rennel's delineation of Southern and Eastern 
 Persia, in his large map of India, is wholly from D'An- 
 ville, he having no other authority to go upon, respecting 
 the tract west of the Lower Indus. The ancients seem to 
 have been wholly ignorant of the very existence of either 
 the Brahooick range, or that of Afghanistaun. The ex- 
 pedition of Alexander threw no light on the subject, as 
 his route homeward lay across the two southern arms of 
 the Brahooick mountains, separating the province of Lus 
 from India on the east, and from Gedrosia, or Mukran, 
 on the west. His further route lay alongst the maritime 
 coast of Gedrosia, all the way till he approached the fron- 
 tiers of Carmania, and to the south of the Brahooick 
 mountains, and had he once entered the province of Ihala- 
 wan, the most southern exit his army could have got, 
 would have been the road from Khozdar in 27. 54. north 
 lat. to Pungjoor, in nearly the same latitude. Craterus, 
 who was charged with the care of the heavy baggage, in- 
 valid soldiers, and elephants, marched far to the north 
 ward of the Brahooick mountains and desert of Beloochis- 
 taun, as Arachosia and Drangiana, where his route lay, 
 are included in the modern provinces of Candahar and 
 Seistaun. We may also conclude, that, as Craterus was 
 purposely detached to shun the sandy deserts of Gedrosiaj 
 (Mukran,) he would not shape his progress through a 
 region in which all the obstacles experienced by the divi- 
 sions, headed by the king in person, would have been 
 augmented by the labour of forcing a passage among 
 inaccessible'cliffs and deep defiles. The voyage of Near- 
 chus indeed, as illustrated by the late learned Dr. Vin- 
 cent, has thrown some faint light on the subject, but 
 it only refers to the sea-coast, and adds no information 
 respecting the interior. The whole coast, from the mouth 
 of the Shat al Arab, has been surveyed by Captain 
 Macluer, and found to extend from thence to the mouth 
 of the Indus, 1330 geographical miles ; and this survey has 
 been of great use to Dr. Vincent, in illustrating and veri- 
 fying the journal of Nearchus, preserved by Arrian. 
 
 The questions are, where did Alexander cross the Indus 
 on his return to Persia, and what was the route of Crate, 
 rus ? It is impossible to answer both these with any thing 
 like precision. As before said, we are ignorant of the 
 site of Pattala. Arrian's description of the Delta of 
 the Indus is totally irreconcileable both to modern know, 
 ledge and to the form and extent of that tract as de- 
 lineated in the 'arge map of Sinde and Beloochistaun, 
 prefixed to Pottinger's Travels. D'Anville, and Ren- 
 nel who has copied him in his map of the Delta for 
 want of bettOT information, give no assistance, and are 
 quite at variance with the map mentioned above. The 
 ideas of the latter, respecting the extent of the Delta, are 
 now found to be totally erroneous. Rivers like the Indus, 
 which, flowing through a flat country and yielding soil, 
 and annually inundating the country on both sides to a 
 great extent, are liable to great changes, as they approach 
 the sea, and it is quite possible that the extent and form 
 
1 204 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 querade and Bacchanalian festivity; commit- 
 ting the most riotous and extravagant actions. 
 He was drawn by eight horses, seated on a 
 magnificent chariot, above which a scaffold was 
 
 raised, in the form of a square stage, where he 
 passed the days and nights in feasts and carous- 
 ng. This chariot was preceded and followed 
 jy an infinite number of others, some of which, 
 
 of the Delta of the Indus may now be very different from 
 what it was in the days of Alexander, more than twenty 
 
 *^*^ln"Alexarfder's march down the Indus from the coun- 
 try of the Malli and OxydracEe, or Mooltaun and Ouch, 
 we find theSogdi, Sabracaa, Musicani, Oxycani, and the 
 Indian mountaineers under king Sambus, called Sindo- 
 manni, successively reduced, and then the Patalans. Now, 
 we may recognize the Sogdi and Sabracse as the inhabi- 
 tants of the district of Buckor, or Bekher, and its vicmity. 
 Bekher is built on an island in the river, and has two 
 towns, called Sukor and Rohree, as its suburbs, on each 
 bank of the divided stream. The Musicani clearly cor- 
 respond to the district, or large island of Chandooky, be- 
 low Sehwan, formed by the Indus and the Larkhanu. 
 This district is so extraordinary, both for fertility and 
 beauty, as to have merited from the ancients the epithet 
 of Prasiane, or the Verdant Isle ; and Chandookee signifies, 
 in the present dialect of Sinde, silvery, or. metaphorically, 
 what is opulent and beautiful to the eye. Contiguous tc 
 Chandookee are two districts called Moo and Sbevas. 
 The similarity of Musicanus to Moo and Shevas- is so 
 striking as to leave no room to doubt of their identity, 
 especially as they lie exactly where we are told the Greeks 
 found the territories of king Musicanus, and it is usual to 
 this day to connect them. These words are alluded to 
 bv the learned Dr. Vincent, in his note on the voyage of 
 Nearchus, but he was not aware that they are the names 
 of districts, not of a title as he will have them ; and he 
 has also confounded Sewee, the capital of Seweestaun, 
 with Sehwan on the Indus, at the point where it branches 
 off to form the island of Chandookee. Alexander vvas 
 astonished at the wealth, beauty, and populousness of this 
 insular tract, and restored it to its chief, who, however, 
 afterwards rebelling, was taken and crucified by order of 
 the conqueror. The Oxycani lay north of Sehwan, m the 
 modem district of Seweestaun, and correspond to the 
 southern extremity of the Hajycan of the old maps. Con- 
 tiguous on the south-west was the territory of the Sindo. 
 rnanni, who possessed the range of mountains that runs 
 north-east from Cape Monze to opposite Sehwan, as there 
 are no other hills to the westward but these in the vicinity 
 of Sehwan and the island of Chandookee. After the death 
 of the one and submission of the other of these chiefs, 
 Alexander returned to the river and built a citadel, at a 
 oommodious and commanding point of the nver, whicn 
 Pottinger thinks, and with great probability, to be the 
 modern Sehwan. That fortress is situated on a high hi 
 that overlooks the ferries across the Inc»us and Larkhanu 
 rivers and otherwise admirably situated to awe the neigh, 
 bouring districts. So from this short sketch it appears, 
 that the Sogdi and Sabracae correspond to the modern 
 Bekher and district of Shikarpoor. the Musicani, to the 
 large and fertile district of Chandookee, inclosed between 
 the Larkhanu and the Indus, the Oxycani, to the low 
 and hot district of Seweestaun, on the west of the Indus, 
 between Bekher and Sehwan and the Sindomanni under 
 king Sambus, to the mountain-tribes inhabiting the north- 
 east side of the Brahooick range, that faces the Indus and 
 terminates at Sehwan, gradually approaching that stream, 
 as it runs north-east from Cape Monze, or the promontory 
 of Eirus, till it strikes it at Sehwan. . , ^ ^. - 
 Rennel, p. 367, mentions a tradition of the natives of 
 Sinde, or the Pattalene of Arrian largely taken, that Alex- 
 ander crossed the Indus at a point considerably above 
 ratta : and it is therefore probable, that Pattala stood m 
 the vicinity of the modern Hydrabad, the present capital 
 of the Sers of Sinde. It is, however, mere conjecture. 
 It is clear, however, that, after having crossed the Indus, 
 he entered the country of the Arabitae and Onts, and 
 must, therefore, have crossed the southern extremity and 
 lowest ridge of the Brahooick mountains, as the district 
 of Lus. or the country of these two tnbes is inclo ed 
 between the two southernmost ranges of these moun- 
 tains ; and that having reduced them-a conquest un- 
 worthy to be mentioned in the annals of a hero ; a con- 
 quest of an insignificant, harmless people, who ran away in 
 pure fright as soon as he approached-he crossed the wes- 
 tern arm, and then entered Gedrosia. Respecting the divi- 
 sion of Craterus it is not said where he re-crossed the Indus. 
 As his route lay through Arachosia and Drangiana, it 
 must, as before-mentioned, have been considerably to the 
 north of Alexander's route ; and, probably, as he had the 
 > invalids under his care, and the conducting of the re- 
 pliants, he would be instructed to avoid the sandy desertt 
 '.hat lay In the road towards Kerman, or Carmania. Ihere 
 
 IS a road leading from Moultan to Candahar, 350 miles in 
 direct distance. This road is much preferable to that be- 
 tween Attock and Caubul, which is the ordinary one ; or 
 to the Bungushate road, which passes by Bunnoo and 
 Nughz to the same city. As Dara Sheko marched this 
 way with an army to besiege Candahar, in the reign or 
 his father Shah Jehaun, it is clear that it is passable lor 
 an army ; and it is probable that it leads through the 
 least elevated portion of the mountainous country that 
 lies between the Indus and the Great Desert, on the 
 west ; for we are further told, that he embarked his heavy 
 artillery on the Indus, at the city of Ken, or Kun, a little 
 below the junction of the Indus with the Punjnud. As 
 the road from Multaun to Candahar is passable for an 
 army, and that from Ken to the same place equally so 
 for artiUerj', Craterus may either have crossed the Indus 
 to the west of Mooltaun, or at Ken. We know nothing 
 of the passes leading from the Indus across the mountain 
 ranges to Arachosia but from this march. As a range of 
 mountains covered with snow lay to the north or the 
 right of Dara's march, it is probable that it lay through 
 that depressed part of the high level that separates the 
 Brahooick mountains from those of Afghanistan men- 
 tioned before. The only European that ever traversed 
 the road from Candahar to Mooltaun was a Mr. Steel, in 
 1614 : who mentions that a large tract of mountainous 
 country lay in his way, and also a river named Lucca. 
 No such river, however, is mentioned in Elphmston g 
 account of Afghanistan, or in the march of Dara Sheko. 
 It probably joins the Indus to the north of his route, and 
 to the south of Leia. where the British mission crossed 
 
 ''^Itrabo makes Craterus to have commenced his march 
 homewards from the Hydaspes, lib. xv. p. 4/1. whereas 
 Alexander despatched him up the river Indus from Pat- 
 tala. As it is impossible to say at what point Craterus , 
 re-crossed the Indus to the west on his return, it is suth- , 
 cient, for our purpose, that he either passed that river , 
 at Ken, below the confluence, or crossed it to the 
 west of Mooltaun, above the confluence of the Indus 
 with the Punjnud, and marched over the mountainous 
 tract, in its most pervious part, between the Beloochis. 
 taun and Afghanistaun ranges, in about 30 . north lati- 
 tude, and descended the western slope of Arachosia, 
 considerably to the south of the modern Candahar, and 
 pursuing his route alongst the southern side of Dran- 
 giana then a fertile, populous, and well cultivated coun- 
 trv. he entered Carmania from the north-east ; for, had 
 he pursued his march direct west of Drangiana instead of 
 to the south-west, he would have had Carmania Deserta, 
 or the Desert of Kerman. to cross, where his invalids and 
 elephants must have perished in the moving sands 
 
 Alexander's route, after subduing the Arabitae and 
 Oritze, (who are classed by Strabo as two distinct tribes, 
 occupying 2500 stadia along the coast; the foriner being 
 next the Indus, 1000 stadia being the distance between the 
 Indus and the mouth of the river Arabms, or the modern 
 Poorally, in the bay of Sonmeany the Orita lying o the 
 west of that stream,) was alongst the coast of Gedrosia, be- 
 tween the shore and the mountams; seldom exceedmg, 
 as Strabo says, 500 stadia, in order to keep up a communi- ; 
 cation with his fleet. His march through a desert aiid : 
 sandy country was perilous and exhausting ; but it was 
 ?he best road^he could take ; for, had he taken the route | 
 of Khosdar, Kelaut, and Nooshky, and crossed the immense , 
 sandy desert to the west of Nooshky, traversed by Pottin- , 
 eer his army would undoubtedly have all perished ; as 
 in that case he would have been obliged to ascend the j 
 cass of the Kohunwat before he could arrive at the high | 
 Ikble land of Kelaut, and then to make a prodigious de. 
 Sent to the sandy waste at the botto:A of this elevated ! 
 level. The fatigue of such a march, up mountains and , 
 over passes, would have rendered them quite unfit for | 
 traversing that sea of sand that intervenes between Be- | 
 Inochistaun and Kerman. .„ , , i, 1 
 
 We may form some idea of the difficulty , of such a i 
 march from Pottinger's Journal, p. 257. ; " Being unpr^ 
 v HAfi with a barometer, or other instruments calculated 
 to marT the perpS height of Kelat as the most 
 eleS spot of the Brahooick mountains. >t is only by a 
 rnmnarison of facts that I am prepared to offer my sent . 
 S onX head. Ahhough the obUqui^y be not visi 
 ble in the immediate vicinity of that capital, yet to tne 
 southward we found a very marked one m places, amount, 
 ing to steep defiles and hills for a day's journey at a ti.ue, 
 
 after ascending the Kohunwat, or southern pass from 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 205 
 
 in the shape of tents, were covered with rich 
 carpets and purple coverlets ; and others, shaped 
 like cradles, were overshadowed with branches 
 of trees. On the sides of the roads, and at the 
 
 i Lus to Kelat, passing by Khosdar and Soheraub, men. 
 i tioned before,) until we reached Rodinjo, 23 miles south 
 of Kelat. Hence to Gurruck, 7 miles north of Kelat, 
 j the slope is undistinguishable. But, in travelling from 
 Gurruck to Nooshky, north-west, we crossed six lofty 
 Lukhs, or passes, whose descent to the northward was 
 invariably double, and, on one or two occasions, fourfold 
 the ascent on the southern face. The accumulated differ- 
 ences of these alone would be equal to a very great de- 
 clension, and yet, after we had got to the bottom of them, 
 and came in sight of the Great Sandy Desert, we found 
 ourselves prodigiously elevated above its surface, and a 
 seventh Lukh, or pass, remained to be descended, the 
 declivity of which was apparently double to that of all the 
 others. Even then we were on an elevated plain, (when 
 arrived at the foot of this last pass,) the waters of which 
 when augmented by the rains or melted snows amongst 
 the neighbouring mountains, escape towards the sea by 
 various outlets in the province of Mukran, (the ancient 
 Gedrosia,) with excessive velocity. The temperature of 
 Kelaut also serves to prove its amazing elevation. That 
 city and the neighbouring district, though scarcely more 
 than five degrees and a half removed from the summer 
 solstice, or the torrid zone, are subjected to a most rigor- 
 ous winter ; and snow lies, even in the vales, from the 
 end of November till the beginning of February. Snow 
 has been known to fall fifteen days, successively, in the 
 month of March at this place. Rice, and certain other 
 vegetable productions that require warmth of climate, 
 will not thrive here ; and wheat and barley do not ripen 
 so soon as in the British isles. From a philosophical 
 estimation of all these concurrent particulars it is inferri- 
 ble that the extreme altitude of the Brahooick mountains 
 ' is not inferior to that of some ranges esteemed the highest 
 in Europe ; nor shall we long hesitate to admit this, when 
 we find that recent discoveries teach us to look to Asia as 
 the seat of the most sublime and stupendous piles on the 
 face of the globe. Judging," says Pottinger in a note 
 below the page now quoted, " from the eye of the Lukh, 
 or pass, nearest the Sandy Desert, and comparing its ap- 
 parent altitude, length, and steepness, with some of the 
 Ghauts, or passes of India, of whose ascertained height I 
 I am apprized, 1 should pronounce its height to be 5000 feet 
 I above the Sandy Desert. If we add to this one-half for 
 the other six passes between that spot and the city of 
 Kelat, and grant the desert^ as the base of the whole, to 
 be elevated of itself 500 feet above the level of the sea, it 
 I will produce an aggregate of 8000 feet." 
 
 Thus far Pottinger. But I am of opinion that his esti- 
 mate is much too low ; and that the elevation of Kelat is, 
 at least, 10,000 feet above the level of the sea. We can- 
 not allow less than 500 feet of descent for each of the six 
 passes ; and 500 feet is by far too low an estimate for the 
 level of she desert. Nooshky is more than a degree and 
 a half to the south of the Lake of Zurrah, which may be 
 regarded as the lowest level in eastern Persia, as all the 
 waters from the western face of the Afghanistaun and 
 Brahooick mountains, and from the southern slope of the 
 Paropamisan range descend to it ; and yet, the level of 
 that Lake is much higher than that of the Indus on the 
 opposite side; and that the Indus itself runs on a very 
 ^reat declivity is plain from the fact of the tides, which do 
 not ascend higher than 65 miles up that river, whereas 
 they ascend up the Ganges as far as Custee, 240 miles, by 
 the course of the river, from the sea. According to Pot- 
 tinger himself, the rivers of the tract at the foot of the 
 pass, and of such as flow through the desert, run with ex- 
 cessive velocity through Mekran to the sea, when swoln by 
 rain or by melted snow, which shows that their beds are 
 much higher than that of the Indus. Rermel himself re- 
 marks, that the lands of Khorasan, or eastern Persia, 
 are much higher than those in the vicinity of Ispa- 
 han ; and yet all know, who know any thing at all 
 about the subject, that Ispahan is at least as much ele- 
 vated above the sea as Teheraun, which itself is more 
 than 3000 feet above the same level. The city of Bumm 
 itself, in eastern Kerman, and a degree and a half to the 
 south of the parallel of Nooshky, belongs to what is de- 
 nominated, in Persia, the Surhud, or cold refjion. What 
 says Marco Polo, p. S3, Ed. of Marsdcn, " Upon leaving 
 Kerman, you travel for eight days, successively, along a 
 pleasant road, and rendered still more delightful by the 
 Ebundance of partridge and other game. Yon also meet 
 frequently with towns, and scattered hamlets, and castle.s, 
 until you arrive at a considerable descent, which occupies 
 two days. Fruit trees are found there in great numbers. 
 
 doors of houses, a great number of casks ready 
 broached were placed, whence the soldiers drew t 
 wine in large flaggons, cups, and goblets, pre- 
 pared for that purpose. The whole country \ 
 
 the district having been formerly well-peopled, though at ■ 
 present without inhabitants. Herdsmen alone are seen | 
 in it attending the pasturage of their cattle. In that part , 
 of the country which you pass before you reach the de- , 
 scent, the cold is so severe, that a man can with ditticulty 
 defend himself against it by wearing many garments and 
 pelisses" , , 
 
 The road, here described, lay probably near the city ol 
 Bumm, which stands near the boundary line between the 
 Surhud.and Gurmsur regions of Kerman, or the cold and 
 hot districts. . . 
 
 To the south-east of Bumm, a city named Kirraasir, i« 
 marked in D'Anville's map of Persia. This is a mistake ; 
 as Kirmasir is not at all the name of a city, but the same 
 with Gurmiseer, or Gurmsur ; an appellation indicating 
 the hot region, in opposition to Surhud, or Sardseer, the 
 cold region ; and the place so named in that map, indi- 
 cates the commencement of the hot region a little to the 
 south-east of Bumm. This city stands at the western ex- 
 tremity of tlie fruitful district of Nurmansheer, extending 
 85 miles east, as far as the western extremity of the Sandy 
 Desert, which runs from Nooshky to Nurmansheer, and 
 from 30 to 75 miles broad. This district is bounded 
 north and south by two ranges of mountains, running 
 parallel to each other on opposite sides of the district. 
 The latter, or southern range, is by far the highest ; and 
 " I imagine," says Pottinger, " at all times covered with 
 snow, as they were when 1 saw them, at which time it 
 was exceeding hot in the intermediate plain." I also sus- 
 pect the Berdasheer of D'Anville, to the north-east of 
 Kerman, not to be the name of a city, but of a region or 
 district, and that the word is a corruption of the Persian 
 appellation mentioned above, the Sardsir, or cold region. 
 In Maltebrun's table of the divisions of ancient and mo- 
 dern Persia, Berdasheer is mentioned as one of the sub- 
 divisions of Kerman, with its capital of the same name. 
 But in this he is certainly erroneous ; the name denoting 
 merely the Sardsir, or comparatively cold region of inte- 
 rior Kerman, to distinguish it from the hot region be- 
 tween the mountains and the sea, called Mogistan, or the 
 palm country ; and which I take to be a corruption of 
 Muchistan, from Much, a palm tree. What confirms me i 
 in this suspicion is, that the Berdasheer of D'Anville and 
 Maltebrun is placed in the map just where one would ex- 
 pect the Sardsir, or cold region to be, in a mountainous 
 country. In the English Edition of Maltebrun's geo- 
 graphy, in his account of Kerman, vol. ii. p. 275, that 
 geographer is made to place Hamadan, or Khomda, in 
 this province, containing, according to Jewish tradition, 
 the tomb of the fair Esther and the wise Mardocheus. Now, 
 Maltebrun could not certainly commit this mistake, as 
 Hamadan is such a well known city in Al-Jebal, or the 
 ancient Media, and this mistake is therefore to be attri- 
 buted to the negligence of the printer, or his translator. 
 It is a monstrous mistake to place Hamadan in Kerman. 
 
 From these quotations of Marco Polo and Pottinger 
 himself, it may be inferred that the level of the Sandy 
 Desert is much loftier than he has estimated it above. 
 The southern range, above described by Pottinger, seems 
 to be the mountains of Maren ; which, says Ebn Hawkel, 
 belong to the cold region of Kerman. Snow, says he, 
 falls on them. From these facts it would appear that Per. 
 sia, considered as a whole, from the Zagrian range on the 
 north-west, between Assyria and Media, all along the 
 south side to the Brahooick mountains, is divided by a 
 lofty belt of mountains from the narrow and low tract 
 that faces the Persian gulf and Indian ocean. 
 
 " AHer quitting Gurruck," aays Pottinger, p. ICO, " seven 
 miles north-west of Kelat, our road lay through a moun. 
 tainous and barren country, and we ascended two Lukhs, 
 or defiles, one of them particularly hazardous, the rugged 
 path not exceeding 2 feet wide, and, on the left, an abyss 
 at least a quarter of a mile deep. Next day, (8th of 
 March,) we passed a miserable night from the cold, which 
 was so intense that, unprovided as we were with warm 
 clothing or beds, it was impossible to sleep ; and we were 
 unable to make the least attempt to move, until nine 
 o'clock, when the sunbeams began to operate, got pretty 
 warm, and, literally speaking, renovated us. We then 
 mounted, and by 5 o'clock had proceeded 31 miles, the 
 intermediate country being, if possible, more bleak and 
 barren than that we passed yesterday, and the path 
 equally winding. We had several Lukhs, or passes, to 
 surmount ; the last of which I conceive worthy of a mi- 
 nute detail, as it would almost seem, from its situation on 
 the edge of the Desert, to have been intended by nature 
 
206 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 echoed with the sound of instruments, and the 
 howling of the Bacchanals, who, with their hair 
 dishevelled, and like so many frantic creatures, 
 ran up and down, abandoning themselves to 
 
 as an insurmountable barrier to these elevated regions, 
 and is beyond all comparison the most difficult defile I 
 have ever seen in any country. It is separated on the 
 south-east side from Kelat, or from the other mountains, 
 by a deep and narrow ravine, the sides of which are solid 
 black rock, and very nearly perpendicular. Emerging 
 from this part by a rugged path, we ascended the south, 
 east face of the pass, from the top of which the desert 
 burst upon our view, extending as far as the eye could 
 reach, with the resemblance of a smooth ocean from the 
 reflection of the sun on the sand. The emotions of my 
 fellow-traveller and myself were, at this instant, of the 
 most enviable nature. On descending the north-western 
 side of the Lukh, which cost us nearly 5 hours, it bemg 
 11 miles long and extremely steep, we entered the bed of 
 a river between the mountains, and on a level with their 
 bases, which led us out into the desert by innumerable 
 mazes. The last half mile of our route was through the 
 bed of the river Kyser, which, though deep and rapid 
 during the rains, is often quite dry in the hot months of 
 May, June, and July. At this time when we crossed it, 
 it was from 2 to 3 feet deep, and 6 or 7 yards across. The 
 only shrubs we saw to-day were some scroggy bushes of 
 the Farnesian Mimosa, here called the Babool tree, and m 
 the river great quantities of Tamarisk. One of the moun- 
 tains which we crossed was literally studded with bulbous 
 roots, similar to those of tulips, that were beginning to 
 bud, whose fragrance, as I was assured, would, m another 
 month, be perceptible to a great distance. The grass 
 called by the natives Kusheput, or desert grass, also 
 abounds here, and is collected by the Brahooes as winter 
 food for their cattle. It grows in bunches, or tufts, with 
 thick coarse stalks, leaves long and serrated, and is very 
 sweet and nutritious. The Camel Thorn, called by the 
 Persians Khare Shootoor, is also to be seen here, but not 
 
 every kind of licentiousness. All this he did m 
 imitation of the triumph of Bacchus, who, as 
 we are told, crossed all Asia, in this equipage, 
 after he had conquered India. This riotous, dis- 
 
 heat. Tliese, in connection with the want of water, so 
 necessary to allay the continual thirst both of themselves 
 and their camels and horses, induced by excessive heat, 
 would soon have insured the destruction of the whole 
 army. An army, like that of Alexander, principally com. 
 posed of Europeans, could not be expected to stand the 
 difficulties of such a march like the natives, or the Arabs, 
 those sons of the desert, whose constitutions and habits of 
 life, adapted to a climate like that of Gedrosia, enable 
 them to struggle more successfully with such difficulUes 
 and such privations. . 
 
 The capital of Gedrosia, at which Alexander arrived, 
 is the modem Kij, a place of no great note, and situate 
 on the river Bela, in 62°. 45'. east long, and 25°. 5'. north 
 lat If this river be the same with the river Kyser, 
 crossed by Pottinger, as he seems to think, it proves the 
 elevation of the Great Sandy Desert to be much greater 
 than his" estimate, as it has a descent of nigh 300 British 
 miles to this city, and this city is at least 70 miles from 
 the sea. He indeed estimates the river Bela to run a 
 course of 1000 British miles ere it reaches the sea, from 
 the numberless sinuosities it has to make among the sands 
 and the mountains, and that it runs with excessive velo- 
 city in the rainy season. 
 
 Bela is about 220 British miles of direct distance from 
 Bayla, the capital of Lus, or the Arabitas. From this 
 his march to Poorah, on the borders of Carmania, at 
 least 300 British miles more in direct distance 1 his 
 place is the modem Fohrej, Fahraj, or Paraj, a little to 
 the south of the dividing line that separates the Sardser 
 and Gurmseer regions, after a route of GO days through 
 the Gedrosian deserts. From this he crossed the moua 
 tains, and arrived in the district of Bumm.m K'rman. 
 one of the most fertile and productive m aU Per. 
 -ia, famed especially for abundance of fruit. Here he 
 
 and diflicult road than .hat tra«r,ed. by the Macedon,.,, °^^„Sd"t^ lo.t_a,i 
 
 hero. Alexander's route behoved to be south of the Sur- 
 hood, or cold district, as no palms, I apprehend, grow 
 there ; and it is mentioned in the text, that the Macedo. 
 nians ate all the palm tree roots they could find. 
 
 In the 28 degree of north latitude, a range of mountains 
 projecting west from the Brahooick mass is called Much, 
 or the Palm range, where the dates are found in the 
 greatest plenty and perfection, and the whole of the low 
 tract between the mountains and the sea, from the sea- 
 coast of Persia east to the Indus, is called Mogistan, or 
 the Land of Dales. It would appear from Arrian's de- 
 scription, that the low country of Mekran is as sandy, bar- 
 ran, and desolate, as the Great Sandy Desert traversed by 
 Pottinger ; yet Pottinger says, that the sandy waste of 
 Bunpoor is the only desert in Mekran. Aryan's account 
 of the hardships endured by the army in their march 
 along the coast of Mukran, is certainly much exaggerated, 
 as water is easily and always procurable by digging a foot 
 or two deep in the sandy beach. 
 
 The chief error of the army lay in marching too far 
 from the shore and too nigh the mountains. If they had 
 kept close to the shore instead of deviating from it, they 
 might have insured themselves of a sure and certain 
 supply of water all the way, and they seem to have been 
 misled by their guides, but whether through ignorance or 
 design, it is impossible precisely to say. We learn from 
 
 their horses and camels, in their long and arduous march 
 through the thirsty sandy tract of Mekran. That he got 
 these from his Indian governors is highly improbable, nay 
 impossible, as thev would have had to cross a much worse 
 tract than he had done himself; for they behoved to have 
 come by Pottinger's route, and in that case would have lost 
 their own horses, as none of these animals can traverse 
 such deserts, unless they came by the way of Candahar 
 and Sigistan, or by that of Heraut, and they would then 
 have been too late. The fact is, he received these supplies 
 of camels and horses, not from India, but from Aria and 
 Parthia, the governors of which, knowing the h^dships to 
 which his army would be subjected from the Gedrosian 
 march, had timeously provided a sufficiency of these an., 
 mals, as soon as they heard of his arrival m Carmania. It 
 must be remarked, that, by a very common error of the 
 press, Carmania is printed Caramania, as in the Ancient 
 Universal History, vol. viii., where it is constantly so 
 called ; whereas Caramania is in Asia Minor, and forms 
 the south-east region of it, and is so called from Caraman 
 Oelu, a Turkish prince, who, upon the downfal of the 
 Seliukian dynasty, seized this portion of their kingdom for 
 himself, and became the founder of the Caramaniau dy- 
 nasty of Turkish sovereigns. , ... ^ • < 
 
 \Ve are told a very improbable story by the historians of 
 Alexander, that his friends, endeavouring to dissuade 
 
 vouring to lead her army that way, brought but twenty of 
 them back ; and that Cvrus doing the same thing, escaped 
 with but seven men. If they really told him such stones, 
 thev must have been both very credulous and very igrio. 
 rant. All who are acquainted with the wonderful stones 
 of Semiramis, must know them at once to be a parcel of 
 arrant lies, made up by the mendacious Greeks, for the 
 mere purpose of creating astonishment, and trying ftow 
 far the credulity of their readers could go. Respecting 
 Cyrus, it is well known that he was never in India, and 
 niver'marched through Gedrosia The story must refer 
 to Cyms's expedition against the Sac8B, or Scytlnans be- 
 yondtheOxus, as it is related in Herodotus ; and Alex, 
 ander must sirely have read the nine Bo«Vr rn c t-J 
 respectable father of history. Now the road ot Cyrus to 
 the Oxus, and his consequent return, did not lead through 
 
 and thirst, were in great danger of perishing 
 had not Alexander directed them to turn to the left, or 
 towards the shore, whilst he himself, with a few chosen 
 horse, went before to point out the road ; but their horses, 
 quite spent with heat, were most of them left behind ; 
 only he, with five of his followers, passed through the 
 sands to the sea-shore safe on horseback. On their arrival 
 there they dug nigh the coast, and found abundance of 
 fresh water, cool and limpid. He hereupon ordered the 
 army thither, and after that marched along the shore and 
 always found plenty of water ; then his guides assuring 
 him they knew the way again, they left the sea and led 
 the army into the inland parts. It is clear from this that 
 they had hitherto kept too far from the sea-shore, and 
 that this error was one chief source of their calamities. 
 Two evils would consequently befall them, the excessive 
 glare of the burning sands, and the total want of the cool- 
 ing breeze from the sea-shore to moderate the intolerable 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 207 
 
 solute march lasted seven days, during all which 
 time the army was never sober. It was very 
 happy, says Quintus Curtius, for them, that the 
 conquered nations did not think of attacking 
 
 them in this condition ; for 1000 resolute men, 
 well armed, might with great ease have defeated 
 the conquerors of the world, whilst thus plunged 
 in wine and excess. 
 
 Gedrosia— had nothing to do with it. The only desert 
 Cyrus had to cross, was that of Carmania Deserta, or the 
 Great Salt Desert, to the west of Drangiana, or Sigistan, 
 where his army suffered great hardships, and were re- 
 lieved by the inhabitants of Drangiana, who were on that 
 account denominated EvergetsB, or Benefactors, as men- 
 tioned in a former note, and declared by nini to be 
 free from all future imposts. If he really read this ac- 
 count, he did not need to be informed by his courtiers, ot 
 such a dismal tale, a tale which he consequently could not 
 but know to be false ; and if he did not read it, what are 
 we to think of his master Aristotle ? It is plain from the 
 narrative, that he did not believe these tales of Semiramis 
 ind Cyrus ; and the road which he actually took, is a con- 
 vincing proof that he had some knowledge of the inter- 
 vening country, as it was the only road, bad as it was, 
 which he could possibly take, if he meant to return at all, 
 unless he chose to return the same way he came, by the 
 way of Attock, Caubul, and Baumeeaun. Had he chosen 
 the route traversed by Pottinger, up the steep defiles, and 
 across the tremendous mountains of the Brahooees, and 
 attempted to traverse the ocean of sand that lies between 
 these mountains and Carmania, he would have displayed 
 the most profound ignorance and inhuman brutality, thus 
 to expose a gallant and victorious, but worn out army, to 
 certain death. But his conduct was far otherwise, in 
 leading his army along the maritime coast of Gedrosia, 
 and preserving a communication with his fleet, which was 
 fitted out with the double purpose of exploring the south- 
 ern coasts of the Persian empire, and supplying his army, 
 at intervals, when need required it, with provisions. 
 
 We are told by that mendacious and wonder-telling 
 author Curtius, two very wonderful stories, namely, that 
 of 135,000 men which he led into India, he brought back 
 scarce one-fourth, or less than 35,000 men ; and that all 
 this loss of men was incurred in traversing the sandy 
 shore of Mukran : and what is more wonderful still, that 
 with this wreck of an army, worn out with hard marches, 
 scanty food, and bad water, he marched through Car. 
 mania, like a drunken Bacchanahan, attended by an army 
 of Bacchanalians as drunk as himself. Our author Kollin 
 swallows both these stories by the gross, never troubling 
 himself or his readers with any doubts respecting the 
 truth of them. That Alexander brought back with him 
 into Kerman but a fourth part of those forces with which 
 he entered India by the way of Baumeeaun, may be ad- 
 mitted ; but who will believe that he lost 100,000 men m 
 the mere march through maritime Gedrosia? At this 
 rate he must have lost 1500 men daily at an average, as 
 the march took 60 days. That he lost a great number of 
 men in this march, cannot be denied ; but are we to sup- 
 pose that all this loss was solely incurred by the march ? 
 It seems to be utterly forgotten that Alexander had fought 
 any at all in India ; or to be supposed that his men had 
 been invulnerable; and what the sword of his Indian op. 
 ponents could not at all accomplish, was accomplished by 
 the Gedrosian sands. One would imagine from this way of 
 talking, that every one of Alexander's soldiers had been 
 
 Macedonian discipline, the military science of their gene, 
 rals, and the persevering valour of a veteran soldiery, ut, 
 timately baffled the unskilful valour and rude intrepidity 
 of warlike, but unscientific barbarians ; yet it must be 
 evident, that these numerous successive conflicts and 
 sieges, must have cost Alexander abundance of men. 
 The opposition he met with beyond the Indus was equally 
 vigorous, though that opposition was merely the effort of 
 single and uncombined Indian rajahs. The victory over 
 Porus was hardly earned, and, as Plutarch expressly says, 
 blunted the edge of the Macedonian courage. That the 
 victory was ultimately obtained, was more owing to the 
 skilful manoeuvres of Alexander, than to the want of 
 bravery and discipline in the army of Porus. The battle 
 and capture of Sangala cost the conqueror a great number 
 of men ; though, as usual, we are told that Alexander lost 
 but 100 men killed and 1200 wounded, in the storming of 
 a city, where 17,000 of the gallant defenders were slain, 
 and 75,000 taken prisoners. That the loss of men was 
 great, and that the issue of the contest grew more doubtful 
 the farther they advanced, is plain from the refusal of the 
 Macedonians to proceed farther in the work of conquer- 
 ing. The brave defence of the city of the MaUi, must have 
 also caused a considerable effusion of blood in his army. 
 It must also be remembered, that the Macedonian army 
 were in the field the whole of the wet season, when all the 
 rivers, torrents, and brooks, were swelled to their utmost 
 height, and the plains of the Punjaub on the banks of the 
 great rivers, in a state of comparative inundation. The 
 excessive humidity of the atmosphere at that season, and 
 the soldiers being compelled frequently to encamp in the 
 open fields, and, it may be presumed, often to lie all night 
 on the bare ground, saturated as it must have been with 
 moisture, and their exposure to the nocturnal dews of a 
 warm climate, could not fail of introducing a proportion- 
 ate mortality amongst the conquerors. Alexander was ac- 
 tually in the field, or employed in some kind of warfare, 
 during two rainy seasons. It is true, however, that but 
 little rain falls in the lower parts of Mooltaun. Captain 
 Hamilton informs us, that no rain had fallen during the 
 three years preceding his visit to Tatta, the capital of 
 Sinde. But still this, though an advantage, is more than 
 compensated by an opposite evil. Owing to this want of 
 rain, and to the vicinity of the sandy desert to the east of 
 the Indus, called Registan, the heats are so violent, and 
 the wind from the deserts so pernicious, that the inhabi- 
 tants are compelled to ventilate their houses by apertures 
 on their roofs, resembling the funnels of small chimneys. 
 When the hot winds prevail, the windows are closely shut, 
 by which the hottest part of the air current is excluded, 
 and a cooler part, because more elevated, descends into 
 the house through the funnels. By this means vast 
 clouds of dust are excluded, the entry of which alone 
 would be sufficient to render the houses uninhabitable. 
 The roofs are composed of thick layers of earth, instead of 
 terraces. Few countries are more unwholesome to Euro, 
 pean constitutions than Sinde, particularly the lower part 
 of the Delta. Now the army of Alexander must have 
 suffered greatly from these two evils, during the time they 
 
 ofth" godd^^^^ ^?^r^nle!^'^e w^rV^ngag-eTin their caxnpaign on the low-er Indus, and 
 
 iccount of Alexander's expedition, from the moment he 
 crossed the Cophenes, till he arrived at the mouth of the 
 Indus, with any thing like attention, but must be convinced 
 that he must have lost a vast number of his men. All the 
 hardy mountaineers that inhabited the rugged defiles, the 
 deep valleys, the steep ascents, and the shaggy brows of 
 the numberless lofty hills that project from the colossal 
 Caucasus, or dwelt alongst the banks of the rapid streanis 
 that sweep the bases of these Alpine heights, rose up in 
 irms successively against him, and bravely defended their 
 rocks, their mountains, and their vales. On one occasion 
 we are told that thsse mountaineers lost 40,000 men, and 
 230,000 head of cattle ; which, though undoubtedly a gross 
 exaggeration, as if a mountain tribe could really muster 
 such a numerous host, yet it shows the steady and deter- 
 mined resolution of these tribes to withstand his progress. 
 'ITie Assacani, we are also told, had an army of 20,000 
 horse, 30,000 infantry, with 30 elephants; and that though 
 defeated, they behaved so courageously, that they taught 
 their conqueror to conceive a better opinion of them than 
 cf any opponents he had hitherto engaged. He and his 
 army were repelled in several bloody and vigorous assaults 
 they made on Massaga, the capital of Sewad. The cities 
 ofOra, Bazira, Embohma, the Rock of Aornos, and tlie 
 city of Peucela, made vigorous and protracted defences 
 against him ; and though the superior excellence of the 
 
 whilst they remained at Pattala. 
 
 Taking all the facts above-mentioned into consideration, 
 combined with the march through Gedrosia into Kerman, 
 we need not be surprised if but one-fourth of the original 
 force which Alexander brought into India remained, 
 when he arrived there. But it must also be remembered, 
 that the whole of the army was not with Alexander; 
 a division of it was, as above stated, sent by a different 
 route, that of Arachosia and Drangiana, and joined him 
 in Kerman ; and another portion of his army, though but 
 a small one, was embarked in the fleet of Nearchus. 
 So that, though he had met with no losses at all, his army 
 could not be so numerous as when he entesed India. 
 That the march was not altogether so impracticable as his 
 courtiers represented, nor so terribly disastrous as his his- 
 torians have said, (for I suspect a good deal of exaggera- 
 tion in these accounts,) is clear from succeeding history. 
 A numerous army of Persians, despatched by Khosroii 
 Noushirwan in the 6th century, marched by the very way 
 through which Alexander returned, namely, by the road 
 of Mekran, or Maritime Gedrosia, and captured Tatta 
 killed the rajah, and overran the Delta of the Indus. In 
 the 99th year of the Hyra, an Arabian army, sent by the 
 khalif Al Walid, marched the same way, and made a per, 
 manent conquest of Sinde ; and yet we read of no extra- 
 ordinary loss which these invading armies sustained on 
 
! 
 
 , 208 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 Ncarchus,' still keeping along the sea-coast, 
 from the mouth of the Indus, came at last into 
 the Persian gulf, and arrived at the island ot 
 Harmusia, now called Ormus. He there was 
 
 1 Arrian. in Indie, p. 348—352. 
 
 the march. This latter force is expressly stated by the 
 Arabian historians to have kept close to the sea coast 
 to ensure a certain supply of water all the way- As both 
 these armies, however, were composed of soldiers inured 
 to a hot climate, and capable of suffering greater priva- 
 tions from heat and thirst than the Europeans of Alexan- 
 der's army, this circumstance may m part account tor the 
 difference. Still, however, these expeditions evince the 
 route to be practicable, and that Alexander was not just 
 so much a fool as his historians have made him to have 
 been in this particular ; or that the march was such a 
 wonderful feat as they have chosen to make it: but we 
 have never read of an army traversing the moving sands, 
 through which Pottinger came to Kerman. 
 
 ThI next wonderful story is, that he entered Carmama, 
 and went through it, not like a warrior and conqueror, 
 but after the manner of a Bacchanalian procession ; and 
 that the army followed this second Bacchus, exactly like 
 the frantic Bacchanals of Grecian lore, howling Evce, or 
 Evoke, Bacche, with dishevelled hair and frantic gestures 
 and invoking the drunken god, "^^e the frantic crew of 
 female Bacchanals who slew the Thracian bard, vainly 
 imploring mercy from the frenzied rabble— 
 
 Tendentemque manus, atque illo tempore primum. 
 Irrita dicentem, nec quicquam voce moventem 
 
 Sacrilegse perimunt 
 
 Ovid. Metamorph. lib. xi. p. 
 
 313. 
 
 and that the whole country resounded with the yellings of 
 this army, deprived of the right use of their senses,-that 
 this drunken farce lasted seven days, during all which 
 time the army drank wine like water, out of large flag- 
 Kons, cups, and goblets, drawn from casks already broached 
 for that purpose, and which lay just ready for the purpose 
 on the sides of the road, and at the doors of the houses. 
 We are further told, that all this was done in imitation ot 
 the triumph of Bacchus, who returned in this manner 
 from India. A story this, of the same kidney with what 
 we are told of our hero's entrance into India ; that the 
 rajahs of that country declared him to be the son of Jupi. 
 ter who had arrived there,— that they had known Bac 
 chus and Hercules only by the voice of fame,— but as for 
 Alexander, they had the felicity to see him, and enjoy 
 presence. As we may be perfectly certain, that the Hin- 
 doos had never heard of such a divinity as Jupiter, nor of 
 his three warlike sons, and that this story was trumped up 
 by the Greeks, who had a happy talent rt palming their 
 deities and legendary heroes on every nation, whom they 
 happened either to see or conquer, so we may be equally 
 certain, that this story of Alexander's Bacchanalian march, 
 has also been invented by some mendacious Greek, to do 
 honour to their hero. It was a piece of consistent men- 
 dacity to do so, after having told us that the Indians view- 
 ed him as the bastard brother of the drunken god. Having 
 made him, like Bacchus, conquer India, so they must con- 
 Bistently make him, like the same personage, return from 
 that country with his army completely drunk, as well as 
 himself. We are further told, on the authority of the same 
 veracious historian Curtius,our author's magnus Apollo, so 
 far as regards Alexander, that it was a very happy circum- 
 stance for the drunken band, that they were not attacked 
 by the conquered nations, when so intoxicated, and that 
 so deplorably inebriated were they, that if only 1000 men 
 had had courage enough, with arms in their hands, they 
 might easily have despatched the whole corps. What a 
 grand finishing of the drama would it have been, if a few 
 clever resolute fellows had just met them, and knocked 
 them all down, and put an end to the fraternity of these 
 I military robbers, who had overrun and plundered the 
 whole country from the Hellespont to the Hyphasis, and 
 from the Nile to the laxartes! It would have immor. 
 talized the fellows, and made a most famous section in the 
 chapter of accidents. It must be confessed, however, that 
 Curtius did not invent the story. Diodorus Siculus had re- 
 tailed it before; and that strange medley ofa man, Plutarch, 
 who at one time talks like a philosopher, and at another hke 
 a gossiping old wife, has also retailed the same story, but 
 heightened it far above Diodorus. The only difference be- 
 tween these relations is, thatCurtiuSjWhocan never let a story 
 slip out of his hands without making the most of it, displays 
 all the force and invention of his rhetoric, in describing the 
 pomp of this Dionvsian festival, Arrian, howcTer, the be»t 
 
 informed, that Alexander was not abore five 
 days' journey from him. Having left the fleet 
 in a secure place, he went io meet Alexander, 
 accompanied only by four persons. The king 
 
 and soberest of the biographers of the Macedonian, assures 
 us, that Ptolemy and Aristobulus, who accompanied the 
 king in his march, said nothing in their Memoirs of any 
 such Bacchanalian festival, or riotous march (Lib. vi. 
 c. 28.). Sir Walter Raleigh in his History of the World, 
 Book 2d, sect. 22., and Dean Prideaux, in his Connection 
 of Sacred and Profane History, vol. i., retail this ridicul- 
 ous story, and never give their readers the smallest hint 
 that ever any author doubted its truth. Nay, the learned 
 Dean actually quotes Arrian in support of the story, who, 
 when at the very place he relates it, declares his disbe- 
 lief of it. It is truly wonderful, first to tell us that Alex- 
 ander lost 100,000 of his men in the Gedrosian march, 
 from thirst, and heat, and hunger,— and then to tell us, 
 that this preserved part of a ruined army, marched roar- 
 ing drunk through Carmania. That the army should 
 have been overjoyed to have arrived at the end of so peri- 
 lous and destructive a march, a march of more than two 
 months, is very natural ; and that they should have been 
 tempted to indulge in the pleasures of the table and the 
 social glass, after enduring so many privations, was as na- 
 tural. All men are fond of good cheer, especially after 
 long abstinence. The truth of the story seems to be this ; 
 that the army, after arriving in a plentiful country, as the 
 district of Bumm confessedly is, made a halt there. Such 
 a fine country as the district above-mentioned would ap. 
 pear a perfect paradise to the wearied soldiers, compared 
 with the sterile sands of Mukran. It was necessary that 
 the men should have some time to refresh themselves, 
 and enjoy, for some few days, the sweets of repose. They 
 had marched long and endured much, and such an army, 
 in such circumstances, would be very apt to exceed the 
 bounds of moderation in eating and drinking. But it is not 
 to be for once imagined, that either the Macedonian gen- 
 erals or Alexander himself would allow the soldiers to 
 indulge their appetites beyond a certain length, or to the 
 ruin of all military discipline, as this would have endan. 
 gered their own safety and that of the whole army, in a 
 populous province, the natives of which could not but be 
 hostile to them. If they were so intoxicated as the text 
 intimates them to have been, instead of marching through 
 Carmania, and that in seven days, the wonder is how they 
 were able to march at alL The march must have been 
 full of curves and short angles, and in that way it must 
 have occupied a much longer time than that specified 
 above. It is a pity that authors, otherwise so sensible and 
 acute, should gravely repeat such absurd tales and then 
 morahze on them. By so doing, fables are made to pass 
 for truths, and currency is given to falsehood. 
 
 Nearchus, his admiral, at length arrived at the head of 
 the Persian gulf, in pursuance of his orders, and was 
 directed to sail up to Babylon, and there to meet him ; but 
 receiving advice that Alexander was come to Susa, he 
 sailed down to the mouth of the Pasitigris, and sailed up 
 this river to a bridge where Alexander joined him. Alex- 
 ander afterwards sailed down the Eulseus and coasted the 
 Persian gulf to the mouth of the Tigris. From these and 
 other circumstances in the voyages of Nearchus, Kennel 
 infers that the Euphrates and Tigris anciently ran separate 
 courses the whole way to the sea, and entered it by sepa- 
 rate mouths, though he thinks that at no great distance of 
 time afterwards they became united, and fell into the sea by 
 the combined stream of the Shat al Arab, as they do still. 
 He thinks this may he inferred from the History of Hero- 
 dotus, Cleo. 180 and 189, who says, that the Euphrates 
 and Tigris fell into the Red Sea. It is impossible to de. 
 cide the question, but a few particulars are necessary to 
 elucidate the subject, respecting the supposed mouths of 
 these celebrated rivers, and what particular mouth it was 
 which Nearchus entered. 
 
 The Shat al Arab, or combined stream of the Euphrates 
 and Tigris, the modern Frat and Dijlat, was, till lately, 
 generally believed to enter the Persian gulf by a number 
 of mouths. This arose from the ignorance of navigators, 
 who observing seven channels entering the sea at no 
 great distance from each other, hastily concluded these 
 to be the mouths of the Shat al Arab. As this was the 
 only river known to them the inference was quite natural. 
 The Delta is not caused by the ramifications of the Shat 
 al Arab, but by those of the rivers of Susiana, or Kuzes. 
 tan These seven openings are called Khores. Of these 
 Khores that of the Shat al Arab is the most western, 
 and is denominated the Cossisa Bouny. The other six 
 lie in the following order from west to east ; namely, the 
 Bamishere, Karoon, Silugo, Mohilla, Goban, and Deria 
 Bona. All these are laid down with great accuracy in 
 CanUin M'Cluer'e chart. Tlie Bamishere is the main 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 209 
 
 was very anxious about his fleet. When news 
 was brought him that Nearchus was arrived al- 
 most alone, he imagined that it had been entire- 
 ly destroyed, and that Nearchus had been so 
 very happy as to escape from the general mis- 
 
 stream of the Karoon. At Sabla the Karoon, (which, 
 when united with the Abzal at Bundikeel, and belore its 
 first separation, is a larger stream than either the Tigris 
 or Euplirates taken separately,) disunites, and the larger 
 branch, under the name of Hafar, after a course of 1,5 
 rniles, again divides into two branches ; the larger of 
 which running obliquely to the east, assumes the name of 
 Bamishere; and after a direct course of 28 miles, meets 
 the branch which separated from it at Sabla, and resumes 
 the former name of Karoon. It is again divided into two 
 other branches ; the more western claiming the name of 
 Karoon till it reaches the sea 15 miles below this last 
 separation, the other, named Sileego, after a course of 10 
 miles south-east, again subdivides into other branches, 
 the more western being called Mohilla, and the more 
 eastern, Goban. 
 
 The other branch of the Hafar runs three miles west 
 into the Shat al Arab, or three miles west of the divi. 
 sion of the Hafar into this branch and that of the Bami- 
 shere. This branch is from 150 to 200 yards wide, and 
 sufficiently deep at high water to admit of vessels of any 
 burden. Vessels can enter the Shat al Arab by ascending 
 the Karoon as far as the Bamishere branch, and then 
 ascending that branch as high as the Hafar cut, enter the 
 Shat al Arab by means of it. The Deria Bona, the most 
 eastern opening of the Susian Delta, is the mouth of the 
 eastern branch of the Jerahee, or sup{)osed Pasiligris of 
 Kinnier, the other branch running south-west to the 
 Karoon by Dooreck, into which it falls a little above 
 Sabla. The Delta, or island formed by the Shat al Arab 
 on the west, by the Hafar canal on the north, by the 
 Bamishere and Karoon on the east, and by the gulf of 
 Persia on the south, is the Mesene of the ancients. This 
 is a fertile tract, and formerly well peopled, as it exhibits 
 the ruins of many cities and villages. It is about 40 miles 
 in length from the entrance of the Hafar to the sea, and 
 from 3 to 10 miles broad. Towards the upper end it is 
 still intersected with canals and tolerably well cultivated. 
 The Chob country contains all the Delta, from tlie Bami- 
 shere and Karoon to the mouth of the Tab or Arosis ; in 
 other words, all the sea-coast of the ancient Susiana. The 
 opening called Khore-Abdullah, is believed by D'Anvilleto 
 be the ancient mouth of the Euphrates, in conformity to 
 the opinions of Strabo and Arrian, in which he seems to 
 be followed by Rennel. Dr. Vincent, in his notes on the 
 voyage of Nearchus, has shown this to be the mouth of the 
 canal of Pallacopas, and that the Euphrates and Tigris 
 always entered the sea by one mouth, and not by separate 
 mouths, as Rennel will have them to have once done. 
 
 The navi;,'ation of the Euphrates is interrupted for six 
 months in the year by the marshes of Lemloom. During 
 the other half of the year vessels of :,Q tons burden may 
 sail up the stream as far as Hilleh, in the very vicinity of 
 ancient Babylon. After descending into the marshes be. 
 low Lemloom, about 10 miles, the level of the Euphrates 
 becomes much lower than that of its rival the Tigris, and 
 the stream seems quite lost in the immensity of the fluid 
 hollow. Strabo's knowledge of Susiana and the mouths of 
 the rivers that form its Delta, seems lo have been very 
 confused and inaccurate ; and he appears to have bor- 
 rowed what light he had concerning it from the reports 
 of Nearchus, Polycletus, and Onesicritus, who accom. 
 panied Alexander in his Indian and Persian expedition. 
 He makes Susa to lie beyond the Choaspes, nigh a bridge, 
 which I am almost inclined to think to be the same with 
 that of Dezful over the Abzal. From ignorance he con- 
 founds the Choaspes with the Eulasus, though he makes 
 them distinct streams on the authority of Polycletus. For 
 he states the Choaspes to originate amongst the Uxii, or 
 Oxii, and to fall into the sea that washes the coast of Su- 
 siana. Now this agrees to the Alizal, or Eulasus, the 
 western branch of the Karoon, which actually rises In 
 Laristan, or the region anciently possessed by the Uxians 
 and Cossacans, but does liot at all correspond to the Kerah, 
 or Choaspes ; which, as before observed, rises to the north- 
 west of Hamadan in Matiana, or Matiene, and which, be. 
 sides, falls into the Shat al Arab and not into the soa. As 
 en instance of his hesitation, arising from ignorance of the I 
 country he is describing, he says, " Some will have all the 
 rivers of Susiana to fall into the Tigris," (in opposition to 
 the affirmation of Polycletus, before quoted, who says that 
 the Choaspes, Eulaeus, and Tigris fall into a marsh, or 
 lake, and flow from thence to the sea) ■« and even the canals 
 of the Euphrates, and therefore to l;e so denominated (the 
 I'igris, namely,) at the mouths Pasitigris." I supjrose 
 
 fortune. His arrival confirmed him still more 
 in his opinion, when he beheld a company of 
 pale, lean creatures, whose countenances were 
 so much changed, that it was scarce possible to 
 know them again. Taking Nearchus aside, he 
 
 this appellation to be a Greek compound, signifying all the 
 Tigris; at least, I can find no other reason for that name. 
 Now from this I would infer, that in the opinion of the 
 persons quoted by Strabo, the Euphrates and Tigris, had 
 two separate mouths ; that of the former being a single 
 entrance into the Persian gulf, whilst the Tigris, aug. 
 mented by the canals of the Euphrates and the rivers of 
 Susiana, fell into the same gulf by several mouths, com. 
 posing a Delta. I think it probable that the name Pasi- 
 tigris has arisen from this mistake, and which has led 
 succeeding authors, and many of the moderns, not only to 
 adopt the name thusignorantly applied, but to apply it to 
 one of the Susian rivers, though utterly unable to tell 
 what modern river can agree to that name. The term 
 Pasitigris would very well apply to the Shat-al- Arab, or 
 combined stream of the two rivers; but the ancients, so 
 far as I am able to see, seem to have known little or no- 
 thing definitely of such a junction ; and have believed 
 these two streams to have had separate courses to the 
 sea, or that they parted after their junction, and formed a 
 Delta, watered by their several channels. But the modern 
 state of things is just the reverse of both these supposi- 
 tions ; the Shat-al- Arab having only one mouth, and re. 
 ceiving a branch three miles in length from the Karoon, 
 30 miles above its mouth, thus forming the island Mesene. 
 The marsh or lake mentioned by Polycletus and others, is 
 probably the fens or morasses towards the mouths of the 
 Karoon, as Kinnier says that both banks of the Karoon, 
 from its junction with the Abzal, eight farsangs below 
 Shuster, are uninhabited, and covered with brushwood, 
 the haunt of lions, boars, and other ferocious animals. 
 Morasses are common here towards the sea and Goban, 
 and between Dooreck and the Karoon. The morasses, 
 therefore, at the mouth of the Karoon would be supposed, 
 from ignorance of the topography of the Susian Delta, to 
 be those of the Tigris, (Shat-al. Arab), as a large fenny 
 tract does exist between the Euphrates and Tigris, above 
 Korna, watered by the Shat-al.Hye, a branch leading from 
 the Tigris to the Euphrates. Another large lake or marsh 
 exists ten miles below Lemloom, into which the Eu- 
 phrates descends from the higher level of Hillah, or Baby. 
 Ion. It is so large, that the river seems lost in it. It is 
 perhaps this marsh which is confounded by Strabo's au. 
 thors with those at the mouths of the Karoon. 
 
 Quoting Nearchus, Strabo thus speaks : " Nearchui, 
 when mentioning his sailing through the marshes to Susa, 
 adds, that the Euphrates is the boundary (of the marshy 
 tract, it may be supposed), and that at the mouth there is 
 an inhabited village, which receives merchandise from 
 Arabia; and that farther on, the Arabian coast is joined 
 to the mouth of the Euphrates and Pasitigris. All the in- 
 tervening places are occupied by a lake, which receives the 
 Tigris into itself. Sailmg up the Pasitigris 150 stadia, 
 there is a raft, or large boat, which conducts from Susa 
 into Persia, and this place is 60 stadia from Susa. But 
 the Pasitigris is about 2000 stadia distance from the Oroa- 
 tis. 'Ihe navigation through the marsh into the mouth of 
 the 'I'igris is 60 stadia. At the mouth is a Susian village, 
 500 stadia from Susa." These are the words of Strabo 
 from the Latin version, as exact as possible, and are re- 
 ported from Nearchus, the admiral of Alexander's fleet. 
 Now, this description does not agree to the present state 
 of the Susian Delta, and it is utterly impossible to recon- 
 cile them. There is no doubt but tliat Nearchus sailed up 
 one of the branches of the Karoon to Susa, and did not 
 enter the mouth of the Shat-al- Arab, or the Cossisa Bon- 
 ney. The mouth of the Shat-al-Arab is rrally the limit of 
 the marshy tract ; for between the Cossisa Bonney and 
 Bamishere, or most western mouth of the Karoon, the 
 land is fertile and productive ; but between the Bamishere 
 and Deria Bona, or mouth of the principal branch of the 
 Jerahee, it is full of marshes, agreeable to the description 
 of Nearchus. The branch which Nearchus ascended, is 
 hard to ascertain, but it would seem to be the Jerahee ; 
 the rest of his description, it is imposs ble to verify. It 
 is plain, however, that in making Arabia commence at 
 the west of the Euphrates and Pasitigris (Shat-al-Arab and 
 Deria Bona), that Nearchus considered the intermediate 
 tract as the shore of Susiana, though that tract is now in 
 the hands of an Arab shiek, and peopled by Arabian 
 tribes, and called the country of the Chob Shiek. I have 
 little doubt but the Oroatis is the Arosis, or modern Tab; 
 which shows that the political limits of Susiana and Persis 
 have not varied since the days of Cyrus ; but the interval 
 of 2000 stadia, or more than IbO British miles, will not 
 
210 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 told him, that he was overjoyed at his return, 
 but at the same time was inconsolable for the 
 loss of his fleet. " Your fleet, royal Sir,"_ cried 
 he immediately, " thanks to the gods, is not 
 lost:" upon which he related the condition in 
 
 agree, if the Jerahee be the Pasitigns, ^^f^^^en this last 
 river and the Tab, the distance is not more than 90 British 
 miles, or little more than half that distance ; whence one 
 would be apt to infer, that the Karoon, and the Jera. 
 hee, is the Pasitigris. Bochart denominates the Oroatis, 
 Irnrens Fluvius ; but it is by no means so, being only 8U 
 yafds broad, 16 miles up from its mouth ; though no 
 doubt it is the largest river of Persis, in respect of length 
 of course. Onesicritus says, according to Strabo, that tne 
 Euphrates and Tigris disembogue themselves into a lake, 
 and thence emerging, the Euphrates is jomed to the sea 
 bv its own mouth. The fact is just the contrary ; for 
 although the former descends into the marshes below 
 LemloSm, and thence emerges, it is soon joined by the 
 Tigris (which does not run into a marsh at all) at Korna, 
 and falls into the sea 120 miles below. So much for SUa. 
 bo's knowledge of the mouths of the Euphrates and ligns, 
 and the Susian coast ; and there is more in his hook than 
 in all the ancients put together respecting this Pfrt of the 
 t subject. As to Pliny, his statements betray a deplorable 
 I fgnorance of the matter. He states the Euphrates to fa 1 
 ! into the Persian gulf by no less than '^-f^^/","^""^^^ 
 ' according to the opinion of some, and that the ^i-uph^f 
 ' and 'I'igris formerly ran by separate courses to he sea 
 I that their mouths were, according to some, 27 miles, and 
 I according to others, only 7 miles distant ; were both navi- 
 sable; but that the Orchenians, and other neighbouring 
 Lople, had long since stopped the course of the i^upnrates 
 I to water their lands; so that it was no longer conveyed 
 ' into the sea by a mouth of its own, but by that of the 
 i Stigris. He also tells us that Charax stood 10 miles 
 from the shore of the gulf, but that it was now 120 m es 
 distant from the sea ; so that, according to him, the rn er 
 had gained on the sea no less than 1 0 miles in the course 
 i of a few centuries. This of itself is enough to settle our 
 i opinion of Pliny's knowledge of the lower courses of these 
 : two rivers and their mouths. It is plam that his Cto 
 { and the district of Characene lay to the east of the Cossisa 
 5 Bonney, or opening of the Shat-al. Arab ; and that it be^ 
 I longed to tlie Susian Delta, as he places Magora, a 
 1 town of Susiana, only fifteen miles from it, on the Edyp- 
 nos. or Hedyphon. ^ Susian river, but what nver o^^^ 
 country we know not. It is also plain, that his Elymais i 
 just the sea coast of Susiana, extending from Charax to 
 the Oroatis, or Tab; and that when he talks of the mac- 
 cessibilitv of the coast from sl.me and mud, b^^ought do^n 
 by the riVers, it can only apply to the morasses of the Ka- 
 I roon and the shores of the Susian Delta. As ^"°ther 
 proof of his uncertain knowledge, he quotes the authori^ 
 of Juba,for placing Charax only 173 Ro^^^n miles from 
 Babylon ; and yet with him that place was once only 10 
 miles from the sea, though in his day 120 from it ; so tha 
 I Babylon stood only 29:. from the sea, though he had said 
 before that Babylon was 412 Roman miles from the sea 
 according to Nearchus. All this shows that Phny kne^v 
 little or nothing of the mouths of the Euphrates and li- 
 gris, or of the S\isian Delta ; so that any references made 
 to the ancients, even by a Kennel or a D'Anville, to sup- 
 port their notion that the Euphra^s and Tigris once ran 
 Separate courses down, till shortly after the era of Alexan 
 der" but were afterwards united, go for nothing ; it is just 
 the blind leading the Wind. As to Ptolemy, he says 
 thing at all about the subject. It follows therefore^ 
 by some strange fatality, that the voyage of ^^earch^s up 
 the Euphrates to Babylon, and from thence down to the 
 P^itieris and up to Susa, made little or no addition t 
 the knowledge of the ancients concerning the sea coasts of 
 Chaldea and^Susiana, or the courses of the st^reams th^t in 
 that quarter enter the Persian g^lf 5/"^ that it is ^ or e 
 than idle to have recourse to such guides as they, to settle 
 any geographical question respecting the lower courses of 
 ?hese^ celebrated rivers. We repeat what has been ^^^^^^ 
 before, that classical geography canno be either lUustrat. 
 ed or verified, but by an actual knowledge of the modern 
 eeoSy Without this, erudition, however profound 
 f^'lfnoKail ; as may be 'seen in the case of the earned 
 and laborious Cellarius, the great oracle of classical gea 
 praphy, before D'Anville, and possesse.5 of more erudition 
 fhan he, who confounded the Eulaeus and Choa pes 
 identified the Pasitigris with the Oroatis, or iab . the 
 A rosis with the Araxes of Persepolis ; and the Kur with 
 the Granis and Bagrada ; and all this, just for want of the 
 knowledge of the actual geography of the Persian empire. 
 -Ed. 
 
 which he had left it. Alexander could not re- 
 frain from tears, and confessed that this happy 
 news gave him greater pleasure than the con- 
 quest of all Asia. He heard, with uncommon 
 delight, the account Nearchus gave of his voy- 
 age, and the discoveries he had made ; and hid 
 him return back, and go quite up the Euphrates 
 as far as Babylon, pursuant to the first orders he 
 had given him. 
 
 In Carmania, many complaints were made to 
 Alexander, concerning governors and other of- 
 ficers, who had grievously oppressed the people 
 of various provinces during his absence : for, 
 fully persuaded he would never return, they had 
 exercised every species of rapine, tyranny, cruel- 
 ty, and oppression. Alexander, strongly aftect- 
 ed with their grievances, and pierced to the very 
 soul with their just complaints, put to death as 
 many as were found guilty of mal-administi-a- 
 tion, and with them 600 soldiers, who had been 
 the instruments of their exactions and other 
 crimes. He ever afterwards treated with the 
 same severity all such of his officers as were 
 convicted of the like guilt, so that his govern- 
 ment was beloved by all the conquered nations. 
 He was of opinion, that a prince owes these 
 examples of severity to his equity, which ought 
 to check every kind of irregularity ; to his glory, 
 to prove he does not connive, or share in the in- 
 justice committed in his nanie ; to the consola- 
 tion of his subjects, which he supplies with a 
 vengeance which themselves ought never to ex- 
 ercise ; in fine, to the safety of his dominions, 
 which, by so equitable an administration, is se- 
 cured from many dangers, and very often from 
 insurrections. It is a great unhappiness to a 
 kingdom, when every part of it resounds with 
 exactions, vexations, oppressions, and corrup- 
 tion, and not so much as a single man is punish- 
 ed, as a terror to the rest; and that the whole 
 weight of the public authority falls only upon 
 the people, and never on those who ruin them. 
 
 The great pleasure Alexander took, in the ac- 
 count which Nearchus gave him of his success- 
 ful voyage, inspired that prince with a great 
 in 
 
 inclination for navigation and voyages by sea, 
 He proposed no less than to sail from the Per- 
 sian gulf, round Arabia and Africa, and to re- 
 turn into the Mediterranean by the Straits of 
 Gibraltar, called at that time Hercules's Pil- 
 lars ; a voyage which had been several times at- 
 tempted, and once performed, by order of a king 
 of Egj-pt, called Necho, as I have ob-served else- 
 where. It was afterwards his design, when he 
 should have humbled the pride of Carthage, 
 against which he was greatly exasperated, to 
 cross into Spain, called by the Greeks Iberia, 
 from the river Iberus : he next was to go over 
 the Alps, and coast along Italy, where be , 
 would have had but a short passage into Epirus, 
 and from thence into Macedonia. For this pur- 
 pose, he sent orders to the \iceroys of Mesopo- 
 tamia and Syria, to build in several parts of the 
 Euphrates, and particularly at Thapsacus, ships 
 sufficient for that enterprise ; and he caused to 
 be felled, on Mount Libanus, a great number of 
 trees, which were to be caiTied into the above- 
 mentioned city. But this project, as well as a 
 great many more which he meditated, were all 
 defeated by his early death. 
 
 Continuing his march, he went to Fasargada, 
 a city of Persia. Orslnes was governor ot the 
 countrv, and the greatest nobleman in it. He 
 was a'descendant of Cyrus; and, besides the 
 wealth he inherited from his ancestors, he lurn- 
 self had amassed great treasures, having, loi 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 211 
 
 many years, ruled a considerable extent of coun- 
 try. He had done the king a signal piece of 
 service. The person who governed the province 
 during Alexander's expedition into India, hap- 
 pened to die; when Orsines observing, that, for 
 want of a governor, all things were running to 
 confusion, took the administration upon him- 
 self, composed matters very happily, and pre- 
 served them in the utmost tranquillity till Al- 
 exander's arrival. He went to meet him, with 
 presents of all kinds for himself, as well as his 
 officers. These consisted of a great number of 
 fine and well-trained horses, chariots enriched 
 with gold and silvei", precious furniture, jewels, 
 gold vases of prodigious weight, purple robes, 
 and 4000 talents of silver in specie.* However, 
 this generous magnificence proved fatal to him : 
 for when he presented such gifts to the principal 
 grandees of the court, as infinitely exceeded their 
 expectations, he passed by the eunuch Bagoas, 
 the king's favourite ; and this not through for- 
 getfulness but out of contempt. Some persons 
 telling him how much the king loved Bagoas, 
 he answered, " I honour the king's friends, but 
 not an infamous eunuch." These words being 
 told Bagoas, he employed all his credit to ruin a 
 pi'ince descended from the noblest blood in the 
 East, and irreproachable in his conduct. He 
 even bribed some of Orsines' attendants, giving 
 them instructions how to impeach him at a pro- 
 per season ; and in the mean time, whenever he 
 was alone with the king, he filled his mind with 
 suspicions and distrust, letting drop ambiguous 
 expressions concerning that nobleman, as if by 
 chance; and dissembling very artfully the mo- 
 tives of discontent. Nevertheless the king sus- 
 pended his judgment for the present, but dis- 
 covered less esteem than before for Orsines, who 
 knew nothing of what was plotting against him, 
 so secretly the affair was carried on ; and the 
 eunuch, in his private discourses with Alexan- 
 der, was perpetually charging him either with 
 exactions or treason. 
 
 The great danger to which princes are expos- 
 ed, is the suffering themselves to be pi-ejudiced 
 and overreached in this manner by their Vavoui- 
 ites; a danger so common, that St. Bernard, 
 wi-iting to Pope Eugenius,^ assures him, that if 
 he Avere exempt from this weakness, he may 
 boast himself to be the only man in the world 
 that is so. What is here spoken of princes, is 
 applicable to all who are in powei'. Great men 
 generally listen with pleasure to the slanderer ; 
 and for this reason, because he generally puts on 
 the mask of affection and zeal, which soothes 
 their pride. Slander always makes some im- 
 pression on the most equitable minds ; and 
 leaves behind it such dark and gloomy traces, as 
 raise suspicions, jealousies, and distrusts. The 
 artful slanderer is bold and indefatigable, be- 
 cause he is sure to escape unpunished; and is 
 sensible, that he runs but very little dangei', in 
 greatly prejudicing others. With regard to the 
 great, they seldom make inquiry into the grounds 
 • of these secret calumnies, either from indolence, 
 inattention, or shame, to appear suspicious, fear- 
 ful, or diffident; in a word, from their unwil- 
 lingness to own that they were imposed upon, 
 and had abandoned themselves to a rash cre- 
 dulity. In this manner, the most unsullied 
 virtue, and the most iiTeproachable fidelity, are 
 fi'equently brought to inevitable ruin. 
 
 Of this we have a sad example on the present 
 occasion. Bagoas, after having taken his mea- 
 sures at distance, at last gave birth to his dark 
 design. Alexander having caused the monu- 
 ment of Cyrus to be opened, in order to perform 
 funeral honours to the ashes of that great prince, 
 found nothing in it, but an old rotten shield, two 
 Scythian bows, and a scimitar ; whereas he 
 hoped to find it full of gold and silver, as the 
 Persians had reported. The king laid a golden 
 crown on his urn, and covered it Vv^ith his cloak ; 
 vastly surprised that so powerful and renowned 
 a prince had been buried with no greater pomp 
 than a private man. Bagoas thinking this a 
 proper time for him to speak, " Are we to won- 
 der," says he, "that we find the tombs of kings 
 so empty, since the houses of governors of pro- 
 vinces are filled with the gold of which they 
 have deprived them? I, indeed, had never seeu 
 this monument ; but I have heard Darius say, 
 that immense treasures were buried in it. 
 Hence flowed the unbounded liberality and pro- 
 fusion of Orsines, who, by bestowing what hv 
 could not keep, without ruining himself, thought 
 to make a merit of this in your sight." 'Ihis 
 chai'ge was without the least foundation ; and 
 yet the Magi who guarded the sepulchre, were 
 put to the torture, but all to no purpose; and 
 nothing was discovered relating to the pretended 
 theft. Their silence on this occasion ought na- 
 turally to have cleared Orsines ; but the artful, 
 insinuating discourses of Bagoas, had made a 
 deep impression on Alexander's mind, and by 
 that means given calumny an easy access to it. 
 The accusers, whom Bagoas had suborned, 
 having made choice of a favourable moment, 
 came and impeached Orsines, and charged him 
 with the commission of several odious crimes, 
 and amongst the rest, with stealing the treasure 
 of the monument. At this charge, the matter 
 appeared no longer doubtful, and no farther 
 proof was thought requisite; so that this princt^ 
 was loaded with chains, before he so much a;- 
 suspected that any accusation had been brought 
 against him ; and was put to death, without 
 being so much as heard, or confronted with his 
 accusers ;^ too unhappy fate of kings, who du 
 
 3 Tlie whole 6tory of the death of Orsines, as here re. 
 lated, is taken verbatim from Curtius, v;hose sole authori- 
 ty is the' only ground on which our author had to rely for 
 its truth, fur it is not mentioned in all the remaining his 
 tories of Alexander's life. Kollin surely knew this ; and 
 it is hardly fair to give the whole story on the single te.iti- 
 mony of a loquacious and rhetorical historian. There are 
 many ways of telling the same .story ; and Kollin ought 
 to have given both sides, and left his readers to judge for 
 themselves ; or, if he preferred the authority of Curtius, 
 in this instance, to the other historians who have men- 
 tioned the story, he should have given his reasons for such 
 preference. 'I he extreme desire which Kollin hetrays so 
 frequently to moralizing, may have, in this instance, led 
 him off his guard, as the way in which it is told by Cur. 
 tius could not fail of suggesting a number of moral reflec- 
 tions to a mind like that of our auihor, so habituated to 
 make them. 'I'ruth is the professed object of all histo- 
 rians, and in many, if not the most of instances, the truth 
 cannot be obtained but by comparing authors together ; 
 and it requires no small share of discrimination to sepa- 
 rate what is true from what is false, or to say which re- 
 presentation of a fact is the true and real one. Arrian 
 says expressly that Orsines was put to death for sacrilege, 
 oppression, and robbery. Lib. vi. c. 39. PJutarcli, sjfeak. 
 ing of the robbery committed on the tomb of the Great 
 Cyrus, says, that Alexander put to death a Macedonian, 
 named Polymachus, a native of Pelia. Plutarch invit. 
 Alex. 
 
 It is admitted by all, but Curtius, that the tomb of 
 Cyrus was robbed. There the body lay in a golden coffin, 
 placed on a bed of state, the apartment being in ever) 
 respect royally furnished. This place, to his great amaze 
 o ^ 
 
 1 About 600,000/. I 
 8 He Consider, lib. ii. c. It. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 212 
 
 li^Th^r and examine things in person; and 
 who still continue infatuated, notxyithstanding 
 the numberless examples they read in history, 
 of princes who have been deceived in like man- 
 
 ment, Alexander found rifled, t^^^^'P^^^f^'^S'^^^^^^ 
 roffiii only being left, which was sadly bruised and battered. 
 Or^neTsavsArr an, was guilty of this sacrilege ; Polymach- 
 uc a?smtarcl Alexander ordered the place to be refur- 
 n shKth every thing it had bef .re this villany was com- 
 m ttS, and apJoLted Aristobulus to put his orders in exe 
 TutVon Sh' was accordingly done. Orsmes w^^^^^ 
 thP neoDle themselves, not by Bagoas, as Curtius says, ana 
 he was put to death after the. accusations laid agai^^^^^ 
 him had been proved. RoUin himself admits, that when 
 Alexander TrrWed in Carmania, his ears were dunned 
 f h rnmnlafnts asainst the governors, who had oppressed 
 
 sK^be guUtyV very tomb of Cyrus itself 
 
 «hnu d be v olated? Curtius had before represented 
 Alexander Is a drunken Bacchanal, and his army as no 
 bi ter! and now he makes him guilty of the blackest in- 
 gratitude in putting to death a man descended of royal 
 Sood. and who by taking the government nto his own 
 hands, had pro'ved a blessing to the people and had 
 come to meet him with the strongest pledges of aftect - 
 ^n^loyalSr in giving him a host of valuable presents 
 ^1 amongst thete 4000 talents of coined silver, or nig i 
 a million sterling. He further says, that the sole 
 cauTe Tthe uncfeserved misfortunes ot this man lay 
 ?n his passing by Bagoas, Alexander's favourite eunuch, 
 who fiC his rnaster's'ears with the darkest insinu- 
 Ttions a-ainst him, which gradually wrought an un. 
 favourabfe ch^ in the royal mind, and by suborning 
 ! glse evidence ag'ainst Orsines, and bribing ^^^^^^^f^^^' 
 he prevailed on Alexander to put him to death. Alex- 
 ander is thus charged with the vice of eunuchism and the 
 crime of odomy ; f ices, these, which Alexander, we know 
 held in the highest detestation ; so that the whole affair 
 L Curtius' telfs it, makes him g^^'^y of a complu^a^^^^^^^^^ 
 the worst crimes that can disgrace h""^^"^'y;,,P"\^fi^e 
 settles the whole story, and proves it ^ be false are Uie 
 words put in Orsines' own mouth, by .Curtius, vvnen 
 ^affoas struck him going to his execution :-" I have 
 JeSore been ii^ormed that Persia has been governed 
 Sy women ; but that it should be governed by a eunuch 
 new thing." Now Orsines could not possibly say 
 this aslie must have remembered the empire governed 
 hv a name4ke of this very eunuch, in the reign of Ar. 
 Scerxes Ochus; the immediate predecessor of Darius 
 Lnd that thiJ v^ry eunuch, Bagoas hirnself was i^ 
 highest favour with Darius himself Orsines mubt Have 
 J fowt that eunuchs were employed in the Persian cou^^^ 
 during the whole period of that empire. It is, theretore, 
 St^erll impossible that ever he could have used such lan- 
 guage respecting eunuchs, as Curtius has made him de- 
 
 ^"^Eunuchism was one of the chief vices of the Persian 
 Eovernmentrand has been practised in all Asiatic- courts 
 fuice the earliest antiquity. But what shall we say of a 
 writer like Curtius, who could tell us, speaking of the 
 Sot ifwhich Darius fought, that it was ado.ned w.^h 
 iinapps of their gods in gold and silver, the axie-iree 
 tSf glittered ^vith precious stones, upon it were two 
 Ses of S?the one representing Ninus, the oUier 
 Ss of a fubi stature each ; between them was a golden 
 Pai e'disDlaving her wings over both ; and xyho speaks 
 also of fcSt dedicated to Jupiter ? All this is down- 
 riSt fiction ; the product of his own brain.-Nmus and 
 bIius were never Worshipped by the Per.^.ans, "or cou d, 
 hPine the deified sovereigns of the Assyrian and Babylo- 
 nian eSrIs The Persians, though they admitted the 
 doctrine s worship of two eternal principles, Ormusd 
 Jnd AhrrtmanT had ^o images of them. I{"^-£-™^'r^ 
 
 t^d^'rrs^bn^tt^^ 
 
 r?he"r reTgi^us^ystem.and as to Jupiter, they knew 
 
 ""fl^{;fnf^n"\?rscribing this account^ 
 not given the exact words of his author. What Cnrtms 
 "enomlnates images of Ninus and Belus RoHm cal s god 
 6f war and peace. He seems to have been sensible that 
 the worship of two such deities as Nin,.s and Belus would 
 not pass with his readers and has therefore given a turn 
 o tl e translation, by making them gods of war and peace. I 
 
 I have already said, that there had followed 
 the king an Indian, named Calanus, reputed the 
 wisest man of his country, who, though he 
 professed the practice of the most severe philoso- 
 phy, had however been persuaded, in his ex- 
 treme old age, to attend upon the court. Ihis 
 man,! having lived fourscore and three years, 
 without having been ever afflicted with sick- 
 ness; and having a very severe fit of the colic, 
 upon his arrival at Pasargada,« resolved to put 
 himself to death. Resolutely determined not to 
 let the perfect health he had always enjoyed, be 
 impaired by lingering pains ; and being also 
 afraid of falling into the hands of physicians, 
 and of being tortured with loads of medicine, he 
 besought the king to order the » 
 funeral pile for him ; and desired that after he 
 had ascended it, fire might be set to it. Alex- 
 ander at first imagined that Calanus might eas - 
 Iv be dissuaded from so dreadful a design ; but 
 finding, in spite of all the arguments he could 
 use, thkt Calanus was still inflexible, he at last 
 was obliged to acquiesce in his request. Calanus 
 then rode on horseback to the foot of the funeral 
 pile ; offered up his prayers to the gods ; caused 
 the same libations to be poured upon himself, 
 and the rest of the ceremonies to be observed, 
 which are practised at funerals ; cut off a tuft of 
 his hair, as was done to the victims at a sacri- 
 fice ; embraced such of his friends as were pre- 
 sent ; entreated them to be merry that day, and 
 carouse with Alexander; assuring them at the 
 same time, that he would soon see that prince in 
 Babylon. After saying these words he ascend- 
 ed, with the utmost cheerfulness, the runeral 
 pile, laid himself down upon it, and covered his 
 face ; and when the flame catched hira, he did 
 not make the least motion ; but with a patience 
 and constancy that surprised the whole army, 
 continued in the position in which he at fiist 
 
 1 suppose he imagined the Ninus and Belus of Curtius 
 meanUhe Oromazes and Arimanius of the Magian system ; 
 Xe one, as being the principle of light would be the god o 
 neace and the evil principle, the god of war. But even 
 that will not exculpate Curtius, as the Persians had no 
 mage^ or artificial figures of their two ^ag'nary pnncu 
 pTes: dromazes and Arimanius, and to endeavou to ex- 
 culpate Curtius by saying that he meant by Jupiter the 
 rh ef of the r oods, is making the matter worse, as it 
 SSby iSfils th'e mag>an system with the polythe.sm 
 of the Greeks and Romans. But what makes it probable | 
 at least if not certain, that all this pompous story of the 
 procession to the field of battle at Issus is the invention o i 
 Curtfus himself, is the total silence of Arnan, who say., j 
 not one ^ord of' the business, nor indeed do any oU^r o 
 the ancient historians, and yet Rol in take* ^ all lor 
 downright truth, and then, in his usual manner, moralizes 
 on Tt It is never once enquired whether the account be 
 true or false. Curtius says so, and that >s enough^ Cur 
 tius could not tell a plain story, nor f?bver it as he got 
 That would not do for a writer of his taste. It must he 
 dressed UP and nicely cooked, to please his own palate 
 Ind what'pleased"his o'wn tasti he very naturaUy imagined 
 would de ieht the taste of his readers. F rst to in- 
 T^nt then to ornament, then to forge a number of fine 
 lSches!and then, finally, to make reflections, as if al 
 had been true, is not to write history but make a sort of 
 novel It must be confessed, however that this method 
 has wonderfully pleased a number of modern authors, 
 and Imongst these RoUin himself ; and there i. hardly ^ 
 scTiool-boy who is not taught to '^^.'^I^e P^ces out of Cur 
 tins thev are so fine and pretty. The only pity is, ine\ 
 are no true Thus the boy is made to believe them, an 
 Urns the seed of undistinguishing credulity y^^^^^ 
 in theyouthful mind. Whatwe ^l:^ ^g^^^J^e when 
 lieve when young, we are apt to regard as true wntn 
 
 "T^ArSn. lib. vii. p. 276. Died. lib. xvii. p. 573, 574 
 
 ^'f ^"1 ^Smer'noie on PassagardiB, where this passage 
 isLSr?d\"n\re1ttTmp^^ identity of Pa. 
 
 sagarda; with Persepolis.— i.a. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 213 
 
 had knd himself; and completed his sacrifice, by 
 dying pursuant to the custom practised by the 
 sages of his country. 
 
 The historian informs us,' that people differed 
 very much in opinion with respect to this ac- 
 tion. Some condemned it, as suiting only a 
 frantic, senseless wretch ; others imagined he 
 was prompted to it out of vain-glory, merely for 
 the sake of being gazed at, and to pass for a 
 miracle in constancy (and these were not mis- 
 taken) ; others again applauded this false hero- 
 ism, which had enabled him to triumph in this 
 manner over pain and death. 
 
 Alexander, being returned into his tent, after 
 this dreadful ceremony, invited several of his 
 friends and general officei's to supper ; and in 
 compliance with Calanus's request, and to do 
 him honour, he proposed a crown, as a reward 
 for him who should qualf most. He who con- 
 quered on this occasion, was Promachus, who 
 swallowed four measures of wine, that is, eigh- 
 teen or twenty pints. After receiving the prize, 
 which was a crown, worth a talent,* he survived 
 his victory but three days. Of these guests, 
 forty-one died of their intemperance : a scene 
 worthy of closing that which Calanus had a 
 little before exhibited ! 
 
 From Pasargada,^ Alexander came to Perse 
 polis ; and, surveying the I'emains of the confla- 
 gration, was exasperated against himself for his 
 tolly in setting it on fire. From hence he ad- 
 vanced towards Susa. Nearchus, in compli- 
 ance with his orders, had begun to sail up the 
 Euphrates with his fleet; but being informed 
 that Alexander was going to Susa, he came 
 !lown again to the mouth of the Pasitigris, and 
 mailed up this river to a bridge, where Alexander 
 was to pass it. Then the naval and land armies 
 joined. The king offered to the gods sacrifices, 
 by way of thanks for his happy return; and 
 invent rejoicings were made in the camp. Ne- 
 archus received the honours due to him, for the 
 care he had taken of the fleet; and for having 
 conducted it so far safe through numberless 
 dangers. 
 
 Alexander found in Susa all the captives of 
 •luality he had left there. He married Statira, 
 Oarius's eldest daughter, and gave the youngest 
 u) his dear Hephsestion. And in order that by 
 making these marriages more common, his own 
 might not be censured, he persuaded the greatest 
 noblemen in his court, and his principal favou- 
 rites, to imitate him. Accordingly they chose 
 from among the noblest families of Persia, 
 about fourscore young maidens, whom they 
 married. His design was, by these alliances, to 
 cement so strongly the union of the two nations, 
 that they should thenceforward form but one, 
 under his empire. The nuptials were solem- 
 nized after the Persian manner. He likewise 
 gave a feast to all the rest of the Macedonians, 
 who had married before in that country. It is 
 related that there were 9000 guests at this feast, 
 and that he gave each of them a golden cup for 
 the libations. 
 
 Not satisfied with this bounty, he would also 
 pay his soldiers' debts. But finding that several 
 would not declare the sum they owed, for fear 
 of its being an artifice, merely to discover those 
 among them who were too lavish of their 
 
 Diodorus. 
 4 A thousand crowns. 
 5 Arrian. de Indie, p, 337, 338. 
 
 money, he appointed in his camp, offices, where 
 all debts were paid, without asking the name 
 either of the debtor or creditor. His liberality 
 was very great on this occasion, and gave pro- 
 digious satisfaction ; we are told that it amounted 
 to near 10,000 talents;*^ but his indulgence, in 
 permitting every person to conceal his name, | 
 was a still more agreeable circumstance. He 
 reproached the soldiers for their seeming to sus- 
 pect the truth of his promise, and said to them : 
 " That a king ought never to forfeit his word 
 with his subjects ; ' nor his subjects suspect 
 that he could be guilty of so shameful a prevari- j 
 cation :" a truly royal maxim, as it forms the 
 security of a people, and the most solid glory of 
 a prince ; which, at the same time, may be re- 
 nounced for ever,* by the violation of a single 
 promise ; which in affairs of government is the 
 most fatal of all errors. 
 
 And now there arrived at Susa 30,000 Persian 
 young men, most of the same age, and called 
 Ejngoniy that is, successors as coming to relieve 
 the old soldiei's in their duty and long fatigues. 
 Such only had been made choice of, as were the 
 strongest and best shaped in all Persia ; and had 
 been sent to the governors of such cities as were; 
 either lately founded or conquered by Alexan- 
 der. These had instructed them in military 
 discipline, and in all things relating to the science 
 of war. They were all very neatly dressed, 
 and armed after the Macedonian manner. They 
 came and encamped before the city, where, 
 drawing up in battle-array, they were reviewed , 
 and performed their exercises before the king, 
 who was extremely well pleased and very boun- 
 tiful to them afterwards, at which the Mace- 
 donians took great umbrage. And indeed, Al- 
 exander observing that the latter were harassed 
 and tired out with the length of the war, and 
 often vented murmurs and complaints in the 
 assemblies, was, for that reason, desirous of 
 training up these new forces, purposely to check 
 the licentiousness of the veterans. Is is danger- 
 ous to disgust a whole nation, and to show too 
 marked a preference to foreigners. 
 
 In the mean time Harpalus,^ whom Alexan- 
 der, during his expedition into India, had ap- 
 pointed governor of Babylon, quitted his ser- 
 vice. Flattering himself with the hopes that 
 this prince would never return from the wars 
 in that country, he had given a loose to all kinds 
 of licentiousness, and consumed in his infamous 
 revels part of the wealth with which he had 
 been intrusted. As soon as he was informed 
 that Alexander, in his return from India, pun- 
 ished very severely such of his lieutenants as 
 had abused their power, he meditated how he 
 might best secure himself ; and for this purpose 
 amassed 6000 talents, that is, about 730,000L ; 
 assembled 6000 soldiers, withdrew into Attica, 
 and landed in Athens. Immediately all such 
 orators as made a trade of their eloquence 
 to him in crowds, all ready to be corrupted by 
 bribes, as they were before by hopes of them. 
 Harpalus did not fail to distribute a small part 
 of his wealth among these orators, to win them 
 over to his interest, but he offered Phocion 700 
 
 6 About fifteen hundred thousand pounds. 
 7 Ou x?'^""''' /S«(r/Xs«s «A.Xa ri 
 
 OiCti)i fr^of Tols viTi/]>i06v;, cuts rajv u^x^/^^vuv rtvk « ^ 
 
 uXyiOiCiiv hexi7v tov fiottriXici.. Arrian, 
 
 8 Plut. in Demosth. p. 837, 858. 
 y Plut. in Phoc. p. 731. 
 
2i4 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 talents,' and even put his person and property 
 under his protection, well knowing the prodigi- 
 ous influence he had over the people. . , ^ „ 
 
 The fame of his probity, and particularly ot 
 bis disinterestedness, had gained him this influ- 
 ence. Philip's deputies had offered him great 
 sums of money in that prince's name, entreat- 
 ing him to accept them, if not for himself, at 
 least for his children, who were so poor that it 
 would be impossible for them to support the 
 glory of his name: " If they resemble me, 
 replied Pbocion, " the little spot of ground, on 
 the produce of which I have hitherto lived, and 
 which has raised me to the glory you mention, 
 will be sufficient to maintain them : if it will 
 not, I' do not intend to leave them wealth, 
 merely to foment and heighten their luxury.' 
 Alexander^ having likewise sent him 100 ta- 
 lents,* Pbocion asked those who brought them, 
 " with what design Alexander had sent so 
 great a sum to him alone of all the Athenians?" 
 
 It is," replied they, " because Alexander 
 looks upon you as the only just and virtuous 
 man."—" Let him, then," says Phocion, " suf- 
 fer me still to enjoy that character, and be real- 
 ly what I am taken for." 
 
 The reader will suppose, that he did not give 
 a more favourable reception to the persons sent 
 by Harpalus. And indeed he spoke to them in 
 very harsh terms, declaring that he should im- 
 mediately take such measures as would be very 
 disagreeable to the person on whose errand they 
 eame, in case be did not leave off bribing the 
 city ; so that Harpalus lost all hopes from that 
 quarter. 
 
 Demosthenes did not at first show more fa- 
 vour to Harpalus. He advised the Athenians 
 to drive him out from their city, and not to 
 involve it in a war upon a very unjust oc- 
 casion, and at the same time without the least 
 necessity. 
 
 Some'days after, Harpalus, as an inventory 
 was taking of his goods, having observed that 
 Demosthenes took a particular pleasure in view- 
 ing one of the king's cups, and that he admired 
 the fashion and the beauty of the workmanship, 
 desired him to take it in his hand, and tell him 
 the weight of the gold. Demosthenes taking the 
 cup, was surprised at its heaviness, and accord- 
 ingly asked how much it weighed ? Harpalus 
 answered with a smile, Tiventy talents,^ I believe ; 
 and that very evening sent him that sum with 
 the cup ; for so great was Harpalus's penetra- 
 tion, that he could discover by the air, and cer- 
 tain glances, the foible of a man struck with the 
 charms of gold. Demosthenes could not resist 
 its power; but, overcome by this present, and 
 being no longer master of himself," he joined on 
 a sudden Harpalus's party ; and the very next 
 morning, having wrapped his neck well in 
 wool and bandages, he went to the assembly. 
 
 1 Seven hundred thousand crowns. 
 2 Si mei similes erunt, idem hie, inquit, agellus, illos 
 alet, qui me ad hanc dignitatem perduxit : sin dissimiles 
 §unt futuri, nolo meis impensis illorum all augerique lux- 
 uriam. Cor. Nep. in Fhoc. c. 1. 
 
 3 Plut. in Fhoc. p. 749. 
 4 A hundred thousand crowns. 
 5 Twenty thousand crowns. 
 6 The expression in the Greek is full of beauty and 
 spirit. Plutarch compares the gold which had been ac. 
 cepled by Demosthenes, to a garrison (of the enemy) 
 which a governor liad received into his city, and thereby 
 dispossessed himself of the command of it. TlX-^yu; vto 
 
 The people then ordered him to I'ise and make a 
 speech, but he refused, making signs that he 
 had lost his voice; upon which some wags cried 
 aloud, that their orator had been seized in the 
 night, not with a squinancy,'' but an argyranqj ; 
 thereby intimating, that Harpalus's money had 
 suppressed his voice. 
 
 The people being told next day of the gift 
 which had been sent to Demosthenes, vvere 
 highly exasperated, and refused to hear his jus- 
 tification. Harpalus was thereupon expelled the 
 city ; and in order to discover the persons who 
 had taken bribes, the magistrates commanded a 
 strict search to be made in all houses, that ol 
 Caricles excepted, who having married but a 
 little before, was exempt from this inquiry, out 
 of respect to his bi'ide. The politeness shown 
 on this occasion does honour to Athens, and is 
 not always exercised elsewhere. 
 
 Demosthenes to prove his innocence, pro- 
 posed a decree, by which the senate of the Are- 
 opagus was empowered to take cognizance of 
 this matter. He was the first they tried, and 
 fined, upon being convicted, fifty talents,^ for 
 the payment of which he was thrown into pri- 
 son ; however he found means to escape, and 
 left his country. Demosthenes did not behave 
 with resolution and magnanimity in his banish- 
 ment, residing generally at ^gina or Troezene ; 
 and every time he cast his eyes on Attica, his 
 face would be covered with tears ; and he suf- 
 fered such words to di'op from him as were un- 
 worthy a brave man ; words, which by no 
 means correspond with his resolute and gener- 
 ous behaviour during his administration. Cicero 
 was reproached with the same weakness in his 
 exile, which shows that great men are not such 
 at all times, nor in all circumstances. 
 
 It were to be wished,^ for the honour of elo- 
 quence, that what Pausanias relates in justifica- 
 tion of Demosthenes were true ; and it is very 
 probable it was so. According to this author, 
 Harpalus, after flying from Athens, was seized 
 by Philoxenus the Macedonian ; and being 
 racked to extort from him the names of such 
 Athenians as had been bribed by him, he did 
 not once mention Demosthenes, whose name, 
 had he been guilty, he would not have sup- 
 pressed before Philoxenus, as that orator was 
 his enemy. 
 
 Upon the first report of Plarpalus's flying to 
 Athens, Alexander, fully determined to go in 
 person to punish Harpalus and the Athenians, 
 had commanded a fleet to be equipped. But 
 after news was brought that the people in their 
 assembly had ordered him to depart their city, 
 he laid aside all thoughts of returning into 
 Europe. 
 
 Alexander, having still a curiosity to see the 
 ocean, came down from Susa, upon the river 
 Eulseus ; and after having coasted the Persian 
 gulf to the mouth of the Tigris, he went up that 
 river towards the army which was encamped on 
 the banks of it, near the city of Opis, under the 
 command of Hephsestion. 
 
 Upon his arrival there, he published a declar- 
 ation in the camp, by which all the Macedoni- 
 ans, who, by reason of their age, wounds, oi 
 
 7 It is impossible to translate the agreeable play of those 
 Greek words. Oi« yiro (ruwy^w, ei??^?*!'! a''^^' »f 
 
 * 8 Fiftv thousand crowns. 
 
 9 Pausan. 1. ii. p. 1*8. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 any other infirmity, were unable to support any 
 longer the fatigues of the service, were per- 
 mitted to return into Greece ; declaring that his 
 design was to discharge them, to be bountiful to 
 them, and send them back to their native coun - 
 try in a safe and honourable manner. His in- 
 tention, in making this declaration, was to oblige, 
 and at the same time give them the strongest 
 proof of his affection for them. However, the 
 very contrary happened ; for being already dis- 
 gusted upon some other accounts, especially by 
 the visible preference which Alexander gave to 
 foreigners, they imagined, that his resolution 
 was to make Asia the seat of his empire, and to 
 disengage himself from the Macedonians ; and 
 that the only motive of his discharging them, 
 was, that they might make room for the new 
 troops he had levied in the conquered countries. 
 This alone was sufficient to exasperate them to 
 fury. Without observing the least order or dis- 
 cipline, or regarding the remonstrances of their 
 officers, they went to the king with an air of 
 insolence which they had never assumed till 
 then, and with seditious cries demanded to be 
 all discharged ; saying farther, that since he 
 despised the soldiers who had gained him all his 
 victories, he and his father Ammon might carry 
 on the war against whomsoever and in Avhat 
 manner they pleased ; but as for themselves, 
 they were fully determined not to serve him any 
 longer. 
 
 The king, no way surprised, and without 
 once hesitating, leaps' from his tribunal; causes 
 the principal mutineers, whom he himself point- 
 ed out to his guai-ds, to be immediately seized, 
 and orders thirteen to be punished. This bold 
 and vigorous action, Avhich thunderstruck the 
 Macedonians, suppressed their insolence in an 
 instant ; quite amazed and confounded, and 
 scarce daring to look at one another, they stood 
 with downcast eyes, and were so dispirited, and 
 trembled so prodigiously, that they were unable 
 to speak or even to think. Seeing them in this 
 condition, he reascended his tribunal, where, 
 after repeating to them, with a severe counte- 
 nance, and a menacing tone of voice, the nume- 
 rous favours which Philip his father had be- 
 stowed upon them, and all the marks of kindness 
 and friendship by which he himself had distin- 
 guished them, he concluded with these words : 
 " You all desire a discharge ; I grant it to you. 
 Go now, and publish to the whole world, that 
 you have left your prince to the mercy of the 
 iidtions he had conquered, who were more af- 
 fectionate to him than you." After speaking 
 this, he returns suddenly into his tent, cashiers 
 his old guard ; appoints another in its place, all 
 composed of Persian soldiers; and shuts himself 
 up for some days, without seeing any person all 
 the time. 
 
 Had the Macedonians been sentenced to die, 
 they could not have been more shocked, than 
 when news was brought them, that the king 
 had confided the care of his person to the Per- 
 sians. They could suppress their gi'ief no 
 longer, so that nothing was heard but cries, 
 'groans, and lamentations. Soon after, they all 
 run together to the king's tent, throw down 
 tiieir arms, confessing their guilt ; acknowledg- 
 ing their fault with tears and sighs ; declare 
 that the loss of life Avill not be so grievous as 
 the loss of honour ; and protest that they will 
 not leave the place till the king has pardoned 
 them. Alexander could no longer resist the tender 
 jn oofs they gave of their sorrow and repentance ; 
 so that when he himself, at his coming out of 
 
 his tent, saw them In this dejected condition, he 
 could not refrain from tears ; and after some 
 gentle reproaches, which were softened by an 
 air of humanity and kindness, he declared so 
 loud as to be heard by them all, that he re- 
 stored them to his friendship. This was re- 
 storing them to life, as was manifest from their j 
 shouts. . 
 
 He afterwards discharged such Macedonians 
 as were no longer able to carry arms, and sent 
 them back to their native country with rich 
 presents. He commanded, that at the exhibit- 
 ing of the public games, they should be allowed 
 the chief places in the theatre, and there sit 
 with crowns on their heads ; and gave orders 
 that the children of those who had lost their 
 lives in his sei'vice, should receive, during their 
 minority, the same pay which had been given 
 their fathers. Such support and honours grant- 
 ed to veterans, must necessarily ennoble, in a 
 very conspicuous manner, the military profes- 
 sion. It is not possible for a government to 
 enrich every soldier individually; but it may 
 animate and console him by marks of distinc- 
 tion, which inspire a stronger ardour for war, 
 more constancy in the service, and nobler senti- 
 ments and motives. 
 
 Alexander appointed Craterus commander of 
 these soldiers, to whom he gave the government 
 of Macedonia, Thessaly, and Thrace, Avhich 
 Antipater had enjoyed ; and the latter was com- 
 manded to bring the recruits instead of Craterus. 
 The king had long since been quite tired with 
 the complaints of his mother and Antipater, 
 who could not agree. She charged Antipater 
 with aspiring at sovereign power, and the latter 
 complained of her violent and untractable dis- ) 
 position ; and had often declared in his letters, 
 that she did not behave in a manner suitable 
 to her dignity. It was with some reluctance 
 Antipater resigned his government. 
 
 ¥vom Opis, Alexander ar- 
 A. M. S680. rived at Ecbatana in Me- 
 Ant. J. C. S24. dia, where, after having de- 
 spatched the most urgent 
 affairs of the kingdom, he again solemnized 
 games and festivals: there had come to him 
 from Greece, 3000 dancers, makers of machi- 
 nery, and other persons skilled in diversions of 
 this kind. It happened very unluckily, during 
 the celebration of these festivals, that Hephses- 
 tion died of a disease which he brought upon 
 himself. Alexander abandoning himself to im- 
 moderate drinking, his whole court followed his , 
 example, and sometimes spent whole days and | 
 nights in these excesses. In one of them He- j 
 phgestion lost his life. He was the most inti- | 
 mate friend the king had, the confidant of all j 
 his secrets, and, to say all in a word, a second | 
 self. Craterus alone seemed to dispute this 
 honour with him. An expression, which one 1 
 day escaped that prince, shows the difference he 
 made between tliese two courtiers. " Craterus," 
 says he, " loves the king, but Hephaestion loves 
 Alexander." This expression signifies, if I 
 mistake not, that Hepheestion was attached, in 
 a tender and affectionate manner, to the person 
 of Alexander; but that Craterus loved him as 
 a king, that is, V7as concerned for his reputation, 
 and sometimes was less obsequious to his will, 
 than zealous for his glory and interest. An 
 excellent character, but very uncommon. 
 
 Hephsestion was as much beloved by all the 
 courtiers as by Alexander himself. Modest, 
 even-tempered, beneficent ; free from pride, 
 avarice, and jealousy; he never abused his credit 
 
21G 
 
 HISTORY OI ALEXANDEll. 
 
 with, the king, nor preferred himself to those 
 officers, whose merit made them necessary to 
 his sovereign. He was universally regretted ; 
 but his death threw Alexander into excessive 
 sorrow, to which be abandoned himself in such 
 a manner, as was unworthy so gi"eat a king. 
 He seemed to receive no consolation, but in the 
 extraordinary funeral honours to be paid to his 
 friend on his arrival at Babylon, whither he 
 commanded Perdiccas to carry his corpse. 
 
 In order to remove, by business and employ- 
 ment, the melancholy ideas which the death of 
 his favourite perpetually awakened in his mind, 
 Alexander marched his army against the Cos- 
 s£ei,' a warlike nation, inhabiting the mountains 
 of Media, whom not one of the Persian mo- 
 narchs had ever been able to conquer. How- 
 ever, the king reduced them in forty days, after- 
 wards passed the Tigris, and marched towards 
 Babylon. 
 
 SECT. XVIII. 
 
 Alexander enters Babylon, in spite of the sinister predic- 
 tions of the Magi and otlier soothsayers. He there 
 forms the plans of several voyages and conquests. He 
 sets about repairing the breaches made in the embank- 
 ments of the Tigris and Euphrates, and rebuilding the 
 temple of Belus. He abandons himself to immoderate 
 drinking, which brings him to his end. The universal 
 grief spread over the whole empire upon that account. 
 Sysigambis is not able to survive him. Preparations are 
 made to convey Alexander's corpse to the temple of 
 Jupiter Amnion in Libya. 
 
 Alexander being arrived within a league and 
 a half of Babylon,* the Chaldeans, who pre- 
 
 1 Tliese Cossasans inhabited the mountainous country 
 to the south of Ecbatana, called Looristaun in modern 
 times, and inhabited by the Loorish tribes, who speak the 
 Persian language and amount to more than 150,000 fami- 
 lies, and are amongst the most notorious robbers in the 
 Persian empire. Sheltered in the recesses of the Loo- 
 ristaun mountains, the Cossaans never have been tho- 
 roughly subdued by the Persian kings, no more than 
 their successors, the Loorees, are at present. It is 
 owing to the want of a regular and efficient system of in- 
 ternal government— a common fault in Asiatic govern, 
 ments— and the difficulty of tracing out their haunts in 
 the wilds of the mountains, that in all ages Persia is in- 
 fested with bands of armed robbers. The vigorous arm 
 of an Alexander, or an Artaxares; of a Nouschervan, an 
 Abbas, or a Nader-Shah ; has occasionally repressed them 
 and kept them confined in their mountainous fortresses ; 
 but no sooner is the arm of power relaxed by a weak 
 prince, or feeble administration, than out these robbers 
 rush from their mountains to the plains, and murder or 
 rob every traveller they meet. 
 
 Against these Cossaean robbers Alexander resolved to 
 march, though it was winter, on account of some flagrant 
 recent robberies ; and dividing his army into two bodies, 
 one commanded by Ptolemy the son of Lagus, and ihe 
 other by himself, he attacked them on their own moun- 
 tains, whither they had fled on his approach, suppos- 
 ing themselves safe in their hiding places as so many 
 inaccessible fortresses. But they were quite mistaken ; 
 Alexander was a persevering warrior, and along with 
 Ptolemy continually pursued them, and at the head 
 of the light armed foot, clambered up the rocks, and 
 either compelled those who had sheltered themselves 
 there to descend, or blocked up the mouths of their caves 
 and left them to starve : wherefore the Cossseans were 
 compelled, in despair, to submit themselves to the mercy 
 of the conqueror. Some have represented this expedition 
 as a kind of man-hunting ; and Sir Robert Kerr Porter, 
 in the second volume of his travels, when at Ecbatan, 
 feelingly deplores the case of the poor Cossseans, and re- 
 presents them as inhumanly sought out in their moun- 
 tains and butchered to satisfy the grief of Alexander for 
 the death of his dear Hepha;stion, and to be offered up as 
 so many victims to his manes, as Achilles sacrificed twelve 
 Troj:!n captives at the tomb of Patroclus. All these 
 lamentations and execrations might have been spared had 
 
 tended to know futurity by the stars, deputed 
 to him some of their old men, to warn him that 
 he would be in danger of his life, in case he 
 entered that city, and were very urgent with 
 him to pass by it. The Babylonish astrologers 
 were held in such great reputation, that this 
 advice made a strange impression on his mind, 
 and filled him with confusion and dread. Upon 
 this, after sending several of the grandees of his 
 court to Babylon, he himself went another way; 
 and having marched about ten leagues, he stop- 
 ped for some time in the place where he had 
 encamped his army. The Greek philosophers, 
 being told the foundation of his fear and scru- 
 ples, waited upon him ; when setting in the 
 clearest light the principles of Anaxagoras, whose 
 tenets they followed, they demonstrated to him, 
 in the strongest manner, the vanity of astrology; 
 and made him have so great contempt for divi- 
 nation in general, and for that of the Chaldeans 
 in particular, that he immediately marched to- 
 wards Babylon with his whole army. He 
 knew that there were arrived in that city,^ am- 
 bassadors from aU parts of the world, who wait- 
 ed for his coming; the whole earth echoing 
 so much with the terror of his name, that the 
 several nations came, ivith inexpressible ardour, 
 to pay homage to Alexander, as to him who 
 was to he their sovereign. This view, which 
 agi-eeably soothed the strongest of all his pas- 
 sions, contributed very much to stifle every 
 other reflection, and to make him careless of al) 
 advice that might be given him ; so that he set 
 forward with all possible diligence towards that 
 great city, there to hold, as it were, the states- 
 general of the world. After making a most 
 magnificent entry, he gave audience to all the 
 ambassadors, with the grandeur and dignity 
 suitable to a great monarch, and, at the same 
 time, with the aftability and politeness of a 
 prince, who is desirous of winning the affection 
 of all. He loaded those of Epidaurus with great 
 presents for the deity who presided over their 
 city, as well as over health, but reproached him 
 at the same time. " iEsculapius," says he, "has 
 showed me but very little indulgence, in not 
 preserving the life of a friend, who was as dear 
 to me as myself." In private he discovered a 
 great friendship for such of the deputies of 
 Greece, as came to congratulate him on his vic- 
 tories and his happy return ; and he restored to 
 them all the statues, and other curiosities, which 
 Xerxes had carried out of Greece, that wei-e 
 found in Susa, Babylon, Pasargada, and other 
 places. We are told that among these were the 
 
 these feeling writers reflected that these Cossaeans were a 
 set of notorious highland robbers and freebooters, who 
 presuming, as such fellows always do, on the natural 
 strength of their covmtry, thought fit to plunder such as 
 passed nigh their borders with impunity. With what 
 propriety, then, can Alexander's puni.-hing these robbers 
 be called man-hunting? The whole misrepresentation 
 seems to have originated in this, that some of his officers 
 might propose this expedition for the double purpose ol 
 clearing the country of these villains, and to draw off" his 
 mind from thinking on the loss of his beloved HepliKS- 
 tion ; in other words, to give him something to do, and 
 thereby gradually assuage his melancholy ; and some 
 rhetorical writer, finding this stoi7 in the memoirs ol 
 Alexander, and thinking it a fine opportunity to display 
 his rhetoric and sentimentality, improved on the original 
 narrative, by calling it a sacrifice to the ghost of Hephaes 
 tion, and, which is very natural, some dull succeeding 
 writer transcribed this flourish, taking it for truth.— Ed. 
 
 £ Arrian. lib. vii. p. 294—509. Quint. Curt. lib. x. 
 c. 4—7. Plut. in Alex. p. lO'l—lOl. 
 
 S Diod. lib. xvii. p. 577—583. Justin, lib. xii. c. 13— IP 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 statues of Harmodkis and Aristogiton, and that 
 they were brought back to Athens. 
 
 The ambassadors from Corinth having offered 
 him, in the name of their city, the freedom of 
 it, he laughed at an offer which seemed altoge- 
 ther unworthy of one who had attained so ex- 
 alted a pitch of grandeur and power. However, 
 when Alexander was told that Corinth had 
 granted this privilege to Hercules only, he ac- 
 cepted it with joy; and piqued himself upon 
 treading in his steps, and resembling him in all 
 things. But, cries Seneca,'' in what did this 
 frantic young man, with whom successful te- 
 merity passed for virtue, resemble Hercules? 
 The latter, free from all self-interested views, 
 travelled through the world, merely to benefit 
 the several nations whom he visited, and to 
 purge the earth of such I'obbers as infested it : 
 whereas Alexander, who is justly entitled the 
 plunderer of nations, made his glory to consist 
 in carrying desolation into all places, and in 
 rendering himself the terror of mankind. 
 
 At the same time he wrote a letter, which 
 was to be read publicly in the assembly of the 
 Olympic games, whereby the several cities of 
 Greece were commanded to permit all exiles to 
 return into their native country, those excepted 
 who liad committed sacrilege, or any other crime 
 deserving death ; and ordered Antipater to em- 
 ploy an armed force against such cities as should 
 refuse to obey. This letter was read in the as- 
 sembly. But the Athenians and ^tolians did 
 not think themselves obliged to put these orders 
 in execution, which seemed to interfere with 
 their liberty. 
 
 Alexander, after having despatched these af- 
 fairs, finding himsp^'f now at leisure, began to 
 think of Hephsestion's burial. This he solem- 
 nized with a magnificence, the like of which 
 had never been seen. As he himself undertook 
 the management of this funeral, he commanded 
 all the neighbouring cities to contribute their 
 utmost in exalting the pomp of it. He likewise 
 ordered all the nations of Asia to extinguish 
 what the Persians called the sacred fire, till the 
 ceremony of the interment should be ended, 
 which was considered as an ill omen, it being 
 never practised in Persia, except at the death 
 of its monarchs. All the officers and courtiers, 
 to please Alexander, caused images to be carved 
 of that favourite, of gold, ivory, and other pre- 
 cious materials. 
 
 At the same time the king, having procured 
 a great number of architects and skilful woi k- 
 men, first caused near six furlongs of the wall 
 of Babylon to be beaten down ; and, having got 
 together a great number of bricks, and levelled 
 the spot designed for the funeral pile, he had a 
 most magnificent monumental structure erected 
 over it. 
 
 This edifice was divided into thirty parts, in 
 each whereof was raised a uniform building, the 
 roof of which was covered with great planks of 
 palm-tree wood. The whole formed a perfect 
 square, the circumference of which was adorned 
 with extraordinary magnificence. Each side 
 was a furlong, or 100 fathoms, in length. At 
 
 ♦ Quid nii simile habebat vesanus adolescens, cui pro 
 virtute erat felix temeritas ? Hercules nihil sibi vicit. 
 Orbem terrarum transivit, non concupiscendo, sed vindi. 
 cando malorum hostis, bonorum vindex, terrarum ma- 
 risque pacator. At hie k pueritia latro gentiumque vas- 
 
 tator summum bonum duxit, terrori ease cunctis 
 
 .-nortalibus. Scnec. de Benef. lib. i. cap. 13, 
 
 the foot of it, and in the first row, were set 2iA 
 prows of ships gilded, on the buttresses^ or sup- 
 porters whereof, the statues of two archers, four 
 cubits high, with one knee on the ground, were 
 fixed, and two other statues, in an upright pos- 
 ture, completely armed, bigger than the life, 
 being five cubits in height. The spaces between 
 the prows were spread and adorned with purple 
 cloth. Over these prows was a coloi«oade of 
 large flambeaux, the shafts of which were fif- 
 teen cubits high, embellished with crowns of 
 gold at the part where they are held. The 
 flame of those flambeaux ending at top, termi- 
 nated towar<is eagles, which, with their heads 
 turned downwtfrd, and extended wings, served 
 as capitals. Dragons fixed near or upon the 
 base, turned their heads upwards towards the 
 eagles. Over this colonnade stood a third, in 
 the base of which was represented, in relievo, a 
 party of hunting animals of every kind. On 
 the superior order, that is the fourth, the com- 
 bat of the Centaurs was represented in gold. 
 Finally, on the fifth, golden figures, represent- 
 ing lions and bulls, were placed alternately. 
 The whole edifice terminated with military tro- 
 phies, after the Macedonian and Barbarian 
 fashion, as so many symbols of the victory of 
 the former and defeat of the latter. On the 
 entablatures and roof were represented Syrens, 
 the hollow bodies of which were filled (but so 
 as not to be discerned) with musicians, who 
 sang mournful airs and dirges in honour of the 
 deceased. This edifice was upwards of 130 
 cubits high, that is, above 195 feet. 
 
 The beauty of the design of this structure, the 
 singularity and magnificence of the decorations, 
 and the several ornaments of it, surpassed the 
 most wonderful productions of fancy, and were 
 all in an exquisite taste. Alexander had ap- 
 pointed to superintend the building of this edi- 
 fice, Stasicrates, a great architect, and admirably 
 well skilled in mechanics, in all whose inven- 
 tions and designs there appeared, not only pro^ 
 digious magnificence, but a surprising boldness, 
 and such grandeur as was scarce conceivable. 
 
 It was this artist,^ who, in a conversation 
 some time before with Alexander, had told him, 
 that of all the mountains he knew, none would 
 so well admit of being cut into the shape of a 
 man, as mount Athos in Thrace: that, if he 
 therefore pleased to give orders, he would make 
 this mountain the most durable of all statues, 
 and that which would lie most open to the view 
 of the universe. In its left hand it should hold 
 a city, consisting of 10,000 inhabitants; and 
 from its right should pour a great river, whose 
 waters would discharge themselves into the sea. 
 One would have thought that this project would 
 have pleased Alexander, who sought for the 
 great and marvellous in all things; nevertheless, 
 he rejected it, and wisely answered, that it was 
 enough that there already was one prince, whose 
 folly moimt Athos would eternize. This was 
 meant of Xerxes, who having endeavoured to 
 cut through the isthmus of that mountain, wrote 
 a letter to it in the most proud and senseless 
 terms.' " With regard to myself," says Alex- 
 
 ' 5 In Greek, 'Exarl'Sts, or ears. These are two pieces 
 of timber which project to the right and left of the prow. 
 6 Plut. de fortun. Alex, serm. i. p. 33.5. 
 7 Proud Athos, who liftest thy head to heaven, be notst 
 bold as to oppose to my workmen such rocks and stones as 
 they cannot cut ; otherwise I will cut thee quite to pieces, 
 and" throw thee into the sea. Flutarch. de ira cohib. p. 
 655. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 I 218 
 
 j ander, "mount Caucasus, the river Tanais,' the s 
 Caspian sea, all which I passed in triumph, 1 
 shall be my monument." _ < 
 
 The expense of the splendid monument which 
 this prince erected in honour of Hephsestion, i 
 with that of the funeral, amounted to upwards 
 of 12,000 talents, that is, more than 1,800,000/. * 
 . But what man was ever so ridiculously and : 
 extravagantly profuse ! All this gold, all this > 
 silver, was no other than the blood of nations, 
 and the substance of provinces, which were thus 
 sacrificed to a vain ostentation. 
 
 To crown the affection which Alexander had 
 for his deceased friend, something was still 
 I wanting to the honours he paid him, which 
 might raise him above human, nature ; and this 
 was what he proposed, and for that purpose had 
 sent to the temple of Ammon a trusty person, 
 named Philip, to inquire the will of the god. 
 It doubtless was the echo of that of Alexander ; 
 and the answer was, that sacrifices might be 
 offered to Hephsestion, as a demi-god. These 
 were not spared in any manner; Alexander 
 himself first setting the example, when he made 
 a great feast, to which upwards of 10,000 per- 
 sons were invited. At the same time he wrote 
 to Cleomenes, governor of Egypt, commanding 
 him to build a temple to Hephajstion in Alex- 
 andria, and another in the isle of Pharos. In 
 this letter (which is still extant), to excite his 
 diligence, and to hasten the work, he grants the 
 governor, who was despised universally for his 
 injustice and rapine, a general pardon for all his 
 crimes, past, present, and future ; provided that, 
 at his return, the temple and city should be 
 completed. And now nothing was seen hut 
 new altars, new temples, and new festivals ; no 
 oaths were administered but in the name of the 
 new deity : to question his divinity was a capi- 
 tal crime. An old officer (a friend of Hephses- 
 tion) having bewailed him as dead, in passing 
 before his tomb, had like to have been put to 
 death for it; nor would he have been pardoned, 
 had not Alexander been assured, that the offi- 
 cer wept, merely from some remains of tender- 
 ness, and not as doubting Hephsestion's divinity. 
 I cannot say whether Alexander prevailed so 
 far, as to make any one give credit to Hephses- 
 tion's divinity ; but he himself appeared, or at 
 least endeavoured to appear, firmly persuaded 
 of it ; and gloried, not only that he had a god 
 for his father, but that he himself could make 
 gods. How ridiculous is all this ! 
 
 During almost a year that Alexander con- 
 tinued in Babylon, he revolved a great number 
 of projects in his mind ; such as to go round 
 Africa by sea ; to make a complete discovery of 
 all the nations lying round the Caspian sea, and 
 inhabiting its coasts; to conquer Arabia; to 
 make war against Carthage, and to subdue the 
 rest of Europe. The very thoughts of sitting 
 still fatigued him, and the great vivacity of his 
 imagination and ambition would never suffer 
 him to be at rest ; nay, could he have conquered 
 the whole world,^ he would have sought a new 
 one, to satiate the avidity of his desires. 
 
 The embellishing of iJabylon also employed 
 his thoughts very much. Finding it surpassed 
 in extent, in conveniency, and in whatever can 
 be wished, either for the necessities or pleasures 
 of life, all the other cities of the East, he re- 
 
 1 The laxartes is here meant. 
 £ Umis I'ellEco juvuui non hufiicii orbis. Juv. 
 
 solved to make it the seat of his empire ; and 
 for that purpose, was desirous of adding to it 
 all the conveniencies and ornaments possible. 
 
 This city, as well as the country round about 
 it, had suffered prodigiously by the breaking of 
 the bank or dike of the Euphrates, at the head 
 of the canal called Pallacopa. The river run- 
 ning out of its usual channel by this breach, 
 overflowed the whole country ; and forcing its 
 way perpetually, the breach grew at last so wide, 
 that it would "have cost almost as much to re- 
 pair the bank, as the raising of it had done at 
 first. So little water was left in the channel of 
 the Euphrates about Babylon, that there was 
 scarce depth enough for small boats, which con- 
 sequently was of great prejudice to the city. 
 
 Alexander undertook to remedy this, for 
 which purpose he embarked upon the Euphra- 
 tes, in order to take a view of the place. _ It 
 was on this occasion that he reproached, in a 
 ludicrous, insulting tone of voice, the Magi and 
 Chaldeans, who accompanied him, for the vanity 
 of their predictions ; since notwithstanding the 
 ill omens they had endeavoured to terrify him 
 with (as if he had been a credulous woman) he 
 however had entered Babylon, and was re- 
 turned from it very safe. Attentive to nothing 
 but the subject of his voyage, he went and 
 viewed the breach, and gave the proper ordei s 
 for repairing and restoring it to its former con- 
 dition. 
 
 This design of Alexander merited the great- 
 est applause. Such works are truly worthj 
 great princes, and give immortal honour to theii 
 name, since they are not the effect of a ridicu- 
 lous vanity, but solely calculated for the public 
 good. By the execution of this project, he 
 would have recovered a whole province which 
 lay under water ; and have made the river more 
 navigable, and consequently of greater service 
 to the Babylonians, by turning it all again into 
 its channel as before. 
 
 This work, after having been carried on the 
 length of thirty furlongs (a league and a half,) 
 was stopped by difficulties owing to the nature 
 of the soil ; and the death of this prince, which 
 happened soon after, put an end to this project, 
 and several others he had formed. A supreme 
 cause, unknown to men, prevented its execution. 
 The real obstacle to the success of it, was the 
 curse which God had pronounced against this 
 city ; an anathema which no human power 
 could divert or retard.'' "I will cutoff from 
 Babylon the name and remnant," had the Lord 
 of hosts sworn above 300 years before : " I will 
 also make it a possession for the bittern, and 
 pools of water: and I will sweep it with the 
 besom of destruction.* — It shall never be in- 
 habited, neither shall it be dwelt in from gene- 
 ration to generation — neither shall the shepherds 
 make their fold there." Heaven and earth 
 would sooner have passed away, than Alexan- 
 der's design have been put in execution. No 
 river was now to Aow by Babylon ;^ the places 
 
 3 Isa. XIV. 22, 23. 4 Chap xiii. 20. 
 
 5 Kol'iin here adverts to what he had .said respecting the 
 destruction of Babylon in the history of Cyrus, and the 
 complete accomplishment of the prophetic prediction, tliat 
 Babylon should become a pool of waters ; and brmgs in 
 the failure of Alexander in repairing the breach at the 
 head of the canal of Pallacopas, as a proof of the ac. 
 complishment of this prediction. The reader may turn to 
 our note on the site and ruins of Babylon, where it is 
 shown, from indisputable facts, produced by the accurate 
 and laborious examinations of Rich and Kerr forter, tlial 
 our author is completely mistaken in his interpretation o 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 219 
 
 round it were to be overflowed and changed into it, were to be covered with stagnated waters, 
 
 uninhabitable fens ; it was to be rendered inac- 
 cessible, by the prodigious quantities of mud and 
 dirt ; and the city, as well as the country about 
 
 the predictions of scrij^ture, so far as rcsijeots the river 
 itself, which still, as formerly, runs through the site of 
 ancient Babylon, and that no change has taken place in 
 the course of the river. As the head of that canal must 
 have evidently heen considciahly above Cahylon to pro- 
 duce the effect of draining the stream to such a degree as 
 to be scarce navigable for small boats, Alexander's desi<;n 
 was certainly laudable in attempting to re\):i\r the breach. 
 It is dilficult to say where this canal disembogued itself, 
 whethr-r it again etitered the Eujihralcs, far below Ilaby- 
 lon, through the marsh, or lake, of the same narne, nov/ 
 called Hoomiyah, or pursued its way to the Persian gulf, 
 and entered it by the opening called the Khore- AlKlullah, 
 as Dr. Vincent thinks. According to our author, the 
 present channel of the Euphrates is just the canal of TaL 
 lacopas, and the river now runs many miles to the west 
 )f Babylon, because the death of Alexander prevented 
 the execution of the design. In this Hoilin is mistaken; 
 the SelPUfida; accompli^ied the work. " Morte [)reveritU'<," 
 says Vossius on Mela, p. 381. "opus non perfecit, ged per. 
 ficere alii, et, quod rnirere, non invitis Arabibus." That 
 canal has been ihut for many ages, and the lake of I'alla- 
 copas is now a morass. I take this canal to have been 
 the Nahar Sares of I'tolemy and the Maar-ares of Arrian, 
 and there can be no doubt but Nahar Sares is the true 
 reading and that of Arrian a corruption. 'J his Nahar 
 Sares is taken by llennel to be the ancient channel of the 
 E<jphrates, or, at least, an ancient branch of that river, 
 wh'ch separated from the parent stream as soon as it 
 escaped from the hills and entered the plains of Babylonia. 
 I see no reason to believe this, and no proof has been ad- 
 duced but what rests on the dubious and discordant state- 
 ments of the ancients. "What shall we say of I'omponius 
 Mela, who affirms the Euphrates to have no entrance into 
 the sea at all, but to be comi)letely dissipated by canals or 
 lost in fens?— "Non perdurat in pelagus, verum ingens 
 modo et navigabilis, inde tenuis rivus de.spectus emoritur, 
 et nusquam, manifesto exitu cffiuit, ut alii amn^s, sed 
 deficit," p. SHL What shall we say of his commentator, 
 Vossius, who makes the channel of tlie Euphrates to have 
 naturally flowed into the Tigris till the canal of Fallacopas 
 was made by the Arabians to water their own lands, and 
 thus diverted its course from the Tigris, and made it 
 enter the sea by new mouths, till it was again shut by 
 Alexander and his successors, and entered the Tigris as 
 before; and who refers us for [iroof to I'liny, as if the 
 authority of a man who made the Euphrates to have 
 eighty-seven mouths was of some weight, and who con- 
 tinually confounds Chaldea with Susiana, and talks of a 
 Chaldean village called Aphte, 65 Roman miles from j 
 Susa ; the very village which Nearchus calls a Susian vil. 
 lage, and places 500 stadia distant from that place, at the j 
 mouth of the Tigris ? What shall we say of Arrian him- j 
 ic\f, the publisher of Nearchus' own journal, who rriakes 
 the Euphrates "caecLs meatibus aliquando effluxis.se ■'" Yet 
 it is to these discordant authors to whom we are continu- 
 ally referred by the learned in order to learn our hydro- 
 graphy of the Euphrates and Tigris; and it is upon such 
 contradictory and inexplicable statements that Rennel 
 rests his opinion that these two rivers once held separate 
 courses, and that it is only necps.sary to state that this was 
 clearly the case in the time of Nearchus, and that enough 
 appears to satisfy belief that the Ti^^ris once ran through 
 the tract which afterwards formed the borders of Susiana. 
 —Retreat of the Ten Thousand, p. 77. If the bursting of 
 the head of the canal of Fallacopas was attended with 
 inch an efflux of water as to leave the channel at Babylon 
 comparatively small, surely when that canal is no longer 
 hi being, and only one canal now remains of at least seven, 
 which connected the two rivers above Babylon, the river 
 must be much larger which now passes through the site 
 of the ancient city, than when it was in its glory, instead 
 if that site being now converted into a stagnant pool. 
 
 Respecting Ptolemy's assertion, that at S)[ipara the Eu- 
 Ijhrates divides itself into two branches, one flowing 
 '.hrough Babylonia and another through Seleucia, be- 
 tween which branches is the Basileios Fotamos, or royal 
 river, it is altogether irreconcilable to the present state of 
 things. If we understand him at all, Babylon must have 
 stood, not on the Euphrates but on the southern branch 
 if it, whilst Seleucia stood nigh the mouth of the nor- 
 thern branch, whilst the Nahar Malcha, or royal river, ran 
 between these tvo branches, or between Babylon and Se- 
 loucia. The place wheretlieNahar Malcha branched offfrom 
 the Euphrateg, is stated by him at 15 minutes due east of 
 -ipl a;a, but whethnr it did so from the Babylonian oranch. 
 
 which would make all access to it impractica- 
 ble." Thus it now lies; and all things were 
 to conspire to reduce it to this dejected state, in 
 
 R See what is said on this subject in the history of 
 Cyrus. 
 
 or that of Seleucia, he does not say ; but as the head of 
 this canal is placed at twenty miles west of Seleucia, it is 
 probable he derived it from the northern branch of the 
 Eui)hrates. He makes the northern branch, or that 
 which passes through Seleucia, the boundary, or limit, 
 separating Mesopotamia from Babylonia, and makes Baby. 
 Ionia to be watered by three streams, the Nahar Malcha, 
 tlie southern branch of the Euphrates, and the Maarsarea 
 river; which last he conjoins to the Euphrates, 40 minutes 
 v/cst and as many north of Babylon, or so far above that 
 city, whilst he places the junction of the Naarraalcha 40 
 minutes south of Babylon, and double that distance south 
 of Seleucia, and .00 minutes west of Apamea Mesene, or 
 the island formed by the junction of the Eujihrates and 
 Tigris. The reader may consult the map of Cellarius, 
 which in this particular gives an accurate delineation of 
 Ptolemy's Tables. 
 
 'I'he Maarsares of Ptolemy is called Marses or Marsias. 
 Rennel, in conformity to Ptolemy, makes the Maarsares 
 originate a little below the I'yia?, or pass, that leads from 
 the hilly country through which the Euphrate.s runs, to 
 the plains of Babylonia, and conducts it straight fouth-east 
 till it joins another stream, called in his map, (No. Ill, of 
 the Retreat of the Ten Thousand,) Nahar Sares, and makes 
 them disembogue themselves in the Roomyah, or Rahe. 
 rniah lake, and thence into the Euphrates by the canal of 
 Fallacopas. This Maarsares he denominates an ancient 
 branch of the Euphrates, I see no authority for the ex- 
 istence of any such branch ; and Ptolemy's authority goes 
 for nothing v/ith me in a case of this kind. The man 
 whose knowledge of Babylonia was so confused and in- 
 accurate as to confound a canal with a river, and to make 
 two great branches of the Eui)hrates, the one at Babyhm 
 and the other at Seleucia ; and who place.; the Nahar Mai. 
 cha between them, and makes it join the Euphrates, and 
 then shortly after that union, enter the Tigris at Apamea ; 
 and places Apamea at the junction of the two streams, 
 SO miles to the south of Seleucia, instead of to the north, 
 as Pliny rightly does ; docs not certeinly deserve that so 
 much deference should be paid to his authority. 
 
 It is well known, frrjin Xenrjphon, that the mtcrjacent 
 country was filled with canals, all leading from the Eu- 
 ph rates to the Tigris, ar,d having also lateral branches. 
 Seven of these large canals are known to ha-'e existed 
 north of Babylon, all entering the Tigris to the north-east 
 of Babvlon. Ptolemy seems to have known only one 
 canal, the Naharmalcha, and ic is impossilile even to say 
 whether he reckoned this a canal or a branch of the river, 
 from his words. 1 .^uspect the Maarsares of Ptolemy, the 
 Nahr Sares of Rennel, and the Marsias of Ammianus, to 
 be the Sarsar canal, and the same with the Nahar Raga 
 of Pliny. 
 
 There cannot remain a doubt but that in the days ol 
 Ptolemy, Babylonia was in a very flourishing state ; and 
 we know it to have been so in the war of Julian, from 
 the pen of Ammianus Marccllinus, little more tiian two 
 centuries after the days of Ptolemy. '1 he seat of Parthian 
 as well as of Persian power, was placed on the 'i igns ; 
 and as the population both of Seleucia and Ctesiphon was 
 great, the interjacent country must have been well culti. 
 vated to have supported such a numerous population, arid 
 canals must then have abounded in a soil so adminibly 
 adapted for that purijose, to connect the royal resu 
 dence of the Parthian sovereigns with the num.erous cities 
 on the Euphrates ; and the striking fact that one only of 
 these canals was known to and me'^tioned by Ptolemy, is 
 a glaring proof of Roman ignorance. Whether the Ai-a. 
 mea of Ptolemv be the modem Korna, at the junction of 
 the Euphrates and Tigris, or the same with the Apamea 
 of Pliny, he is in both cases m.istaken ; the Apamea of the 
 latter being at the head of the Meserie, or island formed 
 by the branching off of the Dijlat, or Little 1 igns ; which, 
 after running considerably to the west, and then U> the 
 south, rejoined the parent stream to the north of the 
 modern Bagdad, whilst the modern Korna is in 31". north 
 latitude, instead of .34°. 2'/- north latitude, the position 
 assir/ned to Apamea by Ptoh my. The Sarsar canal, which 
 1 consider as the same with the Maarsares of that geo- 
 rrrapher and the Nahar Sares (,f Rennel, originated from 
 the Euphrates, near the site of the modern Rousvania, a 
 little to the north-west of the MacepracU of Ammianus 
 
220 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 order that the prophecy might be completely 
 fulfilled ;^ " For the Lord of hosts hath pur 
 posed, and who shall disannul it ? 
 hand is stretched out. 
 
 And his 
 and who shall turn it 
 
 1 Isa. xiv. 27. 
 
 MarcelTiniis, and ran ea.t to the Tigns which it entered 
 a little below the mouth of the Deeallah, whilst the Naar- 
 malcha canal joined the Tigris almost opposite the ancient 
 rtpsinhon. 11 geographical miles below. 
 
 That there ale I number of water courses to the wes 
 of Hillah is true, but these all seem to have been those oi 
 a ncYJnt canals, not of rivers; and it must be Pmvf Jd^- 
 fore it be assumed, that any of these were eithei natural 
 branches of the Euphrates, or nvers that feU o it 
 before we can admit, on the mere authority of Ptolemy, 
 that one of these was the river Maarsares, or the Marses 
 of Ammianus. Ammianus himself was never farther 
 fouTZr^ the Naarmalcha, and therefore never saw such 
 a river as the Marses to the west of B?bylon and there. 
 fore he can only in this matter speak f^^m mere hearsay. 
 Yet the learned Bochart, that great orac e of B^bl cal com- 
 mentators in scripture geography follows Ptolemy^^^^^ 
 direct opposition to Pliny ; and conducts the Naarmalcha 
 canal to Apamea, instead of to !=eleucia. Can much de. 
 pendence be placed on Ptolemy who has assigned the 
 geographical site of Ctesiphon the Parthian, f^^l^f- 
 wards the Persian capital, at 40 min. east ^0 ^ 
 south of Seleucia, when it is well known to have stood 
 only three Roman miles east of it, on the other side ot the 
 TiRris; and which, one would have imagined, should 
 have been a well known position to the Romans, it haymg 
 beon taken bv the emperor Trajan but a very short time 
 before tlie era'of that geographer ? 
 
 It is somewhat surprising that now, since the com. 
 bined stream of the Euphrates and Tigris is known 
 to have but one mouth, that in the latest of all our 
 modern geographical compilations, that of Maltebrune, 
 a learned Dane, published at Paris, and now in the 
 progress of translation and republication at London 
 and Edinburgh, and recommended by the Editor as 
 superior to all of the kind that have yet appeared, 
 from the superior erudition of the compiler, declared to 
 be acquainted, and that deeply, with all the science and- 
 learning of the continent, that in this compilation the 
 Shat-al- Arab is made by Maltebrune to have four mouths, 
 three principal ones and a small outlet, that these oc- 
 cupy a space of 36 miles, and that the southernmost is 
 the deepest and freest in its course. He appears to have 
 taken this from the itinerary of a Roman Catholic mis. 
 sionary i It is somewhat strange that this wonderfully 
 learned person never consulted the Geographical Memoii 
 of Macdonald Kinnier, or the chart of Captain Macluer, 
 and Vincent's edition of the voyage of Nearchus. Had 
 he consulted these he might have avoided that blunder, 
 or his Editor might have corrected it in a foot note, espe- 
 cially as he declared in his Prospectus, that it was to be 
 enriched with whatever additions have been made to On. 
 ental geography by our learned countrymen. Something 
 may be allowed to Maltebrune on the score of continental 
 prejudices and partialities, which will not allow us to claim 
 any merit in Oriental discoveries, but this cannot be con- 
 ceded to his translator, who, in a work professedly got up 
 for the use of his own countrymen, should have been care, 
 ful to have noticed all such mistakes and omissions in h' 
 author, and have supplied them from his own knowledge. 
 We can hardly suppose the Editor to be unacquainted 
 with Kinnier's Mesaoir of the Persian empire, and yet 
 not a single reference is made to that work by Maltebrune 
 at the foot of his pages, though there is occasionally e 
 reference to his travels. Not a sentence occurs in him o] 
 a single river, out of the many that enter the Euphrates 
 or I'igris, especially the latter, and there is a total silence 
 nn those of Susiana. Such deficiencies in a large work 
 like that now under consideration, might easdy have been 
 supiilied bv the Editor, and ought to have been so. Not 
 die least notice is paid by Maltebrune to the maps of Ren. 
 ncl, or Morier, or Kinnier, or Arrowsmith ; and one 
 would be apt to infer from his silence, that our country 
 had never produced a geographer, or geographical me. 
 moir, worthy of the smallest regard. Such glaring omis- 
 sions savour too strongly of that spirit which actuated the 
 Juttrnal Asiatique of Faris, which denied our countrymen 
 all merit of having discovered the sources of the Ganges, 
 and claimed it for a German and a Frenchman, not to be 
 mistaken. The Editor should have noticed this, and re. 
 prehended it, and that he lias not done so, is matter of 
 reprehension. 
 
 back?" Nothing shows more evidently the 
 strength and weight of this invincible curse, 
 than the efforts of the most powerful prince that 
 ever reigned ; a pi'ince, the most obstinate that 
 ever was, with regard to the carrying on his 
 projects ; a prince, of whose enterprises none 
 had ever miscarried ; and who failed in this 
 only, though it did not seem so difficult as the 
 est. 
 
 Another design which Alexander meditated, 
 and had most at heart, was the repairing the 
 temple of Belus. Xei-xes had demolished it on 
 his return from Greece, and it had lain in ruins 
 ever since. Alexander was resolved, not only 
 to rebuild it, but even to raise a much more 
 magnificent temple. Accordingly, he caused 
 all the rubbish to be removed; and finding that 
 the Magi, to whose care he had left this, went 
 on but slowly, he made his soldiers woi'k. Not- 
 withstanding 10,000 of them were daily em- 
 ployed at it, for two months successively, the 
 work was not finished at the death of this 
 prince, so prodigious were its ruins. When it 
 came to the turn of the Jewish soldiers who 
 were in his army,^ to work as the rest had done, 
 they could not be prevailed upon to give theii 
 assistance ; but excused themselves with saying, 
 that as idolatry was forbidden by the tenets of 
 their religion, they therefore were not allowed 
 to assist in building of a temple designed for 
 idolatrous worship ; and accordingly not one 
 lent a hand on this occasion. They were pun- 
 ished for disobedience, but all to no purpose ; so 
 that, at last, Alexander admiring their con- 
 tancy, discharged, and sent them home. This 
 delicate resolution of the Jews is a lesson to 
 many Christians, as it teaches thern that they 
 are not allowed to join or assist in the commis- 
 
 Maltebrune tells us, speaking of Ctesiphon and the 
 eastern shore of the Tigris, that the whole country is 
 filled with the debris of Grecian, Roman, and Arabian 
 towns, confounded in the same mass of rubbish. Where 
 did this gentleman learn that the Romans founded any 
 towns on the east of the Tigris ? That the Greek succes- 
 sors of Alexander founded some may be allowed, as the 
 country was for some short time under their domination, 
 but never under that of the Romans. Did the Parthians, 
 or Persians, found no towns, that no remains of these are 
 to be seen ? Were they mere tented savages ? The late 
 lamented Mr. Rich, our Consul at Bagdad, tells a verj 
 different tale. In a letter to the learned Sylveslre du Sacy 
 he declares, that he examined the whole country to the 
 north-east of Bagdad, as far as Soleymania and mount 
 Zagros, and from that to Mc^ul, and found it to be full ot 
 rumed towns and castles ; and declares them, from the 
 style of building, to be all Sassanian, founded t)y the suc- 
 cessors of Artaxerxes Babegan, or their subjects. So 
 much for the truth of Maltebrune's assertion— an assertion 
 opposed to the truth of all history, which declares the 
 Romans never to have conquered the country to the east 
 of the Tigris. 
 
 If it be said, that the original worlc of Maltebrune via& 
 published at Paris before the geographical work of Kin- 
 nier appeared, and those other accessions to Oriental geo- 
 graphy since published by Kinnier, IMorier, Ousely, Xc. 
 respecting Persia, it was then the Editor's business to 
 have supplied such deficiencies, in the article Persia, as 
 the account of that interesting country is exceeding mea- 
 gre ; and not a word is said of the site and ruini of ancient 
 Babylon, which have been so lately and so well descritied 
 in the two Memoirs of the late lamented Mr. Rich. The 
 Editor should have noticed these, and inserted such ex- 
 tracts from them as would have both amused and in- 
 formed the general reader, and not have left him to glean 
 his knowledge of it from such meagre extracts as Malte. 
 brune has given from a Beauchainp and a Niebulir. As 
 the Editor has thought proper to give an extract from 
 Kerr Porter, on the ruins of Persepolis, he might have 
 done the same from the same author on ancient Baby- 
 lon.— 
 
 2 Josephus contra Appion. lib. 1. cai<. » 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 221 
 
 siou of an action that is contrary to the law of 
 God. 
 
 One cannot forbear admiring^ the conduct or 
 Providence on this occasion. God had broken 
 to pieces, by the hand of his servant Cyrus,^ the 
 idol Belus, the god who rivalled the Lord of 
 Israel: he afterwards caused Xerxes to de- 
 molish his temple. These first blows which 
 the Lord struck at Babylon were so many 
 omens of its total ruin ; and it Avas as impossi- 
 ble for Alexander to complete the rebuilding of 
 this temple, as for Julian, some centuries after, 
 to restore that of Jerusalem. 
 
 Although Alexander employed himself in the 
 works above mentioned, during his stay in 
 Babylon, he spent the greatest part of his time 
 in such pleasures as that city afforded ; and one 
 would conclude, that the chief aim, both of his 
 occupations and diversions, was to tstupify him- 
 self, and to drive from his mind the melancholy 
 and aflaicting ideas of an impending death, with 
 which he was threatened by all the predictions 
 of the Magi and other soothsayers : for though 
 in certain moments, he seemed not to regard the 
 various notices which had been given him, he 
 was however seriously affected with them in- 
 wardly ; and these gloomy reflections were for 
 ever returning to his mind. They terrified him 
 at last to such a degree, that whenever the most 
 insignificant thing happened (if ever so little 
 extraordinary and unusual) his imagination 
 swelled it immediately to a prodigy, and inter- 
 preted it into an unhappy omen. The palace 
 was now filled with sacrificers, with persons 
 whose office was to perform expiations and 
 purifications, and with others who pretended 
 to see into futurity and prophesy things to 
 come. It was certainly a spectacle worthy a 
 philosophic eye, to see a prince, at whose nod 
 the world trembled, abandoned to the strongest 
 terrors ; so true it is, says Plutarch, that if the 
 contempt of the gods, and the incredulity which 
 prompts us neither to fear nor believe any thing, 
 ba a great misfortune, superstition, which en- 
 slaves the soul to the most abject fears, the most 
 ridiculous follies, is a misfortune no less to be 
 dreaded, and no less fatal in its consequences. 
 It is plain that God, by a just judgment, took 
 a pleasure in degrading, before the eyes of all 
 nations, and in every age, and in sinking lower 
 than the condition of the vulgar, the man who 
 had affected to set himself above human nature, 
 and equal himself to the Deity. This prince 
 had sought, in all his actions, that vain glory 
 of conquest which men most admire ; and to 
 which they affix, more than to any thing else, 
 the idea of grandeur : and God delivers him up 
 to a ridiculous superstition, which men of good 
 sense and understanding despise most, and than 
 which nothing can be more weak or grovelling. 
 
 Alexander was therefore for ever solemnizing 
 new festivals, and perpetually at new banquets, 
 in which he quaffed with his usual intemper- 
 ance. After having spent a whole night in 
 carousing, a second entertainment was proposed 
 to him. He met accordingly, and there were 
 twenty guests at table. He drank to the health 
 of every person in company, and then pledged 
 them severally. After this, calling for Her- 
 cules's cup, which held six bottles, it was filled, 
 when he poured it all down, drinking to a 
 Macedonian of the company, Proteas by name, 
 
 and afterwards pledged him again, in the same 
 enormous bumper. He had no sooner swal- 
 lowed it, than he fell upon the floor. " Here, 
 then," cries Seneca,* (describing the fatal effects 
 of drunkenness,) " is this hero, invincible by all 
 the toils of prodigious marches, by the dangers 
 of sieges and combats, by the most violent ex- 
 tremes of heat and cold ; here he lies, conquered 
 by his intemperance, and struck to the earth by 
 the fatal cup of Hercules." 
 
 In this condition he was seized with a violent 
 fever, and carried half dead to his palace. The 
 fever continued, though with some considerable 
 intervals, in which he gave the necessary orders 
 for the sailing of the fleet, and the marching of 
 his land forces, being persuaded he should soon 
 recover. But at last, finding himself past all 
 hopes, and his voice beginning to fail, he drew 
 his ring from his finger, and gave it to Perdic- 
 cas, with orders to convey his corpse to the tern- 
 pie of Ammon. 
 
 Notwithstanding his great weakness,* l^e 
 however struggled with death, and i-aising him- 
 self upon his elbow, presented his soldiers (to 
 whom he could not refuse this last testimony of 
 friendship) his dying hand to kiss. After this 
 his principal courtiers asking to whom he left 
 the empire; he ansvi^ered, " To the most wor- 
 thy ;" adding, " that he foresaw the decision of 
 this' would give occasion to strange funeral 
 games after his decease." And Perdiccas, in- 
 
 quiring farther at what time they should pay 
 him divine honours ; he replied, " When you 
 are happy." These were his last words, and 
 soon after he expired. He was thirty-two 
 years and eight months old, of which he had 
 reigned twelve. He died in the middle of the 
 spring, the first year of the cxivth Olympiad. 
 
 No one, says Plutarch 
 A. M. 3683. and Arrian, suspected then 
 Ant. J. C. 321. that Alexander had been 
 poisoned; and yet it is at 
 this time that such reports generally prevail. 
 But the state of his body proved that he did 
 not die by that means ; for all his chief officers 
 disagreeing among themselves, the corpse, though 
 it lay quite neglected for several days in Baby- 
 lon, which stands in a hot climate, did not show 
 the least symptoms of putrefaction. The true 
 poison which brought him to his end was wine, 
 which has killed many thousands besides Alex- 
 ander. It was nevertheless believed after- 
 wards, that this prince had been poisoned by 
 the treachery of Antipater's sons ; that Cassan- 
 der, the eldest of them, brought the poison from 
 Greece f that lolas, his younger brother, threw 
 the fatal draught into Alexander's cup, of which 
 he was the bearer ; and that he cunningly chose 
 
 4 Alexandrum tot itinera, tot prslia, tot hiemes, pei 
 quas victa temporum locorumque ditficultatc, transieiat, 
 tot fluminaex ignoto cadentia, tot maria tutum dimise- 
 runt; intempera.itia bibendi et ille Hereulaneus ac fatal;6 
 scvohus condidit. Sencc. Epist. 83. ... 
 
 5 Quanquam violentid morbi dilabebatur, in cubitum 
 tamen erectus, dextram omnibus, qui earn contingere vel 
 lent porrexit. Quis autem. 'Ham osculari non curreret 
 
 quEE jam fato oppressa, maxnni 
 
 , exercitCis complexui, hu- 
 
 manitate quam spiritu vividiore, sutficit ? Val. Max. 1. v. 
 c 1 
 
 ' e'lt is pretended that this poison was an extremely cold 
 water, which distils drop by drop, from a rock in Arcadia, 
 called Nonacris. Very little of it falls ; and it is so acri- 
 monious, that it corrodes whatever vessel receives ii, 
 those excepted which are made of a mule s hoof. W e arc 
 told that it was brought for this horrid purposa froir 
 Greece to Babylon, in a vessel of the latter sort. 
 
222 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER, 
 
 the time of the great feast mentioned before, in 
 order that the prodigious quantity of wine he 
 then drank, might conceal the ti-ue cause of his 
 death. The state of Antipater's affairs, at that 
 time, gave some grounds for this suspicion. He 
 was persuaded that he had been recalled with 
 no other view than to ruin him, because of Jus 
 mal-administration during his vice-royalty; and 
 it was not altogether improbable, that he com- 
 manded his own son to commit a crime, which 
 would save his own life, by taking away that 
 of his sovereign. An undoubted circumstance 
 is, that he could never wash out this stain ; and 
 that as long as he lived, the Macedonians de- 
 tested him as a traitor who had poisoned then- 
 king. Aristotle was also suspected, but with 
 no great foundation. 
 
 Whether Alexander lost his life by poison or 
 by excessive drinking, it is surprising to see the 
 prediction of the Magi and soothsayers, with 
 regard to his dying in Babylon, so exactly ful- 
 filled. It is certain and indisputable, that Crod 
 had reserved to himself alone the knowledge of 
 futurity; and if the soothsayers and oracles have 
 sometimes foretold things which really came to 
 pass, they could do it in no other way than 
 by their 'impious correspondence with devils, 
 who by their penetration and natural sagacity, 
 find oiit several methods whereby they dive to 
 a certain degree into futurity, with regard to 
 approaching events; and are enabled to make 
 predictions, which though they appear above the 
 reach of human understanding, are not yet 
 above that of malicious spirits of darkness. 1 he 
 knowledge those evil spirits have of all the cir- 
 cumstances which precede and lead to an event ; 
 the part they frequently bear in it, by inspiring 
 such of the wicked as are given up to them, 
 with the thoughts and desire of doing certain 
 actions, and committing certain crimes ; an in- 
 spiration to which they are sure those wicked 
 persons will consent ; by these things, devils are 
 enabled to foresee and foretell certain particu- 
 lars They, indeed, often mistake in their 
 coniectures,' but God also sometimes permits 
 them to succeed in them,^ in order to punish 
 the impiety of those, who, in contradiction to 
 his commands, inquire their fate of such lying 
 
 '^The" moment that Alexander's death was 
 known, the whole palace echoed with cries and 
 eroans. The vanquished bewailed him with as 
 many tears as the victors. The griet for his 
 death occasioning the remembrance of his many 
 .rood qualities, all his faults were forgotten. 
 The Persians declared him to have been the 
 ^ost just, the kindest sovereign that ever 
 veWned over them ; the Macedonians the best, 
 the^most valiant prince in the universe ; and all 
 exclaimed against the gods for having enviously 
 bereaved mankind of him in the flower of his 
 a-e, and the height of his fortune. fhe Mace- 
 donians imagined they saw Alexander, with a 
 firm and intrepid air, still lead them on to bat- 
 tle, besiege cities, climb walls, and reward such 
 as had distinguished themselves. ihcy then 
 
 reproached themselves for having refused hirr 
 divine honours ; and confessed they had been 
 ungrateful and impious, for bereaving him of a 
 name he so justly merited. 
 
 After paying him this homage of veneration 
 and tears, they turned their whole thoughts and 
 reflections on themselves, and the sad condition 
 to wiiich they were reduced by Alexander s 
 death. They considered that they were on the 
 farther side (with respect to Macedonia) of the 
 Euphrates, without a leader to head them ; and 
 surrounded with enemies, who abhorred their 
 new yoke. As the king died without nominat- 
 ing his successor, a dreadful futurity presented 
 itself to their imagination; and exhibited no- 
 thing but divisions, civil wars, and a fatal ne- 
 cessity of still shedding their blood, and of open- 
 ing their former wounds, not to conquer Asia, 
 but only to give a king to it ; and to raise to 
 the throne perhaps some mean officer or wicked 
 wretch. . 
 
 This great mourning was not confined merely 
 to Babylon, but spread over all the province ; 
 and the news of it soon reached Darius s mo- 
 ther. One of her grand-daughters was with 
 her, still inconsolable for the loss of Hephsestion 
 
 1 Dicmones perversis (solent) malefacta suadere, do 
 quorum moribus certi sunt quod sint eis ta ha suadent.bus 
 consensui-i. Suadenl autem miris invisibihbus modis. 
 S. August, de Diuinal. Dcemon. p. 509 , 
 
 Flcile est et non mcongruum, ut omnipotens et Jus- 
 tus ad eorura pcenam quibus ista praedicuntur— occulto 
 awaratu ministeriorum suorum etiam spiritibus talibiis 
 aiiquid divinationis impertiat. S. Aug. de Dtv. Qu^st. ad 
 ^impUc. 1. ii Qticrst. 3. 
 
 er, stiu inconsoiaoie lur me iu=>3 ^jl^.^.^^-^^-^- 
 her husband, and the sight of the public cala- 
 mity recalled all her private woes. But Sysi- 
 gambis bewailed the several misfortunes of her 
 family ; and this new affliction awaked the re- 
 membrance of all its former sufferings. One 
 would have thought that Darius was but just 
 dead, and that this unfortunate mother solem- 
 nized the funeral of two sons at the same time. 
 She wept the living no less than the dead : 
 " Who now," would she say, " will take care 
 of my daughters ? where shall we find another 
 Alexander ?" She would fancy she saw them 
 again reduced to a state of captivity, and that 
 they had lost their kingdom a second time ; but 
 with this difference, that now Alexander was 
 gone they had no refuge left. At last she sunk 
 under her grief. This princess, who had borne 
 with patience the death of her father, her bus 
 band, of fourscore of her brothers, who were 
 murdered in one day by Ochus, and to say all 
 in one word, that of Darius her son, and the 
 ruin of her family ; though she had, I say, sub- 
 mitted patiently to all these losses, she however 
 had not strength sufficient to support herself 
 after the death of Alexander. She would not 
 take any sustenance, and starved herself to 
 death, to' avoid surviving this last calamity. 
 
 After Alexander's death, great contentions 
 arose among the Macedonians, about appointing 
 him a successor ; of which I shall give an ac- 
 count in its proper place. After seven days 
 spent in confusion and disputes, it was agreed 
 that Aridseus, bastard brother to Alexander, 
 should be declared king, and that in case Roxa- 
 na, who was eight months gone with child, 
 should be delivered of a son, he should share the 
 throne in conjunction with Aridreus, and that 
 Perdiccas should have the care of both; for 
 Aridajus was an idiot, and wanted a guardian 
 as much as a child. 
 
 The Egyptians and Chaldeans having em- 
 balmed the king's corpse after their manner, 
 4rida?us was appointed to convey it to the tem- 
 ple of Jupiter- Ammon. Two whole years were 
 employed in preparing for t^is magnificent fun- 
 ral, ^ which made Olympias bewail the fate ol 
 
 5 3 iElian. 1. xiii. c. 30. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 223 
 
 her son, who having had the ambition to rank 
 himself among the gods, was so long deprived of 
 burial ; a privilege generally allowed to the 
 meanest of mortals. 
 
 SECT. XIX. 
 
 The judgment which we are to form of Alexander. 
 
 The reader would not be satisfied, if, after 
 having given a detail of Alexander's actions, I 
 should not here take notice of the judgment 
 which Wa are to form of them; especially as 
 authors have entirely differed in their opinions 
 with regard to the merits of this prince. Some 
 nave applauded him with a kind of ecstacy as 
 the model of a perfect hero, which opinion 
 seems to be the most prevalent : others, on the 
 contrary, have represented him in such colours 
 as at least sully, if not quite eclipse, the splen- 
 dour of his victories. 
 
 This diversity of sentiment denotes that of 
 Alexander's qualities ; and it must be confessed, 
 that good and evil, virtues and vices, were never 
 more equally blended in any prince.* But this 
 is not all ; for Alexander appears very different, 
 according to the times or circumstances in which 
 we consider him, as Livy has very justly ob- 
 served. In the inquiry he makes concerning 
 the fate of Alexander's arms, supposing he had 
 turned them towards Italy, he discovers in him 
 a kind of double Alexander;^ the one wise, tem- 
 perate, judicious, brave, intrepid, but at the 
 same time prudent and circumspect ; the other 
 immersed in all the wantonness of a haughty 
 prosperity; vain, proud, arrogant, fiery; sof- 
 tened by voluptuousness, abandoned to intem- 
 perance and excesses ; in a word, resembling 
 Darius rather than Alexander ; and having 
 made the Macedonians degenerate into all the 
 vices of the Persians, by the new turn of mind, 
 and the new manners he assumed after his con- 
 quests. 
 
 I shall have an eye to this plan in the account 
 I am now to give of Alexander's character, and 
 shall consider it under two aspects, and in a 
 manner two eras ; first, from his youth to the 
 battle of Issus, and the siege of Tyre, which fol- 
 lowed soon after ; and secondly, from that vic- 
 tory to his death. The former will exhibit to 
 us great qualities with few defects (according to 
 the idea the heathens had of these) : the second 
 will represent to us enormous vices ; and, not- 
 withstanding the splendour of so many victories, 
 very little true or solid merit, even with regard 
 to warlike actions, a few battles excepted, in 
 which he sustained his reputation. 
 
 First Part. 
 
 We are first to acknowledge and admire, in 
 Alexander, a happy disposition, cultivated and 
 improved by an excellent education. He had a 
 great, noble, and generous soul. He delighted 
 
 4 Luxuria, industria ; comitate, arrogantid ; malis 
 bonisque artibus mixtus. Tacit. 
 
 5 Et loquimur de Alexandro nondum merso secundis 
 rchus, quarum nemo intolerantior fuit. Qui si ex habitu 
 nova; fortunje, novique, ut ita dicam, ingenii, quod sibi 
 victor induerat, spectetur, Dario magis similis qukm Al- 
 exandro in Italiam venisset, et exercitum Macedonia* obli- 
 tum, degenerantemque jism in Persarum mores adduxisset. 
 Liv. 1. ix. n. 18- 
 
 in beneficence and liberality ;° qualities he had 
 acquired in his infant years. A young lad, 
 whose business it was to gather up and throw 
 the balls when he played at tennis, to whom he 
 had given nothing, taught him a good lesson on 
 that subject. As he always threw the ball to 
 the other players, the king, with an angry air, 
 cried to him, "And am I then to have no 
 balP"— " No, Sir," replied the lad, "you do 
 not ask me for it." This witty and ready an- 
 swer gave great satisfaction to the prince, who 
 fell a laughing, and afterwards was very liberal 
 to him. After this, there was no occasion to 
 excite him to acts of generosity ; for he would 
 be quite angry with such as refused them at his 
 hatds. Finding Phocion continue inflexible on 
 this head, he told him by letter, " that he would 
 no longer be his friend, in case he refused to ac- 
 cept of his favours." .n , V. A 
 Alexander, from his early years, as it he had 
 been sensible of the mighty things to which he 
 was born, endeavoured to shine on all occasions, 
 and appear superior to all others. No one was 
 ever fired with so strong a love for glory ; and it 
 is well known, that ambition, which is consider- 
 ed by Christians as a great vice, was looked upon 
 by the heathens as a great virtue. It was thai 
 which made Alexander support with courage 
 all the toils and fatigues necessary for those who 
 would distinguish themselves in the exercises 
 both of body and mind. He was accustomeo 
 very early to a sober, hard, plain way of life, 
 uncorrupted with luxury or delicacy of any 
 kind; a way of life highly advantageous to 
 young soldiers. 
 
 1 do not know whether any prince in the 
 world had a nobler education than Alexander. 
 He was very conversant in eloquence, poetry, 
 polite learning, the whole circle of arts, and the 
 most abstracted and most sublime sciences. 
 How happy was he in meeting with so great a 
 preceptor ! ' None but an Aristotle was fit for 
 an Alexander. I am overjoyed to find the dis- 
 ciple pay so illustrious a testimony of respect to 
 his master, by declaring he was more indebted 
 to him in one sense than to his father. A man 
 who thinks and speaks in this manner, must be 
 fully sensible of the great advantages of a good 
 education. 
 
 The effects of this were soon seen, can we 
 admire too much the great solidity and judg- 
 ment which this young prince discovered in his 
 conversation with the Persian ambassadors? 
 his early wisdom, whilst, in his youth, he acted 
 as regent during his father's absence, and paci- 
 fied the feuds which had broken out in Mace- 
 donia? his courage and bravery at the battle of 
 Chseronea, in which he so gloriously distin- 
 guished himself? 
 
 It is painful to me to see him wanting m 
 respect to his father at a public banquet, and 
 even employing severe, insulting expressions on 
 that occasion. It is true, indeed, that the af- 
 front which Philip put upon Olympias his 
 mother, in divorcing her, transported him in a 
 manner out of himself; but still no pretence, no 
 injustice or violence, can either justify or excuse 
 such usage to a father and a king. _ ^ 
 
 He afterwards discovered more moderation,' 
 when, on occasion of the insolent and seditious 
 discourses held by his soldiers in an insurrec- 
 tion, he said, " That nothing was more royal. 
 
 6 riut. in Alex. p. (187. 
 
 7 Ibid. p. 688. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 than for a man to bear with calmness himself 
 ill spoken of, at the time he is doing good." It 
 has been observed,' that the great prince of 
 Conde did not think any thing more worthy of 
 admiration in this conqueror, than the noble 
 haughtiness with which he spoke to the rebelli- 
 ous soldiers, who refused to follow him : " Go, 
 says he, " ungrateful, base wretches, and pro- 
 claim in your country, that you have abandoned 
 your king among nations who will obey him 
 better than you. Alexander," says that prince, 
 " abandoned by his own troops among barbari- 
 ans, who were not yet completely conquered, 
 believes himself so worthy of commanding over 
 others, that he did not think men could refuse 
 to obey him. Whether he were in Europe or 
 in Asia, among Greeks or Persians, it was the 
 same to him. He frtncied, that wherever he 
 found men, he found subjects." Alexander's 
 patience and modei'ation, which I took notice of 
 at first, are no less woi'thy of admiration. 
 
 The first years of his reign are perhaps the 
 most glorious of his life. That at twenty years 
 jf age he should be able to appease the intestine 
 feuds which raged in the kingdom; that he 
 either crushed or subjected foreign enemies, and 
 those of the most formidable kind ; that he dis- 
 armed Greece, most of the nations whereof had 
 united against him ; and that in less than two 
 years, he should have enabled himself to execute 
 securely those plans his father had so wisely 
 projected ; all this supposes a presence of mind, 
 a strength of soul, a courage, an intrepidity, 
 and, what is more than all, a consummate pru- 
 dence ; qualities which form the character of the 
 true hero. 
 
 This character he supported in a wonderful 
 manner, during the whole course of his expedi- 
 tion against Darius till the time mentioned by 
 us. Plutarch 2 very justly admires the bare 
 plan of it, as the most heroic act that ever was. 
 He formed it the very instant he ascended the 
 throne, looking upon this design, in some mea- 
 sure, as a part of what he inherited from his 
 father. When scarce twenty years old, sur- 
 rounded with dangers both within and without 
 the kingdom, finding his treasury drained and 
 encumbered with debts, to the amount of 200 
 talents,'' which his father had contracted ; with 
 an army greatly inferior in number to that of the 
 Persians ; in this condition, Alexander already 
 turns his eyes towards Pabylon and Susa, and 
 proposes no less a conquest than that of so vast 
 an empire. 
 
 Was this the effect of the pride and rashness 
 of youth? asks Plutarch. Certainly not; re- 
 plies that author. No man ever formed a war- 
 like enterprise with so great preparations, and 
 such mighty succours, by which I understand 
 (continues Plutarch) magnanimity, prudence, 
 temperance, and courage ; preparations and 
 aids, with which he was supplied by philosophy, 
 which he had thoroughly studied ; to that we 
 may affirm, that he was as much indebted for his 
 conquest to the lessons of Aristotle his master, 
 as to the instructions of Philip his father. 
 
 We may add, that according to all the maxims 
 of war, Alexander's enterprise must naturally 
 be successful. Such an army as his, though not 
 a very great one, consisting of Macedonians and 
 Greeks, that is, of the best troops at that time 
 
 1 St Evretnond. 
 4 Plut. de Fortiin. Alex. Ont. 1. p. 327. 
 3 About oO.GOO.'. 
 
 in the world, trained up to war during a long 
 course of years, inured to toils and dangers, 
 formed by a happy experience to all the exer- 
 cises of sieges and battles, animated by the re- 
 membrance of their past victories, by the hopes 
 of an immense booty, and still more by their 
 hereditary and irreconcilable hatred to the Per- 
 sians ; such troops, I say, headed by Alexander, 
 were almost sure of conquering an army, com- 
 posed indeed of infinite numbers of men, but of 
 few soldiers. 
 
 The swiftness of the execution was answer- 
 able to the wisdom of the project. After having 
 gained the affections of all his generals and of- 
 ficers, by an unparalleled liberality ; and of all 
 his soldiers by an air of goodness, affability, and 
 even familiarity, which, so far from debasing 
 the majesty of a prince, adds to the respect 
 which is pa'id him such a zeal and tenderness as 
 is proof against all things : after this, 1 say, the 
 next thing to be done, was to astonish his ene- 
 mies by bold enterprises, to terrify them by ex- 
 amples of severity; and, lastly, to win them bj 
 acts of humanity and clemency. He succeeded 
 wonderfully in these. The passage of the Gra- 
 nicus, followed by a famous victory ; the two 
 celebrated sieges of Miletus and Halicarnassus, 
 showed to Asia a young conqueror, to whom no 
 part of military knowledge was unknown. The 
 razing of the latter city to the very foundations, 
 spread a universal terror ; but the allowing the 
 enjoyment of their liberties and ancient laws to 
 all those who submitted cheerfully, made the 
 world believe that the conqueror had no other 
 view than to make nations happy, and to pro- 
 cure them an easy and lasting peace. 
 
 His impatience to bathe himself, when cover- 
 ed with sweat, in the river Cydnus, might be 
 looked upon as a giddy, juvenile action, un- 
 worthy of his dignity ; but we must not judge 
 of it from the manners of the present age. The 
 ancients, all whose exercises had a reference to 
 those of war, accustomed themselves early to 
 bathing and swimming. It is well known, that 
 in Rome, the sons of the nobility, after having 
 heated themselves in the military exeixises oi 
 the Campus Martins, in running, wrestling, 
 and hurline the javelin, used to plunge into the 
 Tiber, which runs by that city. By these means 
 they enabled themselves to pass rivers and lakes 
 in an enemy's country ; for those are never 
 crossed, but after painful marches, and after 
 having been long exposed to the sun-beams, 
 which, with the weight of the soldier's arms, 
 must necessarily make them sweat. Hence we 
 may apologize for Alexander's bathing himself, 
 which had like to have been fatal to him ; 
 especially as he might not know that the waters 
 of this river were so excessively cold. 
 
 The two battles of Issus and Arbela, with the 
 siege of Tyre, one of the most famous of anti- 
 quity, completed the proof that Alexander pos- 
 sessed all the qualities which form the great 
 soldier ; as skill in making choice of a field of 
 battle ; such a presence of mind in the heat of 
 action, as is necessary for the giving out propt r 
 orders; a courage and bravery, which the most 
 evident dangers served only to animate ; an im- 
 petuous activity, tempered and guided by such a 
 prudent restraint, as will not suffer the hero to 
 be carried away by an indiscreet ardour ; lastly, 
 such a resolution and constancy, as is neither 
 disconcerted by unforeseen obstacles, nor dis- 
 couraged by difficulties, though seemingly insur 
 I mountable, and which kno,\n no other limits oi 
 [ end but victory. 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 22.-) 
 
 Historians have observed a great difference 
 between Alexander and his father/ in their 
 manner of making war. Stratagem, and even 
 knavery, were the prevailing arts of Philip, 
 who always acted secretly, and in the dark; but 
 his son pursued his schemes with more candour 
 and without disguise. The one endeavoured to 
 deceive his enemies by cunning, the other to 
 subdue them by force. The former discovered 
 more art, the latter more magnanimity. Philip 
 did not look upon any methods,^ which conduce 
 to conquest, as ignominious; but Alexander 
 could never prevail upon himself to employ 
 treachery. He indeed, endeavoured to draw 
 over the ablest of all Darius's generals ; but 
 then he employed honourable means. "When 
 he marched near Memnou's lands, he com- 
 manded his soldiers, under the severest penal- 
 ties, not to make the least havoc in them. His 
 design, by this conduct, was either to gain him 
 over to his side, or to make the Persians suspect 
 his fidelity. Memnon also prided himself in 
 behaving with generosity towards Alexander;® 
 and hearing a soldier speak ill of that prince : 
 " I did not take thee into my pay," says that 
 general, striking him with his javelin, " to 
 speak injuriously of that prince, but to fight 
 igainst him." 
 
 The circumstance which raises Alexander 
 rbove most conquerors, and, as it were, above 
 
 soldiers; treated them with the greatest famili- 
 arity ; admitted them to his table, his exercises, 
 and conversations ; was truly concerned for 
 them when involved in any calamity, grieved 
 for them when sick, rejoiced at their recovery, 
 and was interested in whatever befel them. We 
 have examples of this in Hephsestion, in Ptole- 
 my, in Craterus, and many others. A prince 
 of real merit loses none of his dignity by such a 
 familiarity and condescension; but, on the con- 
 trary, is more beloved and respected upon tha< 
 very account. Every man of a tall stature, does 
 not scruple to put himself upon a level with the 
 rest of mankind, well knowing that he shall 
 overtop them all. It is the interest of truly 
 diminutive persons alone not to vie in stature 
 with the tall, nor to appear in a crowd. 
 
 Alexander was dear to others, because they 
 were sensible he was beforehand with them in 
 affection. This circumstance made the soldiers 
 strongly desirous to please him, and fired them 
 with intrepidity ; hence they were always ready 
 to execute all his orders though attended with 
 the greatest difficulties and dangers ; this made 
 them submit patiently to the severest hardships, 
 and threw them into the deepest affliction, when • 
 vfT they happened to give him any room for 
 discontent. 
 
 In the picture which has hitherto been given 
 of Alexander, what was wanting to complete 
 
 himself, is the use he made of victory after the his glory? Military virtue has been exhibited 
 battle of Issus. This is the most beautiful inci- in its utmost splendour ; goodness, clemency, 
 Jent of his life ; is the point of view in which it ! moderation, and wisdom, have crowned it, and 
 [s his interest to be considered, and in which it added such a lustre, as gi-eatly enhances its 
 
 is impossible for him not to appear truly great. 
 By the victory of Issus, he had possessed him- 
 self, not indeed of Darius's person, but of his 
 empire. Not only Sysigambis, that king's 
 mother, was his captive, but also his wife and 
 daughters, princesses, whose beauty was not to 
 be paralleled in all Asia. — Alexander was in the 
 bloom of life,' a conqueror, free, and not yet in 
 the bands of marriage, as an author observes of 
 the first Scipio Africanus, on a like occasion : 
 nevertheless his camp was to those princesses a 
 jccred asylum, or rather a temple, in which 
 iheir chastity was secured, as under the guard 
 of virtue itself, and so highly revered, that Da- 
 .•ius, in his expiring moments, hearing the kind 
 treatment they had met with, could not forbear 
 ifting up his dying hands towards heaven, 
 ind wishing success to so wise and genei'ous 
 1 conqueror, who governed his passions so abso- 
 .(itfly. 
 
 In the enumeration of Alexander's good qua- 
 lities, I must not omit one rarely found among 
 the great, and which nevertheless does honour 
 to human nature, and makes life happy; this is, 
 his being informed by a soul capable of a friend- 
 ship, tender, unreserved, active, constant, void 
 of pride and arrogance, in so exalted a fortune, 
 which generally considers it alone, makes its 
 grandeur consist in humbling all around it, and 
 is better pleased with servile wretches, than 
 w 'th frank sincere friends. 
 
 Alexander endeared himself to his officers and 
 
 4 Vincfindi ratio utriqne diversa. Hie apertg, ille artU 
 bus bella tractabat. Deceptis ille gaudere hostibus, hie 
 palam fusis. Prudentior ille consilio, hie animo magnifi- 
 centior— Nulla apud Fhilijjpum turpis ratio vincendi. 
 Justin, lib. ix. cap. 8. 
 
 6 Pausan. 1. vii p. 415 6 Plut. in Apoph. p, 174. 
 
 7 Kt juveiiis, et ocelebs, et victor. Fal. Mux L iv 
 cap. 3. 
 
 11. 
 
 value. Let us suppose, that Alexander, at this 
 juncture, to secure his glory and his victories, 
 stops short in his career ; that he himself checks 
 his ambition, and raises Darius to the throne 
 with the same hand that had dispossessed him 
 of it ; makes Asia Minor, inhabited chiefly by 
 Greeks, free and independent of Persia: thai 
 he declares himself prottxtor of all the cities and 
 states of Greece, in no other view than to secure 
 them their liberties, and the enjoyment of their 
 respective laws and customs; that he afterwards 
 returns to Macedon, and there, contented with 
 the lawful bounds of his empire, makes all his 
 glory and delight consist in rendering his people 
 happy, in procuring for them abundance of all 
 things, in seeing the laws put in execution, and 
 making justice flourish ; in causing virtue to be 
 had in honour, and endearing himself to his 
 subjects : in fine, that now become, by thi 
 terror of his arms, and much more so by the 
 fame of his virtues, the admiration of the whole 
 world, he sees himself, in some measure, the 
 arbiter of all nations ; and exercises, over the 
 minds of men, such an empire, as is infinitely 
 more lasting and honourable than that which is 
 founded on fear only ; supposing all this t*. 
 have hai)pened, would ever any prince have 
 been as great, as glorious, as revered as Alex- 
 ander ? 
 
 To adopt such a resolution, a greatness of 
 soul, and a most refined taste for true glory, are 
 required, such as is seldom met with in history. 
 Men generally do not consider that the glory 
 which attends the most shining conquests," is 
 greatly inferior to the reputation of a prince, 
 
 8 Scis ubi vera principis, ubi sempiterna sit gloria— 
 Arcus, et statuas, aras etiam templaque demolitur et ob- 
 scurat oblivio ; contrS, contemptor ambitionis, et infinitar 
 potentiiE domitor ac fra;nator animus ips^ vetustate flu 
 rcscit. Plin. in Pan. Trajan. 
 
 P 
 
226 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 who has despised and trampled upon ambition, 
 and known how to give bounds to universal 
 power. But Alexander was far from possessing 
 these happy qualities. His uninterrupted feli- 
 city, that never experienced adverse fortune, in- 
 toxicated and changed him to such a degree, 
 that he no longer appeared the same man ; and 
 I do not remember, that ever the poison of pro- 
 sperity had a more sudden or more forcible ef- 
 fect than upon him. 
 
 Second Part. 
 
 From the siege of Tyre, which was soon after 
 the battle of Issus, in which Alexander dis- 
 played all the courage and abilities of a great 
 warrior, we see the virtues and noble qualities 
 of this prince, degenerate on a sudden, and 
 make way for the grossest vices and most bru- 
 tal passions. If we sometimes, through the 
 excesses to which he abandons himself, perceive 
 some bright rays of humanity, gentleness, and 
 moderation, these are the effects of a happy 
 natural disposition, which, though not quite 
 extinguished by vice, is however governed by 
 
 Was ever enterprise more wild and extrava- 
 gant, than that of crossing the sandy deserts of 
 Libya ; of exposing his array to the danger ot 
 perishing with thirst and fatigue : of interrupt- 
 ine the course of his victories, and giving his 
 enemy time to raise a new army, merely tor the 
 sake of marching so far, in order to get himseit 
 named the son of Jupiter Ammon; and pur- 
 chase, at so dear a rate, a title which could only 
 ! render him contemptible? ^ , , 
 
 i How mean it was in Alexander, to oniit 
 always in his letters, after Uari us' s defeat, the 
 I Greek word, which signifies health, except in 
 those he v,rrote to Phocion and Antipater ! As 
 1 if this title, because employed by other men, 
 could have degraded a king, who is obliged by 
 his office to procure, at least to wish, all his sub- 
 jects the enjoyment of the felicity implied by 
 that word. „. 
 
 Of all vices, none is so grovelling, none so 
 unworthy, not only of a prince but of a man ot 
 honour, as drunkenness; its bare name is into- 
 lerable, and strikes us with horror. How in- 
 famous a pleasure is it, to spend whole days and 
 nights in cafrousing, to continue these excesses 
 for weeks together ; to pride one s selt in ex- 
 ceeding other men in intemperance, and to en- 
 danger one's life in no other view than to gain 
 such a victory ! Not to mention the infamous 
 enormities that attend these debauches, how 
 shocking it is to hear the frantic discourses ot a 
 son, who, intoxicated with the fumes of wine. 
 Industriously strives to defame his father, to 
 sullv his glory, and, lost to aU shame, scruples 
 not to prefer himself to him ? Drunkenness is 
 only the occasion, not the cause, of these ex- 
 cesses. It betrays th« sentiments ot the heart, 
 but does not place them there. Alexander, 
 puffed up by his victories, greedy and insatiable 
 if praise, intoxicated with the mighty idea he 
 entertained of his own merit, jealous of, or despis- 
 ing all mankind, is able in his sober moments to 
 conceal his sentiments ; but no sooner is he in- 
 toxicated, than he shows himself to be what 
 he really is. . , 
 
 What shall we say of his barbarously mur 
 
 1 Plut. in I'hoc. p. 749. 
 
 2 X«/{f V. 
 
 dering an old friend ; who, though indiscreet 
 and rash, was yet his friend ? Of the death of 
 the most honest man in all his court, whose 
 only crime was his refusing to pay him divine 
 homage ? Of the execution of two of his princi- 
 pal officers, who were condemned, though no- 
 thing could be proved against them, and on the 
 slightest suspicions ? ^ 
 
 1 pass over a great many other vices, whicl\ 
 Alexander, according to most historians, gave 
 into, and which are not to be justified : to speak 
 of him, therefore, only as a warrior and a con- 
 queror ; qualities with respect to which he is 
 generally considered, and which have gained 
 him the esteem of all ages and nations ; all we 
 now have to do, is, to examine whether this 
 esteem be so well grounded as is generally sup- 
 
 ^'^Fhave already observed, that, to the battle of 
 Issus and the siege of Tyre inclusively, it cannot 
 be denied, but that Alexander was a great war- 
 rior and an illustrious general. But yet I doubt 
 very much, whether, during these first years ot 
 his exploits, he ought to be set above his father 
 Philip ; whose actions, though not so dazzling, 
 are however as much applauded by good judges, 
 and those of the military profession. Philip, at 
 his accession to the throne, found all things un- 
 settled. He himself was obliged to lay the 
 foundations of his own fortune, and was not 
 supported by the least foreign assistance. He 
 alone raised himself to the power and grandeur 
 to which he afterwards attained. He was 
 obliged to train up, not only his soldiers, but his 
 officers; to instruct them in all the mihtary 
 exercises ; to inure them to the fatigues of war; 
 and to his care and abilities alone, Macedonia 
 owed the rise of the celebrated phalanx, that is, 
 of the best troops the world had then ever seen, 
 and to which Alexander owed all his conquests. 
 How many obstacles stood in Philip's way, be- 
 fore he could possess himself of the power which 
 Athens, Sparta, and Thebes, had successively 
 exercised over Greece ! The Greeks, who were 
 the bravest people in the universe, would not 
 acknowledge him for their chief, till he acquired 
 that title by wading through seas ot blood, and 
 by gaining numberless conquests over them. 
 Thus we see, that the way was prepared tor 
 Alexander's executing his great design ; the 
 plan whereof, and most excellent instructions 
 relative to it, had been laid down to him by his 
 father. Now, will it not appear a much easier 
 task, to subdue Asia with Grecian armies, than , 
 to subject the Greeks, who had so often triumph- 
 ed over Asia ? „ , n i f 
 But without carrving farther the parallel ot 
 Alexander with Philip, which all, who do not 
 consider heroes according to the number ot pro- 
 vinces they have conquered, but by the intrinsic 
 value of their actions, must give in favour of the 
 latter : what judgment are we to form of Alex- 
 ander, after his triumph over Darius ; and is it 
 possible to propose him, during the latter part 
 of his life, as a model worthy the imitation of 
 those who aspire to the character of great sol^ 
 diers and illustrious conquerors? 
 
 In this inquiry, I shall begin with that whic h 
 is unanimously agreed, by all the writers on this 
 siibiect, to be the foundation of the solid glory 
 of a hero; I mean the justice of the war in 
 which he engages, without which he is not a 
 conqueror and a hero, but an usurper and a rob- 
 ber. Alexander, in making Asia the seat o 
 war, and turning his arms against Darius, ha. 
 a plausible pretence for it ; because the 1 ersians 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 227 
 
 had been in all ages, and were at that time, 
 professed enemies to the Greeks, over whom he 
 had been appointed generalissimo, and whose 
 injuries he therefore might think himself justly 
 entitled to revenge. But then, what right had 
 Alexander over the great number of nations, 
 %vho did not know even the name of Greece, 
 =ind had never done him the least injury ? The 
 Scythian ambassador spoke very judiciously, 
 when he addressed him in these words : " What 
 have we to do with thee ? We never once set 
 our feet in thy country. Are not those who 
 iive in woods allowed to be ignorant of thee, 
 and the place from whence thou comest ? Thou 
 boastest, that the only design of thy marching is 
 to extirpate robbers ; thou thyself art the great- 
 est robber in the world." This is Alexander's 
 exact character, in which there is nothing to 
 be rejected. 
 
 A pirate spoke to him to the same effect, and 
 in stronger terms. Alexander asked' him what 
 right he had to infest the seas? The same 
 that thou hast," replied the robber with a gene 
 rous liberty, " to infest the universe ; but be 
 cause I do this in a small ship, I am called a 
 robber ; and because thou actest the same part 
 with a great fleet, thou art entitled a conqueror." 
 This was a witty and just ansv/er, says St. 
 Austin,* who has preserved this small fragment 
 of Cicero. 
 
 If therefore it ought to be laid down as a 
 maxim, and no reasonable man can doubt of its 
 being so, that every, war, undertaken merely 
 from views of ambition, is unjust ; and that the 
 prince who begins it is guilty of all the sad con- 
 sequences, and all the blood shed on that occa 
 sion : what idea ought we to form of Alexan. 
 der's last conquests ? Was ever ambition more 
 extravagant, or rather more furious, than that 
 of this prince ? Coming from a little spot of 
 ground j5 and forgetting the narrow limits of 
 his paternal domains, after he has far extended 
 his conquests ; has subdued, not only the Per- 
 sians, but also the Bactrians and Indians ; has 
 idded kingdom to kingdom : after all this, I 
 say, he still finds himself pent up ; and deter- 
 mined to force, if possible, the barriers of na- 
 ture, he endeavours to discover a new world, 
 and does not scruple to sacrifice millions of men 
 to his ambition or curiosity. It is related that 
 Alexander," upon Anaxarchus the philosopher's 
 telling him that there were an infinite number 
 of worlds, wept to think that it would be im- 
 possible for him to conquer them all, since he 
 
 3 Lleganter et veraciter Alexandro illi Magno com- 
 prehensus pirata respondit. Nam cfim idem rex hominem 
 interrogasset, quid ei videretur utmare haberet infestum: 
 ille, libera contumacia : Quod tibi, inquit, ut orbem ter- 
 rarum. Sed quia id ego exiguo navigio facio, latro vocor : 
 quia tu magiid classe, imperator. Hefert Nonius Marc, 
 ex Ctcer. 3. de rep. 
 
 4r St. Aust. de Civ. Dei, 1. iv. c. iv. 
 
 5 Agebat infelicem Alexandrum furor aliena devastandi, 
 et ad ignota mittebat— Jam in unum regnum multa regna 
 conjecit; (or congessit) jam Grsci Persceque eundem 
 tanent :^ jam etiam a Dario libera; nationes jugum accipi. 
 unt. hic tamen, ultra Oceanum Solemque, indignatur 
 .1) Herculis Liberique vestigiis victoriam flectere, ipsi 
 latur^ vim parat— et, ut ita dicam, mundi claustra per- I 
 rumpit. 'I aula est csecitas mentium, et tanta initiorum 
 .uorum oblivio. II!e modo ignobilis anguli non sine con- 
 roversiA Dominus, detecto fine terrarum, per suum redi- 
 urus orbem, tristis est. Senec. Epist. 94 & 119. 
 
 6 Alexandro pectus insatiabile laudis, qui Anaxarcho 
 
 nnumerabiles mundos esse referenti ; Heu me, inquit 
 ini-erum, qu5d ne uno quidem adhuc potitus sum ! An' 
 gusta homini possessio glorise fuit, qu£e Deorurn omnium 
 liomicilio suftecit, Val. Max. lib. viii. cap. 14. 
 
 had not yet conquered one.' Is it wrong in 
 Seneca^ to compare these pretended heroes, who 
 have gained renown no otherwise than by tlie 
 ruin of nations, to a conflagration and a flood, 
 which lay waste and destroy all things ; or to 
 wild beasts, who live merely by blood and 
 slaughter ? 
 
 Alexander,^ passionately fond of glory, of 
 which he neither knew the nature nor just 
 bounds, prided himself npon treading in the 
 steps of Hercules, and even in carrying his vic- 
 torious arms farther than he. What resem- 
 blance was there, says the same Seneca, be- 
 tween that wise conqueror and this frantic 
 youth, who mistook his successful rashness for 
 merit and virtue? Hercules, in his expedi- 
 tions, made no conquests for himself. He 
 overran the universe as the subduer of mon- 
 sters, the enemy of the wicked, the avenger oi 
 the good, and the restorer of peace by land and 
 sea. Alexander, on the contrary, an unjust 
 robber from his youth, a cruel ravager of pro- 
 vinces, an infamous murderer of his friends, 
 makes his happiness and glory consist in mak- 
 ing himself formidable to all mortals, for- 
 getting that not only the fiercest animals, but 
 even the vilest, make themselves feared by their 
 venom. 
 
 But leaving this first consideration, which 
 represents conquerors to us as so many scourgjes 
 sent by the wrath of Heaven into the world ito 
 punish the sins of it, let us proceed to examine 
 the latter conquests of Alexander abstractedly 
 in themselves, in order to see what judgment 
 we are to form of them. 
 
 It must be confessed, that the actions of this 
 prince diffuse a splendour that dazzles and 
 astonishes the imagination, which is ever fond 
 of the great and marvellous. His enthusiastic 
 courage, raises and transports all who read his 
 history, as it transported himself. But ought 
 we to give the name of bravery and valour to a 
 boldness that is equally blind, rash, and impetu- 
 ous ; a boldness void of all rule, that will never 
 listen to the voice of reason, and has no other 
 guide than a senseless ardour for false glory, 
 and a wild desire of distinguishing itself, at any 
 price? This character suits only a military 
 robber, who has no attendants ; whose own life 
 is alone exposed j and who, for that reason, may 
 
 7 We may be very certain that this story, related out ot 
 Valerius Maximus, is a downright fiction ; and not a whit 
 the truer for being so oft repeated by dull moralists and 
 grave theologians. No man, in the right use of his senses, 
 could act in that manner; and the Koman authors take 
 great pleasure in representing Alexander as a fool, a 
 madman, and a monster ; for no other reason, it may be 
 l)resumed, than that he was not a Roman, and had done 
 more, in the way of conquest, in his short but brilliant 
 career, than Rome had been able to accomplish in three 
 centuries— liad done what these very Romans had in vain 
 attempted under a Crassus and an Antony. Hence ilia 
 convitia. — Ed. 
 
 Exitio gentium clari, non minores fuere pettes mor- 
 talium, quam inundatio — quam conflagratio, S^nec Nat 
 QtuEst. lib. iii in Prccfat. 
 
 9 Homo gloria; deditus, cujus nee naturam ncc modum 
 noverat, ileiculis vestigia secuens, ac ne ibi quidem re- 
 sistens, ubi ilia defccerant. Quid illi (Herculi) simile 
 habebat vesanus adolescens, cui pro virtute erat felix 
 temeritas ? Hercules nihil sibi vicit : orbem terrarum 
 transivit, non concupiscendo, sed vindicando. Quid vin. 
 ceret malorum hostis, bonorum vindex, terrarum marisque 
 pacator ? At hie a pueritia latro, gentiumque vastator, 
 tarn hostium pernicies quam amicorum, qui summiim 
 bonum duceret terrori esse cunctis mortalibus ; ohlitiis 
 non ferocissima taniilm sed ignavissima quoque animal J 
 timeri ob virus malum. Senec. de BcneJ. 1. i. c. 13 
 P 2 
 
228 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 be employed in some desperate action : but the 
 case is far otherwise with regard to a kmg, toi 
 he owes his life to all his army and his whole 
 kingdom. If we except some very rare Deca- 
 gons, on which a prince is obliged to venture 
 his person, and share the danger with his 
 troops in order to preserve them ; he ought to 
 call to mind, that there is a great difference be- 
 tween a general and a private soldier. Irue 
 valour is not desirous of displaying itself, is no 
 ways anxious about its own reputation, but is 
 solely intent on preserving the ai-my. It steers 
 equally between a timid prudence, that foresees 
 and dreads all difficulties, and a brutal ardour 
 which industriously pursues and contronts dan- 
 gers of every kind. In a word, to form an ac- 
 complished general, prudence must soften and 
 direct the too fiery temper of valour ; as valour 
 in return must animate and warm the coldness 
 and slowness of prudence. 
 
 Do any of these characteristics suit Alexander . 
 When we peruse his history, and follow him to 
 sieges and battles, we are perpetually alarmed 
 for his safety, and that of his array ; and con- 
 clude every moment that they are upon the 
 point of being destroyed. Here we see a rapid 
 flood, which is going to draw in and swallow up 
 I this conqueror : there we behold a craggy rock, 
 ■ which he climbs, and perceives round him sol- 
 diers, either transfixed by the enemy s darts, or 
 thrown headlong by huge stones from precipices. 
 We tremble when we perceive in a battle the 
 axe iust ready to cleave his head ; and much 
 more when we behold him alone in a fortress, 
 whither his rashness had drawn him, exposed 
 to all the javelins of the enemy. Alexander 
 was ever persuaded, that miracles would be 
 wrou<^ht in his favour, than which nothing 
 could be more unreasonable, as Plutarch ob- 
 serves : for miracles do not always happen ; 
 and the gods at last are weary of guiding and 
 preserving rash mortals, who abuse the assist- 
 ance they afford them. 
 
 Plutarch, in a treatise ' where he makes the 
 eulogium of Alexander,^ and exhibits him as an 
 accomplished hero, gives a long detail ot the 
 several wounds he received in every part ot his 
 body ; and pretends that the only design ot 
 fortune, in thus piercing him with wounds, 
 was to make his courage more conspicuous. A 
 renowned warrior, whose eulogium llutarch 
 has drawn in another part of his writings, did 
 not iudge in this manner. Some persons ap- 
 plauding him for a wound he had received 
 in battle,^ the general himself declared, that it 
 was a fault which could only be excused in a 
 young man, and justly deserved censure. It 
 has been observed in Hannibal's praise, and 1 
 myself have taken notice of it elsewhere, that he 
 never was wounded in all his battles. 1 can- 
 not say whether Caesar ever was. 
 
 The last observation, which relates m general 
 to Alexander's expeditions in Asia, must neces- 
 sarily lessen very much the merit of his vic- 
 tories, and the splendour of his reputation ; and 
 this is the genius and character of the nations 
 against whom he fought. Livy, in a digres- 
 sion, where he inquires what would have been 
 the fate of Alexander's arms, in case he had 
 
 turned them towards Italy; and where he 
 shows that Rome would certainly have checked 
 his conquests, insists strongly on the reflection 
 in question. He opposes to this prince, in the 
 article of courage, a great number of illustrious 
 Romans, who would have resisted him on all 
 occasions ; and in the article of prudence, that 
 august senate, which Cineas, to give a more 
 noble idea of it to Pyrrhus his sovereign, said 
 was composed of so many kmgs.^ Had he 
 
 1 Plut de fortun. Alex. Orat. II. p 341. 
 2 This treatise, if written by Plutarch, seems a juvenile 
 performance, and has verv much the air of declamation. 
 3 Timotheus, Plut. in Pelop. p. 278. 
 4 Mention is made but of one single wound. 
 
 5 What Livy, like an indignant patriot denies, the 
 staunch admire'r's of Alexander affirm as Dr G^^^^ 
 done in his history of the world from the reign ot Alex- 
 ander to that of Augustus. The fact is, t^e '.omp^^^^^^^^^ 
 of Livv is not fair. The question is not, what opposition 
 Alexander lulS have encountered from such Koman 
 generals as baffled the arms of a Pyrrhus or a Hanmbal^ 
 but what would have been the result had he invadea 
 Italy, after conquering Persia, or had Italy, and not he 
 East; been the object of his ambition. Alexander must 
 not be compared with the Romans who lived after him, 
 who had been trained up in military science py. a constant 
 succession of wars, and had risen to the heiglit of \^arlike 
 fame under a Scipio, a Marius, a Sylla a Pompey, or a 
 Cffisar. He must be compared with the Reman, of his 
 own day, and we will then be in some measure able to 
 judge. Not long before the epoch of Alexanders birt , 
 the Romans had been completely defeated by the Gaul, 
 at the river Allia, with the loss, as their own historian 
 the partial Livy, says, of 40,0t;0 men, and Rome was 
 taken, sacked, and burned, all but the Capitol, and 
 the Romans were compelled to pay them a large con- 
 tribution to save what was left. . Now, the Gfuls though 
 a brave people, yet were entirely igr.orant of military 
 tactics, or discipline, and were no match for the Romans 
 in the after days of the republic. No^, what could be 
 the cause of the difference but merely this, that by long 
 continued practice in war with adversaries much more 
 skilled in the art of war than the Gauls-such as the 
 Sam.iites, and the soldiers of Pyrrhus, Hamilcar, ar^d 
 the renowned Hannibal-they became veterans both in 
 the science and the practice of fighting ; and there isM.ot 
 the least doubt, but that had Hannibal been supported by 
 h s country as he ought to have been, he would have made 
 an end of the Roman state. But, after the conclusion of 
 the second Punic war, the Romans were the best soldiers 
 that ever the world had seen. But this was far from be- 
 Sg the case in the days of Alexander. •i;he Macedonians 
 were, in his day. and for sometime had been, the best 
 soldiers of the day, and were certainly far superior to 
 Se Gaulfwlm had taken Rome; and if so, 1 do not see 
 but if Alexander had lived, and taken it into his head to 
 have invaded Italy, he would have been more successful 
 thin Ihe Gauls still. We must judge of the Romans by 
 what enemies they had then to contend with, and these 
 in the days of Camillus and for some time fte^ ;^(7f 
 merely the Italian cantons in the.r X'^'mt)- ./'^?.,>f- 
 ientes, the Latins, the Hernici, Volsci, and Equi. Ihey 
 had never met an enemy far from their own ^oor and 
 the Volsci were the most warlike people they bad hitherto 
 encountered, and whom it cost the Romans more than a 
 
 ^^^S^oman's of -.hat period were certainly far inferior 
 to their posterity in what concerns the knowledge and 
 experience of the military art. As a man does not be 
 come a man at once, but gradually, so is it with states^ 
 They do not attain to the summit of political power or 
 military ascendancy at once, but by degrees, ^ow, as the 
 Romans had long and continued tough work to subdue 
 their immediate neighbours, and were, after all, no match 
 ■or the Gauls-soldiers confessedly lar inferior to the 
 Macedonians-I do not see but the latter would have been 
 more than a match for the Romans. Headed by such a 
 warlike conqueror as tlie Great Alexander, inured to so I 
 many years of warfare and victory, under a commander 
 the first in his day, and under the guidance of able gene, 
 rals, trained up under him and bis father Philip, l cer- 
 tainly think the Romans of that day would have been 
 found unequal to the contest. It is with them that Alex- 
 ander must be compared and not with the Romans of a 
 later period, and I therefore dissent fr cm Livy and his 
 follower Rollin. It might be retorted on L.vy, how came 
 those very people, who were no match foi Alexaiider, 
 (for the Parthiln empire was just the I'ers.an under a . 
 other name, and a Parthian army was composed of the 
 same materials as the Persian armies had been,) cofW 
 nlptplv to defeat a Crassus and an Antony < 
 P If t be saii that the Parlhians of those days were bette, 
 soldiers than the Persians in the days of Alexander, thei, 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 229 
 
 marched," says Livy,^ " against the Romans, 
 he would soon have found, that he was no 
 longer combating against a Darius, who, encum- 
 bered with gold and purple, the vain equipage 
 of his grandeur, and dragging after him a multi- 
 tude of women and eunuchs, came as a prey 
 rather than as an enemy ; and whom Alexander 
 conquered without shedding much blood, and 
 without wanting any other merit, than that of 
 daring to despise what was really contemptible. 
 He would have found Italy very different from 
 India, through which he marched in a riotous 
 manner, his army quite stupified with wine ; 
 particularly when he should have seen the 
 forests of Apulia, the mountains of Lucauia, 
 and the still recent footstep? of the defeat of 
 Alexander his uncle, king of Epirus, who there 
 lost his life." The historian adds, that he 
 speaks of Alexander, not yet depraved and cor- 
 rupted by prosperity, whose subtle poison work- 
 ed as strongly upon him, as upon any man that 
 ever lived; and he concludes, that being thus 
 transformed, he would have appeared very dif- 
 ferent in Italy, from what he had seemed 
 hitherto. 
 
 These reflections of Livy show, that Alexan- 
 der partly owed his victories to the weakness of 
 his enemies ; and that, had he met with nations 
 as courageous, and as well inured to all the 
 
 it may be answered, so were the Romans of the days of 
 Hannibal and Marius better soldiers than the Romans of 
 the days of Camillus, and consequently, superior to those 
 who lived contemporaneous with Alexander. Respecting 
 the Carthaginians, in my opinion, they would have been 
 no matcli at all for Alexander. A nation of merchants, 
 wealthy, but rude and illiterate; active in the pursuit of gain, 
 and always quarrelling with their mercenaries about their 
 wages ; insolent in prosperity and abject in adversity ; easily 
 elated and as easily reduced to despair ; indebted almost 
 solely to hired mercenaries for either the extension or 
 protection of their state, and who, but for a Greek named 
 Xantippus, would have been finished in the first Funic 
 war ; can we think, or suppose, that such a people would 
 have been a match for Alexander A people who trembled 
 for their own existence on the incursion of Agathocles, the 
 petty king of Syracuse — a people who, after all their ex- 
 perience in naval warfare, were unable to contend with 
 the first naval armament fitted out from the mouth of the 
 Tiber, cannot be rationally supposed to have been quali- 
 fied to make a successful resistance to Alexander. 
 
 The character of Alexander is a strange compound of 
 excellences and defects. The Romans, who were as jea- 
 lous of his renown as they were partial to their ancestors' 
 fame, delighted to dwell on the unfavourable part of his 
 picture. His wild ambition — his disgraceful intemper- 
 ance—his love of adulation and servility — all the spots of 
 his fervid temperament, became the theme of satirists 
 and philosophers; and the conqueror of Persia, Scythia, 
 and India, has been held up in no other light than that of 
 a madman and a destroyer ; and by none has he been so 
 much satirized as by Seneca. Livy, we see, greedily catches 
 at any flaw in his character ; and is quite delighted at the 
 story of his marching with an army roaring drunk through 
 Carmania. Modern times have done him more justice, 
 and have allowed him to have possessed some truly great 
 traits of character ; of which the building so many cities 
 in the different parts of his new empire, and the judicious 
 choice of their sites, and the enlightened commercial pro- 
 jects which he conceived, are viewed as so many redeem, 
 ing qualities of his otherwise tarnished fame. Respecting 
 hi3 military character it must be allowed, after all that 
 has been said, that it is a subject much fitter to be pro- 
 perly appreciated by military men than by either Livy, 
 Rollin, or Dr. Gillies.— 
 
 6 Non jam cum Dario rem esse dixisset, quem muli. 
 erum ac spadtmum agmen trahentem, inter purpuram 
 atque aurum, oneratum fortunaa suas apparatibus, pra^dam 
 veriCls quSm hostem, nihil aliud qu^m bene ausus vana 
 contemnere, incruentus devicit. Longd alius Italiae, qudm 
 Indiae, per quam temulento agmine comissabundus inccs- 
 -it, visus illi habitus esset, saltus Apuliae ac monies Lu- 
 Ranos cernenti, et vestigia recentia domesticae cladis, ubi 
 avunculus ejus nuper, Epiri rex, Alexander absumptus 
 arat. Liu. 1. ix. n. 17. 
 
 hardships of war as the Romans, and com- 
 manded by as able, experienced generals as those 
 of Rome; his victories would not have been 
 either so rapid, or so uninterrupted. Neverthe- 
 less these are the points from which wc are to 
 judge of the merits of a conqueror. Hannibal 
 and Scipio are considered as two of the greatest 
 generals that ever lived, and for this reason : 
 because both of them not only understood per- 
 fectly the military science, but their experience, 
 their abilities, their resolution and courage, 
 were put to the trial, and set in the strongest 
 light. Now, should we give to either of them 
 an unequal antagonist, one whose reputation is 
 not answerable to theirs, we shall no longer 
 have the same idea of them ; and their victories, 
 though supposed alike, appear no longer with 
 the same lustre, nor deserve the same applause. 
 
 Mankind are but too apt to be dazzled by 
 shining actions and a pompous exterior, and 
 blindly abandon themselves to prejudices of 
 every kind. It cannot be denied that Alexander 
 possessed very great qualities; but if v/e throw 
 into the other scale his errors and vices, the 
 presumptuous idea he entertained of his own 
 merit,' the high contempt he had for other men, 
 not excepting his own father ; his ardent thirst 
 of praise and flattery ; his ridiculous notion of 
 making himself believed to be the son of Jupi- 
 ter ; of ascribing divinity to himself ; of requir- 
 ing a free victorious people to pay him a servile 
 homage, and prostrate themselves ignominiously 
 before him ; his abandoning himself so shame- 
 fully to wine ; his violent anger, which rises to 
 brutal ferocity ; the unjust and barbarous exe- 
 cution of his bravest and most faithful officers, 
 and the murder of his most worthy friends in 
 the midst of feasts and carousals ; can any one, 
 says Livy, believe, that all these imperfections 
 do not greatly sully the reputation of a conquer- 
 or? But Alexander's frantic ambition, which 
 knows neither law nor limits ; the rash intrepi- 
 dity with which he braves dangers, without the 
 least reason or necessity ; the weakness and ig- 
 norance of the nations (totally unskilled in war) 
 against whom he fought ; do not these enervate 
 the reasons for which he is thought to have 
 merited the surname of Great, and the title of 
 Hero? I leave the decision of the question to 
 the prudence and equity of my reader. 
 
 As to myself, I am surprised to find that all 
 orators who applaud a prince, never fail to com- 
 pare him to Alexander. They fancy that when 
 he is once equalled to this king, it is impossible 
 for panegyric to soar higher : they cannot ima- 
 gine to themselves any thing more august ; and 
 think they have omitted the stroke which 
 finishes the glory of a hero, should they not 
 exalt him by this comparison. In my opinion 
 this denotes a false taste, a wrong turn of 
 thinking ; and if I might be allowed to say it, a 
 want of judgment, which must naturally shock 
 a reasonable mind. For, as Alexander was in- 
 vested with supreme power, he ought to have 
 fulfilled the several duties of the sovereignty. 
 We do not find that he possessed the first, the 
 most essential, and most excellent virtues of a 
 
 7 Refcrre in tanto rege piget superbam mutationem 
 vestis, et desideratas humi jacentium adulationes, etiara 
 victis Macedonibus graves, nedum victoribus; et fceda 
 supplicia, et inter vinum et epulas csedes amicorum, et 
 vanitatem ementiendae stirjus. yuid si vini amor in dies 
 fieret acrior? quid si trux ac praefervida ira ? (nec quia 
 quam dubium inter scriptores refero) nullane htpc damn.i 
 imperatoriis virtutibus ducimus? Liv. 1. ix. n. 18. 
 
230 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 great prince, which are to be the father, the 
 guardian, and shepherd of his people ; to govern 
 them by good laws • to make their trade, both 
 by sea and land, flourish ; to encourage and 
 protect arts and sciences, to establish peace and 
 plenty, and not suifer his subjects to be in any 
 manner aggrieved or injured ; to maintain an 
 agreeable harmony between all orders of the 
 etate, and make them conspire, in due propor- 
 tion, to the public welfare : to employ himself 
 in doing justice to all his subjects, to hear their 
 disputes, and reconcile them ; to consider him- 
 self as the father of his people, as obliged to 
 provide for all their necessities, and to procure 
 them the several enjoyments of life. Now 
 Alexander, who almost a moment after he 
 ascended the throne, left Macedonia, and never 
 returned back into it, did not endeavour at any 
 of these things, which however are the chief 
 and most substantial duties of a great prince. 
 
 He seems possessed of such qualities only as 
 are of the second rank, I mean those of war, 
 and these are all extravagant ; are carried to the 
 rashest and most odious excess, and to the ex- 
 tremes of folly and fury ; whilst his kingdom is 
 left a prey to the rapine and exactions of Anti- 
 pater ; and all the conquered provinces aban- 
 doned to the insatiable avarice of the governors, 
 who carried their oppressions so far, that Alex- 
 ander was forced to put them to death. Nor do 
 his soldiers appear to be better regulated; for 
 these, having plundered the wealth of the East, 
 after the prince had given them the highest 
 marks of his beneficence, grew so licentious, so 
 disorderly, so debauched and abandoned to vices 
 of every kind, that he was forced to pay their 
 debts, by a largess of 1,600,000^. "What strange 
 men were these ! how depraved their school ! 
 how pernicious the fruit of their victories ! Is it 
 doing honour to a prince, is it adorning his 
 panegyric, to compare him with such a mo- 
 del? 
 
 The Romans, indeed, seemed to have held 
 Alexander's memory in great veneration ; but I 
 very much question, whether in the virtuous 
 ages of the commonwealth, he would have been 
 considered as so great a man. Caesar seeing his 
 statue in a temple in Spain,' dui'ing his govern- 
 ment of that country after his praetorship, could 
 not forbear groaning and sighing, when he com- 
 pared the few glorious actions achieved by him- 
 self, with the mighty exploits of this conqueror. 
 It was said that Pompey, in one of his triumphs, 
 appeared dressed in that king's surtout. Au- 
 gustus pardoned the Alexandrians, for the sake 
 of their founder. Caligula, in a ceremony in 
 which he assumed the character of a mighty 
 conqueror, wore Alexander's coat of mail. But 
 no one carried his veneration for this monarch 
 80 far as Caracalla. He used the same kind of 
 arms and goblets as that prince : he had a Ma- 
 cedonian phalanx in his army ; he persecuted 
 the Peripatetics, and would have burned all the 
 books of Aristotle their founder, because he was 
 suspected to have conspired with those who 
 poisoned Alexander. 
 
 I believe that I may justly assert, that, if an 
 imparticil person of good sense reads Plutarch's 
 lives of illustrious men with attention, they 
 will leave such a tacit and strong impression in 
 his mind, as will make him consider Alexander 
 one of the least valuable among them. But how 
 
 1 Dion. 1. xxxvii. p. 53. App. de Bell. Mithrid. p. 2^3. 
 Dion 1. li. p. 454. Id. 1. lix. p. 653. Id. 1. Ixxvii. p 873, 
 
 strong would the contrast be found, had we tht 
 lives of Eparainondas, of Hannibal and Scipio, 
 the loss of which can never be too much re- 
 gretted ! How little would Alexander appear, 
 set off with all his titles, and surrounded by all 
 his conquests, even if considered in a military 
 light, when compared to those heroes who 
 were truly great, and worthy their exalted 
 reputation ! 
 
 SECT. XX. 
 
 Reflections on the Persians, Greeks, and Macedonians, by 
 Mons. Bossuet, Bishop of Meaux. 
 
 The reader will not be displeased with my 
 inserting here part of the admirable reflections 
 of the Bishop of Meaux, on the character 
 and government of the Persians, Greeks, and 
 Macedonians, with whose history we have been 
 engaged. 
 
 The Greek nations, several of whom had at 
 first lived under a monarchical form of govern- 
 ment, having studied the arts of civil polity 
 imagined they were able to govern themselves, 
 and most of their cities formed themselves into 
 commonwealths. But the wise legislators, who 
 arose in every country, as a Thales, a Pytha- 
 goras, a Pittacus, a Lycurgus, a Solon, and 
 many others mentioned in history, prevented 
 liberty from degenerating into licentiousness. 
 Laws drawn up with great simplicity, and few 
 in number, awed the people, held them in their 
 duty, and made them aU conspire to the general 
 good of the country. 
 
 The idea of liberty which such a conduct in- 
 spired was wonderful. For the liberty which 
 the Greeks figured to themselves was subject to 
 the law, that is, to reason itself, acknowledged 
 as such by the whole nation. They would not 
 let men rise to power among them. Magis- 
 trates, who were feared during their oflace, be- 
 came afterwards private men, and had no autho- 
 rity but what their experience gave them. The 
 law was considered as their sovereign : it was 
 she who appointed magistrates, prescribed the 
 limits of their power, and punished their mal- 
 administration. The advantage of this govern- 
 ment was, that the citizens bore so much the 
 greater love to their country, as all shared in 
 the government of it ; and as every individual 
 was capable of attaining its highest dignities. 
 
 The advantage which accrued to Greece from 
 philosophy, with regard to the preservation of 
 its form of government, is incredible. The 
 greater freedom these nations enjoyed, the 
 greater necessity there was to settle the laws 
 relating to manners and those of society, agree- 
 ably to reason and good sense. From Pytha- 
 
 foras, Thales, Anaxagoras, Socrates, Archytas, 
 *lato, Xenophon, Aristotle, and a multitude 
 more, the Greeks received their noble precepts. 
 
 But why should we mention philosophers 
 only? The writings of even the poets, which 
 wei'e in every body's hands, amused them very 
 much, but instructed them still more. The 
 most renowned of conquerors considered Homei 
 as a master, who taught him to govern wisely 
 This great poet instructed people, no less hap- 
 pily, in obedience, and the duties of a good 
 citizen. 
 
 When the Greeks, thus educated, saw the 
 
 2 Discourse on Universal History. Part. iji. chap. 4 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 231 
 
 delicacy of the Asiatics : their dress and beauty, 
 emulating that of women, they held them in the 
 utmost contempt. But their form of government 
 that had no other rule than their prince's will, 
 which took place of all laws, not excepting the 
 most sacred, inspired them with horror; and 
 the Barbarians were the most hateful of objects 
 to Greece. 
 
 The Greeks had imbibed this hatred in the 
 most early times,^ and it was become almost 
 natural to them. A circumstance which made 
 them delight so much in Homer's poems, was 
 his celebrating the advantages and victories of 
 Greece over Asia. On the side of Asia was 
 Venus, that is to say, the pleasures, the idle 
 loves, and elTeminacy : on that of Greece was 
 Juno, or in other words, gravity with conjugal 
 affection, Mercury with eloquence, and Jupiter 
 with wise policy. With the Asiatics was Mars, 
 an impetuous and brutal deity, that is to say, 
 war carried on with fury : with the Greeks, 
 Pallas, or, in other words, the science of war 
 and valour, conducted by reason. The Gre- 
 cians, from this time, had ever imagined, that 
 understanding and true bravery were natural as 
 well as peculiar to them. They could not bear 
 the thoughts of Asia's design to conquer them ; 
 and in bowing to this yoke, they would have 
 thought they had subjected virtue to pleasure, 
 the mind to the body, and true courage to 
 brutal strength, which consisted merely in 
 numbers. 
 
 The Greeks were strongly inspired with 
 these sentiments, when Darius, son of Hystas- 
 pes, and Xerxes, invaded them with armies so 
 prodigiously numerous as exceeds all belief. 
 The Persians found often, to their cost, the 
 great advantage which discipline has over mul- 
 titudes and confusion ; and how greatly superior 
 courage ^when conducted by skill) is to a blind 
 impetuosity. 
 
 Persia, after having been so often conquered 
 by the Greeks, had nothing to do but to sow 
 divisions among them ; and the height to which 
 conquest had raised the latter, facilitated the 
 design. As fear* held them in the bands of 
 union, victory and security dissolved them. 
 Having been always used to fight and conquer, 
 they no sooner believed that they had no long- 
 er any thing to fear from the power of the 
 Persians, than they turned their arms against 
 each other. 
 
 Among the several republics of which Greece 
 was composed, Athens and Lacedaemon were 
 undoubtedly the chief. These two great com- 
 (nonwealths, whose manners and conduct were 
 directly opposite, perplexed and incommoded 
 one another, in the common design they had of 
 subjecting all Greece ; so that they were eter- 
 nally at variance, and this more from the con- 
 trariety of interests, than an opposition of tem- 
 pers and disposition. 
 
 The Grecian cities would not subject them- 
 selves to either : for, besides that every one of 
 them desired to live free and independent, they 
 were not pleased with the government of either 
 of those two commonwealths. We have shown, 
 in the course of this history, that the Pelopon- 
 nesian, and other wars, were either owing to, 
 or supported by, the reciprocal jealousy of La- 
 redsemon and Athens. But at the same time 
 
 3 Isocrates in Panegyr. 
 4 i'lat. de Log. 1. iii. 
 
 that this jealousy disturbed, it supported Greece 
 in some measure; and kept it from being de- 
 pendant on either of those republics. 
 
 The Persians soon perceived this state and 
 condition of Greece ; after which, the whole 
 secret of their politics was to keep up these jea- 
 lousies, and foment these divisions. Lacedae- 
 mon, being the most ambitious, was the first 
 that made them engage in the Grecian quarrels. 
 The Persians took part in them, with a view of 
 subjecting the whole nation ; and industrious to 
 make the Greeks weaken one another, they only 
 waited for the favourable instant to crush them 
 altogether. Already the cities of Greece con- 
 sidered,^ in their wars, only the king of Persia ; 
 whom they called the great king, or the king, 
 by way of eminence, as if they already thought 
 themselves his subjects. However, when Greece 
 was upon the brink of slavery,' and ready to fall 
 into the hands of the Barbarians, it was impos- 
 sible for the genius, the spirit of the country, 
 not to rouse and take the alarm. Agesilaus, 
 king of Lacedsemonia, made the Persians trem- 
 ble in Asia Minor, and showed that they might 
 be humbled. Their weakness was still more 
 evident by the glorious retreat of the 10,000 
 Greeks, who had followed the Younger Cyrus. 
 
 It was then that all Greece saw more plainly 
 than ever, that it possessed an invincible body 
 of soldiery, which was able to subdue all na- 
 tions ; and that nothing but its feuds and divi- 
 sions could subject it to an enemy, who was too 
 weak to resist it when united. 
 
 Philip of Macedon, a prince whose abilities 
 were equal to his valour, took so great advan- 
 tage of the divisions which reigned between the 
 various cities and commonwealths, that though | 
 his kingdom was but small, yet, as it was 
 united, and his power absolute, he at last, partly 
 by artifice and pai-tly by strength, rose to greater 
 power than any of the Grecian states, and 
 obliged them all to march under his standards 
 against the common enemy. This was the state 
 of Greece when Philip lost his life, and Alex- 
 ander his son suceeded to his kingdom, and to 
 the designs he had projected. 
 
 The Macedonians, at his accession, were not 
 only well disciplined and inured to toils, but 
 triumphant : and become, by so many successes, 
 almost as much superior to the other Greeks in 
 valour and discipline, as the rest of the Greeks 
 were superior to the Persians, and to such na- 
 tions as resembled them. 
 
 Darius, who reigned over Persia in Alexan- 
 der's time, was a just, brave, and generous 
 prince ; was beloved by his subjects, and wanted 
 neither good sense nor vigour for the execution 
 of his designs. But, if we compare the two 
 monarchs; if we oppose the genius of Darius, 
 to the penetrating sublime one of Alexander; ! 
 the valour of the former, to the mighty invinci- 
 ble courage, which obstacles animated, of the 
 latter ; with that boundless desire which Alex- 
 ander possessed, of augmenting his glory, and 
 his entire belief that all things ought to bend 
 before him, as being formed by Providence su- 
 perior to the rest of mortals ; a belief with 
 which he inspired not only his generals, but 
 the meanest of his soldiers, who thereby rose 
 above difficulties, and even above themselves; 
 the reader will easily judge which of the mo- 
 narchs was to be victorious. 
 
 S Plat, de Leg. 1. iii. Isoerat. in Paneg. 
 
232 
 
 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER. 
 
 If to these considerations we add the advan- 
 tages which the Greeks and Macedonians had 
 over their enemies, it must be confessed, that it 
 was impossible for the Persian empire to sub- 
 sist any longer, when invaded by so great a 
 hero, and by such invincible armies. And thus 
 we discover, at one and the same time, the cir- 
 cumstance which ruined the empire of the Per- 
 sians, and raised that of Alexander. 
 
 To smooth his way to victory, the Persians 
 happened to lose the only general who was able 
 to make head against the Greeks, and this was 
 Memnon of Rhodes. So long as Alexander 
 fought against this illustrious warrior, he might 
 glory in having vanquished an enemy worthy 
 of himself. But in the very infancy of a diver- 
 sion, which began already to distract Greece, 
 Memnon died, after which Alexander obliged 
 all things to give way before him. 
 
 This prince made his entrance into Babylon 
 with a splendour and magnificence which had 
 never been seen before ; and, after having re- 
 venged Greece, after subduing, with incredible 
 swiftness, all the nations subject to Persia ; to 
 secure his new empire on every side, or rather 
 to satiate his ambition, and render his name 
 more famous than that of Bacchus, he marched 
 into India, and there extended his conquests 
 farther than that celebrated conqueror had done. 
 But the monarch, whose impetuous career nei 
 ther deserts, rivers, nor mountains, could stop, 
 was obliged to yield to the murmurs of his 
 soldiers, who called aloud for ease and repose. 
 
 Alexander returned to Babylon, dreaded and 
 respected, not as a conqueror, but as a god. 
 Nevertheless, the formidable empire he had 
 acquired, subsisted no longer than his life, 
 
 which was but short. At thirty-three yeais of 
 age, in the midst of the grandest designs that 
 ever man formed, and flushed with the surest 
 hopes of success, he died before be had leisure to 
 settle his affairs on a solid foundation ; leaving 
 behind him a brother, who was an idiot, and 
 children very young, all incapable of supporting 
 the weight of such a power. 
 
 But the circumstance which proved most 
 fatal to his family and empire, was his having 
 taught the generals who survived him, to 
 breathe nothing but ambition and war. He 
 foresaw the prodigious lengths they would go 
 after his death. To cui'b their ambitious views, 
 and for fear of mistaking in his conjectures, he 
 did not dare to name his successor, or the guar- 
 dian of his children. He only foretold that his 
 friends would solemnize his obsequies with 
 bloody battles ; and he expired in the flower of 
 his age, full of the sad images of the confusion 
 which would follow his death. 
 
 And indeed, Macedonia, the kingdom he in- 
 herited, which his ancestors had governed dur- 
 ing so many ages, was invaded on all sides, as a 
 succession that was become vacant ; and after 
 being long exposed a prey to the strongest, was 
 at last possessed by another family. Thus this 
 great conqueror, the most renowned the world 
 ever saw, wcis the last king of his family. Had 
 he lived peaceably in Macedon, the greatness of 
 his empire would' not have proved a temptation 
 to his generals ; and he would have left to his 
 children the kingdom he inherited from his 
 ancestors. But rising to too exalted a height 
 ul" power, he proved the destruction of his pos- 
 terity ; and such was the glorious fruit of all 
 his conquests. 
 
THE HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSOUS. 
 
 HOOK 
 
 For the Author's Introduction to this Division of the 
 Work, see Preface, page xL 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Troubles which followed the death of Alexander. The 
 partition of the provinces among the generals. Aridse- 
 us elected king. Perdiccas appointed his guardian, and 
 regent of the empire. 
 
 IN relating the death of Alexander the Great, 
 I mentioned the many troubles and com- 
 motions that arose in the army on the first news 
 of that event. All the troops in general, sol- 
 diers as well as officers, had their thoughts en- 
 tirely taken up at first with the loss of a prince 
 whom they loved as a father, and reverenced 
 almost as a god, and abandoned themselves with- 
 out reserve to grief and tears. A mournful 
 silence reigned at first throughout the camp ; 
 but this was soon succeeded by dismal sighs and 
 cries, which spoke the true language of the heart, 
 and in which that vain ostentation of sorrow, 
 which is too often paid to custom and decorum 
 on such occasions,' had no share. 
 
 "When the first impressions of grief had given 
 place to reflection, they began to consider, Avith 
 the utmost consternation, the state in which the 
 death of Alexander had left them. They found 
 themselves at an infinite distance from their 
 native country, and amidst a people lately sub- 
 dued, so little accustomed to their new yoke, 
 that they were hardly acquainted with their 
 present masters, and had not as yet had suffi- 
 cient time to forget their ancient laws, and that 
 form of government under which they had 
 always lived. What measures could be taken 
 to keep a country of such vast extent in subjec- 
 
 1 Passim silentia et gemitus ; nihil compositum in os. 
 icntationera— altiOs mcErebant. Tacil. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 tion ? how could it be possible to suppress tliose 
 seditions and revolts which would naturally 
 break out on all sides in that decisive moment? 
 what expedients could be formed to restrain 
 those troops within the limits of their dutj'^, 
 who had so long been habituated to complaints 
 and murmurs, and were commanded by chiefs, 
 whose several views and pretensions were so 
 different ? 
 
 The only remedy for these various calamities 
 seemed to consist in a speedy nomination of a 
 successor to Alexander ; and the troops, as well 
 as the officers, and the whole Macedonian state, 
 seemed at first to be very desirous of this ex- 
 pedient; and, indeed, their common interest 
 and security, with the preservation of their 
 new conquests, amidst the barbarous nations 
 that surrounded them, made it necessary for 
 them to consider this election as their first and 
 most important care, and to turn their thoughts 
 to the choice of a person qualified to fill so 
 arduous a station, and sustain the weight of it 
 in such a manner as to be capable of maintain- 
 ing general order and tranquillity. But it had 
 already been written,^ " I'hat the kingdom of 
 Alexander should be divided and rent asunder 
 after his death," and that it should not be 
 transmitted in the usual manner "to his pos- 
 terity." No efforts of human wisdom could 
 establish a sole successor to that prince. In vain 
 did they deliberate, consult and decide ;^ nothing 
 could be executed contrary to the preordained 
 event, or, at least, nothing short of it could pos- 
 sibly subsist. A superior and invisible Power 
 had already disposed of the kingdom, and divid- 
 ed it by an inevitable decree, as will be evident 
 in the sequel. The circumstances of this parti- 
 tion had been denounced near three centuries 
 before this time ; the portions of it had already 
 
 2 Dan. xi. 4. 
 3 Non erit— non stabit— non f et ftnJ 
 
234 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 been assigned to different possessoj's, and no- | 
 thing could frustrate that diA'ision, which was ' 
 only to be deferred for a few years. Till the 
 arrival of that period, men indeed might raise 
 commotions, and concert a variety of move- 
 ments ; but all their efforts would only tend to 
 the accomplishment of what had been ordained 
 by the sovereign Master of kingdoms, and of | 
 what had been foretold by his prophet. | 
 
 Alexander had a son by Barsina, and had , 
 conferred the name of Hercules upon him. j 
 Roxana, another of his wives, was advanced in ] 
 her pregnancy when that prince died. He had j 
 likewise a natural brother, called Aridaeus; but 
 he would not upon his death-bed dispose of his 
 dominions in favour of any heir ; for which | 
 reason this vast empire, which no longer had a 
 master to sway it, became a source of compe- 
 tition and wars, as Alexander had plainly fore- 
 seen, when he declared that his friends would 
 celebrate his funeral with bloody battles. 
 
 TJie division was augmented by the equality 
 among the generals of the army, none of whom 
 was so superior to his colleagues, either by birth 
 or merit, as to induce them to offer him the 
 empire, and submit to his authority. The 
 cavalry were desirous that Aridaeus should suc- 
 ceed Alexander. His understanding had been 
 impaired ever since he had been afflicted in his i 
 infancy with a violent indisposition, occasioned, 
 as was pretended, by some particular drink 
 which had been given him by Olympias, and 
 which had disordered his senses. This ambi- 
 tious princess being apprehensive that the en- 
 gaging qualities she discovered in Aridaeus, 
 would be so many obstacles to the greatness of 
 her son Alexander, thought it expedient to have 
 recourse to the criminal precaution already 
 mentioned. The infantry had declared against 
 this prince, and were headed by Ptolemy, and 
 other chiefs of great reputation, who began each 
 to think of their own particular establishment, 
 j-^'or a sudden j-evolution had taken place in the 
 minds of these officers, and caused them to con- 
 temn the rank of private persons, and all de- 
 pendency and subordination, with a view of 
 aspiring to sovei-eign power, which had never 
 employed their thoughts tjll then, and to which 
 they never thought themlelves qualified to pre- 
 tend before this conjuncture of affairs. 
 
 These disputes,' which engaged the minds of 
 all parties, delayed the interment of Alexander 
 for the space of seven days ; and, if we may 
 credit some authors, the body continued uncor- 
 rupted all that time. It was afterwards de- 
 livered to the Egyptians and Chaldeans, who 
 embalmed it after their manner ; and Aridaeus, 
 a different person from him I have already men- 
 tioned, was charged with the care of conveying 
 it to Alexandria. 
 
 After a variety of troubles and agitations had 
 intervened, the principal officers assembled at a ! 
 conference ; where it was unanimously conclud- 
 ed, that Aridaeus should be king, or rather, that 
 he should be invested with the shadow of royal- 
 ty. The infirmity of mind, which ought to 
 have excluded him from the throne, was the 
 very motive of their advancing him to it, and 
 united all suffrages in his favour. It favoured 
 the hopes and pretensions of all the chiefs, and 
 covered their designs. It was also agreed in 
 this assembly, that if Roxana, who was then in 
 
 1 Quint. Curt. 1. x. Justin. 1. xiii. Diod. 1. xviii. 
 
 the sixth or eight month of her pregnancy, 
 should have a son, he should be associated with 
 Aridaeus in the throne. Perdiccas, to whom 
 Alexander on his death-bed had left his ring, 
 had the person of the prince consigned to his 
 care as a guardian, and was constituted regent 
 of the kingdom. 
 
 The same assembly, whatever respect they 
 might bear to the memory of Alexander, thought 
 fit to annul some of his regulations, which 
 would have been destructive to the state, and 
 have exhausted bis treasury. He had given 
 orders for six temples to be erected in particular 
 cities which he had named, and had fixed the 
 expenses of each of these structures at 5U0 ta- 
 lents, which amount to 500,000 crowns. He 
 had likewise ordered a pyramid to be raised over 
 the tomb of his father Philip, which was to be 
 finished with a grandeur and magnificence equal 
 to that in Egypt, esteemed one of the seven 
 wonders of the world. He had likewise planned 
 other expenses of the like kind, which were 
 prudently revoked by the assembly. 
 
 Within a short time after these proceedings,'' 
 Roxana was delivered of a son who was named 
 Alexander, and acknowledged king, jointly with 
 Aridaeus. But neither of these princes pos- 
 sessed any thing more than the name of royalty, 
 as all authority was entirely lodged in the great 
 lords and generals, who had divided the pro- 
 vinces among themselves. 
 
 In Europe ; Thrace and the adjacent regions 
 were consigned to Lysimachus ; and Macedo- 
 nia, Epirus, and Greece, were allotted to Anti- 
 pater and Crater us. 
 
 In Africa ; Egypt and the other conquests of 
 Alexander in Libya and Cyrenaica, were as- 
 signed to Ptolemy the son of Lagus, with that 
 part of Arabia which borders on Egypt. Th*. 
 month of Thoth in the autumn is the epocha 
 from whence the years of the empire of the La- 
 gides in Egypt begin to be computed ; though 
 Ptolemy did not assume the title of king, in 
 conjunction with the other successors of Alex- 
 ander, till about seventeen years after this 
 event. 
 
 In the Lesser Asia ; Lycia, Pamphylia, and 
 the greater Phrygia, were given to Antigonus; 
 Caria, to Cassander ; Lydia, to M^nander ; the 
 lesser Phrygia, to Leonatus ; Armenia, to Ne- 
 optolemus ; Cappadocia and Paphlagouia, to 
 Eumenes. These two provinces had never been 
 completely subjected by the Macedonians, and 
 Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, continued to 
 govern them as formerly ; Alexander having 
 advanced with so much rapidity to his othei 
 conquests, as left him no inclination to amuse 
 himself with the entire reduction of that pro- 
 vince, contented himself with a slight submis- 
 sion. 
 
 Syria and Phojnicia fell to Laomedon ; one 
 of the two Medias to Atropates, and the other 
 to Perdiccas. Persia was assigned to Peucestes ; 
 Babylonia, to Archon ; Mesopotamia, to Ar- 
 cesilas ; Parthia and Hyrcania, to Phrataph er- 
 nes ; Bactriana and Sogdiana, to Philip ; the 
 other regions were divided among generals 
 whose names are now but little known. 
 
 Seleucus, the son of Antiochus, was placed at 
 the head of the cavalry of the allies, which was 
 a post of great importance ; and Cassander, the 
 
 2 Diod. 1. xviii. p. 587, .588. Justin. 1. xiii. c. 4. Quint. 
 Curt. 1. X c. 10. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 235 
 
 son of Antipater, commanded the companies of 
 guards. 
 
 The Uppei* Asia, which extends almost to 
 India, and even India also, were left in the 
 possession of those who had been appointed 
 governors of those countries by Alexander. 
 
 The same disposition generally pi'evailed in 
 all the provinces I have already mentioned; 
 and it is in this sense that most interpreters ex- 
 plain that passage in the Maccabees,^ which de- 
 clares, that Alexander, having assembled the 
 great men of his court who had been brought 
 up with him, divided his kingdom among them 
 in his lifetime. And indeed it was very pro- 
 bable, that this prince, when he saw his death 
 approaching, and had no inclination to nominate 
 a sole successor himself, was contented with 
 confirming each of his officers in the govern- 
 ment he had formerly assigned them ; which is 
 sufficient to authorize the declaration of the 
 Maccabees, " That he divided his kingdom 
 amongst them whilst he was living." 
 
 This partition was only the work of man, 
 and its duration was but short. That Being, 
 who reigns alone, and is the only King of ages, 
 had decreed a different distribution. He had 
 assigned to each his portion, and marked out its 
 boundaries and extent, and his disposition alone 
 was to subsist. 
 
 The partition concluded upon in the assembly 
 was the source of various divisions and wars, as 
 will be evident in the series of this history, each 
 of these governors claiming the exercise of an 
 independent and sovereign power in his par- 
 ticular province. They however paid that 
 veneration to the memory of Alexander,** as not 
 to assume the title of king, till all the race of 
 that monarch, who had been placed upon the 
 throne, were extinct. 
 
 Among the governors of the provinces I have 
 mentioned, some distinguished themselves more 
 than others by their reputation, merit, and 
 cabals ; and formed different parties, to which 
 the others adhered, agreeably to their particular 
 views, either of interest or ambition. For it 
 is not to be imagined that the resolutions, which 
 are formed in conjunctures of this nature, are 
 much influenced by a devotion to the public 
 good. 
 
 Eumenes must,* however, be excepted ; for 
 he undoubtedly was the most virtuous man 
 among all the governors, and had no superior in 
 true bravery. He was always firm in the in- 
 terest of the two kings, from a principle of true 
 probity. He was a native of Cardia, a city of 
 Thrace, and his birth was bul obscure. Philip, 
 who had observed excellent qualities in him in 
 his youth, kept him near his own person in the 
 quality of secretary, and reposed great confi- 
 dence in him. He was equally esteemed by 
 Alexander, who treated him with extraordi- 
 nary marks of his favour. Barsina, the first 
 lady for whom this prince had entertained a 
 passion in Asia, and by whom he had a son 
 named Hercules, had a sister of the same name 
 with her own, and the king gave her in mar- 
 riage to Eumenes.^ We shall see by the event 
 that this prudent favourite conducted himself in 
 such a manner as justly entitled him to the 
 favour of those two princes, even after their 
 death ; and all his sentiments and actions will 
 
 I make it evident that a man may be a plebeian 
 by birth, and yet very noble by disposition, 
 j I have already intimated,' that Sysigambis, 
 who had patiently supported the death of her 
 father, husband, and son, could not survive the 
 loss of Alexander.^ The death of this princess 
 was soon followed by that of the two grand- 
 daughters, Statira, the wife of Alexander, and 
 Drypetis, the relict of Hephaestion. Iloxana, 
 who was apprehensive lest Statira should be, 
 pregnant by Alexander as well as herself, and 
 that the birth of a prince would frusti'ate the 
 measures which had been taken to secure the 
 succession to the son she hoped to have, pre- 
 vailed upon the two sisters to visit her, and 
 secretly destroyed them in concert with Per- 
 diccas, her only confidant in that impious pro- 
 ceeding. 
 
 It is now time to enter upon a detail of those 
 actions that were performed by the successors 
 of Alexander. I shall therefore begin with the 
 defection of the Greeks in Upper Asia, and 
 with the war which Antipater had to sustain 
 against Greece ; because those transactions arc 
 most detached, and in a manner distinct, from 
 the other events. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 The revolt of the Greeks in Upper Asia. The impres- 
 sions occasioned by the news of Alexander's death at 
 Athens. The expedition of Antipater into Greece. He 
 is first defeated, and afterwards victorious. Makes hiin. 
 self master of Athens, and leaves a garrison there. The 
 flight and death of Demosthenes. 
 
 The Greeks,' whom Alex- 
 A. M. 3681. ander had established, in the 
 Ant. J, C. 323. form of colonies, in the pro- 
 vinces of Upper Asia, con- 
 tinued with reluctance in those settlements, 
 because they did not experience that delight and 
 satisfaction with which they had flattered them- 
 selves, and had long cherished an ardent desire 
 of returning to their own country. They had 
 not however dared to discover their uneasiness 
 whilst Alexander was living, but the moment 
 they received intelligence of his death, they 
 openly declared their intentions. They armed 
 20,000 foot, all warlike and experienced soldiers, 
 with 3000 horse; and having placed Philo at 
 their head, they prepared for their departure, 
 without taking counsel, or receiving orders from 
 any but themselves, as if they had been subject 
 to no authority, and no longer acknowledged 
 any superior. 
 
 rerdiccas, who foresaw the consequences of 
 such an enterprise, at a time when every thing 
 was in motion, and when the troops, as well as 
 their officers, breathed nothing but independ- 
 ence, sent Pithon to oppose them. 
 
 The merit of this officer was acknowledged 
 by all ; and he willingly charged himself with 
 this commission, in expectation of gaining over 
 those Greeks, and of procuring himself some 
 considerable establishment in Upper Asia by 
 their means. Perdiccas, being acquainted with 
 his design, gave a very surprising order to the 
 Macedonians whom he sent with that general, 
 which was to exterminate the revolters entirely. 
 Pithon, on his arrival, brought over, by money. 
 3000 Greeks, Avho turned their backs in the 
 
 3 1 Maccab. i. 6, 7. 4 Justin. 1. xv. c. 2. 
 
 6 Plut. in Eumen.p.583. Corn. Nep. in Eumen. c. I 
 6 Arrian aligns him amther wife, 1. vii. p. 278. 
 
236 HISTORY OF 
 
 battle, and were the occasion of his obtaining a 
 complete victory. The vanquished troops sur- 
 rendered, but made the preservation of their 
 lives and liberties the condition of their submit- 
 ting to the conqueror. This was exactly agree- 
 able to Pithon's design, but he was no longer 
 master of its execution. The Macedonians 
 thinking it incumbent on them to accomplish 
 the orders of Perdiccas, inhumanly slaughtered 
 all the Greeks, without the least regard to the 
 terms they had granted them. Pithon being 
 thus defeated in his views, returned with his 
 Macedonians to Perdiccas. 
 
 This expedition was soon succeeded by the 
 Grecian war.* The news of Alexander's death 
 being brought to Athens, had excited great ru- 
 mours, and occasioned a joy that was almost 
 universal. The people, who bad long sustained 
 with reluctance the yoke which the Macedo- 
 nians had imposed on Greece, made liberty the 
 subject of all their discourse : they breathed no- 
 thing but war, and abandoned themselves to all 
 the extravagant emotions of a senseless and ex- 
 cessive joy. Phocion, who was a person of 
 wisdom and moderation, and doubted the truth 
 of the intelligence they had received, endea- 
 voured to calm the turbulency of their minds, 
 and to check these impetuous sallies, which 
 rendered them incapable of counsel and sedate 
 reflection. As the generality of the orators, 
 notwithstanding all his remonstrances, ex- 
 claimed that the news was true, and that Alex- 
 ander was certainly dead, Phocion rose up, and 
 expressed himself in this manner : " If he be 
 really dead to-day, he will likewise be so to- 
 morrow and the next day, so that we shall have 
 time enough to deliberate in a calm manner, 
 and with a greater security." 
 
 Leosthenes, who was the first that published 
 this account at Athens, was continually ha- 
 ranguing the people with excessive arrogance 
 and vanity. Phocion, who was tired with his 
 speeches, said to him, " Young man, your dis- 
 i.ourse resembles the cypress, which is tall and 
 spreading, but bears no fruit." He gave great 
 offence, by opposing the inclinations of the peo- 
 ple in so strenuous a manner, and Hyperides 
 rising up, asked him this question : " When 
 would you advise the Athenians to make war?" 
 — " As soon," replied Phocion, " as I see the 
 young men firmly resolved to observe a strict 
 discipline ; the rich disposed to contribute, ac- 
 cording to their abilities, to the expense of a 
 war ; and when the orators no longer rob the 
 public." 
 
 All the remonstrances of Phocion were in- 
 effectual: a war was resolved upon, and a de- 
 putation agreed to be sent to all the states of 
 Greece, to engage their accession to the league. 
 This is the war in which all the Greeks, except 
 the Thebans, united to maintain the liberty of 
 their country, under the conduct of Leosthenes, 
 against Antipater ; and it was called the La- 
 mian war, from the name of a city where the 
 latter was defeated in the first battle. 
 
 Demosthenes,^ who was then in exile at Me- 
 gara, but who amidst his misfortunes always 
 retained an ardent zeal for the interest of his 
 country and the defence of the common liberty, 
 joined himself with the Athenian ambassadors 
 sent into Peloponnesus, and having seconded 
 
 1 I'lut. in Phoc. p. 751,759. 
 ^'2 Plul. in Demosth. p. 8£>8. Jviitin. 1. xiii. c. 5. 
 
 their remonstrances in a wondei'ful manner by 
 the force of his eloquence, he engaged Sicyon 
 Argos, Corinth, and the other cities of Pelojwn 
 nesus, to accede to the league. 
 
 The Athenians, struck with aomiration at a 
 zeal so noble and generous, immediately passed 
 a decree to recall hikm from banishment. A 
 galley with three ranks of oars was despatched 
 to him at ^Slgina : and, when he entered the 
 port of Pirseus, all the magistrates and priests 
 advanced out of the city, and all the citizens 
 crowded to meet that illustrious exile, and re- 
 ceived him with the utmost demonstrations of 
 affection and joy, blended at the same time with 
 an air of sorrow and repentance, for the injury 
 they had done him. Demosthenes was sensibly 
 affected with the extraordinary honours that 
 were rendered him ; and whilst he returned as 
 it were in triumph to his country, amidst the 
 acclamations of the people, he lifted up his 
 hands towards heaven to thank the gods for sc 
 illustrious a protection, and congratulated him- 
 self on beholding a day more glorious to him, 
 than that had proved to Alcibiades, on which 
 he returned from his exile. For his fellow- 
 citizens received him from the pure effect ol 
 desire and good-will ; whereas the reception of 
 Alcibiades was not entirely voluntary, some 
 compulsion being put upon their inclinations. 
 
 The generality of those who were far ad- 
 vanced in years,' were extremely apprehensive 
 of the event of a war, which had been under- 
 taken with too much precipitation, and without 
 examining into the consequences with all the 
 attention and sedateness that an enterprise ol 
 so much importance required. They were sen- 
 sible also, that there was no necessity for de- 
 claring themselves so openly against the Mace- 
 donians, whose veteran troops were very for- 
 midable ; and the example of Thebes, which 
 was destroyed by the same temerity of conduct, 
 added to their consternation. But the orators, 
 who derived their advantages from the distrac- 
 tion of the public affairs, and to whom, accord- 
 ing to the observation of Philip, war was peace, 
 and peace war, would not allow the people time 
 to deliberate maturely on the affairs proposed to 
 their consideration, but drew them into their 
 sentiments by a fallacious eloquence, which pre- 
 sented them with nothing but scenes of future 
 conquest and triumphs. 
 
 Demosthenes and Phocion, who wanted nei- 
 ther zeal nor prudence, were of different senti- 
 ments on this occasion, which was no extra- 
 ordinary circumstance with respect to them. 
 It is not my province to determine which of 
 them had reason on his side: but, in such a 
 perplexing conjuncture as this, there is nothing 
 surprising in a contrariety of opinions, though 
 the result of good intentions on both sides. 
 Phocion's scheme was, perhaps, the most pru- 
 dent, and that of Demosthenes the most glo- 
 rious. 
 
 lie that as it may, a considerable army was 
 raised, and a very numerous fleet fitted out. All 
 the citizens who Avere under the age of forty, 
 and capable of bearing arms, were drawn out. 
 Of the ten tribes that composed the republic, 
 three were left for the defence of Attica, the 
 rest marched out with the other allies under the 
 command of Leosthenes. 
 
 Antipater was far from being indolent dur 
 
 S Diod. 1. xviii. p. 594—599, 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 237 
 
 ing these transactions in Greece, of which he 
 had been apprized, and he had sent to Leon at us 
 in Phrygia, and to Craterus in Cilicia, to urge 
 them to come to his assistance ; but before the 
 arrival of the expected succours, he marched at 
 the head of only 13,000 Macedonians and 600 
 horse ; the frequent recruits which he had sent 
 Alexander, having left him no more troops in 
 all the country. 
 
 It is sui-prising that Antipater should at- 
 tempt to give battle to the united forces of all 
 Greece with such a handful of men ; but he 
 undoubtedly imagined, that the Greeks were 
 no longer actuated by their ancient zeal and 
 ardour for liberty, and that they ceased to con- 
 sider it as such an inestimable advantage, as 
 ought to inspire them with a resolution to ven- 
 ture their lives and fortunes for its preservation. 
 He flattered himself that they had begun to 
 familiarize themselves with subjection : and in- 
 deed this was the disposition of the Greeks at 
 that time ; in whom appeared no longer the 
 descendants of those who had so gallantly sus- 
 tained all the efforts of the East, and fought 
 against a million of men for the preservation of 
 their freedom. 
 
 Antipater advanced towards Thessaly, and 
 was followed by his fleet, which cruised along 
 the sea-coasts. It consisted of 110 trii-emes, oi 
 galleys of three benches of oars. The Thessa- 
 lians declared at first in his favour ; but having 
 afterwards changed their sentiments, they 
 joined the Athenians, and supplied them with 
 a strong body of horse. 
 
 As the army of the Athenians and their allies 
 was much more numerous than that of the 
 Macedonians, Antipater could not support the 
 charge, and was defeated in the first battle. As 
 he durst not hazard a second, and was in no 
 condition to make a safe retreat into Macedonia, 
 he shut himself up in Lamia, a small city in 
 Thessaly, in order to wait for succours that 
 were to be transmitted to him from Asia, and 
 he fortified himself in that place, which was 
 soon besieged by the Athenians. 
 
 The assault was carried on with great bravery 
 against the town, and the resistance was equally 
 vigorous. Leosthenes, after several attempts, 
 despairing to carry it by force, changed the siege 
 into a blockade, in order to conquer the place by 
 famine. He surrounded it with a wall of cir- 
 cumvallation, and a very deep ditch, and by 
 these means cut off all supplies of provision. 
 The city soon became sensible of the growing 
 scarcity, and the besieged began to be seriously 
 disposed to surrender ; when Leosthenes, in a 
 sally they made upon him, received a consider- 
 able wound, which rendered it necessary for 
 him to be carried to his tent. Upon which the 
 command of the army was consigned to Anti- 
 philus, who was equally esteemed by the troops 
 for his valour and ability. 
 
 Leonatus,* in the mean 
 A. M. 3682. time, was marching to the 
 
 Ant. J. C. 322. assistance of the Macedo- 
 nians besieged in Lamia : 
 and was commissioned, as well as Antigonus, 
 by an agreement made between the generals, to 
 establish Eumenes in Cappadocia by force of 
 arms; but they took other measures, in conse- 
 
 auence of some private views. Leonatus, who 
 
 reposed an entire confidence in Eumenes, de- 
 
 4 Plut. in Eumen. p. 584. 
 
 clared to him at parting, that the engagement 
 to assist Antipater was a mere pretext, and that 
 his real intention was to advance into Greece, 
 in order to make himself master of Macedonia. 
 He, at the same time, showed him letters from 
 Cleopatra, the sister of Alexander, who invited 
 him to come to Telia, and promised to espouse 
 him. Leonatus being arrived within a little 
 distance of Lamia, marched directly against the 
 enemy, with 20,000 foot and 2500 horse. Pros- 
 perity had introduced disorder into the Grecian 
 army ; several parties of soldiers drew off, and 
 retired into their own country on various pre- 
 texts, which greatly diminished the number of 
 the troops, who were now reduced to 22,000 
 foot. The cavalry amounted to 3500, two thou- 
 sand of whom were Thessalians ; and as they 
 constituted the main strength of the army, so 
 all hopes of success were founded in them ; and 
 accordingly, when the battle was fought, this 
 body of horse had the greatest share in the vic- 
 tory that was obtained. They were commanded 
 by 'Menon. Leonatus, covered with wounds, 
 lost his life in the field of battle, and was con- 
 veyed into the camp by his troops. The Mace- 
 donian phalanx greatly dreaded the shock of 
 the cavalry, and had therefore retreated to emi- 
 nences, whither the Thessalians could not pur- 
 sue them. The Greeks having carried off their 
 dead, erected a trophy, and retired. 
 
 The whole conversation at Athens turned 
 upon the glorious exploits of Leosthenes,^ who 
 sui'vived his honours but a short time. A uni- 
 versal joy spread through the city ; festivals 
 were celebrated, and sacrifices offered without 
 intermission, to testify their gi-atitude to the 
 gods for all the advantages they had obtained. 
 The enemies of Phocion, thinking to mortify 
 him in the most sensible manner, and reduce 
 him to an incapacity of justifying his constant 
 opposition to that war, asked him, if he would 
 not have rejoiced to have performed so many 
 glorious actions? " Undoubtedly I would," re- 
 plied Phocion; "but I would not at the same 
 time "have neglected to offer the advice I gave."*" 
 He did not think that a judgment ought to be 
 formed of any particular counsel from mere 
 success, but rather from the nature and solidity 
 of the counsel itself; and he did not retract his 
 sentiments, because those of an opposite nature 
 had been successful, which only proved the lat- 
 ter more fortunate, but not more judicious. 
 And as these agreeable advices came thick upon 
 each other, Phocion, who was apprehensive of 
 the sequel, cried out, " When shall we cease to 
 conquer ?" 
 
 Antipater was obliged to surrender by capitu- 
 lation but history has not transmitted to us the 
 conditions of the treaty. The event only makes 
 it evident, tha* Leosthenes compelled him to 
 surrender at discretion, and he himself died a 
 few days after of the wounds he had received at 
 the siege. Antipater having quitted Lamia the 
 day after the battle, for he seems to have been 
 favourably treated, joined the remains of the 
 army of Leonatus, and took upon him the com- 
 mand of those troops. He was extremely cau- 
 tious of hazarding a second battle, and kept 
 with his troops, like a judicious and experienced 
 general, on eminences inaccessible to the ene- 
 
 5 Plut in Vhoc. p. 752. 
 6 Non damnavit quod recte viderat, quia, quod alius 
 maid consulerat, bene cesserat : felicius hoc existimaiis 
 illud etiam sapientius. Fal. Max. lib. iii. cap. 8. 
 
238 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 my's cavah-y. Antiphilus, the general of the 
 Greeks, remained with his troops in Thessaly, 
 and contented himself with observing the mo- 
 tions of Antipater. 
 
 Clitus, who commanded the Macedonian fleet, 
 obtained, much about the same time, two vic- 
 tories near the islands of Echinades, over Eetion 
 the admiral of the Athenian navy. 
 
 Craterus,' who had long been expected, ar- 
 rived at last in Thessaly, and halted at the river 
 Peneus. He resigned the command to Anti- 
 pater, and was contented to serve under him. 
 The troops he had brought thither amounted, in 
 conjunction with those of Eeonatus, to above 
 40,000 foot, 3000 archers or slingers, and 5000 
 horse. The army of the allies was much in- 
 ferior in number, and consisted of no more than 
 25,000 foot and 3500 horse. Military discipline 
 had been much neglected among them, after the 
 victories they had obtained. A considerable 
 battle was fought near Cranon, in which the 
 Greeks were defeated ; they, however, lost but \ 
 few troops, and even that disadvantage was oc- 
 casioned by the licentious conduct of the sol- 
 diers, and the small authority of the chiefs, who 
 were incapable of enforcing obedience to their 
 commands. 
 
 Antiphilus and Menon, the two generals of 
 the Grecian army, assembled a council the next 
 day, to deliberate, whether they should wait the 
 return of those troops who had retired into their 
 own country, or propose terms of ac/commoda- 
 tion to the enemy. The council declared in 
 favour of the latter ; upon which deputies were 
 immediately despatched to the enemy's camp in 
 the name of all the allies. Antipater replied, 
 that he would enter into a separate treaty with 
 each of the cities, persuading himself that he 
 should facilitate the accomplishment of his de- 
 signs by this proceeding; and he was not de- 
 ceived in his opinion. His answer broke off 
 the negotiation ; and the moment he presented 
 himself before the cities of the allies, they dis- 
 banded their troops, and surrendered up their 
 liberties in the most pusillanimous manner, each 
 city being solely attentive to its separate advan- 
 tage. _ 
 
 This circumstance is a sufficient confirmation 
 of what I have formerly observed with relation 
 to the present disposition of the people of Greece. 
 They were no longer animated with the noble 
 zeal of those ancient assertors of liberty, who 
 devoted their whole attention to the good of the 
 public and the glory of the nation ; who con- 
 sidered the danger of their neighbours and allies 
 as their own, and marched with the utmost ex- 
 pedition to their assistance upon the first signal 
 of their distress. Whereas now, when a formi- 
 dable enemy appeared at the gates of Athens, all 
 the republics of Greece had neither activity nor 
 vigoui ; Peloponnesus continued without mo- 
 tion, and Sparta was as little heard of as if she 
 had never existed . unhappy effects of the mu- 
 tual jealousy which those people had conceived 
 against each other, and of their disregard to the 
 common liberty, in consequence of a fatal le- 
 thargy into which they were sunk amidst the 
 greatest dangers ! These are symptoms which 
 prognosticate and prepare the way for approach- 
 ing decline and ruin. 
 
 Antipater impi-oved this desertion to his own 
 advantage,** and marched immediately to Athens, 
 
 1 Diod. I. xviii. p. 599—602. 
 U riut. in Phoc. p, ~:'i3, 754. 
 
 which saw herself abandoned by all her allies, 
 and consequently in no condition to defend hor^ 
 self against a powerful and victorious enemy. 
 Before he entered the city, Demosthenes, and 
 all those of his party, who may be considered as 
 the last tnie Greeks, and the* defenders of ex- 
 piring liberty, retired from that place ; and th 
 people, in order to transfer from themselves to 
 those great men the reproach resulting from 
 their declaration of war agains . .ntipater, and 
 likewise to obtain his good graces, condemned 
 them to die by a decree which Demades pre- 
 pared. The reader iias not forgot, that these 
 are the same people who had lately recalled De- 
 mosthenes by a decree so much for his honour, 
 and had received him in triumph. 
 
 The same Demades procured a second decree 
 for sending ambassadors to Antipater who was 
 then at Thebes, and that they should be invested 
 with full powers to negotiate a treaty of peace 
 with him. Phocion himself was at their head ; 
 and the conqueror declared, that he expected the 
 Athenians should entirely submit the terms to 
 his regulation, in the manner as he himself had 
 acted, when he was besieged in the city of 
 Lamia, and had conformed to the capitula- 
 tion imposed upon him by Leosthenes their 
 general. 
 
 Phocion returned to acquaint the Athenians 
 with this answer, and they were compelled to 
 acquiesce in the conditions, however rigid they 
 might appear. He then came back to Thebes 
 with the rest of the ambassadors, with whom 
 Xenocrates had been associated, in hopes that 
 the appearance alone of so celebi'ated a philoso- 
 pher would inspire Antipater with respect, and 
 induce him to pay homage to his virtue. But 
 surely they must have been little acquainted 
 with the heart of man, and particularly with 
 the violent and inhuman disposition of Anti- 
 pater, to be capable of flattering themselves, that 
 an enemy, with whom they had been engaged 
 in an open war, would renounce his advantage 
 through any inducement of respect for the vir- 
 tue of a single man, or in consequence of a 
 harangue uttered by a philosopher who had de- 
 clared against him. Antipater would not even 
 condescend to cast his eyes upon him ; and when 
 he was preparing to enter upon the conference, 
 for he was commissioned to be the speaker on 
 this occasion, he interrupted him in a very 
 abrupt manner; and perceiving that he con- 
 tinued his discourse, commanded him to be 
 silent. But he did not treat Phocion in the 
 same manner; for after he had attended to his 
 discourse, he replied, " That he \a as disposed to 
 contract a friendship and alliance with the 
 Athenians on the following conditions : They 
 should deliver up Demosthenes and Hj^eride's 
 to him ; the government should be restored to 
 its ancient plan, by which all employments in 
 the state were to be conferred upon the rich ; 
 that they should receive a garrison in the port 
 of iMunychia ; that they should defray all tfie 
 expenses of the war, aiid also pay a large sum, 
 the amount of which should be settled." Thiit 
 according to Diodorus, none but those whose 
 yearly income exceeded 2000 drachmas were to 
 be admitted into any share of the goveinment 
 for the future, or to have any right to vote 
 Antipater intended to make himself absolute 
 master of Athens by this regulation, being very 
 sensible that the rich men, who enjoyed public 
 employments, and had large revenues, would 
 become his dependents much more etlectiuilly 
 tha 1 a poor and despicable populace, who had 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 nothing to lose, and who would be only guided 
 by their own caprice. 
 
 All the ambassadors but Xenocrates were 
 well contented with these conditions, which they 
 thought were very moderate, considering their 
 present situation ; but that philosopher judged 
 otherwise. " They are very moderate for 
 slaves," said he, " but extremely severe for free 
 men." 
 
 The Athenians therefore were compelled to 
 receive into Munychia a Macedonian garrison, 
 commanded by Menyllus, a man of probity, and 
 one of Phocion's particular friends. The troops 
 took possession of the place during the festival 
 of the Great IVIysteries, and the very day on 
 which it Avas usual to carry the god lacchus in 
 procession from the city to Eleusis. This was 
 a melancholy conjuncture for the Athenians, 
 and affected them with the most sensible afflic- 
 tion. " Alas !" said they, when they compared 
 the past times with those they then saw, " the 
 gods, amidst our greatest adversities, would 
 formerly manifest themselves in our favour dur- 
 ing this sacred ceremonial, by mystic visions 
 and audible voices to the great astonishment of 
 our enemies, who were teiTified by them. But 
 now, when we are even celebrating the same 
 solemnities, they cast an unpitying eye on the 
 greatest calamities that can happen to Greece : 
 they behold the most sacred of all days in the 
 year, and that which is most agi'eeable to us, 
 polluted and distinguished by the most dreadful 
 of calamities, which will even transmit its name 
 to this sacred season through all succeeding 
 generations." 
 
 The garrison, commanded by Menyllus, did 
 not offer the least injury to any of the inhabi- 
 tants ; but there were moi'e than 12,000 of them 
 excluded from employments in the state, by one 
 of the stipulations in the treaty, in consequence 
 of their poverty. Some of these unfortunate 
 persons continued in Athens, and lingered out 
 a wretched life, amidst the contempt and insults 
 they had justly drawn upon themselves ; for the 
 generality of them were seditious and merce- 
 nary in their dispositions, had neither virtue 
 nor justice, but flattered themselves with a 
 false'idea of liberty, which they were incapable 
 of using aright, and had no knowledge of either 
 its bounds, duties, or end. The other poor 
 citizens departed from the citj', in order to 
 avoid that opprobrious condition, and retired into 
 Thrace, where Antipater assigned them a city 
 and Jands for their habitation. 
 
 Demetrius Phalereus^ was obliged to have 
 recourse to flight, and retired to Nicanor ; in 
 whom Cassander, the son of Antipater, reposed 
 much confidence, and made him governor of 
 Munychia after the death of his father, as will 
 appear immediately. This Demetrius had been 
 not only the disciple, but the intimate friend of 
 the celebrated Theophrastus ; and, under the 
 conduct of so learned a master, had perfected 
 his natural genius for eloquence, and rendered 
 himself expert in philosophy, politics, and his- 
 tory. He was in great esteem at Athens,'' and 
 began to enter upon the administration of affairs, 
 when Harpalus arrived there, after he had de- 
 clared against Alexander. He was obliged to 
 quit that city at the time of which we are now 
 speaking, and was soon after condemned there, 
 
 though absent, under a vain pretext of irre- 
 ligion. 
 
 The whole weight of Antipater's displeasure 
 fell chiefly upon Demosthenes,* Hyperides, and 
 some other Athenians, who had been their ad- 
 herents ; and when he was informed that they 
 had eluded his vengeance by flight, he despatched 
 a body of men with orders to seize them, and I 
 placed one Archias at their head, who had for- 
 merly played in tragedies. This man having 
 found at A^.g'ina the orator Hyperides, Aris- 
 tonicus of Marathon, and Himereus the brother 
 of Demetrius Phalereus, who had all three 
 taken sanctuary in the temple of Ajax ; he 
 dragged them from their asylum, and sent them 
 to Antipater, who was then at Cleonse, where 
 he condemned them to die. Some authors have j 
 even declared, that he caused the tongue of 
 Hyperides to be cut out. 
 
 The same Archias having received intelli- 
 gence, that Demosthenes, who had retired into 
 the island of Calauria, was become a supplicant 
 in the temple of Neptune, he sailed thither in 
 a small vessel, and landed with some Thracian 
 soldiers : after which he spared no pains to per- 
 suade Demosthenes to accompany him to A.nti- 
 pater, assuring him, that he should receive no 
 injury. Demosthenes was too well acquainted 
 with mankind to rely on his promise ; and was 
 sensible that those venal souls, who have hired 
 themselves into the service of iniquity, those in- 
 famous ministers in the execution of orders 
 equally cruel and unjust, have as little regard 
 to sincerity and truth as their masters. U'o 
 prevent therefore his falling into the hands of a 
 tyrant, who Avould have satiated his fury upon 
 him, he swallowed poison, which he always 
 caiTied about him, and which soon produced its 
 effect. When he found his strength declining, 
 lie advanced a few steps, by the aid of some 
 domestics who supported him, and fell down 
 dead at the foot of the altar. 
 
 The Athenians, soon after this event, erected 
 a statue of brass to his memory, as a testimonial 
 of their gratitude and esteem, and made a de- 
 cree, that the eldest branch of his family should 
 be brought up in the Prytaneum, at the public 
 expense, from generation to generation : and at 
 the foot of the statue they engraved this inscriiJ- 
 tion, which was couched in two elegiac verses : 
 " Demosthenes, if thy power had been equal to 
 thy wisdom, the Macedonian Mars would never 
 have triumphed over Greece." What regard 
 is to be entertained for the judgment of a peo- 
 ple, who are capable of being hurried into such 
 opposite extremes, and who one day passed sen- 
 tence of death on a citizen, and loaded him with 
 honours and applause the next ? 
 
 What I have already said of Demosthenes, 
 on several occasions, raakes it unnecessary to 
 enlarge upon his character in this jdace. He 
 was not only a great orator, but an accomplished 
 statesman. His views were noble and exalted ; 
 his zeal for the honour and interest of his coun- 
 try was superior to every temptation ; he firmly 
 retained an irreconcilable aversion to all mea- 
 sures which had any resemblance to tyranny ; 
 and his love for liberty was such as may be 
 imagined in a republican, as implacable an ene- 
 my to all servitude and dependency as ever 
 lived. A wonderful sagacity of mind enabled 
 him to penetrate into future events, and pre- 
 
 3 Athen. 1. xii. p. 542. 
 4 Diog. Laert. in Dometr. 
 
240 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 sented them to his view with as much perspi- 
 cuity, though remote, as if they had been actu- 
 ally present. He seemed as much acquainted 
 with all the designs of Philip, as if he had been 
 admitted into a participation of his councils; 
 and if the Athenians had followed his advice, 
 that prince would not have attained that height 
 of power which proved destructive to Greece, 
 as Demostheries had frequently foretold. 
 
 He was perfectly acquainted with the dispo- 
 sition of Philip,' and was very far from praising 
 him, like the generality of orators. Two col- 
 leagues, with whom he had been associated in 
 an embassy to that great prince, were continu- 
 ally praising the king of Macedonia at their 
 return, and saying, that he was a very eloquent 
 and handsome prince, and a most extraordinary 
 drinker. " What strange commendations are 
 these!" replied Demosthenes. "The first is 
 the accomplishment of a rhetorician ; the second 
 of a woman; and the third of a sponge; but 
 none of them the qualification of a king." 
 
 With relation to eloquence, nothing can be 
 added to what Quintilian has observed, in the 
 parallel he has drawn between Demosthenes 
 and Cicero. After having shown that the great 
 and essential qualities of an orator are common 
 to them both, he marks out the particular differ- 
 ence observable between them with respect to 
 style and elocution. " The one,"^ says he, " is 
 more precise, the other more luxuriant. The 
 one crowds all his forces into a smaller compass 
 when he attacks his adversary, the other chooses 
 a larger field for the assault. The one always 
 endeavours in a manner to transfix him with 
 the vivacity of his style, the other frequently 
 overwhelms him with the weight of his dis- 
 course. Nothing can be retrenched from the 
 one, and nothing can be added to the other. 
 In Demosthenes we discover more labour and 
 study, in Cicero more nature and genius." 
 
 I have elsewhere observed another mark of 
 difference between these two great orators,^ 
 which 1 beg leave to insert in this place. That 
 which characterizes Demosthenes more than 
 any other circumstance, and in which he has 
 never been imitated, is such an absolute oblivion 
 of himself, and so scrupulous and constant a 
 golicitude to suppress all ostentation of wit ; in 
 a word, such a perpetual care to confine the at- 
 tention of the auditor to the cause, and not to 
 the orator, that he never suffers any one turn 
 of thought or expression to escape him, which 
 has no other view than merely to please and 
 shine. This reserve and moderation in so fine 
 a genius as Demosthenes, and in matters so 
 susceptible of grace and elegance, adds perfec- 
 tion to his merit, and renders him superior to 
 all praises. 
 
 Cicero was sensible of all the estimation due 
 to the eloquence of Demosthenes, and experi- 
 enced all its force and beauty. But as he was 
 persuaded, that an orator, when he is engaged 
 in any points that are not strictly essential, 
 ought to form his style by the taste of his au- 
 dience: and did not believe that the genius of 
 his times was consistent with such a rigid ex- 
 
 1 Plut. in Demosth. p. 853. 
 £ 111 eloqiiendo est aliqua diversitas. Densior ille, hic 
 copiosior. Ille concludit astrictiOs, hic latiOs pugnat. 
 Ille acumine semper, hic frequenter et pondere. llli 
 nihil detrahi potest, huic nihil .-idjici. Cures plus in illo, 
 in hoc natura; Quintil. 1. x. c i. 
 
 3 In the discourse cn the eloquence of the bar. 
 
 actness ; he therefore judged it necessary to ac- 
 commodate himself in some measure to the ears 
 and delicacy of his auditors, who required mor« 
 grace and elegance in an oration. For which 
 reason, though he never lost sight of any im- 
 portant point in the cause he pleaded, he yet 
 paid some attention to what might captivate 
 and please the ear. He even thought that this 
 was conducive to promote the interest of his 
 client; and he was not mistaken, as to please is 
 one of the most certain means of persuading : 
 but at the same time he laboured for his own 
 reputation, and never forgot himself. 
 
 The death of Demosthenes and Hyperides, 
 caused the Athenians to regret the reign of 
 Philip and Alexander, and recalled to their re- 
 membrance the magnanimity, generosity, and 
 clemency, which those two princes retained, 
 even amidst the emotions of their displeasure ; 
 and how inclinable they had always been to 
 pardon offences, and treat their enemies with 
 humanity. Whereas Antipater, under the mask 
 of a private man, in a shabby cloak, with all the 
 appearance of a plain and frugal life, and with- 
 out affecting any title to authority, discovered 
 himself to be a rigid and imperious master. 
 
 Antipater was, however, prevailed upon by 
 the prayers of Phocion, to recall several persons 
 from banishment, notwithstanding all the se- 
 verity of his disposition ; and there is reason to 
 believe, that Demetrius was one of this num- 
 ber. At least, it is certain that he haa a con- 
 siderable share in the administration of the re 
 public from that time. As for those whose 
 recall to Athens Phocion was unable to obtain, 
 he procured for them more commodious situa 
 tions, that were not so remote as their former 
 settlements ; and took his measures so effectual- 
 ly, that they were not banished, according to 
 the first sentence, beyond the Ceraunian moun- 
 tains and the promontory of Tsenarus ; nor 
 lived sequestered from the pleasures of Greece, 
 but obtained a settlement in Peloponnesus, 
 Who can help admiring, on the one hand, the 
 amiable and generous disposition of Phocion, 
 who employed his credit with Antipater, in 
 order to procure for the unfortunate some alle- 
 viation of their calamities; and, on the other 
 hand, a kind of humanity in a prince, who was 
 not very desirous of distinguishing himself by 
 that quality, but was sensible, however, that 
 it would be extremely rigid in him, to add new 
 mortifications to the inconveniences of banish- 
 ment. 
 
 Antipater in other respects exercised his 
 government with great justice and moderation 
 over those who continued in Athens ; he be- 
 stowed the principal posts and employments on 
 such persons as he imagined were the most vir- 
 tuous and honest men : and contented himselt 
 with removing from all authority, such as he 
 thought were most likely to excite troubles. He 
 was sensible, that this people could neither sup- 
 port a state of absolute servitude, nor of entire 
 liberty; for which reason he thought it neces 
 sary to take from the one, whatever was tor 
 rigid; and from the other, all that was excessivt 
 and licentious. 
 
 The conqueror after so glorious a campaign, 
 set out for Macedonia, to celebrate the nuptials 
 of his daughter Phila with Craterus, and tht 
 solemnity was performed with all imaginablf 
 grandeur. Phila was one of the most accom- 
 plished princesses of her age, and her beauty 
 was the least part of her merit. The lustre of 
 her charms was heightened by the sweetness 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 241 
 
 and modesty that beamed upon her countenance, 
 and by an air of complacency, and a natural 
 disposition to oblige, which won the hearts of 
 all who beheld her. These engaging qualities 
 were rendered still more amiable by the bright- 
 ness of a superior genius, and a prudence un- 
 common in her sex, which made her capable of 
 the greatest aflfairs. It is even said, that young 
 as she then was, her father Antipater, who was 
 one of the most able politicians of his age, never 
 engaged in any affair of importance without 
 consulting her. This princess never made use 
 of the influence she had over her two husbands 
 (for after the death of Craterus she espoused 
 Uemetrius the son of Antigonus), but to pro- 
 cure some favour for the officers, their daugh- 
 ters, or sisters. If they were poor, she fur- 
 nished them with portions for their mai'riage : 
 and if they were so unhappy as to be calumni- 
 ated, she herself was very active in their justifi- 
 cation. So generous a liberality gave her an 
 absolute power among the troops. All cabals 
 were dissolved by her presence, and all revolts 
 gave way, and were appeased by her engaging 
 iouduct. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 ^ rocession at the funeral of Alexander. His body is 
 conveyed to Alexandria. Eumenes is put into posses- 
 sion of Cappadocia, by Perdiccas, Ptolemy, Craterus, 
 Antipater, and Antigonus, form a confederacy against 
 each of them. The death of Craterus. The unfor- 
 tunate expedition of Perdiccas into Egypt. He is slain 
 there. 
 
 Much about this time* the 
 A. M. S683. funeral obsequies of Alexan- 
 Ant. J. C. 321. der were performed.^ Ari- 
 daeus having been deputed by 
 all the governors and grandees of the kingdom to 
 take upon himself the care of that solemnity, had 
 employed two years in preparing every thing 
 that could possibly render it the most pompous 
 and splendid funeral that had ever been seen. 
 When all things were ready for the celebration 
 of this mournful but superb ceremonial, orders 
 were given for the procession to begin. This 
 was preceded by a gi-eat number of pioneers and 
 other workmen, whose office was to make all the 
 ways practicable through which the jirocession 
 was to pass. 
 
 As soon as these were levelled, that magnifi- 
 cent chariot, the invention and design of which 
 raised as much admiration as the immense riches 
 that glittered all over it, set out from Babylon. 
 The body of the chariot rested upon two axle- 
 trees, that were inserted into four wheels, made 
 after the Persian manner ; the naves and spokes 
 of which were covered with gold, and the felloes 
 plated over with iron. The extremities of the 
 axletrees were made of gold, representing the 
 muzzles of lions biting a dart. The chariot had 
 four poles, to each of which were harnessed four 
 sets of mules, each set consisting of four of those 
 animals ; so that this chariot was drawn by 
 sixty-four mules. The strongest of those crea- 
 tures, and the largest, Avere chosen on this occa- 
 siorir They were adorned with crowns of gold, 
 
 4 Diod. 1. xviii. p. 608—610. 
 5 I could have wished it had been in my power to have 
 explained several passages of this description in a more 
 clear and intelligible manner than I have done: but that 
 was not possible for me to effect, though 1 had recourse to 
 persons of greater capacity than myself. 
 
 and collars enriched with precious stones and 
 golden bells. 
 
 On this chariot was erected a pavilion of 
 entire gold, twelve feet wide and eighteen in 
 length, supported by columns of the Ionic order, 
 embellished with the leaves of acanthus. The 
 inside was adorned with jewels, disposed in 
 the forms of shells. 'I'ho circumference was 
 beautified with a fringe of golden net- work : 
 the threads that composed the texture were an 
 inch in thickness, and to those were fastened 
 large bells, whose sound was heard to a great 
 distance. 
 
 The external decorations consisted of four 
 groups in basso relievo. 
 
 The first represented Alexander seated in a 
 military chariot, with a splendid sceptre in his 
 hand, and surrounded on one side with a troop 
 of Macedonians in arms ; and on the other, Avith 
 an equal number of Persians armed in their own 
 manner. These were preceded by the king's 
 equerries. 
 
 In the second were seen elephants completely 
 harnessed, with a band of Indians seated on the 
 fore-part of their bodies ; and on their hinder 
 another band of Macedonians, armed as in the 
 day of battle. 
 
 The third exhibited to the view several squa- 
 drons of horse arranged in military array. 
 
 The fourth represented ships preparing for 
 a battle. 
 
 At the entrance into the pavilion were golden 
 lions, that seemed to guard the passage. 
 
 The four corners were adorned with statues 
 of massy gold, representing victories, with tro- 
 phies of arms in their hands. 
 
 Under the pavilion was placed a throne of 
 gold of a square form, adorned with the heads of 
 animals, ^ whose necks were encompassed with 
 circlets of gold a foot and a half in breadth ; 
 to these were hung crowns, that glittered with 
 the liveliest colours, such as were carried in 
 procession at the celebration of sacred solemni- 
 ties. 
 
 At the foot of the throne was placed the cof- 
 fin of Alexander, formed of beaten gold, and 
 half filled with aromatic spices and perfumes, as 
 well to exhale an agreeable odour, as for the pre- 
 servation of the corpse. A pall of purple, bro- 
 caded with gold, covered the coffin. 
 
 Between this and the throne, the arms of that 
 monarch were disposed in the manner he wore 
 them when living. 
 
 The outside of the pavilion was likewise 
 covered with purple, flowered with gold. The 
 top ended in a very large crown of the same 
 metal, which seemed to be a composition ©f 
 olive-branches. The beams of the sun which 
 darted on this diadem, in conjunction with the 
 motion of the chariot, caused it to emit a kind of 
 rays like those of lightning. 
 
 It may easily be imagined, that in so long a 
 procession, the motion of a chariot, laden like 
 this, would be liable to great inconveniences. 
 In order, therefore, that the pavilion, with all 
 its appendages, might, when the chariot moved 
 in any uneven ways, constantly continue in the 
 same situation, notwithstanding the inequality 
 of the ground, and the shocks that would fre- 
 quently be unavoidable, a cylinder was raised 
 from the middle of each axletree, to support the 
 
 6 The Greek word T^(x.yiX(x.06s imports a kind of hart, 
 from whose chin a beard hangs down like that of goats. 
 
242 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 pavilion ; by which expedient the whole machine 
 was preserved steady. 
 
 The chariot was followed by the royal guards, 
 all in arms, and magniticently ai'rayed. 
 
 The multitude of spectators in this solemnity 
 is hardly credible; but they were drawn to- 
 gether as well by their veneration for the me- 
 mory of Alexander, as by the magnificence of 
 this funeral pomp, which had never been equal- 
 led in the world. 
 
 There was a current prediction, that the place 
 where Alexander should be interred would be 
 rendered the most happy and flourishing part of 
 the whole earth. The governors contested with 
 each other for the disposal of a body that was to 
 , be attended with such a glorious prerogative. 
 I The alfection Perdiccas entertained for his 
 ! country, made him desirous that the corpse 
 ! should be conveyed to JEgss in Macedonia, 
 ; where the remains of its kings were usually 
 i deposited. Other places were likewise proposed, 
 j but the preference was given to Egypt. Ptole- 
 my, who had such extraordinary and recent 
 j obligations to the king of Macedonia, was deter- 
 I mined to signalize his gratitude on this occasion. 
 He accordingly set out, with a numerous guard 
 of his best troops, in order to meet the proces- 
 sion, and advanced as far as Syria. When he 
 had joined the attendants on the funei'al, he 
 prevented them from interring the corpse in the 
 temple of Jupiter Ammon, as they had pro- 
 posed. It was therefore deposited first in the 
 city of Memphis, and from thence was conveyed 
 to Alexandria. Ptolemy raised a magnificent 
 temple to the memory of this monarch, and 
 rendered him all the honours which were 
 usually paid to demi-gods and heroes by Pagan 
 antiquity. 
 
 Freinshemius, * in his supplement to Livy, 
 relates, after Leo, * the African, that the tomb 
 of Alexander the Great was still to be seen in 
 his time, and that it was reverenced by the 
 Mahomedans as the monument not only of an 
 illustrious king, but of a great prophet. 
 
 In the partition of the several governments of 
 Alexander's empire,^ Cappadocia and Paphla- 
 gonia, which bordered on the Pontic Sea, were 
 allotted to Eumenes ; and it was expressly sti- 
 pulated by the treaty, that Leonatus and Anti- 
 gonus should march with a great body of troops 
 to establish Eumenes in the government of those 
 dominions, and dispossess king Ariarathes of the 
 sovereignty. This general resolution of sending 
 troops and experienced commanders into the 
 several provinces of the empire, was formed with 
 great judgment; and the intention of it Avas, 
 that all those conquered teiTitories should con- 
 tinue under the dominion of the Macedonians, 
 and that the inhabitants, being no longer govern- 
 ed by their own sovereigns, should have no fu- 
 ture inclination to recover their former liberty, 
 - nor be in a condition to set each other the ex- 
 ample of throwing off the new yoke of the 
 Greeks. 
 
 Bat neither Leonatus nor Antigonus were 
 very solicitous to execute this article of the trea- 
 ty ; and, as they were entirely attentive to their 
 own particular interest and aggrandizement, 
 they took other measures. Eumenes seeing 
 himself thus abandoned by those who ought 
 to have established him in his government, set 
 
 out with all his equipage, which consisted of 
 SOO horse and 200 of his domestics' well armed ; 
 with all his riches, which amounted to about 
 6000 talents of gold ; and retired to Perdiccas, 
 who gave him a favourable reception. As he 
 was much esteemed by that commander, he was 
 admitted into a participation of all his councils. 
 Eumenes was indeed a man of great firmness 
 and resolution, and the most able of all the cap- 
 tains of Alexander. 
 
 Within a short time after this event, he was 
 conducted into Cappadocia by a great araiy 
 which Perdiccas thought fit to command in 
 person. Ariarathes had made the necessary 
 preparations for a vigorous defence, and had 
 raised 30,000 foot and a great body of horse ; 
 but he was defeated and taken prisoner by Per- 
 diccas, who destroyed his whole family, and in 
 vested Eumenes with the government of his do- 
 minions. He intended, by this instance of 
 severity, to intimidate the people, and extinguish 
 all seditions ; a mode of conduct very judicious, 
 and absolutely necessary in the conjunction of a 
 new government, when the state is in a general 
 ferment, and all things are usually disposed for 
 commotions. Perdiccas, after this transaction, 
 advanced with his troops to chastise Isaura and 
 Laranda, cities of Pisidia, which had massacred 
 their governors, and revolted from the Mace- 
 donians. The last of these cities was destroyed 
 in a very surprising manner; for the inhabitants 
 finding themselves in no condition to defend it, 
 and despairing of any quarter from the conquer- 
 or, shut themselves up in their houses, with 
 their wives, children, and parents, and all their 
 gold and silver ; set fire to their several habita- 
 tions, and, after they had fought with the fury 
 of lions, threw themselves into the flames. 
 The city was abandoned to plunder; and the ! 
 soldiers, after they had extinguished the fire, j 
 found a very great booty, for the place was filled j 
 with riches. | 
 Perdiccas,* after this expedition, marched into j 
 Cilicia, where he passed the winter. During 
 his residence in that country, he formed a reso- 
 lution to divorce Nicsea, the daughter of Anti- 
 pater, whom he had espoused at a time when he 
 thought that marriage subservient to his inte- , 
 rest. But when the regency of the empire 
 had given him a superior credit, and caused him 
 to conceive more exalted hopes, his thoughts 
 took a different turn, and he was desirous of ! 
 espousing Cleopatra, the sister of Alexander the 
 Great. She had been married to Alexander 
 king of Epirus; and, having lost her husband in 
 the wars of Italy, she had continued in a state 
 of widowhood, and was then at Sardis in Lydia. 
 Perdiccas despatched Eumenes thither, to make 
 proposals of marriage to that princess, and en- 
 deavour to render him agreeable to her. This 
 alliance with a lady who was the sister of Alex- 
 ander by the same father and mother, and ex- 
 ; ceedingly beloved by the Macedonians, opened 
 
 him a way to the empire through the favour of | 
 I that people, which he might naturally expect | 
 from his marriage with Cleopatra. 
 
 Antigonus penetrated into his design, and 
 evidently foresaw that his own destruction was 
 to be the foundation of the intended success. 
 ; He, therefore, passed into Greece with the 
 ; greatest expedition, in order to find Antipater 
 and Craterus, who were then engaged in a war 
 
 1 Lib. cxxxiii. 
 2 This author lived in the fifteenth century. 
 S Plut. in Euraen. p. 584. Diod. 1. xviii. p. 589. 
 
 4 Diod. p. 606—609 
 
243 
 
 with the ^tolians, and disclosed to them the 
 whole plan that Perdiccas had formed. Upon 
 this intelligence they immediately came to an 
 accommodation with the ^tolians, and ad- 
 vanced towards the Hellespont, to ohserve the 
 motions of the new enemy; and in order to 
 strengthen their own party, they engaged Ptole- 
 my, governor of Egypt, in their Interest. 
 
 Craterus, one of the greatest of Alexander's 
 captains, had the largest share of the affection 
 and esteem of the Macedonians. Alexander, a 
 little before his death, had ordered him to con- 
 duct into Macedonia the 10,000 veteran troops 
 he intended to send thither, on account of their 
 age, wounds, or other infirmities, which ren- 
 dered them incapable of the service. The king 
 had likewise conferred upon him at the same 
 time the government of Macedonia in the room 
 of Antipater, whom he recalled to Babylon. 
 Greece, Macedonia, and Epirus, having been 
 consigned to Craterus and Antipater after the 
 death of Alexander, they governed them in con- 
 cert, and Craterus always conducted himself 
 like a good and faithful associate ; especially in 
 the operations of this war ; in which they were 
 unavoidably engaged by the discovery of the 
 designs Perdiccas was forming. 
 
 Perdiccas sent Eumenes back to his provinces 
 not only to regulate the state of affairs in that 
 country, but more particularly to keep a watch- 
 ful eye on the motions of Neoptolemus his next 
 neighbour, who was governor of Armenia; and 
 whose conduct was suspected by Perdiccas, not 
 without sufficient reason, as will be evident in 
 the sequel. 
 
 This Neoptolemus was a man remarkable for 
 his stupid pride,^ and the insupportable arro- 
 gance he had contracted, from the vain hopes 
 with which he fed his imagination. Eumenes 
 endeavoured to retain him in his duty by reason 
 and gentle measures ; and when he saw that 
 the troops of the Macedonian phalanx, who 
 were commanded by Neoptolemus, were gi-own 
 very insolent and audacious, he made it his care 
 to assemble a body of horse strong enough to 
 oppose their designs, and keep them within the 
 bounds of respect and obedience. With this 
 view he granted all sorts of immunities and ex- 
 emptions from imposts, to those of the inhabi- 
 tants who were in a condition to appear on 
 horseback. He likewise purchased a great num- 
 ber of horses, and bestowed them on those of 
 his court in whom he confided the most; and 
 inflamed their courage by the honours and re- 
 wards he conferred upon them. He disciplined 
 and habituated them to labour and fatigue by 
 reviews, exercises, and continual movements. 
 Every body was surprised to see him assemble. 
 In so short a time, a body of 6000 horse, capable 
 of good service in the field. 
 
 Perdiccas, having caused 
 A. M. 3683. all his troops to file ofiF the 
 Ant. J. C. 821. next spring towards Cappa- 
 docia, held a council with 
 his friends on the operations of the intended 
 war. The subject of their deliberations was, 
 whether they should march first into Macedonia 
 against Antipater and Craterus, or into Egypt 
 against Ptolemy. The majority of voices de- 
 clared in favour of the last; and it was con- 
 cluded, at the same time, that Eumenes, with 
 part of the army, should guard the Asiatic pro- 
 
 5 Pint, in Eurnrn. p. dS5. 
 
 vinces against Antipater and Craterus ; and, in 
 order to engage him more eflTectually to espouse 
 the common cause, Perdiccas added the pro- 
 vinces of Caria, Lycia, and Phrygia, to his 
 government. He likewise declared him gener- 
 alissimo of all the troops in Cappadocia and 
 Armenia, and ordered all the governors to obey 
 him. Perdiccas after this advanced towards 
 Egypt through Damascus and Palestine. He 
 also took the two minor kings with him in this 
 expedition, in order to cover his designs with 
 the royal authority. 
 
 Eumenes spared no pains to have a good army 
 on foot," in order to oppose Antipater and Cra- 
 terus, who had already passed the Hell^pont, 
 and were marching against him. They left 
 nothing unattempted to disengage him from the 
 party he had espoused, and promised him the 
 addition of new provinces to those he already 
 possessed : but he was too steady to be shaken 
 by those offers,'' in bi'each of his engagements to 
 Perdiccas. They succeeded better with Alcetas 
 and Neoptolemus; for they engaged the former, 
 though the brother of Perdiccas, to observe a 
 neutrality, and the other declared in their fa- 
 vour. Eumenes attacked and defeated the latter 
 at a narrow pass, and even took all his baggage. 
 This victory was owing to his cavalry, whom 
 he had formed with so much care. Neoptole- 
 mus escaped with SOO horse, and joined Anti- 
 pater and Craterus ; but the rest of his troops 
 went over to Eumenes. 
 
 Antipater entered Cilicia with an intention 
 to advance into Egypt, in order to assist Ptole- 
 my, if his affairs should require his aid ; and he 
 detached Craterus and Neoptolemus with the 
 rest of his army against Eumenes, who was 
 then in Cappadocia. A great battle was fought 
 there, the success of which is entirely to be 
 ascribed to the wise and vigilant precaution of 
 Eumenes, which Plutarch justly considers as 
 the masterpiece of a great commander. The 
 reputation of Craterus was A'ery great, and the 
 generality of the Macedonians were desirous ol 
 having him for their leader after the death of 
 Alexander, remembering that his affection for 
 them, and his desire to support their interest, 
 bad caused him to incur the displeasure of that 
 prince. Neoptolemus had flattered him, that 
 as soon as he should appear in the field, all the 
 Macedonians of the opposite party would list 
 themselves under his banners : and Eumenes 
 himself was very apprehensive of that event. 
 But in order to avoid this misfortune, which 
 would have occasioned his inevitable ruin, he 
 caused the avenues and narrow passes to be so 
 carefully guarded, that his army were entirely 
 ignorant of the enemy against whom he was 
 leading them, as he had caused a report to be 
 spread, that it was only Neoptolemus, who was 
 preparing to attack him a second time. In the 
 dispositions he made for the battle, he was care- 
 ful not to oppose any Macedonian against Cra- 
 terus ; and issued an order, with very severp 
 penalties, that no herald from the enemy should 
 be received on any account whatever. 
 
 The first charge was very violent ; the lances 
 were soon shivered on both sides, and the two 
 
 6 iPlut. in Eumen. p. 585—587. Diod. 1. xviii p 
 610—613. ■ 
 
 7 Quem (Perdiccam) etsi infirmum videbat, qu6d unus 
 ornnibus resistere cogebatur, amicum nondeseruit, neqiie 
 salutis quam fidei fuit cupidior. Cor. Nep. in Eum 
 c. iii. Q .2, 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 armies attacked sword in hand. Craterus did 
 not behave unworthy of his master Alexander 
 on this last day of his life, for he killed several 
 of the enemy with his own hand, and fre- 
 quently bore down all who opposed him ; till, 
 at last, a Thracian wounded him in the side, 
 when he fell from his horse. All the enemy's 
 cavalry rode over him without knowing who he 
 was, and did not discover him till he was 
 breathing his last. 
 
 As to the other wing, Neoptolemus and Eu- 
 menes, who personally hated each other, having 
 met in the battle, and their horses charging 
 with a violent shock, they seized each other-; 
 and their horses spj-inging from under them, 
 I they both fell on the earth, where they struggled 
 I like two implacable wrestlers, and fought for a 
 : considerable time with the utmost fury and 
 rage, till at last Neoptolemus received a mortal 
 i wound, and immediately expired. 
 1 Eumenes then remounted his horse, and 
 I pushed on to his left wing, Avhere he believed 
 1 the enemy's troops still continued unbroken, 
 i There, when he was informed that Craterus 
 ! was killed, he spurred his horse to the place 
 1 where he lay, and found him expiring. When 
 he beheld this melancholy spectacle, he could 
 not refuse his tears to the death of an ancient 
 friend whom he had always esteemed ; and he 
 caused the last honours to be paid him with all 
 possible magnificence. He likewise ordered his 
 I bones to be conveyed to Macedonia, in order to 
 j be given to his wife and children. Eumenes 
 gained this second victory ten days after the 
 I first. 
 
 In the mean time Perdiccas had advanced 
 j into Egypt,^ and began the war with Ptolemy, 
 ' though with very diiferent success. Ptolemy, 
 from the time he was constituted governor of 
 I that country, had conducted himself with so 
 i much justice and humanity, that he entirely 
 gained the hearts of all the Egyptians. An in- 
 finite number of people, charmed with the len- 
 ity of so wise an administration, came thither 
 from Greece and other parts to enter into his 
 service. This additional advantage rendered 
 him extremely powerful ; and even the army 
 of Perdiccas had so much esteem for Ptolemy, 
 that they marched with reluctance against him, 
 and great numbers of them deserted daily to 
 his troops. All these circumstances were fatal 
 to the views of Perdiccas, and he lost his life in 
 that country. Having unfortunately taken a 
 resolution to make his army pass an arm of the 
 ! Nile, which formed an island near Memphis, 
 in passing he lost 2000 men, half of whom were 
 drowned, and the remainder devoured by croco- 
 diles. The Macedonians were exasperated to 
 such a degi-ee of fury, when they saw them- 
 selves exposed to such unnecessary dangers, that 
 they mutinied against him ; in consequence of 
 which he was abandoned by 100 of his principal 
 officers, of whom Pithon was the most consider- 
 able, and was assassinated in his tent with most 
 of his intimate fi-iends. 
 
 Two days after this event, the army received 
 intelligence of the victory obtained by Eumenes ; 
 and had this account come two days sooner, it 
 would certainly have prevented the mutiny, 
 and consequently the revolution that soon suc- 
 
 ceeded it, which proved so favourable to Ptole- 
 my and Antipater, and all their adherents. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 The regency is transferred to Antipater. Eumenes be. 
 sieged by Antigonus in Nora. Jerusalem besieged and 
 taken by Ptolemy. Demades put to death by Cassander. 
 Antipater on his death-bed nominates Folysperchon for 
 his successor to the regency. The latter recaUs Olym. 
 pias. Antigonus becomes very powerful. 
 
 Ptolemy passed the Nile the day after the 
 death of Perdiccas,^ and entered the Macedo- 
 nian camp ; where he justified his own conduct 
 so eifectually, that all the troops declared in his 
 favour. When the death of Craterus was 
 known, he so ably took advantage of their 
 affliction and resentment, that he induced them 
 to pass a decree, whereby Eumenes, and fifty 
 other pel-sons of the same party, were declared 
 enemies to the Macedonian state, and this de- 
 cree authorized Antipater and Antigonus to 
 carry on a war against them. Although this 
 prince perceived the troops had a general incli- 
 nation to olfer him the regency, which was be- 
 come vacant by the death of 'Perdiccas, he had 
 the precaution to decline that office, because he 
 was very sensible that the royal pupils had a 
 title without a reality ; that they would never 
 be capable of sustaining the weight of that vast 
 empire, nor be in a condition to reunite, under 
 their authority, so many governments accus- 
 tomed to independency ; that there was an in- 
 evitable tendency to dismember the whole, as 
 well from the inclinations and interest of the 
 officers, as the situation of affairs ; that all his 
 acquisitions in the interim would redound to 
 the advantage of his pupils ; that while he ap- 
 peared to possess the first rank, he should in j 
 reality enjoy nothing fixed and solid, or that i 
 could any way be considered as his own pro- 
 perty ; that, upon the expiration of the regency, I 
 he should be left without any government or j 
 real establishment, and that he should neither ; 
 be master of an army to support him, nor of [ 
 any retreat for his preservation : whereas all j 
 his colleagues would enjoy the richest provinces 
 in perfect tranquillity, and he be the only one 
 who had not derived any advantages from the 
 common conquests. These considerations in- 
 duced him to prefer the post he already enjoyed, 
 to the new title that was offered him, as t_he 
 former was less hazardous, and rendered him , 
 less obnoxious to envy : he therefore caused the 
 choice to fall on Pithon and Aridaeus. 1 
 The first of these persons had commanded | 
 with distinction in all the wars of Alexander, j 
 and had embraced the party of Perdiccas, till 
 he was a witness of his imprudent conduct in } 
 passing the Nile, which induced him to quit his i 
 service, and go over to Ptolemy. j 
 With respect to Aridaeus, history has taken : 
 no notice of him before the death of Alexander, ; 
 when the funeral solemnities of that prince were j 
 committed to his care ; and we have already ! 
 seen in what manner he acquitted himself of 
 that melancholy but honourable commission, 
 after he had employed two years in the prepa- 
 rations for it. 
 
 The honour of this guardianship did not long 
 continue with them. Eurydice, the consort of 
 
 1 Diod. I. xviii. p. 613—616. Plut. in Eumen. p. .'87. 
 Cor. Hep. c. v. 
 
 2 Diod. 1. xviii. p. 615—619. 
 
245 
 
 king Aridaeus, whom we shall distinguish for 
 the future by the name of Philip, being fond of 
 interfering in all affairs, and being supported in 
 her pretensions by the Macedonians ; the two 
 regents were so dissatisfied with their employ- 
 ment, that they voluntarily resigned it, after 
 they had conducted the army back to Tripara- 
 dis in Syria; and it was then conferi'ed upon 
 Antipater. 
 
 i As soon as he was invested with his author- 
 I ity, lie made a new partition of the provinces of 
 the empire, in which he excluded all those who 
 had espoused the interest of Perdiccas and Eu- 
 menes, and re-established every person of the 
 other party, who had been dispossessed. In 
 this new division of the empire, Seleucus, who 
 had great authority from the command of the 
 cavalry, as we have already intimated, had the 
 government of Babylon, and became afterwai'ds 
 the most powerful of all the successors of Alex- 
 ander. Pithon had the government of Media; 
 but Atropates, who at that time enjoyed the 
 government of that province, supported himself 
 in one part of the country, and assumed the 
 regal dignity, without acknowledging the au- 
 thority of the Macedonians ; and this tract of 
 Media was afterwards called Media Atropatena. 
 Antipater, after this regulation of affairs, sent 
 Antigonus against Eumenes, and then returned 
 into Macedonia ; but left his son Cassander be- 
 hind him, in quality of general of the cavalry, 
 with orders to be near the person of Antigonus, 
 that he might the better be informed of his de- 
 signs. 
 
 Jaddus,^ the high-priest of 
 A. M. 3683. the Jews, died this year, and 
 Ant. J. C. 321. was succeeded by his son 
 Onias, whose pontificate con- 
 tinued for the space of twenty-one years. I 
 make this remark, because the history of the 
 Jews will, in the sequel of this work, be very 
 much intermixed with that of Alexander's suc- 
 cessors. 
 
 Antigonus appeared early 
 A. M. 3584. in the field against Eume- 
 Ant. J. C. 320. nes ;* and a battle was fought 
 at Orcynium in Cappadocia, 
 wherein Eumenes was defeated, and lost 8000 
 men by the treachery of ApoUonides, one of the 
 principal officers of his cavalry ; who was cor- 
 rupted by Antigonus, and marched over to the 
 enemy in the midst of the battle. The traitor 
 was soon punished for his perfidy,^ for Eumenes 
 took him, and caused him to be hanged upon 
 the spot. 
 
 A conjuncture which happened soon after this 
 defeat,'' would have enabled Eumenes to seize 
 the baggage of Antigonus and all his riches, 
 with a great number of prisoners ; and his little 
 , troop already cast an eager eye on so consider- 
 able a booty. But whether his apprehensions 
 that so rich a prey would enervate the courage 
 »T his soldiers, who were then constrained to 
 wander from place to place ; or whether his re- 
 gard for Antigonus, with whom he had for- 
 merly contracted a particular friendship, pre- 
 vented him from improving this opportunity; 
 it is certain, that he sent privately a letter to 
 chat commander, to inform him of the danger 
 chat threatened him ; and when he afterwards 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. 1. xi. c. 8. 
 
 4 Diod 1. xviii. [). 619, 62). 
 
 5 Plut. in Eumen. p. 588—590. 
 P Cor. Nep. in Euni. c. 5. 
 
 made a feint to attack the baggage, it was all 
 removed to a place of better security. 
 
 Eumenes, after his overthrow, was obliged, 
 for his preservation, to employ most of his time 
 in changing the place of his retreat ; and he was 
 highly admired for the tranquillity and steadi- 
 ness of mind he discovered in the wandering | 
 life to which he was reduced ; for, as Plutarch j 
 observes, adversity alone can place greatness of 
 soul in its full light, and render the real merit 
 of men conspicuous ; whereas prosperity fre- 
 quently casts a veil of false grandeur over real 
 meanness and imperfections. Eumenes, having 
 at last disbanded most of his remaining troops, 
 shut himself up with 600 men, who were de- 
 termined to share his fate, in the castle of Nora, 
 a place of extraordinary strength on the fron- 
 tiers of Cappadocia and Lycaonia, where he 
 sustained a siege of twelve months. 
 
 He was soon sensible that nothing incom- 
 moded his garrison so much as the small space 
 they possessed, being shut up in little close 
 houses, and on a tract of ground whose whole 
 circuit did not exceed 200 fathoms ; where they 
 could neither walk nor perform the least exer- 
 cise, and where their horses, having scarce any 
 room for motion, became sluggish and incapable 
 of service. To remedy this inconvenience, he 
 had recourse to the following expedient. He 
 converted the largest house in the place, the ex- 
 tent of which did not exceed twenty-one feet, 
 into a kind of hall for exercise. This he con- 
 signed to the men, and ordered them to walk in 
 it very gently at first ; they were afteirwards to 
 quicken tlieir pace by degrees, and at last were 
 to exert the most vigorous motions. The horses 
 he suspended, one after another, in strong slings, 
 which were disposed under their breasts, and 
 from thence inserted into rings fastened to the 
 roof of the stable ; after which he caused them 
 to be raised into the air by the aid of pulleys, in 
 such a manner, that only their hinder feet 
 rested on the ground, whilst the hoofs of their 
 fore feet could hardly touch it. In this condi- 
 tion the grooms lashed them severely with their 
 whips, which made the horses bound to such a 
 degree, and struggle so violently to set their foro 
 feet on the ground, that their bodies were all • 
 covered with sweat and foam. After this ex- 
 ercise, which was finely calculated to strengthen f 
 and keep them in wind, and likewise to render 
 their limbs supple and pliant ; their barley was 
 given to them very clean, and winnowed from 
 all the chaff, that they might eat it the sooner, 
 and with less difficulty. The abilities of a good 
 general extend to every thing about him, and 
 are seen in the minutest particulars. 
 
 The siege, or more properlv 
 
 A. M. 3685. the blockade of Nora, did 
 Ant. J. C. 319. not prevent Antigonus from 
 undertaking a new expedi- 
 tion into Pisidia, against Alcetas and Attalus ; 
 the last of whom was taken prisoner in a battle, 
 and the other slain by treachery in the place to 
 which he had retired. 
 
 During these transactions in Asia, Ptolemy,^ 
 seeing of what importance Syria, Phoenicia, and 
 Judea were, as well for covering Egypt, as for 
 making proper dispositions from that quarter 
 for the invasion of Cyprus, which he had then 
 in view, determined to make himself master of 
 those provinces, which were governed by La- 
 
 7 Diod. 1. xviii. p. 6'2L 622. 
 
246 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 otnedon. With this intention he sent Nicanor 
 into Syria with a body of land forces, while he 
 himself set out with a fleet to attack the coasts. 
 Nicanor defeated Laomedon, and took him pris- 
 oner; in consequence of which he soon con- 
 quered the inland country. Ptolemy had the 
 same advantages on the coasts, by which means 
 he became absolute master of those pi-ovinces. 
 The princes in alliance with him were alarmed 
 at the rapidity of these conquests ; but Antipater 
 was at too great a distance, being then in Mace- 
 donia ; and Antigonus was too much employed 
 against Eumenes, to oppose these great acces- 
 sions to the power of Ptolemy, who gave them 
 no little jealousy. 
 
 After 'the defeat of Laomedon,' the Jews 
 were the only people who made any resistance. 
 They were duly sensible of the obligation they 
 were under by the oath they had taken to their 
 governor, and were determined to continue 
 faithful to him. Ptolemy advanced into Judea, 
 and formed the siege of Jerusalem. The city 
 was so strong by its advantageous situation, in 
 conjunction with the works of art, that it would 
 have sustained a long siege, had it not been for 
 the religious fear the Jews entertained of viola- 
 ting the law, if they should defend themselves 
 on the sabbath. Ptolemy was not long unac- 
 quainted with this particular ; and in order to 
 improve the great advantage it gave him, he 
 chose that day for the general assault ; and as 
 no individual among the Jews would presume 
 to defend himself, the city was taken without 
 any difficulty. 
 
 Ptolemy a"t first treated Jerusalem and Judea 
 with great severity, for he carried above 100,000 
 of the inhabitants captives into Egypt ; but 
 when he afterwards considered the steadiness 
 with which they had persisted in the fidelity 
 they had sworn to their governors, on this and 
 a variety of other occasions, he was convinced 
 that this quality rendered them more worthy of 
 his confidence ; and he accordingly chose 30,000 
 of the most distinguished among them, who 
 were most capable of serving him, and appoint- 
 ed them to guard the most important places in 
 his dominions. 
 
 Much about this time Antipater fell sick in 
 Macedonia.^ The Athenians were greatly dis- 
 satisfied with the garrison he had left in their 
 city, and had frequently pressed Phocion to go 
 to the court of that prince, and solicit him to 
 recall those troops ; but he always declined that 
 commission, either through a despair of not 
 succeeding, or else because he was conscious that 
 the fear of this garrison was the best expedient 
 for keeping them within the bounds of their 
 duty. Demades, who was not so difficult to be 
 prevailed upon, undertook the commission with 
 pleasure, and immediately set out with his son 
 for Macedonia. But his arrival in that country 
 could not have happened at a more fatal con- 
 juncture for himself. Antipater, as I have 
 already intimated, was seized with a severe ill- 
 ness; and his son Cassander, who was absolute 
 master of all affairs, had lately intercepted a 
 letter which Demades had written to Antigonus 
 in Asia, pressing him to come as soon as possi- 
 ble, and make himself master of Greece and 
 Macedonia, *' which," as he expressed himself, 
 " were held together only by a thread, and even 
 an old and rotten thread," ridiculing Antipater 
 
 by those expressions. As soon as Cassander 
 saw them appear at court, he caused them both 
 to be an'ested ; and he himself seizing the son 
 first, stabbed him before the face of his father, 
 and at so little distance from him, that he was 
 covered with his blood. After which he re- 
 proached him with his perfidy and ingratitude, 
 and when he had loaded him with insults, he 
 killed him also with his own hands, on the dead 
 body of his son. It is impossible not to detest 
 so barbarous a proceeding ; but we are not much 
 disposed to pity such a wretch as Demades, who 
 had dictated the decree by which Demosthenes 
 and Hyperides were condemned to die. 
 
 The indisposition of Antipater proved fatal 
 to him, and his last attention was employed in 
 filling up the two great stations which he en- 
 joyed. His son Cassander was very desirous of 
 them, and expected to have them conferred 
 upon him ; notwithstanding which, Antipater 
 bestowed the regency of the kingdom, and the 
 government of Macedonia, on Polysperchon, 
 the oldest of all the surviving captains of A lex- 
 ander, and thought it sufficient to associate Cas- 
 sander with him in those employments. 
 
 I am at a loss to determine, whether any in- 
 stance of human conduct was ever greater, or 
 more to be admired, than this which I have 
 now related in few words ; nothing certainly is 
 more uncommon, and history affords us few 
 instances of the same nature. It was necessarj 
 to appoint a governor over Macedonia, and < 
 regent of the empire. Antipater, who knew 
 the importance of those stations, was persuaded 
 that his own glory and reputation, and, what 
 was still more prevalent with him, the interest 
 of the state, and the preservation of the Mace- 
 donian monarchy, required him to nominate a 
 man of authority, and one respected for his age. 
 experience, and past services. He had a son 
 who was not void of merit ; how rare and diffi- 
 cult therefore, but, at the same time, how amiable 
 and glorious, was it to select, on such an occa- 
 sion, no man but the most deserving, and best 
 qualified to serve the public effectually ; to stifle 
 the voice of nature, turn a deaf ear to all hei 
 remonstrances, and not suffer the judgment to 
 be seduced by the impressions of paternal affec- 
 tion ; in a word, to continue so much master of 
 one's discernment, as to render justice to the 
 merit of a stranger, and openly prefer it to that 
 of a son, and sacrifice all the interest of one's 
 own family to the public welfai-e ! History 
 has transmitted to us an expression of the em- 
 peror Galba, which will do honour to his me- 
 mory throughout all ages. " Augustus,"" said 
 he, " chose a successor out of his own family ; 
 and I one from the whole empire." 
 
 Cassander was extremely enraged at the gross 
 affront, which, as he pretended, had been of- 
 fered him by this choice, and thought in that 
 respect like the generality of men, who are apt 
 to look upon offices as hereditary, who consider 
 the state as of no consequence in comparison 
 with themselves ; never examining what are 
 the duties required by the posts they aspire to 
 or whether they have competent abilities to dis- 
 chai'ge them, but considering only whethei 
 those posts would be conducive to their fortune. 
 Cassander, not being able to digest his father's 
 preferring a stranger before him, endeavoured 
 to form a party against the new regent. He 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. 1. xii. c. 1. 
 
 1 Diod. I, xviii. p fi25, 6'26. Plut. in Phoc. p. VS"). 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 247 
 
 secured to himself all the strong places he could 
 in his government, as well in Greece as in 
 Macedonia, and proposed nothing less than to 
 divest Polysperchon of the whole. 
 
 For this purpose he endeavoured to engage 
 Ptolemy and Antigonus on his side;* and they 
 readily espoused it with the same views, from 
 the same motives. It was equally their interest 
 to destroy this new regent, as well as the re- 
 ency itself, which always kept them in appre- 
 ensions, and reminded them of their state of 
 dependency. They likewise imagined, that it 
 secretly reproached them for aspiring at sove- 
 reignty, while it cherished the rights of the two 
 pupils ; and left the governors in a situation of 
 uncertainty, in consequence of which they were 
 perpetually in fear of heing divested of their 
 power. Both the one and the other believed it 
 would be easy for them to succeed in their de- 
 signs, if the Macedonians were once engaged at 
 home in a civil war. 
 
 The death of Antipater had rendered Anti- 
 gonus the most powerful of all the captains of 
 Alexander. His authority was absolute in all 
 the provinces of Asia Minor, with the title of 
 generalissimo, and an army of 70,000 men and 
 thirty elephants, which no power in the empire 
 was, at that time, capable of resisting. It can- 
 not, therefore, be thought surprising, that this 
 superiority should inspire him with the design 
 of engrossing the whole monarchy ; and, in or- 
 der to succeed in that attempt, he bt^an with 
 making a reformation in all the governments of 
 the provinces within his jurisdiction, displacing 
 all those persons whom he suspected, and sub- 
 stituting his creatures in their room. In the 
 conduct of this scheme, he removed Aridaeus 
 from the government of Lesser Phrygia and 
 the Hellespont, and Clitus from that of Lydia. 
 
 Polysperchon^ neglected nothing, on his' part, 
 that was necessary to strengthen his interest ; 
 and thought it adviseable to recall Olympias, 
 who had retired into Epirus under the regency 
 of Antipater, with the offer of sharing his au- 
 thority with her. This princess despatched a 
 courier to Eumenes, to consult him on the pro- 
 posal she had received ; and he advised her to 
 wait some time, in order to see what turn affairs 
 would take : adding, that if she determined to 
 return to Macedonia, he would recommend it 
 to her in particular, to forget all the injuries 
 she thought she had received; that it would also 
 be her interest to govern with moderation, and 
 to make others sensible of her authority by 
 benefactions, and not by severity. As to all 
 other particulars, he promised an inviolable at- 
 tachment to herself and the royal family. Olym- 
 pias did not conform to these judicious counsels 
 in any respect, but set out as soon as possible 
 for Macedonia ; where, upon her arrival, she 
 consulted nothing but her passions, and her in- 
 satiable desii*e of dominion and revenge. 
 
 Polysperchon, who had many enemies upon 
 his hands, endeavom*ed to secure Greece, of 
 which he foresaw Cassander would attempt to 
 make himself master. He also took measures 
 with relation to other parts of the empire, as 
 will appear by the sequel. 
 
 In order to engage the Greeks in his interest," 
 he issued a decree, by which he recalled the 
 
 exiles, and reinstated all the cities in their an- 
 cient privileges. He ficquainted the Athenians 
 in particular by letters, that the king had re- 
 established their democracy and ancient form of 
 government, by which the Athenians were ad- 
 mitted without distinction into public offices. 
 This was a strain of policy calculated to ensnare 
 Phocion ; for Palysperchon intending to make 
 himself master of Athens, as was evident in n, 
 short time, despaired of succeeding in that, de- 
 sign, unless he could find some expedient to 
 procure the banishment of Phocion, who had 
 favoured and introduced oligarchy under Anti- 
 pater; and he had, therefore, no doubt that he 
 would be immediately banished, as soon as 
 those, who had been excluded from the govern- 
 ment, should be reinstated in their ancient 
 rights. 
 
 SECT. V. 
 
 The Athenians condemn Phocion to die. Cassander 
 makes himself master of Athens, where he establishes 
 Demetrius Phalereus in the government of that repub- 
 lic. His prudent administration. Eumenes quits Nora. 
 Various expeditions of Antigonus, Seleucus, Ptolemy, 
 and other generals against him. Olympias causes Ari. 
 dseus to be slain, and is murdered in her turn by the 
 orders of Cassander. The war between him and Poly, 
 sperchon. The re-establishment of Thebes. Eumenes 
 is betrayed by his own troops, delivered up to Anti- 
 gonus, and put to death. 
 
 Cassander,' before the death of Antipater was 
 known at Athens, had sent Nicanor thither, to 
 succeed Menyllus in the government of the for- 
 tress of Munychia, soon after which he had 
 made himself master of the Pirseeus. Phocion, 
 who placed too much confidence in the probity 
 and fidelity of Nicanor, had contracted a strict 
 intimacy, and conversed frequently with him, 
 which caused the people to suspect him more 
 than ever. 
 
 In this conjuncture, Alexander, the son of 
 Polysperchon, arrived with a great body of 
 troops, under pretext of succouring the city 
 against Nicanor, but in reality to seize it him- 
 self, if possible, by taking advantage of the divi- 
 sions which then reigned within it. A tumul- 
 tuous assembly was convened, in which Phocion 
 was divested of his emplojTnent ; while Deme- 
 trius Phalereus, with several other citizens, 
 who were apprehensive of the same fate, im- 
 mediately retired from the city. Phocion, who 
 had the grief to see himself accused of treason, 
 took sanctuary with Polysperchon, who sent 
 him back to be tried by the people. An assem- 
 bly was immediately convoked, from which 
 neither slaves, foreigners, nor any infamous 
 persons whatever, were excluded, although this 
 proceeding was contrary to all the established 
 rules. Phocion and the other prisoners were 
 presented to the people. Most persons of any 
 merit in the assembly, cast down their eyes to 
 the earth at this spectacle, and covering their 
 heads, wept abundantly. One among them 
 having the courage to move, that the slaves and 
 foreigners might be ordered to withdraw, Avas 
 immediately opposed by the populace, who cried 
 out that they ought rather to stone those advo- 
 cates for oligarchy, and enemies of the people. 
 Phocion frequently attempted to plead his own 
 cause, and vindicate his conduct, but was al- 
 ways interrupted. It was customary at Athens, 
 
 4 Diod. I. xviii. p. 630. 
 5 Ibid. p. fi'26 & 6o4. Cor. Nep. in Eumen. c. vL 
 6 Diod. 1. xviii. p. 631, 632. 
 
 7 Diod, 1. xviii. p. 638—642. 
 
248 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 for the person accused to declare, before sentence 
 passed against bim, what punishment be ought 
 to suffer. Phocion answered aloud, that he 
 condemned himself to die, but desired the as- 
 sembly to spare the rest. Upon this, the suf- 
 frages were demanded, and they were unani- 
 mously sentenced to suffer death, pre^^ous to 
 which they were conveyed to the dungeon. 
 Demetrius* Phalereus, and some others, though 
 absent, were included in the same condemna- 
 tion. The companions of Phocion were so 
 affected by the sorrow of their relations and 
 friends, who came to embrace them in the 
 streets, with the melancholy tender of the last 
 farewell, that they proceeded on their way, 
 lamenting their unhappy fate in a flood of tears : 
 but Phocion still retained the same air and 
 coimtenance as he had formerly shown when 
 he quitted the assembly to take upon him the 
 command of armies, and when the Athenians 
 attended him in crowds to his own house with 
 the voice of praises and acclamations. 
 
 One of the populace, more insolent than the 
 rest, advanced up to him, and spat in his face. 
 Phocion only turned to the magistrates, and 
 said, " Will nobody hinder this man from act- 
 ing so unworthily ?" AVhen he arrived at the 
 prison, one of his friends having asked him if 
 he had any message to send to his son ? " Yes, 
 certainly," replied he, "it is to desire that he 
 would never remember the injustice of the 
 Athenians." When he had uttered these words, 
 he took the hemlock, and died. 
 
 On that day there was also a public proces- 
 sion ; and as it passed before the prison, some 
 of the persons who composed it took their 
 crowns from their heads; others turned their 
 eyes to the gates of the prison, and burst into 
 tears ; and all who had any remains of hu- 
 manity and religion, and whose souls were not 
 entirely depraved and blinded by rage or envy, 
 acknowledged it to be an instance of unnatural 
 barbarity, as well as a great impiety, with re- 
 gard to the city, not to have abstained, on such 
 a solemn day, from the infliction of death on a 
 citizen so universally esteemed, and whose ad- 
 mirable virtues had procured him the appella- 
 tion of The Good.' 
 
 To punish the greatest virtues as the most 
 flagitious crimes,^ and to repay the best of ser- 
 vices with the most inhuman treatment, is an 
 offence worthy of condemnation in all places, 
 but especially in Athens, where ingratitude was 
 punishable by the law. The regulations of her 
 sage legislator still subsisted at that time, but 
 they were wrested to the condemnation of her 
 citizens, and only became an evidence, how 
 much that people were degenerated in their 
 manners. 
 
 The enemies of Phocion, not satisfied with 
 the punishment they had caused him to suffer, 
 and fancying that something more was still 
 wanting to complete their triumph, obtained an 
 order from the people, that his body should be 
 carried out of the territory of Attica, and that 
 none of the Athenians should furnish fire to 
 
 1 Ob integrilatem vitai Bonus est appellatus. Cor Nep. 
 
 2 Quid obest quin publica dementia sit existimanda, 
 Eummo consensu maximas virtutes quasi gravissima de- 
 licta punire, beneficiaque injuriis rependere ? Quod cum 
 ubique, turn praacipud Athenis intolerabile videri debet, 
 in qui urbe adversus ingratos actio constituta est— Quan.. 
 tam ergo reprehensionem merentur, qui cum aequissima 
 jura scd iniquissima habebajit ingenia, moribas suis, 
 quam Icgibus uti malucrint ? Val, Mas. 1. v. c. 3. 
 
 honour his funeral pile : these last offices were, 
 therefore, rendered to him in the territories of 
 iNIegara. A lady of the country, who acci- 
 dentally assisted at his funeral with her ser- 
 vants, caused a cenotaph, or vacant tomb, to be 
 erected to his memory on the same spot ; over 
 which she made the customary libations ; and 
 collecting into her robe the bones of that great 
 man, which she had carefully gathered up, she 
 conveyed them into her house by night, and 
 buried them under her hearth, with these ex- 
 pressions : " Dear and sacred hearth, I here 
 confide to thee, and deposit in thy bosom, these 
 precious remains of a worthy man. Preserve 
 them with fidelity, in order to restore them 
 hereafter to the monument of his ancestors, 
 j when the Athenians shall become wiser than 
 they are at present." 
 
 Though it may possibly be thought, that a 
 variety of irregular, tumultuous, unjust, and 
 cruel sentences, denounced in Athens against 
 virtuous citizens at different times, might have 
 prepared us for this last; it wiU, however, be 
 always thought surpi'ising, that a whole people, 
 I of whom one naturally conceives a noble idea, 
 I after such a series of great actions, should be 
 j capable of such a strange pei-%-ersity. But it 
 j ought to be remembered, that the dregs of a vile 
 { populace, entirely void of honour, probity, and 
 ' morals, predominated at that time at Athens. 
 And there is sufficient foundation for the senti- 
 ments of Plato and Plutarch, who declare, that 
 the people, when they are either destitute of 
 guides, or no longei- listen to their admonitions ; 
 and when they have thrown off the reins by 
 which they once were checked, and are entirely 
 abandoned to their impetuosity and caprice ; 
 \ ought to be considered as a blind, furious, in- 
 I tractable, and blood-thirsty monster, ready to 
 ! launch in a moment into the most fatal and o|>- 
 ' posite extremes, and infinitely more formidable 
 1 than the most inhuman tyrants. What can be 
 i expected from such a ti-ibunal? When people 
 j resolve to be guided by nothing but mere pas- 
 I sion ; to have no regard' to decorum, and to run 
 headlong into an open violation of all laws ; the 
 best, the justest, and most innocent of mankind., 
 will sink under an implacable and prevailing 
 cabal. This Socrates experienced almost a bun - 
 I dred years before Phocion perished by the same 
 fate. 
 
 This last was one of the greatest men that 
 Greece ever pi'oduced, in whose person every 
 kind of merit was united. He had been edu- 
 cated in the school of Plato and Xenocrates, 
 and formed his manners upon the most perfect 
 plan of Pagan virtue, to which his conduct was 
 always conformable. 
 
 It would be difficult for any person to carry 
 disinterestedness higher than this extraordinary 
 man ; which appeared from the extreme poverty 
 in w^hich he died, after the many great oflices 
 he had fiUed. How many opportiuiities of ac- 
 quiring riches has a general always at the head 
 of armies, who acts against rich and opulent 
 enemies ; sometimes in countries abounding 
 with all things, and which seem to invite the 
 plunderer! But Phocion would have thought 
 it infamous, had he returned from his cam- 
 paigns laden with any acquisition, but the glorj 
 of his exalted actions, and the g^rateful benedic- 
 tions of the people he had spared. 
 
 This excellent person, amidst all the severity 
 which rendered him in some measure intrac- 
 table, when the interests of the republic wen 
 I concei"ncd, had so much natural softness and 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 24.9 
 
 humanity, that his enemies themselves always 
 found liirn disposed to assist them. It might 
 even have been said, that he was a composition 
 of two natures, whose qualities were entirely 
 opposite to each other in appearance. When he 
 acted as a public man, he armed himself with 
 fortitude, and steadiness, and zeal, he could 
 sometimes assume even the air of a rigid indig- 
 nation, and was inflexible in supporting disci- 
 pline in its utmost strictness. If, on the other 
 hand, he appeared in a private capacity, his 
 conduct was a perpetual display of mildness 
 and affability, condescension and patience, and 
 was graced with all the virtues that can render 
 the commerce of life agreeable. It was no in- 
 considerable merit, and especially in a military 
 man, to be capable of uniting two such differ- 
 ent characters in such a manner, that as the 
 severity which was necessary for the preserva- 
 tion of good order, was never seen to degenerate 
 into the rigour that creates aversion, so the 
 gentleness and complacency of his disposition 
 never sunk into that softness and indifference 
 which occasions contempt. 
 
 He has been greatly applauded for reforming 
 the modern custom of his country, which made 
 war and politics two different professions ; and 
 also for restoring the manner of governing 
 which Pericles and Aristides adopted, by uniting 
 each of those talents in himself. 
 
 As he was persuaded that eloquence was es- 
 sential to a statesman, especially in a republican 
 government, he applied himself to the attain- 
 ment of it with great assiduity and success. 
 His was concise, solid, full of force and sense, 
 always keeping close to the point in question. 
 He thought it beneath a statesman to use a 
 poignant and satiric style, and his only answer 
 to those who employed such language against 
 him, was silence and patience. An orator 
 having once interrupted him with many inju- 
 rious expressions,^ he suffered him to continue 
 in that strain as long as he pleased, and then 
 resumed his own discourse with as much cool- 
 ness as if he had heard nothing. 
 
 It was highly glorious for Fhocion, that he 
 was forty-five times elected general by a people 
 to whose caprice he was so little inclinable to 
 accommodate his conduct ; and it is remarkable 
 that these elections always happened when he 
 was absent, v/ithout any previous solicitations 
 on his part. His wife was sufficiently sensible 
 how much this redounded to his glory; and one 
 day when an Ionian lady of considerable rank, 
 who lodged in her house, showed her with an 
 air of ostentation and pleasure, her ornaments 
 of gold, with a variety of jewels and bracelets, 
 she answered her with a modest tone, " For 
 my part, I have no ornament but Phocion, who 
 for these tAventy years has always been elected 
 general of the Athenians." 
 
 His regular and frugal life contributed not a 
 little to the vigorous and healthy old age he 
 enjoyed. When he was in his eightieth year, 
 he commanded the forces, and sustained all the 
 fatigues of war, with the vivacity of a young 
 officer. 
 
 One of the great principles in the politics of 
 Fhocion was, that peace ought always to be the 
 aim of every wise government, and with this 
 view be was a constant opposer of all wars 
 'hat were either imprudent or unnecessary. He 
 
 3 Plut. dc ger. rep. p. 810. 
 
 was even apprehensive ot those that were most 
 just and expedient; because he was sensible, that 
 every war weakened and impoverished a state, 
 even amidst a series of the greatest victories, 
 and that whatever the advantage might be at 
 the commencement of it, there was never any 
 certainty of terminating it, without experienc- 
 ing the most tragical vicissitudes of fortune. 
 
 The interest of the public never gave way 
 with him to any domestic views ; he constantly 
 refused to solicit, or act in favour of his son-in- 
 law, Charicles, who was summoned before the 
 republic, to account for the sums he had receiv- 
 ed from Harpalus ; and he then addressed him- 
 self to him with this admirable expression— 
 " 1 have made you my son-in-law, but only for 
 what is honest and honourable." It must in- 
 deed be acknowledged, that men of this charac- 
 ter seem very unaccommodating and insupport- 
 able in the common transactions of life: they 
 are always starting difficulties,* when any 
 affair is proposed to them ; and never perform 
 any good offices with entire ease and grace. 
 They must always deliberate, whether what is 
 requested of them be just or not. Their friends 
 and relations have as little influence over them 
 as utter strangers ; and they always oppose, 
 either their conscience, or some particular duties 
 to ancient friendship, affinity, or the interest of 
 their families. To this height of delicacy did 
 Phocion carry the Pagan probity. 
 
 One may justly apply to him what Tacitus 
 said of a celebrated Roman, I mean Helvidius 
 Friscus.^ Phocion,. who had as solid a genius 
 as that person, applied himself at first to phi- 
 losophy, not to cover his indolence with the 
 pompous title of a sage, but to qualify himself 
 for entering upon the conduct of affairs with 
 more vigour and resolution against all unexpect.- 
 ed accidents. He concurred in opinion with 
 those who acknowledge no other good or evil 
 than virtue and vice, and who rank all extex-- 
 nals, as fortune, power, nobility, in the class of 
 indifferent things. He was a firm friend, a 
 tender husband, a good senator, a worthy citi- 
 zen, and discharged all the offices of civil life 
 with equal integiity. He preserved a steadiness 
 of mind in pi'osperity that resembled stiffness 
 and severity, and despised death as much as 
 riches. 
 
 'i'hese are part of the great qualities of Fho- 
 cion, who merited a happier end ; and they 
 were placed in their most amiable light by his 
 death. The constancy of mind, the mildness 
 of disposition, and the forgetfulness of wrongs, 
 conspicuous in his conduct on that occasion, are 
 above all his other praises, and infinitely en- 
 hance their lustre, especially as we shall see 
 nothing comparable to him from henceforth in 
 the Grecian history. 
 
 His infatuated and ungrateful country was 
 not sensible of their unworthy proceeding till 
 
 4 Hsec prima lex in amicitia sanciatur, ut ncque roge- 
 mus res turpes, nec faciamus rogati. 'I'urpis cnim excu- 
 satio est, et minime accipicnda, cilin in Cceteris peccatis, 
 turn si quis contra reinpublicam se amici causa fecisse fa- 
 teatur. Cic. de Amicit. n. 40. 
 
 5 Ingenium illustre altioribus studiis juvenis admodum 
 dedit, non ut nomine niagnifico segne otium valeret, sed 
 qu5 firmior adversCls fortuita rempublicam capesseret. 
 Doctores papientite secutus est, qui sola bona quce honesta, 
 mala tantCim qu£e turpia, potentiam, nobilitatem, CEetera- 
 que extra animum, neque bonis neque malis annumerant 
 — Civis, senator, maritus, amicus, cunctis vitte officii? 
 aquabilibus : opum contemptor, recti pervicax, constan.' 
 advers^s metus. Tacit. Hist. 1. iv. c. 5. 
 
I 
 
 250 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 some time after bis death. The Athenians 
 then erected a statue of brass to his memory, 
 and honourably interred his bones at the public j 
 expense. His accusci-s also suffered a piuiish- \ 
 ment suitable to their desert ; but did not his j 
 judges themselves deserve to be treated with 
 greater severity? They punished their own , 
 crime in others, and thought themselves ac- 
 quilted by erecting a brazen statue. They were [ 
 even ready to relapse into the same injustice j 
 against others who were equally innocent, 
 whom they condemned during their lives, and ! 
 bad never the equity to acquit till after their 
 death. ' ; 
 
 Cassander was careful to take advantage of j 
 the disorder that reigned in Athens,' and en- 
 tered the Piraeus with a fleet of thii-ty-five ves- j 
 sels, which he had received from Antigonus. 
 llie Athenians, when they beheld themselves 
 destitute of all succom-s, unanimously resolved 
 to send deputies to Cassander, in order to know 
 the conditions on which they might obtain a 
 peace ; and it was mutually agreed that the 
 Athenians should continue masters of the city, 
 with its teiTitories, and likewise of the revenues 
 and ships. But it was stipulated that the citadel 
 should remain in the power of Cassander, till 
 he had ended the war with the kings. And as 
 to what related to the affairs of the republic, it 
 was agreed that those whose income amounted 
 to ten mina?, or a thousand drachmre, should 
 have a share in the government, which was a 
 less sum by half than that which was the quali- 
 fication for public employments, when Antipa- 
 ter made himself master of Athens. In a 
 word, the inhabitants permitted Cassander to 
 choose what citizen he pleased to govern the re- 
 public ; and Demetrius Phalereus was elected 
 to that dignity about the close of the third year 
 of the llotii Olympiad. The ten years' go- 
 vernment, therefore, which Diodorus and Dio- 
 genes have assigned Demetrius, is to be com- 
 puted from the beginning of the following 
 year. 
 
 He governed the republic in peace : constantly 
 treated his fellow-citizens with mildness and 
 humanity ; and historians acknowledge that 
 the government was never better regulated than 
 under Cassander. This prince seemed inclina- 
 ble to tyranny; but the Athenians were not 
 sensible of its effects. And though Demetrius, 
 whom he had constituted chief of the republic, 
 was invested with a kind of sovereign power; 
 yet instead of abolishing the democracy, he may 
 rather be said to have re-established it. He 
 acted in such a manner, that the people scarce 
 perceived that he was master. As he united in 
 his person the politician and the man of letters; 
 his soft and persuasive eloquence demonstrated 
 the truth of an expression he frequently used, 
 that discourse had as much power in a govern- 
 ment as arms in war. His abilities in political 
 affaii-s were equally conspicuous ;- for he drew 
 forth speculative philosophy from the shade and 
 inactivity of the schools, exhibited her in full 
 light, and knew how to familiarize her precepts 
 vv-ith the most tumultuous affairs. It would 
 
 1 Diod. 1. xviii. p, 642. 
 
 2 Mirabiliter doctrinam ex umbraculis eruditorum otio. 
 que, non jnodo in solem atque pulverem, sed in ipsum 
 discrimcn aciemq'ie perduxit. — Qui utrAque re excelleret, 
 I't et doctrinae studiis, et regenda civitate princcps c'sset, 
 quis facile prater hunc inveniri potest ? Cic. 1. iii. cic Leg. 
 11. 15, 
 
 have been difficult, therefore, to have found a 
 person capable of excelling like him at the same 
 time, in the art of govermnent, and the study 
 of the sciences. 
 
 He acquired, during these ten years of his 
 government, that reputation which has cause<l 
 him to be considered as one of the greatest men 
 Athens has produced. He augmented the re- 
 venues of the republic, and adorned the city 
 with noble structures ; he was likewise indus- 
 trious to diminish luxury, and all expenses 
 calculated only for ostentation. For which 
 reason he disapproved of those that were laid 
 out on theatres,* porticoes, and new temples, 
 and openly censured Pericles, for having be- 
 stowed such a prodigious sum of money on the 
 magnificent porticoes of the temple of Pallas, 
 called Pro]i!/!a'a* But in all public feasts which 
 had been consecrated by antiquity, or when the 
 people were inclinable to be expensive in the 
 celebration of any sacred solemnities, he 
 permitted lliem to use their riches as they 
 pleased. 
 
 The expense was excessive at the death of 
 great persons,^ and their sepulchres were as 
 sumptuous and magnificent as those of the Ro- 
 mans in the age of Cicero. Demetrius made a 
 law to abolish this abuse, which had passed into 
 a custom, and inflicted penalties on those who 
 disobeyed it. He also ordered the ceremonials 
 of funerals to be performed by night, and none 
 were permitted to place any other ornament or. 
 tombs, than a column three cubits high, or a 
 plain tablet, mensam ; and appointed a particular 
 magistrate to enforce the observation of this 
 law. 
 
 He likewise made laws for the regulation of 
 manners,^ and commanded young persons to 
 testify respect to their parents at home; and in 
 the city to those whom they met in their way, 
 and to" themselves when they were alone. 
 
 The poor citizens were likewise the objects of 
 his attention." There were at that time in 
 Athens some of the descendants of Aristides, 
 that Athenian general, who, after he had pos- 
 sessed the greatest offices in the state, and go- 
 verned the affairs of the treasury for a very 
 considerable time, died so poor, that the public 
 was obliged to defray the charges of his funeral. 
 Demetrius took care of those descendants who 
 were poor, and assigned them a daily sum for 
 their subsistence. 
 
 Such, says iElian,* was the government of 
 Deraetrius'Phalereus, till the spirit of envy, so 
 natural to the Athenians, obliged him to quit 
 the city, in the manner we shall soon relate. 
 
 The advantageous testimonials rendered him 
 by ancient authors of the gi-eatest repute, not 
 only with respect to his extraordinary talf-nts 
 and ability in the art of government, but like- 
 wise to his virtue, and the wisdom of his con- 
 duct, furnish a full refutation of all that has 
 been advanced by Athenseus, on the authority 
 of the historian Duris, with relation to the ir- 
 regularity of his deportment ; and strengthens 
 the conjecture of Mr. Bonamy, who supposes 
 
 3 Theatra, porticus, nova templa, verecandius repro- 
 hendo propter Porapeium ; sed doctissimi improbaiit — ut 
 Phalereus Demetrius qui Periclem, principem Graecia? 
 v tiiperabat quod tantiui pecuniam in praedarailla Propy 
 laea conjecerit. Cic 1 ii de Ottic n. (30. 
 
 4 Plut. iu proecepL reip. ger p. 81S. 
 
 5 Cic. de Leg. L iL n. ti3— (36 
 
 6 Diog. Laeit. 7 Pint in vit \rist p. 5^ 
 8 .^Elian. 1. iii. c 17. 
 
251 
 
 cliat Duiis, or Athenseus, has imputed that to 
 Demetrius Phalereus, which related only to 
 Demetrius Poliorcetes, the son of Antigonus, 
 no whom ^lian ascribes the very particulars 
 which Athenseus had cited from Duris. The 
 reader may have recourse to the dissertation of 
 Mr. Bonamy,** which has been very useful to 
 me in the coarse of this work. 
 
 During the 115th Olympiad,'" Demetrius 
 Phalereus caused the inhabitants of Attica to 
 be numbered, and they amounted to 21,000 
 citizens,'' 10,000 strangers,'^ and 40,000'^ do- 
 mestics.'* 
 
 We now return to Polysperchon.'^ When 
 he had received intelligence that Cassander had 
 made himself master of Athens, he immediately 
 hastened to besiege him in that city ; but as the 
 siege took up a great length of time, he left part 
 of his troops before the place, and advanced with 
 ihe rest into Peloponnesus, to force the city of 
 Megalopolis to suri'ender. The inhabitants 
 made a long and vigorous defence, which com- 
 pelled Polyspercbon to employ his attention and 
 forces on those quarters to which he was called 
 by more pressing necessities. He despatched 
 Clitus to the Hellespont, with orders to prevent 
 the enemy's troops from passing out of Asia 
 into Europe. Nicanor set sail, at the same 
 time, from the port of Athens, in order to at- 
 tack him, but was himself defeated near Byzan- 
 tium. Antigonus having advanced in a very 
 seasonable juncture, made himself amends for 
 this loss, beat Clitus, and took all his fleet, ex- 
 cept the vessel which Clitus was aboard, which 
 escaped with great difficulty. 
 
 Antigonus was most embarrassed in his en- 
 deavours to reduce Eumenes,'^ whose A'alour, 
 wisdom, and great ability in the art of war, 
 were more formidable to him than all the rest, 
 though he had besieged and blocked him up for 
 twelve months in the castle of Nora. He there- 
 fore made a second attempt to engage him in 
 his interest, for he had taken measures to that 
 effect before he formed that siege. He accord- 
 ingly consigned this commission to Jerom of 
 Cardia, his countryman, and a famous histo- 
 rian of that time," who was authorized by him 
 to make overtures of accommodation to his ad- 
 versary. Eumenes conducted this negotiation 
 with so much dexterity and address, that hs 
 extricated himself from the siege at the very 
 juncture wherein he was reduced to the last 
 extremities, and without entering into any par- 
 ticular engagements with Antigonus. For the 
 latter having inserted in the oath which Eu- 
 menes was to swear in consequence of this ac- 
 commodation, that he would consider all those 
 as his friends and enemies, who should prove 
 such to Antigonus ; Eumenes changed that ar- 
 ticle, and swore that he would regard all those 
 as his friends and enemies, who should be such 
 to Olympias and the kings, as well as to Anti- 
 
 9 Tom. viii, des Meinoires de I'Academ, dcs Belles 
 Letlres 
 
 iO Athen. 1. vi. p 272. 
 11 'AQyjva,'i6vi. YZ yunoixov;. 
 
 13 The words in the original are /x,v^ia,})a.<, rKr/rct^a.- 
 xovrot, forty myriads, which are equal to 400,000, which 
 is an evident mistake; and it undoubtedly ought to he 
 read -rttrirci^a.;, four myriads, which amount to 40,000. 
 14 otx'iTots. 15 Diod. 1. xviii. p. 642 — 646. 
 
 16 Plut. in Eumen. p. 590. 
 17 He compiled the history of those who divided the 
 dominions of Alexander among themselves, and it like- 
 wise comprehended the history of their successors. 
 
 gonus. He consented that the Macedonians 
 who assisted at the siege, should determine 
 which of these two forms was best ; and as they 
 were guided by their affection for the royal j 
 family, they declared, without the least hesi- I 
 tation, for the form drawn up by Eumenes ; | 
 upon which he swore to it, and the siege was I 
 immediately raised. j 
 
 When Antigonus was informji' of the man- 
 ner in which this affair was concluded, he was I 
 so dissatisfied with it, that he I'efused to ratify j 
 the treaty, and gave orders for the siege to be 
 instantly renewed. These orders, however, j 
 came too late, for as soon as Eumenes saw the 
 enemy's forces were withdrawn from befoi-e the 
 place, he quitted it without delay, with the re- 
 mains of his troops, which amounted to 600 
 men, and retired to Cappadocia, where he im- 
 mediately assembled 2000 of his veteran soldiers, 
 and made all the necessary preparations for sus- 
 taining the war, which he foresaw would soon 
 be revived against him. 
 
 The revolt of Antigonus from the kings hav- 
 ing occasioned a great alarm, Polyspercbon the 
 regent despatched to Eumenes, in the name of 
 the kings, a commission by which he was con- 
 stituted captain-general of Asia Minor; orders 
 were likewise sent to Teutames and Antigenes, 
 colonels of the Argyraspides, to join, and serve 
 under him, against Antigonus. The necessary 
 ordei's were also transmitted to those who had 
 the care of the king's treasures, to pay him 600 
 talents, for the re-establishment of his own | 
 affairs, and likewise to furnish him with all the 
 sums that would be necessary to defray the ex- 
 penses of the war. All these were accom- 
 panied with letters from Olympias to the samp 
 purport. 
 
 Eumenes was very sensi- 
 A. M. 3686. ble that the accumulation of | 
 Ant. J. C. 318. all these honours on the head i 
 
 of a foreigner,'^ would in- 
 fallibly excite a violent envy against him, and 
 ! render him odious to the Macedonians : but as 
 he was incapable of acting to any effect without 
 them, and since the good of the service itself 
 made it necessary for him to employ all his 
 efforts to gain them, he began with refusing the 
 sums which were granted him for his own use, 
 declaring that he had no occasion for them, be- 
 cause he was not intent on any particular ad- 
 vantage of his own, nor on any enterprise of 
 that tendency. He was studious to treat every 
 person about him, the officers, and even the 
 soldiers, with an obliging civility, in order to 
 extinguish, as much as possible, or at least to 
 weaken, by an engaging conduct, the jealousy to 
 which his condition, as a foreigner, afforded a 
 plausible pretext, though he endeavoured not 
 to draw it upon himself by any conduct of his 
 own. 
 
 But an impediment, still more invincible in 
 appearance, threw him under a restraint, and 
 created him very cruel anxiety. Antigenes and 
 Teutames, who commanded the Argyraspides, 
 thought it dishonourable to their nation to sub- 
 mit to a foreigner, and refused to attend him 
 in council. On the other hand, he could not, 
 without derogating from the prerogatives of his 
 post, comply with them in that point, and con- 
 sent to his own degradation. An ingenious 
 
 18 Diod. 1. xviii. p. 635, 636, % 663. Plut. in Eum 
 j p. 591—593. Cor. Nep. c. vii. 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 fiction disengaged him from this perplexity ; 
 and he had recourse to the aids of religion, or 
 rather superstition, which has always a power- 
 ful influence over the minds of men, and seldom 
 fails to take effect. He assured them, " That 
 Alexander, arrayed in his royal robes, had ap- 
 peared to him in his slumber, and shown him a 
 magnificent tent, in which a throne was erected, 
 and that the monarch declared to him, that 
 while they held their councils in that tent, to 
 deliberate on their affairs, he himself would be 
 always present, seated on that throne; from 
 whence he would issue his orders to his cap- 
 tains, and that he would conduct them in the 
 execution of all their designs and enterprises, 
 provided they would always address themselves 
 to him." This discourse was sufficient, and 
 the minds of all who heard it were wrought 
 upon by the profound respect they entertained 
 for the memory of that prince ; in consequence 
 of which they immediately ordered a splendid 
 tent to be erected, and a throne placed in it, 
 which was to be called the throne of Alexander ; 
 and on it were to be laid his diadem and crown, 
 with his sceptre and arms; that all the chiefs 
 should resort thither every morning to offer 
 sacrifices; that their consultations should be 
 held near the throne, and that all orders should 
 be received in the name of the king, as if he 
 were still living, and taking care of his king- 
 dom. Eumenes calmed the dispute by this ex- 
 pedient, which met with unanimous approba- 
 tion. No one raised himself above the others ; 
 but each competitor continued in the enjoyment 
 of his privileges, till new events decided them 
 in a more positive manner. 
 
 As Eumenes was sufficiently supplied with 
 money,' he soon raised a very considerable body 
 of troops, and had an army of 20,000 men in 
 the spring. These forces, with Eumenes at 
 their head, were sufficient to spread terror 
 among his enemies. Ptolemy sailed to the 
 coasts of Cilicia, and employed all sorts of ex- 
 pedients to corrupt the Argyraspides. Anti- 
 gonus, on his part, made the same attempts by 
 the emissaries he had in his camp ; but neither 
 the one nor the other could then succeed ; so 
 much had Eumenes gained upon the minds of 
 his soldiers, and so great was the confidence 
 they reposed in him. 
 
 He advanced, with these troops, thus favour- 
 ably disposed, into Syria and Phoenicia, to re- 
 cover those provinces which Ptolemy had seized 
 with the greatest injustice. The maritime force 
 of Phoenicia, in conjunction with the fleet, 
 which the regent had already procured, would 
 have rendered them absolute masters by sea, 
 and they might likewise have been capable of 
 transmitting all necessary succours to each 
 other. Could Eumenes have succeeded in this 
 design, it would have been a decisive blow ; but 
 the fleet of Polysperchon having been entirely 
 destroyed by the misconduct of Clitus, who 
 commanded it, that misfortune rendered his 
 project ineffectual. Antigonus, who had de- 
 feated him, marched by land, immediately after 
 that victory, against Eumenes, with an army 
 much more numerous than his own. Eumenes 
 made a prudent retreat through Coele-syria, 
 passed the Euphrates, and took up his winter- 
 quarters at Carrhse, in Mesopotamia. 
 
 During his continuance in those parts,^ he 
 
 sent to Pithon governor of Media, and to Seleu- 
 cus, governor of Babylon, to press them to join 
 him with their forces against Antigonus, and 
 caused the orders of the kings to be shown them, 
 by which they were enjoined to comply with 
 his demand. They answered, that they were 
 ready to assist those monarchs ; but that, as to 
 himself, they would have no transactions with 
 a man who had been declared a public enemy 
 by the Macedonians. This was only a pretext, 
 and they were actuated by a much more preva. 
 lent motive. If they had acknowledged the 
 authority of Eumenes, and had obeyed him by 
 advancing to him, and subjecting their troops 
 to his command, they must also have acknow- 
 ledged the sovereign power of the regent, as 
 well as of those who were masters of the royal 
 pupils, and made use of their name, to render 
 their own power more extensive. Pithon and 
 Seleucus must, therefore, by inevitable conse- 
 quence, have owned that they held their govern- 
 ments only from those kings, and might be 
 divested of them at their pleasure by the first 
 order which might be issued to that effect ; and 
 this would have destroyed all their ambitious 
 pretences with a single stroke. 
 
 Most of the officers of Alexander, who had 
 shared the governments of the empire among 
 themselves after his death, were solicitQus to 
 secure to themselves the supreme power in their 
 several provinces ; for which reason they had 
 chosen a person of a mean capacity, and an in- 
 fant, on whom they conferred the title of sove- 
 reign, in order to have sufficient time to estab- 
 lish their usurpations under so weak a govern- 
 ment. But all these measures would have been 
 disconcerted, if they had allowed Eumenes an 
 ascendant over them, with such an air of supe- 
 riority as subjected them to his orders. He 
 issued them, indeed, in the name of the kings; 
 but this was a circumstance they were desirous 
 of evading, and this it was that created him so 
 many enemies and obstructions. They were 
 also apprehensive of the merit and superior 
 genius of Eumenes, who was capable of the 
 greatest and most difficult enterprises. It is 
 certain, that of all the captains of Alexander, 
 he had the greatest share of wisdom and bravery, 
 and was also the most steady in his resolutions, 
 and the most faithful in his engagements ; for 
 he never violated those which he had made 
 with any of those commanders, though they 
 did not observe the same fidelity with respect to 
 him. 
 
 Eumenes marched in the direction of Baby- 
 lonia the following spring, and was in danger 
 of losing his army by a stratagem of Seleucus. 
 The troops were encamped in a plain near the 
 Euphrates; and Seleucus, by cutting the banks 
 of that river, laid all the neighbouring country 
 under water. Eumenes, however, was so ex- 
 peditious as to gain an eminence with his 
 troops, and found means, the next day, to drain 
 off the inundation so effectually, that he pur- 
 sued his march almost without sustaining any 
 loss. 
 
 Seleucus was then reduced to the necessity of 
 making a truce with him," and of granting him 
 a peaceable passage through the territories of his 
 province, in order to arrive at Susa, where he 
 disposed his troops into quarters of refreshment 
 while he solicited all the governors of the pro- 
 
 1 Diod. 1. xviii. p. 63i5 — 638. 
 2 Ibid. 1. xix- p. 660, GGl. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 253 
 
 vJnces in Upper Asia for succours. He had 
 before notified to them the order of the kings ; 
 and those whom he had charged with that com- 
 mission, found them all assembled, at the close 
 of a war they had undertaken in concert against 
 Pithon the governor of Media. This Pithon 
 having pursued the very same measures in the 
 Upper Asia, which Antigorius had formed in 
 *.he Lower, had caused Philotas to be put to 
 death, and made himself master of his govern- 
 ment. He would likewise have attempted to 
 treat the rest in the same manner, if they had 
 iiot opposed him by this confederacy, which the 
 common interest had formed against him. Peu- 
 cestes, governor of the province of Persia, had 
 the command in chief conferred upon him, and 
 defeated Pithon, drove him out of Media, and 
 obliged him to go to Babylon to implore the 
 protection of Seleucus. All the confederates 
 ivere still in the camp after this victory, when 
 the deputies from Eumenes arrived, and they 
 immediately marched from Susa to join him ; 
 not that they were really devoted to the royal 
 party, but;because they were more apprehensive 
 than ever of being subjected to the victorious 
 Antigonus, who was then at the head of a 
 powerful army, and either divested of their 
 employments all such governors as he suspected, 
 or reduced them to the state of mere officers, 
 liable to be removed and punished at his plea- 
 sure. 
 
 They joined Eumenes, therefore, with all 
 their forces, which composed an army of above 
 25,000 men. With this reinforcement he saw 
 himself not only in a condition to oppose Anti- 
 gonus, who was then advancing to him, but 
 even much superior in the number of bis troops. 
 The season was too far advanced when Antigo- 
 nus arrived at the banks of the Tigris, and was 
 obliged to take winter-quar- 
 A. M. 3687. ters in Mesopotamia; where. 
 
 Ant. J. C. 317. with Seleucus and Pithon, 
 who were then of his party, 
 he concerted measures for the operations of the 
 next campaign. 
 
 During these transactions,* Macedonia was 
 the scene of a great revolution. Olympias, the 
 mother of Alexander the Great, whom Poly- 
 sperchon had recalled, had made herself mistress 
 of affairs, and caused Aridseus, or Philip, who 
 had enjoyed the title of king for six years and 
 four months, to be put to death. Eurydice his 
 consort shared the same fate ; for Olympias sent 
 her a dagger, a cord, and a bowl of poison, and 
 only allowed her the liberty of choosing her 
 death. She accordingly gave the preference to 
 the cord, and then strangled herself, after she 
 had uttered a thousand imprecations against her 
 enemy and murderess. Nicanor, the brother 
 of Caesander, and a hundred of the principal 
 friends of this latter, likewise suffered death. 
 
 These repeated barbarities did not long remain 
 unpunished. Olympias had retired to Pydna 
 with the young king Alexander, and his mother 
 Roxana, with Thessalonica, the sister of Alex- 
 ander the Great, and Deidamia, the daughter 
 of iEacides, king cf Epirus, and sister of Pyrr- 
 hus. Cassander did not lose any time, but be- 
 sieged them by sea and land, ^acides prepar- 
 ed to assist the princesses, and was already upon 
 his march ; but the greatest part of his forces, 
 who were averse to that expedition, revolted 
 from the king, and condemned him to banish- 
 
 4 Diod. L xix. p. 639. 6G{» 
 
 ment when they returned to Epirus. Hiey 
 likewise massacred all his friends ; and Pyrrhus 
 the son of ^Eacides, who was then but an in- 
 fant, would have suffered the same fate, if a set 
 of faithful domestics had not happily withdrawn 
 him from their rage. Epirus then declared in 
 favour of Cassander, who sent Lyciscus thither 
 to take upon him the government in his name. 
 Olympias had then no resource but in Polysper- 
 chon alone, who was then in Pherrhoebia, a small 
 province on the confines of iEtolia, and was 
 preparing to succour her; but Cassander sent 
 Callas, one of his generals, against him, who 
 corrupted the greatest part of his troops, and 
 obliged him to retire into Naxia, a city of Perr- 
 hcebia, where he besieged him. Olympias, who 
 had supported all the miseries of famine with 
 an invincible courage, having now lost all hopes 
 of relief, was compelled to surrender at discre- 
 tion. 
 
 Cassander, in oi'der to destroy her in a man- 
 ner that might give the least ofience, prompted 
 the relations of the principal officers, whom 
 Olympias had caused to be slain during her re- 
 gency, to accuse her in the assembly of the 
 Macedonians, and to sue for vengeance for 
 the cruelties she had committed. The re- 
 quest of all these persons was granted ; and 
 when they had all been heard, she was con- 
 demned to die, though absent, and no one inter- 
 posed his good offices in her defence. After 
 sentence of death had thus passed, Cassander 
 proposed to her, by some friends, to retire to 
 Athens, promising to accommodate her with a 
 galley to convey her thither, whenever she 
 should be so disposed. His intention was to 
 destroy her in the passage by sea, and to publish 
 through all Macedonia that the gods, amidst 
 their displeasure at her horrible cruelties, had 
 abandoned her to the mercy of the waves ; for 
 he was apprehensive of a retaliation from the 
 Macedonians, and was, therefore, desirous of 
 casting upon Providence all the odious circum- 
 stances of his own perfidy. 
 
 Olympias, whether she had been advertised cf 
 Cassander's design, or whether she was actuat- 
 ed by sentiments of grandeur, so natural to per- 
 sons of her rank, imagined her presence alone 
 would calm the storm, and answered with an 
 imperious air, that she was not a woman who 
 would have recourse to flight, and insisted on 
 pleading her own cause in the public assembly ; 
 adding, this was the least favour that could be 
 granted a queen, or rather that it was an act of 
 justice, which could not be refused to persons 
 of the lowest I'ank. Cassander had no inclina^ 
 tion to consent to this demand, having reason 
 to be apprehensive that the remembrance of 
 Philip and Alexander, for whom the Macedo- 
 nians retained the utmost veneration, would 
 create a sudden change in their resolutions ; he, 
 therefore sent 200 soldiers, entirely devoted to 
 his will, with orders to destroy her ; but resolute 
 as they were, they were incapable of supporting 
 the air of majesty which appeared in the eyes 
 and aspect of that princess ; and retired with- 
 out executing their commission. It became 
 necessary, therefore, to employ in this murder, 
 the relations of those whom she had caused to 
 suffer death ; and they were ti'ansported at the 
 opportunity of gratifying their own vengeance, 
 and at the same time making their court to 
 Cassander. Thus perished the famous Olym- 
 pias, the daughter, the sister, the wife, and 
 mother of kings, who really merited so tragical 
 a period of her days, in consequence of ail her 
 
254 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 ijrimes and cruelties ; but whom it is impossible 
 to see perish in this manner, without detesting 
 the wickedness of a prince who deprived her ot 
 life in so unworthy a manner. 
 
 Cassander already beheld an assured passage 
 to the Macedonian throne opened to his am- 
 bition ;^ but he thought it incumbent on him to 
 have recourse to other measures, in order to 
 secure himself against the vicissitudes ot time, 
 the inconstancy of the Macedonians, and the 
 jealousy of his competitors. Thessalonica, the 
 sister of Alexander the Great, being qualified 
 by her illustrious birth, and authority in Mace- 
 donia, to conciliate to him the friendship of the 
 grandees and people of that kingdom, he hoped, 
 by espousing her, to attach them in a peculiar 
 manner to himself, in consequence of the es- 
 teem and respect he should testify for the royal 
 family. 
 
 There was still one obstacle more to be sur- 
 mounted, without which Cassander would have 
 always been deemed an usurper and a tyrant. 
 The young prince Alexander, the son of 'Alex- 
 , ander the Great, by Roxana, was still living, 
 and had been acknowledged king, and the law- 
 ful heir to the throne. It became necessary, 
 therefore, to remove this prince and his mother 
 out of tlie way. Cassander,^ emboldened by 
 the success of his former crime, was determined 
 to commit a second, from whence he expected 
 to derive all the fruits of his hopes. Prudence, 
 however, made it necessary for him to sound 
 the disposition of the Macedonians, with respect 
 to the death of Olympias ; for if they showed 
 themselves insensible of the loss of that princess, 
 he might be certain that the death of the young 
 king and his mother would affect them as little. 
 He, therefore, judged it expedient to proceed 
 with caution, and advance by moderate steps, 
 to the execution of his scheme. He began with 
 causing Alexander and Roxana to be conducted 
 to the castle of Amphipolis, by a strong escort, 
 commanded by Glaucias, an oflBcer entirely de- 
 voted to his interest. When they arrived at 
 that fortress, they were divested of all regal 
 honours, and treated rather like private persons, 
 whom important motives of state made it ne- 
 cessary to secure. 
 
 He intended, by his next step, to make it 
 evident that he claimed the sovereign power in 
 Macedonia. With this view, and in order to 
 render the memory of Olympias still more 
 odious, he gave orders for performing with great 
 magnificence the funeral obsequies of king 
 Philip, or Aridseus, and queen Eurydice his 
 wife, who had been murdered by the directions 
 of Olympias. He commanded such mourning 
 to be used as was customary in solemnities of 
 that nature, and caused the bodies to be de- 
 posited in the tombs appropriated to the sepul- 
 ture of the Macedonian kings; affecting by these 
 exteriors of dissembled sorrow to manifest his 
 zeal for the royal family, at the same time that 
 he was meditating the destruction of the young 
 king. 
 
 Polysperchon, in consequence of the infoi-ma- 
 tion he received of the death of Olympias, and 
 tiie measures which Cassander was adopting in 
 order to raise himself to the throne of Mace- 
 donia, had sheltered himself in Naxia, a city of 
 Perrhoebia, where he had sustained a siege, and 
 
 from whence he retreated with a very incon- 
 siderable body of troops to pass into Thessaly, 
 in order to join some forces of ^^Eacides ; after 
 which he advanced into iEtolia, where he was 
 greatly respected. Cassander followed him 
 closely, and marched his army into Bceotia, 
 where the ancient inhabitants of Thebes were 
 seen wandering from place to place, without 
 any fixed habitation or retreat. He was touched 
 with the calamitous condition of that city, which 
 was once so powerful, and had been razed to 
 its very foundations by the command of Alex- 
 ander. After a period of twenty years, he 
 endeavoured to reinstate it in its primitive 
 splendour; the Athenians offered to rebuild 
 part of the walls at their own expense, and 
 several towns and cities of Magna Grsecia, 
 Italy, Sicily, and Greece Proper, bestowed con- 
 siderable sums on that occasion by voluntary 
 contributions. By which means, Ihebes, in a 
 short space of time, recovered its ancient opu- 
 lence, and became even richer than ever, by the 
 care and magnificence of Cassander, who was 
 justly considered as the father and restorer of 
 that city. 
 
 Cassander, after he had given proper orders 
 for the re-establishment of Thebes, advanced 
 into Peloponnesus, against Alexander, the son 
 of Polysperchon, and marched directly to Ar- 
 gos, which surrendered without resistance ; upon 
 which all the cities of the Messenians, except 
 Ithome, followed that example. Alexander, 
 terrified at the rapidity of his conquests, endea- 
 voured to check them by a battle ; but Cassan- 
 der, who was much inferior to him in troops, 
 was unwilling to hazard a battle, and thought 
 it more advisable to retire into Macedonia, after 
 he had left good garrisons in the places he had 
 
 As he knew the merit of Alexander,^ he en- 
 deavoured to disengage him from the party oi 
 Antigonus, and attach him to his own, by offer- 
 ing him the government of all Peloponnesus, 
 with the command of the troops stationed in 
 that country. An offer so advantageous was 
 accepted by Alexander without any hesitation ; 
 but he did not long enjoy it, being unfortunately 
 slain soon after by some citizens of Sicyon, 
 where he then resided, who had combined to 
 destroy him. This conspiracy, however, did 
 not produce the effects expected from it ; for 
 Cratesipolis, the wife of Alexander, whose heart 
 was a composition of grandeur and fortitude, 
 instead of manifesting any consternation at the 
 sight of this fatal accident, as she was beloved 
 by the soldiers and honoured by the officers, 
 whom she had always obliged and served, as- 
 sumed the command of the troops, repressed the 
 insolence of the Sicyonians, and defeated them 
 in a battle ; after which she caused thirty of the 
 most mutinous among them to be hung up ; ap- 
 peased all the troubles which had been excited 
 by the seditious in the city, re-entered it in a 
 victorious manner, and governed it with a wis- 
 dom that acquired her the admiration of all 
 those who heard her conduct mientioned. 
 
 Whilst Cassander was em.- 
 A. M. 3688. ploying all his efforts to es- 
 Ant. J. C. 316. tablish liimself on the throne 
 of Macedonia, Antigonus was 
 concerting measures to rid himself of a danger- 
 ous enemy : and having taken the field the en- 
 
 1 Diod. 1. xix. p. 695—697. 
 -? H. 1.(1 ignarus suiTima scelera incipi cum periculo, 
 itcragi cam prasmio. Tacit. 
 
 Diod. 1. xix. p. 705— m 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 2,05 
 
 suing spring, he advanced to Babylon, where he 
 augmented his army with the troops he received 
 from Plthon and Seleucus, and then passed the 
 Tigris to attack Eumenes, who had neglected 
 nothing on his part to give him a Avarm recep- 
 tion. He was much superior to Antigonus in 
 the number of his troops, and yet more in the 
 abilities of a great commander; though the other 
 was far from being defective in those qualifica- 
 tions : for, next to Eumenes, he was undoubt- 
 edly the best gteneral and ablest statesman of his 
 time. 
 
 One disadvantage on the side of Eumenes 
 was,* that his army being composed of different 
 bodies of troops, which the governors of pro- 
 vinces had supplied, each of these governors 
 pretended to the command in chief. Eumenes 
 not being a Macedonian, but a Thracian by 
 birth, every one of them thought himself, for 
 that reason, his superior. We may add to this, 
 that the pomp, splendour, and magnificence, 
 affected by them, seemed to leave an infinite 
 distance between him and them, who assumed 
 the air of real Satrapae. They imagined, in 
 consequence of a mistaken and ill-timed ambi- 
 tion,^ but very customary with great men, that 
 to give sumptuous repasts, and add to them 
 whatever may heighten pleasure and gratify the 
 senses, were part of the duties of a soldier of 
 rank ; and estimating their own merit by the 
 largeness of their revenues and expenses, they 
 flattered themselves that they had acquired, by 
 their means, an extraordinary credit, and a 
 great authority over the troops, and that the 
 army had all the consideration and esteem for 
 them imaginable. 
 
 A circumstance happened 
 A M. 3689. which ought to have unde- 
 Ant. J. C. 315. ceived them. As the soldiers 
 were mai'ching in quest of 
 the enemy, Eumenes, who was seized with a 
 dangerous indisposition, was carried in a litter, 
 at a considerable distance from the army, to be 
 more remote from the noise, and that he might 
 enjoy the refreshment of slumber, of which he 
 had long been deprived. When they had ad- 
 vanced some way, and began to perceive the 
 enemy appear on the rising grounds, they halted 
 on a sudden, and began to call for Eumenes. 
 At the same time they cast their bucklers on 
 the ground, and declared to their officers that 
 they would not proceed on their march till Eu- 
 menes came to command them. He accordingly 
 came with all expedition, hastening the slaves 
 who carried him, and opening the curtains oa 
 each side of his litter : he then stretched out his 
 hands to the soldiers, and made them a declara- 
 tion of his joy and gratitude. When the trnops 
 beheld him, they immediately saluted him in 
 the Macedonian language, resumed their buck- 
 lers, clashed upon them with their pikes, and 
 broke forth into loud exclamations of victory 
 and defiance to their enemies, as if they feared 
 nothing, so they had but their general at their 
 head. 
 
 When Antigonus received intelligence that 
 Eumenes was ill,** and cau?ed himself to be car- 
 ried in a litter to the rear of the army, he ad- 
 
 4 Died. 1. xix. p. 669— G72. Plut. in Eumen. p. 591, 
 592. 
 
 5 N( n deerant qui ambitione stolida ^luxuriosos ap- 
 paratus <?onviviorum et irritamenta libidinum ut instrii- 
 'oenta belli mer'^areritur. Tacit. 
 
 6 Dio4 L rix, p. 672. 
 
 vanced, in hopes that his distemper would de- 
 liver his enemies into his hands ; but when he 
 came near enough to take a view of them, and 
 beheld their cheerful aspects, the disposition of 
 their army, and particularly the litter, which 
 was carried from rank to rank, he burst into a 
 loud vein of laughter in his usual manner, and 
 addressing himself to one of his officers — " Take 
 notice," said he, " of yonder litter; it is that 
 which has di*a wn up those troops against us, 
 and is now preparing to attack us." And 
 then, without losing a moment's time, ht 
 caused a retreat to be sounded, and retui-ned to 
 his camp. 
 
 Plutarch remarks, that the Macedonians made 
 it very evident, on this occasion, that they 
 judged all the other satrapse exceedingly well 
 qualified to give splendid entertainments, and 
 arrange great feasts, but that they esteemed Eu- 
 menes alone capable of commanding an army 
 with great ability. This is a solid and sensible 
 reflection, and affords room for a variety of ap^ 
 plications; and points out the false taste for 
 glory, and the injudiciousness of those officers 
 and commanders, who are only studious to dis- 
 tinguish themselves in the army by magnificent 
 entertainments, and place their principal merit 
 in surpassing others in luxury, and frequently 
 in ruining themselves, without thanks, by those 
 ridiculous expenses. I say without thanks, be- 
 cause nobody thinks himself obliged to them for 
 their profusion, and they are always the worst 
 servants of the state. 
 
 The two armies having separated Avithout 
 engaging,' encamped at the distance of three 
 furlongs from each other, with a river and 
 several gullies between them ; and as they sus- 
 tained great inconveniences, because the whole 
 country was eaten up, Antigonus sent ambas- 
 sadors to the Satrapse and Macedonians of the 
 army of Eumenes, to prevail upon them to quit 
 that general and join him, making them, at the 
 same time, the most magnificent promises to 
 induce their compliance. The Macedonians re- 
 jected his proposals, and dismissed the ambas- 
 sadors with severe menaces, in case th(*y should 
 presume to make any such offers for the future. 
 Eumenes, after having commended them for 
 their fidelity, related to them this very ancient 
 fable : " A lion entertaining a passion for a 
 young Tirgin, demanded her one day in mar- 
 riage of her father, whose answer was that he 
 esteemed this alliance a great honour to him, 
 and was ready to present his daughter to him ; 
 but that his large nails and sharp teeth made 
 him apprehensive lest he should employ them a 
 little too rudely upon her, if the least difference 
 should arise between them with relation to their 
 household affairs. The lion, who was passion- 
 ately fond of the maid, immediately suffered his 
 claws to be pared off, and his teeth to be drawn 
 out. After which the father caught up a strong 
 cudgel, and soon drove away his proffered son- 
 in-law. This," continued Eumenes, " is the 
 aim of Antigonus. He amuses you with mighty 
 promises, in order to make himself master of 
 your forces; but when he has accomplished that 
 design, he will soon make you sensible of his 
 teeth and claws." 
 
 A few days after this event,^ some deserters 
 from the army of Antigonus having acquainted 
 Eumenes that that general was preparing to 
 
 7 Diod. 1. xix. p. 672. 8 Diod. 1. xix, p. 672, 67a 
 
256 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 The law of the country, which is said to br 
 still suhsisting, would not allow a wife to sur 
 vive her hubband; and if she refused to he 
 burnt with him on the funeral pile, her charac- 
 ter was for ever branded with infamy, and she 
 wa& obliged to continue in a state of widowhood 
 the remainder of her days. She was even con- 
 he resolved to I demned to a kind of excommunication, as she 
 
 decamp the next night, about the hour of nine 
 or ten in the evening, Eumenes at tirst sus- 
 pected that his intention was to advance into 
 the province of Gabene, which was a fertile 
 country, capable of subsisting numerous armies, 
 and very commodious and secure for the troops, 
 by reason of the rivers and gullies with which 
 
 T^Qc I'ntprspctpd. and therefore he resolved to 
 
 nr^en hTs executi^ of that design. With was rendered incapable «t assisting at any sa- 
 Sis ^ew he prevailed, by sums of m^oney, upon ; crifice, or other religious ceremony. Jhis law; 
 some Si^n soldiers, to go like deserters into however, mentioned only one wite ; but in the 
 some loiej^n ^"i*^/*^^ j „„„„„;„f i,;,^ 1 r.rpspnt instance there were two ; each of whom 
 
 er. The 
 
 _ ^ ears; to 
 
 conveyed away, and ordered the troops to take | which the youngest replied, that the law ex- 
 ^ freshment, and then march. Antigo- eluded her rival, because she was then pregnant; 
 tresnmeni, cum - his I and the contest was accordingly determined ni 
 
 The first of them retired with a 
 
 the camp of Antigonus, and acquaint him that j present instance there were two ; each ^ 
 Eumenes intended to attack him at night-fall, insisted on being preferred to the oth 
 In "le mean time he caused the baggage to be eldest p eaded her supe^jon y ot ^ 
 
 ! very dejected air, her eyes bathed in tears, and 
 ;onus was soon informed by his ^couts^that | tearing her hair and garments, as^if ^Je^ had 
 
 Anti- 
 
 nus, upon this false intelligence, caused 
 troops to continue under arms, while Eumenes ' that manner, 
 in the mean time advanced on his way. 
 
 ■ by his scouts tnat i leaiing uei 
 liumenes had decamped, and finding that he sustained some great calamity. The other, on 
 Imd been overreached by l is enemy, he still per- the contrary, with a mien of joy and tmimp , 
 1 sfsted Tn hTs firs? intention ; and having ordered amidst a numerous retinue of her relations and 
 ' hi troops trstrSe^^^^^^^ he proceeded friends, and arrayed in her richest ornaments, 
 
 wkh so Such efpedit on, that his march resem- as on the day of her nuptials, advanced with a 
 S a pursuit.' Int when he saw that it was ' solemn pace, ^where the funera ce^^^^^^^^ 
 
 impossible to advance with his whole army up 
 to Eumenes, who had the start of him, at least 
 six hours, in his march, he left his infantry 
 under the command of Pithon, and proceeded 
 with the cavalry, on a full gallop, and came up 
 by break of day with the rear- guard of the 
 eiiemy, who were descending a hill. He then 
 halted upon the top, and Eumenes, who discov- 
 ered this body of cavalry, imagined it to be the 
 whole army ; upon which he discontinued his 
 march, and formed his troops in order of battle. 
 By these means Antigonus played off a retalia- 
 tion upon Eumenes, and amused him in his 
 turn ; for he prevented the continuance of his 
 march, and gave his own infantry sufficient 
 time to come up. 
 
 The two armies were then drawn up that 
 of Eumenes consisted of 85,000 foot, with above 
 6000 horse, and 114 elephants. That of Anti- 
 gonus %v^s composed of 28,000 foot, 8500 horse, 
 and sixty-five elephants. The battle was fought 
 with great obstinacy till the night was far ad- 
 vanced, for the moon v/as then in the full, but 
 the slaughter was not very considerable on 
 either side. Antigonus lost 3700 of his infantry, 
 and fifty-fom- of his horse, and above 4000 of 
 his men were wounded. Eumenes lost 540 of 
 
 were to be performed. She there distributed all 
 her jewels among her friends and relations; 
 and, having taken her last farewell, she placed 
 herself on the funeral pile, by the assistance of 
 her own brother, and expired amidst the praises 
 and acclamations of most of the spectators ; but 
 some of them, according to the historian, dis- 
 approved of this strange custom, as bai'barous 
 and inhuman. The action of this woman was 
 undoubtedly a real murder, and might justly 
 be considered as a violation of the most express 
 law of nature, which prohibits all attempts on 
 a person's own life ; and commands us not to 
 dispose of it in compliance with the dictates of 
 caprice, nor forget that it is a trust, which 
 ought to be resigned to none but that Being 
 from whom we receive it. Such a sacrifice is, 
 so far from deserving to be enumerated among 
 the instances of respect and fondness due to a 
 husband, that it rather treats him as an unre- 
 lenting and bloody idol, by the immolation of 
 such precious victims. 
 
 During the course of this campaign,^ the war 
 was maintained with obstinacy on both sides, 
 and Persia and Media were the theatre of its 
 operations. The armies traversed those two 
 great provinces by marches and countermarches 
 
 his infantry, and a very inconsiderable number and each party had recourse to all the art and 
 of his cavalry, and had above GOO wounded 
 
 The victory was really on his side; but as his 
 troops, notwithstanding all his entreaties, would 
 not return to the field of battle to carry off the 
 dead bodies, which among the ancients was an 
 evidence of victory, it was in consequence at- 
 tributed to Antigonus, whose army appeared 
 again in the field, and buried the dead. Eumenes 
 sent a herald the next day to desire leave to in- 
 ter his slain. This was granted him, and he 
 rendered them funeral honours with all possible 
 magnificence. 
 
 A very singular dispute arose at the perfor- 
 mance of this ceremony.2 The men happened 
 to find among the slain the body of an Indian 
 officer, who had brought his two wives with 
 him, one of whom he had but lately married. 
 
 1 Diud. 1. xix. p. C73— 678. 
 
 2 Ibid. i\ 6:8—680. 
 
 stratagems that the greatest capacity, in con 
 junction with a long series of experience in the 
 profession of war, could supply. Eumenes 
 though he had a mutinous and un tractable army 
 to govern, obtained however several advantages 
 over his enemies in this campaign ; and when 
 his troops grew impatient for winter quarters, 
 he had still the dexterity to secure the best in all 
 the province of Gabene, and obliged Antigonus 
 to seek his to the north in Media, where he was 
 incapable of arriving, till after a march of twen- 
 ty-five days. 
 
 The troops of Eumenes were so ungoverna- 
 ble,^ that he could not prevail upon them to post 
 themselves near enough to each other, to be as- 
 
 3 Died. 1. xix. p. 6S0— 6S4. 
 
 4 Ibid, p. 684—688. Plut. in Euraeri. p. 592. Cor Neo 
 C. viii — xii. 
 
ALEXANDER'S 
 
 sembled in haste on any emergency. They 
 absolutely insisted on very distant quarters, 
 which took in the whole extent of the province, 
 under pretence of being more commodiously 
 stationed, and of having every thing in greater 
 abundance. In a word, they were dispersed at 
 such a distance from each other, that it required 
 several days for reassembling them in a body. 
 Antigonus, who was informed of this circum- 
 stance, marched from a very remote quarter, in 
 the depth of winter, in hopes to surprise these 
 different bodies so dispersed. 
 
 Eumenes, however, was not a man thatwoul J 
 suffer himself to be surprised in such a manner, 
 but had had the precaution to despatch, to va- 
 rious parts, spies mounted on dromedaries, the 
 swiftest of all animals, to gain timely intelli- 
 gence of the enemy's motions ; and he had 
 posted them so judiciously, that he received in- 
 formation of their march, befoi-e Antigonus 
 could arrive at any of his quarters; this fur- 
 nished him with an expedient to save his army 
 by a stratagem, when all the other generals 
 looked upon it as lost. He posted the troops 
 who were nearest to him on the mountains that 
 rose toward the quarter from whence the ene- 
 mies were advancing, and ordered them, the 
 following night, to kindle as many fires as 
 might cause it to be imagined all the army were 
 encamped in that situation. Antigonus was 
 soon informed, by his advarced guard, that those 
 fires were seen at a great distance, upon which 
 he concluded that Eumenes was there encamped 
 with all his forces, and in a condition to receive 
 him. In order, therefore, not to expose his 
 men, who were fatigued by long marches, to 
 an engagement with fresh troops, he caused 
 them to halt, that they might have time to 
 recover themselves a little ; by which means 
 Eumenes had all the opportunity that was ne- 
 cessary for assembling his forces, before the 
 enemy could advance upon him. Antigonus, 
 finding his scheme defeated, and extremely mor- 
 tified at being thus overreached, determined to 
 come to an engagement. 
 
 The troops of Eumenes being all assembled 
 about him, were struck with admiration at his 
 extraordinary prudence and ability, and resolv- 
 ed that he should exercise the sole command. 
 Aiitigenes and Teutames, the two captains 
 who led the Argyraspides, were so exceedingly 
 mortified at a distinction so glorious for Eu- 
 menes, that they formed a resolution to destroy 
 him, and drew most of the Satrapae and princi- 
 pal officers into their conspiracy. Envy is a 
 malady that seldom admits of a cure, and is 
 generally heightened by the remedies adminis- 
 tered to it. All the precautions of prudence, 
 moderation, and condescension, which Eumenes 
 employed, were incapable of mollifying the 
 hearts of those barbarians, and extinguishing 
 their jealousy, and he must have renounced his 
 merit and virtue, which alone occasioned it, to 
 have been capable of appeasing them. He fre- 
 quently lamented to himself his unhappiness in 
 being fated to live, not with men, as his ex- 
 pression was, but with savage beasts. Several 
 conspiracies had already been formed against 
 him, and he daily beheld himself exposed to 
 the same danger. In order to frustrate their 
 effects, if possible, he had borrowed, on various 
 pretexts of press.ing necessity, many considera- 
 ble sums of those who appeared most inveterate 
 against him, that he, at least, might restrain 
 them by the consideration of their own interest, 
 and an apprehension of losing the sums they had 
 lent him, should he happen to perish. r 
 
 SUCCESSORS. 257 
 
 His enemies, however, being now deterralni.»<l 
 to destroy him, held a- council, in order to deli- 
 berate on the time, place, and means, of accom- 
 plishing their intentions. They all agreed to 
 proti'act his fall, till after the decision of the 
 impending battle, and then to destroy him im 
 mediately afterwards. Eudamus, who com- 
 manded the elephants, went immediately, with 
 Phaedimus, to acquaint Eumenes with this 
 resolution, not from any affection to his person, 
 but only from their apprehensions of losing the 
 money he had borrowed of them. Eumenes 
 returned them his thanks, and highly applaud- 
 ed their affection and fidelity. 
 
 When he returned to his tent, he immediately 
 made his will, and then burnt all his papers, 
 with the letters that had been written to him, 
 because he was unwilling that those who had 
 favoured him with any secret intelligence, 
 should be exposed to any accusation or calumny 
 after his death. When he had thus disposed of 
 his affairs, and found himself alone, he delibe- 
 rated on the conduct he ought to pursue. A 
 thousand contrary thoughts agitated his mind. 
 Could it possibly be prudent in him to repose 
 any confidence in those officers and generals 
 who had sworn his destruction ? Might he not 
 lawfully arm against them the zeal and affection 
 of the soldiers, who were inviolably devoted to 
 him ? On the other hand, would it not be his 
 best expedient, to pass through Media and Ar- 
 menia, and retire to Cappadocia, the place of 
 his residence, where he might hope for a sure 
 asylum from danger ? Or, in order to avenge 
 himself on those traitors, would it not be better 
 for him to abandon them in the crisis of the 
 battle, and resign the victory to his enemies ? 
 For in a situation so desperate as his own, what 
 thoughts will not rise up in the mind of a man 
 reduced to the last extremity by a set of perfid- 
 ious traitors ! This laist thought, however, in- 
 fused a horror into his soul ; and as he was de- 
 termined to discharge his duty to his latest 
 breath, and to combat, to the close of his life, 
 for the prince who had armed him in his cause, 
 he resigned his tiny, says Plutarch, to the 
 will of the gods, and thought only of preparing 
 his troops for the battle. 
 
 He had 36,700 foot, and above 6000 horse, 
 with 114 elephants. The army of Antigonus 
 was composed of 22,000 foot, 9000 horse, with 
 a body of Median cavalry, and sixty-five ele- 
 phants. This general posted his cavalry on the 
 two wings, his infantry he disposed in the cen- 
 tre, and formed his elephants into a first line, 
 which extended along the front of the army, 
 and he filled up the intervals between the ele- 
 phants with light-armed troops. He gave the 
 command of the left wing to Pithon ; that of 
 the right he assigned to his son Demetrius, and 
 here he himself was to act in person, at the head 
 of a body of chosen troops. Eumenes drew up 
 his army almost in the same manner ; his best 
 troops-he disposed into the left wing, and placed 
 himself in their front, in order to oppose Anti- 
 gonus, and gave the command of the right to 
 
 Before the armies began the charge, he exhort- 
 ed the Greeks and Barbarians to perform their 
 duty well; for as to his phalanx, and the Ar- 
 gyraspides, they so little needed any animating 
 expressions, that they were the fifst to encour- 
 age him with assurances, that the enemy should 
 not wait a moment for them. They were the 
 oldest troops, who had served under Philip and 
 Alexander, and were all veteran champions, 
 whom victory had crowned in a hundred com- 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 I 258 
 
 
 
 bats ; they had hithei'to been reputed invincible, 
 and had never been foiled in any action ; for 
 which reason they advanced to the troops of 
 Antigonus, and charged them fiercely with this 
 exclamation : " Villains ! you now fight with 
 your fathers!" They then broke in upon the 
 infantry with irresistible fury; not one of the 
 battalions could sustain the shock, and most of 
 them were cut to pieces. 
 
 The event was different with respect to the 
 cavalry, for as the engagement between them 
 began on a sandy soil, the motion of the men 
 and horses raised such fv thick cloud of dust, as 
 made them incapable of seeing to the distance 
 of three paces. Antigonus, befriended by this 
 darkness, detached from his cavalry a body of 
 troops superior to that of the enemy, and car- 
 j ried off all their baggage, without their perceiv- 
 I ing it, and at the same time broke in upon their 
 j horse. Peucestes, who commanded them, and 
 I till then had given a thousand proofs of true 
 i bravery, fell back, and drew all the rest after 
 ' him. Eumenes employed all his efiforts to rally 
 i them, but in vain ; the confusion was universal 
 in that quarter, as the advantage had been com- 
 i plete in the other. The capture of the baggage 
 was of more importance to Antigonus, than the 
 ' victory could be to Eumenes ; for the soldiers of 
 ! I this latter, finding, at their return, all their 
 baggage carried off, with their wives and chil- 
 dren, instead of employing their swords against 
 the enemy, in order to recover them, which 
 j would have been very practicable at that time, 
 ! and was what Eumenes had promised to ac- 
 1 complish, turned all their fury against their 
 i own general. 
 
 j Having chosen their time, they fell upon him, 
 forced his sword out of his hand, and bound his 
 
 ) hands behind him with his own belt. In this 
 
 I condition they led him through the Macedonian 
 phalanx, then drawn up in lines under arms, in 
 order to deliver him up to Antigonus, who had 
 promised to restore them all their baggap on 
 that condition. " Kill me, O soldiers,' said 
 Eumenes, as he passed by them, " kill me your- 
 selves, I conjure you in the name of all the 
 
 j gods ! for though I perish by the command of 
 Antigonus, ray death will, however, be as much 
 your act as if 1 had fallen by your swords. If 
 you are unwilling to do me that office with your 
 own hands, permit me, at least, to discharge it 
 
 1 by one of mine. That shall render me the ser- 
 vice which you refuse me. On this condition 
 I absolve you from all the severities you have 
 reason to apprehend from the vengeance of the 
 gods, for the crime you are preparing to perpe- 
 trate on me." 
 
 Upon this they hastened him along to prevent 
 the repetition of such pathetic addresses, which 
 might awaken the affection of the troops for 
 their general. 
 
 Most of the soldiers of Antigonus went out 
 to meet him, and scarce a single man was left 
 in his camp. When that illustrious prisoner 
 arrived there, Antigonus had not the courage 
 to see him, because his presence alone would 
 have reproached him in the highest degree. As 
 those who guarded him asked Antigonus in 
 what manner he would have him kept: "As 
 you woidd an elephant," replied he, " or a 
 iion ;" which are two animals most to be 
 dreaded. But within a few days he was 
 touched with compassion, and ordered him to 
 be cased of the weightiest of his chains ; he 
 likewise appointed one of his own domestics to 
 serve him, and permitted his friends to see him, 
 
 and pass whole days in his company. They 
 were also allowed to furnish him with all ne- 
 cessary refreshments. 
 
 Antigonus deliberated with himself for some 
 time, in what manner he should treat his pri- 
 soner. They had been intimate friends, when 
 they served under Alexander, and the remem- 
 brance of that amity rekindled some tender sen- 
 timents in his favour, and combated for awhile 
 against his interest. His son Demetrius also 
 solicited strongly in his favour; passionately 
 desiring, through mere generosity, that the life I 
 of so great a man might be saved. But Antigo- i 
 nus, who was well acquainted with his inflexible 
 fidelity for the family of Alexander, and knew j 
 what a dangerous enemy he had in him, and i 
 how capable he was of disconcerting all bis j 
 measures, should he escape from his hands, was j 
 too much afraid of him to grant him his life, 
 and therefore ordered him to be destroyed in 
 prison. 
 
 Such was the end of the most accomplished 
 man of his age, in every particular, and the 
 worthiest to succeed Alexander the Great. He 
 had not, indeed, the fortune of that monarch, 
 but he, perhaps, was not his inferior in merit. 
 He was truly brave, without temerity; and j 
 prudent, without weakness. His descent was | 
 but mean, though he was not ashamed of it ; i 
 and he gradually rose to the highest stations, j 
 and might even have aspired to a throne, if he | 
 had either had more ambition or less probity. 
 At a time when intrigues and cabals, inspired 
 by a motive most capable of affecting the human 
 heart, I mean the thirst of empire, knew nei- 
 ther sincerity nor fidelity, nor had any respect 
 to the ties of blood or the rights of friendship, 
 but trampled on the most sacred laws, Eumenes 
 always retained an inviolable fidelity and at- 
 tachment to the royal family, which no hopes 
 or fears, no vicissitude of fortune, nor any ele- 
 vation, had power to shake. This very charac- I 
 ter of probity rendered him insupportable to ■ 
 his colleagues ; for it frequently happens,' that 
 virtue creates enmities and aversions, because ^ 
 it seems to reproach those who think in a dif- j 
 ferent manner, and places their defects in too 
 near a view. 
 
 He possessed all the military virtues m a ! 
 supreme degree ; complete skill in the art of j 
 war, valour, foresight, firmness, a wonderful 
 fertility of invention for stratagems and re- 
 sources in the most unexpected dangers, ajid 
 most desperate conjunctures: but I place far 
 above these that character of probity, and those 
 sentiments of honour, which prevailed in him, i 
 and which do not always accompany the other i 
 shining qualities I have mentioned. | 
 
 A merit so illustrious and universal, and at 
 the same time so modest, which ought to have 
 excited the esteem and admiration of the other , 
 commanders, only gave them offence, and in- 
 flamed their envy ; a defect too frequently visi- 
 ble in persons of high rank. These satrap?, 
 full of themselves, saw with jealousy and in-- | 
 dignation, that an officer of no birth, but much i 
 better qualified, and more brave and experienced j 
 than themselves, had ascended by degrees to the 
 most exalted stations, which they imagined due | 
 only to those who were dignified with great j 
 
 1 Industvise innocentia?que quasi malis artibus Jnfcns- 
 — etiam gloria ac virtus infensos habet, ut nimis rx pro. 
 pinquo diversa arguens. TaciL 
 
259 
 
 names, and descended from ancient and illus- 
 trious families : as if true nobility did not con- 
 sist in merit and virtue.^ 
 
 Antigonus and the whole army celebrated the 
 funeral obsequies of Eumenes with great mag- 
 nificence, and willingly paid him the utmost 
 honours ; his death having extinguished all their 
 envy and fear. They deposited his bones and 
 ashes in an urn of silver, and sent it to his wife 
 and children in Cappadocia; a poor compen- 
 sation for a desolate widow and her helpless 
 orphans ! 
 
 SECT. VI. 
 
 Seleucus, Ptolemy, Lysimacluis, and Cassander, form a 
 confederacy against Antigonus. He deprives Ptolemy 
 I of Syria and PhcEnicia, and makes himself master of 
 Tyie, after a long siege. Demetrius, the son of Anti- 
 gonus, begins to distinguish himself in Asia Minor He 
 loses a first battle, and gains a second. Seleucus takes 
 Babylon. A treaty of peace between the princes is im- 
 mediately broken. Cassander causes the young king 
 Alexander, and his mother Koxana, to be put to death. 
 Hercules, another son of Alexander the Great, is like- 
 wise slain, with his mother Barsida, by Polysperchon. 
 Antigonus causes Cleopatra, the sister of the same 
 Alexander, to be put to death. 1 he revolt of Ophelias 
 in Libya. 
 
 Antigonus,^ looking upon 
 A. M. 3689. himself as master of the em- 
 Ant. J. C. 315. pire of Asia for the future, 
 made a new regulation in 
 the eastern provinces, for his better security. 
 He discarded all the governors he suspected, 
 and advanced to their places those persons in 
 whom he thought he might confide. He even 
 destroyed several who had rendered themselves 
 formidable to him by their too great merit. 
 Pithon, governor of Media, and Antigenes, gen- 
 eral of the Argyraspides, were among these lat- 
 ter. Seleucus, governor of Babylon, was like- 
 wise minuted down in his list of proscriptions, 
 but he found means to escape the danger, and 
 threw himself under the protection of Ptolemy 
 in Egypt. As for the Argyraspides, who had 
 betrayed Eumenes, he sent them into Aracho- 
 sia, the remotest province in the empire; and 
 ordered Syburtius," who governed there, to take 
 such measures as might destroy them all, and 
 that not one of them might ever return to 
 Greece. The just horror he conceived at the 
 infamous manner in which they betrayed their 
 general, contributed not a little to this resolu- 
 tion, though he enjoyed the fruit of their trea- 
 son without the least scruple or remorse ; but a 
 motive, still more prevalent, determined him 
 chiefly to this proceeding. These soldiers were 
 mutinous, untractable, licentious, and averse to 
 all obedience; their example, therefore, was 
 capable of corrupting the other troops, and even 
 of destroying him, by a new instance of treach- 
 ery : he therefore was resolved to exterminate 
 them without hesitation. 
 
 Seleucus knew how to re- 
 A. M. 3690. present the formidable power 
 Ant. J. C. 314. of Antigonus so effectually 
 to Ptolemy,'' that he engaged 
 him in a league with Lysimachus and Cassan- 
 der, whom he had also convinced, by the infor- 
 mation which he had sent them, of the danger 
 they had reason to apprehend from the power 
 
 of that prince. Antigonus was very sensibL: 
 that Seleucus would not fail to solicit them into 
 measui-es against his interest, for which reason 
 he sent an embassy to each of the three, to re- 
 new the good intelligence between them, by 
 new assurances of his friendship. But what 
 confidence could be reposed in such assurances 
 from a perfidious man, who had lately destroyed 
 so many governors, from no inducement but 
 the ambition of reigning alone at the expense of 
 all his colleagues ? The answers therefore which 
 he received, made him sufficiently sensible, that 
 it was incumbent on him to prepare for war : 
 upon which he quitted the East, and advanced 
 to Cilicia with very considei'ablc treasures which 
 he had drawn from Babylon and Susa. He 
 there raised new levies, regulated several affairs 
 in the provinces of Asia Minor, and then 
 marched into Syria and Phoenicia. 
 
 His design was to dispossess Ptolemy of those 
 two provinces,^ and make himself master of 
 their maritime forces, which was absolutely ne- 
 cessary for him in the war he was preparing to 
 undertake against the confederates. For unless 
 he could be master at sea, and have at least the 
 ports and vessels of the Phoenicians at his dis- 
 posal, he could never expect any success against 
 them. He, however, arrived too late to sur- 
 prise the ships ; for Ptolemy had already sent 
 to Egypt all that could be found in Phoenicia, 
 and it was even with difficulty that Antigonus 
 made himself master of the ports; for Tyre, 
 Joppa, and Gaza, opposed him with all their 
 forces. The two last, indeed, were soon taken, 
 but a considerable length of time was necessary 
 for the reduction of Tyre. 
 
 However, as he was already master of all the 
 other ports of Syria and Phoenicia, he imme- 
 diately gave orders for building vessels ; and a 
 vast number of trees were cut down, for that 
 purpose, on mount Libanus, which was covered 
 with cedar and cypress trees of extraordinary 
 beauty and height, and they were conveyed to 
 the different ports where the ships were to be 
 built, in which work he employed several thou- 
 sand men. At length, with these ships, and 
 others that joined him from Cyprus, Rhodes, 
 and some other cities with which he had coti- 
 tracted an alliance, he formed a considerable 
 fleet, and rendered himself master of the sea. 
 
 His ardour for this work was redoubled by 
 an affront he had received from Seleucus, who 
 with 100 ships that Ptolemy had sent him, 
 sailed up to Tyre, in sight of all the forces of 
 Antigonus, with an intention to brave him 
 whilst he was engaged in the siege of that city. 
 And in reality this insult had greatly discou- 
 raged his troops, and given his allies such ari 
 impression of his weakness as was very injuri- 
 ous to him. In order, therefore, tc prevent the 
 effect of those disadvantageous opinions, he sent 
 for the principal allies, and assured them he 
 would have such a fleet at sea that summer, as 
 should be superior to the naval forces of all his 
 enemies, and he was punctual to his promise 
 before the expiration of the year. 
 
 But when he perceived, 
 A. M. 8691. that while he was thus em- 
 Ant. J. C. 313. ployed in Phoenicia, Cassan- 
 der gained upon him in Asia 
 Minor, he marched thither with part of his 
 troops, and left the rest with his son Uometrius, 
 
 2 Nobilitas sola est atque unica virtus. Juv. 
 3 Diod. 1. xix. p. 689—692, C.Ql, 6£'8. 
 
 4 Ibid. p. m—m. 
 
 6 Diod. 1. xix. p. 700—703 
 K 2 
 
260 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 who was then but twenty-two years of age, to 
 defend Syria and Phoenicia against Ptolemy. 
 This Demetrius will be much celebrated in the 
 sequel of this history, and I shall soon point out 
 hisparticular character. 
 
 Tyre was then reduced to the last extremi- 
 ties the fleet of Antigonus cut off all commu- 
 nication of provisions, and the city was soon 
 obliged to capitulate. The garrison which 
 Ptolemy had there, obtained permission to 
 march out with all their effects, and the inhabi- 
 tants were promised the enjoyment of theirs 
 without molestation. Andronicus, who com- 
 manded at the siege, was transported with 
 gaining a place of such importance on any con- 
 dition whatever ; especially after a siege which 
 had harassed his troops so exceedingly for fifteen 
 months. 
 
 Nineteen years only had elapsed since Alex- 
 ander had destroyed this city, in such a manner 
 as made it natural to believe it would require 
 whole ages to re-establish it ; and yet in so short 
 a time it became capable of sustaining this new 
 siege, which lasted more than as long again as 
 that of Alexander. This circumstance discovers 
 the great resources derived from commerce ; 
 for this was the only expedient by which Tyre 
 rose out of its ruins, and i-ecovered most of its 
 former splendour. This city was then the cen- 
 tre of all the traffic of the East and West. 
 
 Demetrius,^ who now began to be known, 
 and will in the sequel be surnamed Poliorcetes,'* 
 which signifies taker of cities, was the son of 
 Antigonus. He was finely made, and of un- 
 common beauty. Sweetness, blended with gra- 
 i vity, was visible in his aspect,* and he had an 
 j air of serenity, intermixed with something 
 which carried awe along with it. Vivacity of 
 youth in him was tempered with a majestic 
 mien, and an air truly royal and heroic. The 
 same mixture was likewise observable in his 
 manners, which were equally qualified to charm 
 and astonish. When he had no affairs to trans- 
 act, his intercourse with his friends was en- 
 chanting. Nothing could equal the sumptuous- 
 ness of his feasts, his luxury, and his whole 
 manner of living ; and it may be justly said, 
 that he was the most magnificent, the most 
 j voluptuous, and the most delicate, of all princes. 
 On the other hand, however alluring all these 
 soft pleasures might appear to him, when he 
 had any enterprise to undertake, he was the 
 most active and vigilant of mankind ; nothing 
 but his patience and assiduity in fatigue were 
 equal to his vivacity and courage. Such is the 
 character of the yoiing prince who now begins 
 to appear upon the stage of action. 
 
 Plutarch remarks in him, as a peculiarity 
 which distinguished him from the other princes 
 of his time, his profound respect for his parents, 
 which neither flowed from affectation nor 
 ceremony, but was sincere and real, and the 
 growth of the heart itself. Antigonus, on his 
 part, had a tenderness and affection for his son 
 that was truly paternal, and extended even to 
 familiarity, though without any diminution of 
 
 1 Diod. 1. xix p. 703. 2 Plut. in Demet. p. 889, 890. 
 
 3 The word is derived from voXioi^xuv, to besiege a city, 
 whose root is a city, and f{»o?, a fence, a rampart, 
 a bulwark. 
 
 4 Ta yk^ avTO X'^V **' /5"f^?> ^1>^6V xx) 
 
 the authority of the sovereign and the fatlier ; 
 and this created a union and confidence between 
 them entirely free from all fear and suspicion. 
 Plutarch relates an instance of it. One day, 
 when Antigonus was engaged in giving au<iience 
 to some ambassadors, Demetrius, returning 
 from the chase, advanced into the great hjdl, 
 where he saluted his father with a kiss, and 
 then seated himself at his side, with his darts in 
 his hand. Antigonus had just given the am- 
 bassadors their answer, and was dismissing 
 them, but he called them back, and said aloud, 
 " You may likewise inform your masters of the 
 manner in which my son and I live together ;" 
 intimating thereby, that he was not afraid to let 
 his son approach him with arms,* and that this 
 good understanding that subsisted between him 
 and his son, constituted the greatest strength of 
 his dominions, at the same time that it affected 
 him with the most sensible pleasure. But to 
 return to our subject. 
 
 Antigonus having passed into Asia Minor," 
 soon stopped the progress of Cassander's arms, 
 and pressed him so vigoi-ously, that he obliged 
 him to come to an accommodation, on very dis- 
 graceful terms ; in consequence of which the 
 treaty was hardly concluded before he repented 
 of his accession to it, and broke it by demanding 
 succours of Ptolemy and Seleucus, and renew 
 ing the war. The violation of treaties was 
 considered as nothing, by the generality of 
 those princes whose history I am now writing 
 These unworthy expedients, which ai'e justly 
 thought dishonourable in private persons, ap- 
 peared to them as so many circumstances essen- 
 tial to their glory. They applauded themselves 
 for their perfidious measures, as if they had been 
 instances of their abilities in governmeftt; and 
 were never sensible that such proceedings would 
 teach their troops to be wanting in their fidelity 
 to them, and leave themselves destitute of any 
 pretext of complaint against their own subjects, 
 who, by revolting from their authority, only 
 trod in the same paths which they themselves 
 had already marked out. By such contagious [ 
 examples, a whole age is soon corrupted, and 
 learns to renounce, without a blush, all senti- [ 
 ments of honour and probity, because that 
 which is once become common, no longer appears 
 shameful. 
 
 The renewal of this war detained Antigonus 
 in those parts longer than he intended, and 
 afforded Ptolemy an opportunity of obtaining 
 a considerable advantage over him in another 
 quarter. 
 
 He first sailed with his fleet to the isle of 
 Cyprus,^ and reduced the greatest part of it to 
 his obedience. Nicocles, king of Paphos, one 
 of the cities of that island, submitted to h im 
 like the rest, but made a secret alliance with . 
 Antigonus a year or two after. Ptolemy re- | 
 ceived intelligence of this proceeding; and, in j 
 order to prevent the other princes from imitating | 
 his example, he ordered some of his officers in | 
 Cyprus to destroy him ; but they being unwil- ] 
 ling to execute that commission themselves, 
 earnestly entreated Nicocles to prevent it by i 
 a voluntary death. The unhappy prince con- i 
 sented to the proposal, and, seeing himself } 
 utterly destitute of defence, became his own j 
 
 5 Neither the Greeks nor Romans ever wore arms but 
 in war, or when they hunted. „ t^- . t nai 
 
 6 Diod. 1. xii. p. 710. 7 Diod. I. xx. p. 761 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 2G1 
 
 executioner. But though Ptolemy had com- 
 manded those officers to treat the queen Axithea, 
 and the other princesses whom they found in 
 the palace of Nicocles, with the respect due to 
 their rank, yet they could not prevent them 
 from following the example of the unfortunate 
 king. The queen, after she had slain her 
 daughters with her own hands, and exhorted 
 the other princesses not to survive the calamity 
 by which their unhappy brother fell, plunged 
 her dagger into her own bosom. The death of 
 these princesses was succeeded by that of their 
 husbands, who, before they slew themselves, 
 set fii'e to the four corners of the palace. Such 
 was the dreadful and bloody scene which was 
 acted at Cyprus. 
 
 Ptolemy, after having made himself master 
 of that island, made a descent into Syria, and 
 from thence proceeded to Cilicia, where he ac- 
 quired great spoils, and took a large number of 
 prisoners, whom he carried with him into 
 •f^gypt- Seleucus imparted 
 
 A, M. 3692. to him, at his return, a pro- 
 Ant. J. C. 312. ject lor regaining Syria and 
 Phoenicia, and the execution 
 of it was agreed to be undertaken. Ptolemy 
 accordingly marched thither in person with a 
 fine army, after he had happUy suppressed a 
 revolt which had been kindled among the Cyre- 
 neans, and found Demetrius at Gaza, who 
 opposed his entrance into that place. This 
 occasioned a sharp engagement, in which 
 Ptolemy was at last victorious. Demetrius 
 had 5000 of his men killed, and 8000 more made 
 prisoners : he likewise lost his tents, his treas- 
 ure, and all his equipage, and was obliged to 
 retreat as far as Azotus, and from thence to 
 Tripoli, a city of Phoenicia, on the frontiers of 
 Upper Syria, and to abandon all Phoenicia, 
 Palestine.* and Ccele-syria, to Ptolemy. 
 
 Before his departure from Azotus, he desired 
 leave to bury the dead, which Ptolemy not 
 only granted, but also sent him back all his 
 equipage, tents, furniture, friends, and domes- 
 tics, without any ransom, with a message, 
 " That they ought not to make war against 
 each other for riches, but for glory ;" and it was 
 impossible for a Pagan to think better. May 
 we not likewise say, that he uttered his real 
 sentiments? Demetrius, touched with so oblig- 
 ing an instance of generosity, immediately 
 begged of the gods not to leave him long indebted 
 to Ptolemy for so great a kindness, but to furnish 
 him with an opportunity of making him a simi- 
 lar return. 
 
 Ptolemy sent the rest of the prisoners into 
 Egypt, to serve him in his fleet, and then pur- 
 sued his conquests. All the coasts of Phoenicia 
 submitted to him except the city of TjTe : upon 
 which he sent a secret message to Andronicus, 
 the governor of that place, and one of the brav- 
 est officers of Antigonus, and the most attached 
 to the sei-vice of his master, to induce him to 
 abandon the city with a good grace, and not 
 oblige him to siege it in form. Andronicus, 
 who depended on the Tyrian's fidelity to Anti- 
 gonus, returned a haughty, and even an insult- 
 ing and contemptuous answer to Ptolemy ; bul 
 he was deceived in his expectations, for the 
 garrison and inhabitants compelled him to sur- 
 render. He then imagined himself inevitably 
 lost, and that nothing could make a conqueror 
 forget the insolence with which he had treated 
 him ; but he was again deceived. The king of 
 pygypt, instead of making any reprisals upon 
 an officer who had insulted him with so much 
 
 indignity, made it a kind of duty to engage him 
 in his service by the regard he professed for him 
 when he was introduced to salute him. 
 
 Demetrius was not discouraged with the loss 
 of the battle, as a young prince who had been 
 so unfortunate in his enterprise might naturally 
 have been; but he employed all his attention in 
 raising fresh troops and making new prepara- 
 tions, with all the steadiness and resolution of a 
 consummate general habituated to the art of 
 war, and to the inconstancy and vicissitudes of 
 arms ; in a word, he fortified the cities, and 
 was continually exercising his soldiers. 
 
 Antigonus received intelligence of the loss 
 of that battle without any visible emotion, and 
 he coldly said, '< Ptolemy has defeated boys, 
 but he shall soon have men to deal with and 
 as he was unwilling to abate the courage and 
 "Ardour of his son, he complied with his request 
 of making a second trial of his strength against 
 Ptolemy. 
 
 A short time after this 
 A. M. 3693. event,8 Ciiies, Ptolemy's 
 Ant. J. C. 311. lieutenant, arrived with a 
 numerous army, fully per- 
 suaded that he should drive Demetrius out of 
 Syria ; for he had entertained a very contempti- 
 ble opinion of him from his defeat ; but Deme- 
 trius, who had known how to derive advantages 
 from his misfortune, and was now become more 
 circumspect and attentive, fell upon him when 
 he least expected it, and made himself master 
 of his camp and all his baggage, took 7000 of 
 his men prisoners, even seized him with his own 
 hands, and carried o& a great booty. The glory 
 and riches Demetrius had acquired by this vic- 
 tory, affected him less than the pleasure of 
 being in a condition to acquit himself of his 
 debt towards his enemy, and return the obliga- 
 tion he had received from him. He would not, 
 however, act in this manner by his own autho- 
 rity, but wrote an account of the whole afi^air 
 to his father, who permitted him to act as he 
 should judge proper. Upon which he imme- 
 diately sent back Cilles, with all his friends, 
 laden with magnificent presents, and with them 
 all the baggage he had taken. There is certainly 
 something very noble in thus vying in generosity | 
 with an enemy ; and it was a disposition still | 
 more estimable, especially in a young and vic- 
 torious prince, to make it a point of glory to I ' 
 depend entirely upon his father, and to take no i 
 measures in such a conjuncture without con- I 
 suiting him. I 
 Seleucus,^ after the victory obtained over ! 
 Demetrius at Gaza, had obtained 1000 foot and ■ 
 300 horse from Ptolemy, and proceeded with j 
 this small escort to the East, with an intention 
 to re-enter Babylon. When he arrived at Carr- j 
 hae, in Mesopotamia, he made the Macedonian \ 
 garrison join his troops, partly by consent and i 
 partly by compulsion. As soon as his approach 
 to Babylon was known, his ancient subjects 
 came in great numbers to range themselves 
 under his ensigns ; for the moderation of his 
 government had rendered him greatly beloved 
 in that province, whilst the severity of Anti- 
 gonus was universally detested. The people 
 were charmed at his return, and the hopes of 
 his re-establishment. When he arrived at Ba- 
 bylon he found the gates open, and was received 
 with the general acclamations of the people. 
 
 8 Diod. 1. xix. p. 729. g Ibid p. 72&— 728 
 
262 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 rhose who favoured the party of Antigonus re- 
 I tired into the castle ; but as Seleucus was mas- 
 ' ler of the city and the affections of the people, 
 i he soon made himself master of that fortress, 
 ! and there found his children, frieiids, and do- 
 1 mestics, whom Antigonus had detained prison- 
 ; f-is in that place ever since the retreat of Seleu- 
 t cus into Egypt. 
 
 It was immediately judged necessary to raise 
 a good army to defend these acquisitions ; and 
 he was hardly reinstated in Babylon before Ni- 
 canor, the governor of Media under Antigonus, 
 was upon his march to dislodge him. Seleucus 
 having received intelligence of this, passed the 
 Tigris, in ordf^r to meet him, and he had the 
 good fortune to surprise him in a disadvantage- 
 ous post, where he assaulted his camp by night, 
 and entirely defeated his army. Nicanor was 
 compelled to fly, with a small number of his 
 friends, and to cross the deserts before he could 
 arrive at the place where Antigonus then was. 
 All the troops, who had escaped from the de- 
 feat, declared for Seleucus, either through dis- 
 satisfaction to serve under Antigonus, or else 
 from apprehensions of the conqueror. Seleucus 
 was now master of a fine army, which he em- 
 ployed in the conquest of Media and Susiana, 
 with the other adjacent provinces, by which 
 means he rendered himself very powerful. The 
 jenityof his government, his justice, equity, and 
 humanity to all his subjects, contributed prin- 
 cipally to the establishment of his power ; and 
 i he was then sensible how advantageous it is for 
 a prince to treat his people in that manner, and 
 to possess their affections. He had arrived in 
 , his own territories with a handful of men, but 
 i the love of his people was equivalent to an 
 1 army ; and he not only assembled a vast body 
 j of them about him in a short time, but they 
 1 were likewise rendered invincible by their affec- 
 tion for him. 
 I With this entry into Baby- 
 
 A. M. S693. Ion commences the famous 
 Ant. J. C. 311. ei-a of the Seleucidse, received 
 by all the people of the East, 
 as well Pagans as Jews, Christians, and Ma- 
 hommedans. The Jews call it the Era of Con- 
 tracts, because when they v.'ere subjected to the 
 ; government of the Syro- Macedonian kings, they 
 j were obliged to insert it into the dates of their 
 I contracts and other civil writings. The Ara- 
 bians style it the Era of the Double-horned, by 
 which, according to some authors, they denote 
 Seleucus, whom sculptors usually represented 
 with two horns of an ox on his head, because 
 this prince was so strong, that he could seize 
 that animal by the horns, and stop him short in 
 his full career. The two books of the Maccabees 
 call it the Era of the Greeks, and use it in their 
 dates; with this difference, however, that the 
 first of these books represents it as beginning in 
 the spring, the other in the autumn of the same 
 year. The thirty-one years of the reign as- 
 cribed to Seleucus, begin at this period. 
 
 Antigonus was at Celajnse in Phrygia,' when 
 he received intelligence of the victory obtained 
 by his son Demetrius over the troops of Ptole- 
 my ; and immediately advanced to Syria, in 
 order to secure all the advantages that were 
 presented to him by that event. He crossed 
 mount Taurus, and joined his son, whom he 
 tenderly embraced at the first interview, shed- 
 
 1 Diod. 1. xix, p. ~£9. 
 
 ding at the same time tears of joy. Ptole.myv 
 being sensible that he was not strong enough to 
 oppose the united forces of the father and son, 
 resolved to demolish the fortifications of Aco, 
 Joppa, Samaria, and Gaza ; after which he re- 
 tired into Egypt, with the greatest part of the 
 I'iches of the country, and a numerous train of 
 the inhabitants. In this manner was all Phoa- 
 nicia, Judea, and Ccele-syria, subjected a second 
 time to the power of Antigonus. 
 
 The inhabitants of these provinces who were 
 carried off by Ptolemy,'' followed him more out 
 of inclination than by constraint : and the mo- 
 deration and humanity with which he always 
 treated those who submitted to his government, 
 had gained their hearts so effectually, that they 
 were more desirous of living' under him in a 
 foreign country, than of continuing in their 
 own subject to Antigonus, from whom they had 
 no expectations of so gentle a treatment. They 
 were likewise strengthened in this resolution by 
 the advantageous proposals of Ptolemy ; for, as 
 he then intended to make Alexandria the capi- 
 tal of Egypt, he was very desirous of di-awing 
 inhabitants thither, and for this purpose he 
 offered them extraordinary privileges and im- 
 munities. He, therefore, settled in that city 
 most of those who followed him on this occa- 
 sion, among whom was a numerous body of 
 Jews. Alexander had formerly placed many of 
 that nation there ; but Ptolemy, in his return 
 from one of his first expeditions, planted a much 
 greater number in that city than Alexander 
 himself, and they there found a fine country 
 and a powerful protection. The rumour of 
 these advantages being propagated through all 
 Judea, rendered many more desirous of estab- 
 lishing themselves at Alexandria ; and they 
 accomplished that design upon this occasion. 
 Alexander had granted the Jews who settled 
 there under his government, the same privileges 
 as were enjoyed by the Macedonians ; and 
 Ptolemy pursued the same conduct with re- 
 spect to this new colony. In a word, he settled 
 such a number of them there, that the quarter 
 inhabited by the Jews almost formed an entire 
 city of itself. A large body of Samaritans also 
 established themselves there, on the same foot- 
 ing with the Jews, and increased exceedingly 
 in numbers. 
 
 Antigonus/^ after he had repossessed himself 
 of Syria and Judea, sent Athenseus, one of his 
 generals, against the Nabathsean Arabs, a na- 
 tion of robbers, who had made several ini oads 
 into the country he had newly conquered, and 
 had lately carried off a very large booty. Their 
 capital city was Petra, so called by the Greeks, 
 because it was situated on a high rock, in the 
 middle of a desert country. Athenseus made 
 himself master of the place, and likewise of the 
 spoils deposited in it; but the Arabs attacked 
 him by surprise in his retreat, and defeated the 
 greatest part of his troops ; they likewise killed 
 him on the spot, regained all the booty, and 
 carried it back to Petra, from whence they 
 wrote a letter to Antigonus, who was then in 
 Syria, complaining of the injustice with which 
 they had been treated by Athenseus. Antigonus 
 pretended at first to disapprove his proceedings ; 
 but as soon as he had assembled his troops, be 
 gave the command of them to his son Deme- 
 
 2 Josf ph. Antiq. 1. xii. c. 1. et contra Appioii. 1. & ii 
 
 3 Dicjd 1. xix. p. 730--7SS v 
 
ALEXANDER' 
 
 I trius, with orders to chastise the insolence of 
 I those robbers . but as this prince found it im- 
 practicable to force them in their retreat, or 
 retake Petra, he contented himself with making 
 the best treaty he could with this people, and 
 then marched back with his troops. 
 
 AntigonuSj* upon the in- 
 A. M. 3693. telligence he received from 
 Ant. J. C. 311. Nicanor of the success of 
 Seleucus in the East, sent 
 I his son Demetrius thither at the head of an 
 army, to drive him out of Babylon, and dispos- 
 sess him of that province while he himself ad- 
 vanced to the coasts of Asia Minor, to oppose 
 the operations of the confederate princes, whose 
 power daily increased. He likewise ordered 
 his son to join him, after he had executed his 
 commission in the East. Demetrius, in con- 
 formity to his father's directions, assembled an 
 army at Damascus, and marched to Babylon ; 
 and as Seleucus was then in Media, he entered 
 the city without any opposition. Patroclus, 
 who had been intrusted with the government 
 of that city by Seleucus, finding himself not 
 strong enough to resist Demetrius, retired with 
 his troops into the marshes, where the rivers, 
 canals, and fens, that covered him, made the 
 approach impracticable. He had the precau- 
 tion, when he left Babylon, to cause the inhabi- 
 tants also to retire from thence, who all took 
 refuge, some ou the other side of the Tigris, 
 others in the deserts, and the rest in places of 
 security. 
 
 Demetrius caused the castles to be attacked, 
 of which there were two in Babylon, very large, 
 and strengthened with good garrisons, on the 
 two opposite banks of the Euphrates. One of 
 these he took, and placed in it a garrison of 7000 
 men. The other sustained the siege till Anti- 
 gonus ordered his son to join him. The prince, 
 therefoi'e, left Archelaus, one of the principal 
 officers of the army, with 1000 horse, and 5000 
 foot to continue the siege, and marched with 
 the rest of the troops into Asia Minor to re- 
 inforce his father. 
 
 Before his departure, he caused Babylon to 
 be plundered ; but this action proved to be de- 
 trimental to his father's affairs, and attached 
 the inhabitants more than ever to Seleucus ; 
 even those who, till then, had espoused the in- 
 terest of Antigonus, never imagined that the 
 city would be treated in that manner, if he ever 
 intended to return thither, and looked upon tliis 
 pillage as an act of desertion, and a formal de- 
 claration of his having entirely abandoned them : 
 this induced them to turn their thoughts to an 
 accommodation vi^ith Seleucus, and they ac- 
 cordingly went over to his party; by which 
 means Seleucus, upon his return, which imme- 
 diately followed the departure of Demetrius, 
 had no difficulty in driving out the few troops 
 that Demetrius had left in the city, and he re- 
 took the castle which they possessed. When 
 this event was accomplished, he established his 
 authority in such a solid manner, that nothing 
 was capable of shaking it. This therefore is 
 the epocha to which the Babylonians refer the 
 foundation of his kingdom, though all the other 
 nations of Asia place it six months sooner, and 
 in the preceding year. 
 
 Demetrius, upon his arrival in Asia Minor,* 
 
 4 Diod. p. 735, 136. Plut. in Demet. p. 891. 
 
 5 Ibid, 1. xix. p. 139, Plut. in Demet. p. 892. 
 
 obliged Ptolemy to raise the siege of TTalirar- 
 nassus; and this event was succeeded by a treaty 
 of peace between the confederate princes and 
 Antigonus; by which it was stipulated, that 
 Cassander should have the management of the 
 Macedonian affairs, till Alexander, the son of 
 Roxana, was of age to reign. Lysimachus was 
 to have Thrace ; Ptolemy, Egypt, and the fron- 
 tiers of Libya, with Arabia; and all Asia was 
 allotted to Antigonus. Ail the cities of Greece | 
 were likewise to enjoy their liberty; but this 
 accommodation was of no long duration : and j 
 indeed it is surprising that princes, so well ac- ; 
 quainted with each other, and sensible that the i 
 sacred solemnity of oaths was only employed 
 for their mutual delusion, should expect any 
 success from an expedient that had been prac- 
 tised so frequently in vain, and was then so 
 much disregarded. T^iis treaty was hardly con- 
 cluded, before each party complained that it ! 
 was infringed, and hostilities were renewed, j 
 The true reason v.^as, the extraordinary power ' 
 of Antigonus, which daily increased, and be- ' 
 came so formidable to the other three, that they : 
 were incapable of enjoying any satisfaction till I 
 they had reduced him. i 
 
 It was manifest that they were only solicitous 
 for their own interest, and had no "regard for I 
 the family of Alexander. The Macedonians 
 began to be impatient ; and declared aloud, that 
 it was time for them to cause the young Alex- 
 ander to appear upon the stage of action, as he 
 was then fourteen years of age, end to bring 
 him out of prison, in order to make him ac- 
 quainted with public business. Cassander, who 
 foresaw in this proceeding the destruction of his 
 own measures, caused the young king, and his \ 
 mother Roxana, to be secretly put to death in 
 the castle of Amphipolis, where he had confined 
 them for some years. 
 
 Polysperchon,*' who go- 
 A. M. 3694. verned in Peloponnesus, took 
 Ant. J. C. 810. this opportunity to declare 
 
 openly against the conduct 
 of Cassander, and made the people sensible ol 
 the enormous wickedness of this action, with a 
 view of rendering him odious to the Macedo- 
 nians, and entirely supplanting him in theii 
 aifections. As he had then thoughts of re- 
 entering Macedonia, from whence he had been 
 driven by Cassander, he afi^ected an air of great ' 
 zeal for the house of Alexander ; and in order 
 to render it apparent, he caused Hercules, an- 
 other son of Alexander, by Barsina, the widow 
 of Memnon, and who was then about seventeen | 
 years of age, to be brought from PergamuS; j 
 upon which he himself advanced with an army, 
 and proposed to the Macedonians to place him 
 upon the throne. Cassander was terrified at 
 this proceeding, and represented to him, at an 
 interview between them, that he was preparing 
 to raise himself a master ; but that it would be 
 more for his interest to remove Hercules out of 
 the way, and secure the sovereignty of Greece 
 to himself, offering, at the same time, his own 
 assistance for that pm'pose. This discourse 
 easily prevailed upon him to sacrifice the young 
 prince to Cassander, as he was now persuaded 
 
 that he should derive great 
 A. M. 3695. advantages from his death. 
 Ant. J. C. 809. Hercules, therefore, and hi 
 
 mother, suffered the same 
 
 6 Diod. 1. XX. p. 760, 7C1, & 766. 157. 
 
2G1. 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 fate from him the next year, as Roxana and 
 her son had before from Cassander ; and each 
 of these wretches sacrificed, In his turn, an heir 
 of the crown, in order to share it between them- 
 selves. 
 
 As there was now no prince of Alexander's 
 house left, each of them retained his govern- 
 ment with the authority of a sovereign, and 
 were persuaded that they had effectually secured 
 their acquisitions, by the murder of those prin- 
 ces, who alone had a lawful title to them , con- 
 gratulating themselves for having extinguished in 
 their own minds all remains of respect for the 
 memory of Alexander, their master and benefac- 
 tor, which till then had held their hands. Who, 
 without horror, could behold an action so perfi- 
 dious, and, at the same time, so shameful and 
 base ! But such was the insensibility of them 
 both, that they were equally forward to felici- 
 tate themselves on the success of an impious 
 confederacy, which ended in the effusion of their 
 master's blood. The blackest of all crimes 
 never cost the ambitious any remorse, provided 
 they conduce to their ends. 
 
 Ptolemy having commenced the war anew,' 
 took several cities from Antigonus in Cilicia 
 and other parts ; but Demetrius soon regained 
 what his father had lost in Cilicia : and the other 
 generals of Antigonus had the same success 
 against those of Ptolemy, who did not com- 
 mand this expedition in person. Cyprus was 
 now the only territory whei-e Ptolemy preserved 
 bis conquests ; for when he had caused Nicocles, 
 king of Paphos, to suffer death, he entirely 
 crushed the party of Antigonus in that island- 
 In order to obtain some 
 A. M. 3696. compensation for what he 
 Ant. J. C. S03. had lost in Cilicia,^ he in- 
 vaded Pamphylia, Lycia, 
 and some other provinces of Asia Minor, where 
 he took several places from Antigonus. 
 
 He then sailed into the Mgean sea,^ and made 
 himself master of the isle of Andros ; after 
 which he took Sicyon, Corinth, and some other 
 cities. 
 
 During his continuance in those parts, he 
 formed an intimate correspondence with Cleopa- 
 tra, the sister of Alexander. She had espoused 
 Alexander, king of Epirus, at whose nuptials 
 Philip had been assassinated, and after the 
 death of her consort, who was slain in the wars 
 of Italy, had continued in a state of widowhood, 
 and for several years had resided at Sardis in 
 Lydia. As Antigonus, who was master of that 
 city, did not treat her with due attention and 
 respect, Ptolemy artfully took advantage of her 
 discontent, to gain her over to his interest. 
 With this intention he invited her to an inter- 
 view, in hopes of deriving, from her presence, 
 some advantages against Antigonus. The prin- 
 cess had already set out, but the governor of 
 Sardis caused her to be stopped and immediately 
 brought back, and shortly after, by the com- 
 mand of Antigonus, caused her to be secretly 
 destroyed. Antigonus, soon after this event, 
 came to Sardis, where he ordered all the women 
 who had been instrumental in her murder to be 
 proceeded against. 
 
 We may here behold with admiration, how 
 heavily the arm of the Almighty fell upon the 
 race of Alexander, and with what severity be 
 
 1 Dkxl. 1. XX. r 760. 
 
 Ibid. 774, 775 
 
 2 Il)id. p. 76fi. 
 
 pursued the small remains of his family, and all 
 those who had the misfortune to be any way 
 related to that famous conqueror, whose favour 
 was ardently courted by all the world a few 
 years before. A fatal curse consumed his whole 
 family, and avenged upon it all the acts of vio- 
 lence which had been committed by that prince. 
 God even used the ministration of his courtiers, 
 officers, and domestics, to render the severity of 
 his judgments visible to all mankind, who, by 
 these means, received some kind of reparation 
 for the calamities they had suffered from Alex- 
 ander. 
 
 Antigonus, though he was the minister of the 
 Deity in the execution of his just decrees, was 
 not the less criminal on that account, because 
 he acted only from motives of ambition and 
 cruelty, of the enormity of which he was 
 himself sensible, and which he wished he could 
 be capable of concealing from the observation of 
 mankind. He celebrated the funeral of Cleo- 
 patra with extraordinary magnificence, hoping, 
 by this plausible exterior, to dazzle the eyes of 
 the public, and avoid the hatred due to so black 
 a crime. But such deep hypocrisy as this, 
 usually discovers the crime it labours to conceal, 
 and only increases the just horror the world 
 generally entertains for those who have commit- 
 ted it. 
 
 This barbarous and unmanly action was not 
 the only one that Antigonus co'mmitted. Se- 
 leucus and Ptolemy raised the superstructure of 
 their poAver on the clemency and justice with 
 which they governed their people ; and, by these 
 expedients, established lasting empires, which 
 continued in their families for several genera- 
 tions : but the character of Antigonus was of a 
 different cast. It was a maxim with him, to 
 remove all obstacle to his designs, without the 
 least regard to justice or humanity ; in conse- 
 quence of which, when that brutal and tyran- 
 nical force, by which alone he had supported 
 himself, came to fail him, he lost both fife and 
 empire. 
 
 Ptolemy, with all the wisdom and moderation 
 of his government, was not secure from revolts. 
 The treachery of Ophelias, governor of Libya, 
 and Cyrenaica, who formed an insuri'ection 
 much about this time, gave him a just cause 
 for inquietude ; but it happened very fortunately 
 to be attended with no bad effect. This officer 
 had served first under Alexander, and, after the 
 death of that prince, had embraced the interest 
 of Ptolemy, whom he followed into Egypt. 
 Ptolemy had intrusted him with the command 
 of the army which was intended for the reduc- 
 tion of Libya and Cyrenaica, provinces that 
 had been allotted to him, as well as Egypt and 
 Arabia, in the partition of the empire. When 
 those two provinces were subdued, Ptolemy 
 conferred the government of them upon Ophel- 
 ias ; who, when he was sensible that this prince 
 was too much engaged with Antigonus and 
 Demetrius to give him any apprehensions, had 
 rendered himself independent, and continued, 
 till this year, in the peaceable enjoyment of his 
 usurpation. 
 
 Agathocles, king of Sicily, 
 A. M. 8697. having mai'ched into Africa 
 Ant. J. C. 307. to attack the Carthagini- 
 ans, endeavoured to engage 
 Ophelias in his interest, and promised to assist 
 him in the conquest of all Africa for himself. 
 Ophelias, seduced by so grateful a proposal, 
 ioined Agathocles with an army of 20,000 men 
 'in the Carthaginian territories ; but he ha«i 
 
ALEXANDER S SUCCESSORS. 265 
 
 scarce arrived there, before the perfidious wretch 
 who had drawn him thither, caused him to be 
 slain, and kept his army in his own service. 
 The history of the Carthaginians will inform 
 the reader in what manner this black instance 
 of treachery succeeded. Ptolemy, upon the 
 death of Ophelias, recovered Libya and Cyre- 
 naica. The wife of the latter was an Athenian 
 lady of uncommon beauty ; her name was Eu- 
 rydice, and she was descended from Miltiades. 
 After the death of her husband she returned to 
 Athens, where Demetrius saw her the follow- 
 ing year, and espoused her. 
 
 SECT. VL 
 
 Uemetriiis, the son of Antigonus, besieges and takes 
 Athens, and establishes a democracy in that city De- 
 metrius Phalereus, who commanded there, retires to 
 Thebes. He is condemned to suffer death, and his 
 statues are thrown down. He retires into Egypt. 1 he 
 excessive honours rendered by the Athenians to Anti- 
 gonus and his son Demetrius. The latter obtains a 
 great naval victory over Ptolemy, takes Salamis, and 
 makes himself master of all the island of Cyprus. 
 Ai tigonus and Demetrius assume the title of Kings 
 after this victory, and their example is followed by the 
 other princes. Antigonus forres an enterprise against 
 Egypt, which proves unsuccessful. 
 
 Antigonus and Demetrius* 
 A. M. S698. had formed a design to re- 
 Ant. J. C. 306. store liberty to all Greece, 
 which was kept in a kind of 
 slavery by Cassander, Ptolemy, and Polysper- 
 chon. These confederate princes, in order to 
 subject the Greeks, had judged it expedient to 
 establish, in all the cities they conquered , aris- 
 tocracy, that is, the government of the rich and 
 powerful ; and it corresponds, the most of any, 
 with regal authority. Antigonus, to engage the 
 people in his interest, had recourse to a contrary 
 method, by substituting a democracy, which 
 more effectually soothed the inclination of the 
 Greeks, by lodging the power in the hands of 
 the people. This conduct was a renewal of the 
 policy which had been so frequently employed 
 against the Lacedaemonians by the Athenians 
 and Persians, and had always succeeded ; and 
 it was impossible for it to be ineffectual in this 
 conjucture, if supported by a good army. An- 
 tigonus could not enter upon his measures in a 
 better manner, than by opening the scene with 
 the signal of democratic liberty in Athens ; 
 which was not only the most jealous of it, but 
 was likewise at the head of all the other repub- 
 lics. 
 
 When the siege of Athens had been resolved 
 upon, Antigonus was told by one of his friends, 
 that if he should happen to take that city, he 
 ought to keep it for himself, as the key of all 
 Greece ; but he sternly rejected that proposal, 
 and replied, " That the best and strongest key 
 which he knew, was the fi'iendship of the peo- 
 ple ; and that Athens, being in a manner the 
 light by which all the world steered, would not 
 fail to spread through all quarters the glory of 
 his actions." It is very surprising to see in what 
 manner, princes, who are very unjust and self- 
 interested, can sometimes borrow the language 
 of equity and generosity, and are solicitous of 
 doing themselves honour by assuming the ap- 
 pearance of virtues to which, in reality, they are 
 utter strangers. 
 
 4 Plut. in Demctr. p. 892—894. 
 
 Demetrius set out for Athens w^th 5000 ta- 
 lents, and a fleet of 260 ships. Demetrius 
 Phalereus had commanded in that city for the 
 space of ten years in the name and under the 
 authority of Cassander ; and the republic as I 
 have already observed, never experienced a just- 
 er government, or enjoyed a series of greater 
 tranquillity and happiness. The citizens, in 
 gratitude to his administration, had erected as 
 many statues to his honour as there are days in 
 the yeai', namely, 360, for at that time, the 
 year, according to Pliny,* did not exceed this 
 number of days. An honour like this had ne- 
 ver been granted to any citizen. 
 
 When the fleet of Demetrius approached, all 
 the inhabitants prepared for its reception, be- 
 lieving the ships belonged to Ptolemy; but 
 when the captains and principal officers were at 
 last undeceived, they immediately had recourse 
 to arms for their defence ; every place was filled 
 with tumult and confusion, the Athenians being 
 reduced to a sudden and unexpected necessity of 
 repelling an enemy who advanced upon them 
 without being discovered, and had already made 
 a descent ; for Demetrius had entered the port, 
 which he found entirely open, and might easily 
 be distinguished on the deck of his galley, where 
 with his hands he made a signal to the people 
 to keep themselves quiet, and afford him an au- 
 dience. The tumult being then calmed, he 
 caused them to be informed aloud by a herald, 
 who placed himself at his side, " That his father 
 Antigonus had sent him under happy auspices, 
 to reinstate the Athenians in the possession or 
 their liberty ; to drive the garrison out of their 
 citadel, and to re-establish their laws, and an- 
 cient plan of government." 
 
 The Athenians, at this proclamation, cast 
 their bucklers down at their feet, and clapping 
 their hands with loud acclamations of joy, 
 pressed Demetrius to descend from his galley, 
 and called him their . preserver and benefactor. 
 Those who were then with Demetrius Phale- 
 reus, were unanimously of opinion, that, as the 
 son of Antigonus was already master of the 
 city, it would be better to receive him, though 
 they should even be certain that he would not 
 perform any one article of what he had pro- 
 mised ; upon which they immediately despatched 
 ambassadors to him with a tender of their sub- 
 mission. 
 
 Demetrius received them in a g7*acious man- 
 ner, and gave them a veiy favourable audience ; 
 and in order to convince them of his good dis- 
 position towards them, he gave them Aristode- 
 mus of Miletus, one of his father's most inti- 
 mate friends, as a hostage, at their dismission. 
 He was likewise careful to provide for the safety 
 of Demetrius Phalereus ; wlio, in consequence 
 of this revolution, had more reason to be appre- 
 hensive of his citizens, than even of the enemies 
 themselves. The reputation and virtue of this 
 great man had inspired the young prince with 
 the utmost respect for his person ; and he sent 
 him with a sufficient guard to Thebes, in com- 
 pliance with his own request. He then told the 
 Athenians that he was determined not to see 
 their city ; nor so much as enter within the 
 walls, however desirous he might be to visit 
 them, till he had entirely freed the inhabitants 
 from subjection, by driving out the garrison 
 
 5 Nondum anno hunc numerum dierutn excedente. 
 Plin, 1. xxxiv. c. R. 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 that encroached upon their liberties. At the ] people, to whom he restored their ancient form 
 s;.me time he ordered a large ditch to be opened, j of government, promising, at the same time, 
 and iui-ed sivuns intrenchments before the for- I that Ids father should send them 150,000 mea- 
 tress of IMunyehia, to deprive it of all coramu- ! sures of corn, and all necessary materials for 
 nication with "the city; after which he embarked | building 100 galleys of three benches of oars. la 
 for 3Jeo-ara, where* Cassander had placed a i this irauner did the Athenians recover their de- 
 stron^ garrison. i raocracy, about fourteen years after its abolition. 
 
 When he arrived at that city, he was in- They caiTied their gratitude to their benefac- 
 fornied that Cratesipolis, the wife of Alexander tors even to impiety and irreligion, by the ex- 
 tiie son of Polvsperchon. who was greatlv cele- cessive honours they decreed them. Ihey first 
 brated for her* beautv, then residecl at Patr:e. fr;nf..Vred the title of king on Antigonus and 
 end was extremelv desirous to see him, and be Uenietrius, a title which neither these nor any 
 at his devotion. He therefore left his armv in ^ of tJie other princes had ever had the presiimp- 
 the territories of Megara.. and having selected a j tion to take till then, though they had assumed 
 small number of persons, most disposed to at- to themselves all the power and effects of roy- 
 tendhim, he set out for Patree ; and, when he alty. The Athenians likewise honoured them 
 
 had arrived within a small distance of that city, 
 he secretly withdrew himself from his atten- 
 dants, and caused a pavilion to be erected in a 
 private place, that Cratesipolis might not be 
 seen when she came to him. A party of the 
 enemy happening to be apprized of this impru- 
 dent proceeding, marched against him when he 
 least expected such a visit, and he had but just 
 time to disguise himself in a mean habit, and 
 elude the danger by a precipitate flight ; so that 
 
 with the appellation of tutelar deities; and in- 
 stead of the magistracy of the Archon, which 
 gave the year its denomination, they elected an- 
 nually a priest of these tutelar deities, in whose 
 name' all the public acts and decrees were passed. 
 They also ordered their pictures to be painted, 
 with those of the other gods, on the veil which 
 was carried in procession at their solemn festi- 
 vals in honour of Minerva, called Panathensea ; 
 and, bv an excess of adulation scarce credible, 
 
 he was on the' poiiit of being taken in the most I they consecrated the spot of ground on which 
 . . ^ , !• T ■ ^ • ! T^^„ A .^c^„-r^A^A ^T.^-.-.-! v,?:^ chariot, and 
 
 thev called the 
 
 ignominious manner, on account of his incon- i Demetrius descended from hi 
 tinence. The enemv seized his tent, with the : erected an altar upon it, ^-hich . 
 riches that were in it. I of Demetiius descending from his chariot ; 
 
 The city of 3Iegara being taken, the soldiers ; and they added to the ten ancient tribes two 
 demanded leave to plunder the inhabitants; but : more, which they styled the tribe of Demetrius, 
 the Athenians interceded for them so etiectually, i and the tribe fA/itigonus. They likewise changed 
 that the city was saved. Demetrius drove out i the names of two months in their favour, and 
 thegarrisonof Cassander, and reinstated 3Iegara ; published an order, that those who should be 
 
 in its liberties. Stilpon,' a celebrated philoso- 
 pher, lived in that city, and was sent for by De- 
 metrius, who asked him if he had not lost some- 
 thing ? " Nothing at all," replied Stilpon, " for 
 I carrv all mv effects about me ;" meaning by 
 
 that expression, his justice, probitv, temperance, j offer sacrifices to the gods at Delphi 
 and wisdom; with the advantage of not ranking i pia, in the name of the cities. But even all 
 anv thin<^ in the class of blessings that could be I these honours were not so strange and extrava 
 taken from him. What could all the kings of' " ^" i^.^^.v.a.. ^.v.< 
 
 sent to Antigonus or Demeti ius, by any decree 
 of the people, instead of being distinguished by 
 the common title of ambassadors, should be 
 called Theori, which was an appellation re- 
 served for those who were chosen to go and 
 
 Olvm- 
 
 the earth do in conjunction against such a man 
 as this, who neither desires nor dreads any 
 thing, and who has been taught by philosophy 
 not to consider death itself as a calamity! 
 
 Though the city was saved from pillage, yet 
 all the slaves in general were taken and carried 
 off bv the conquerors. Demetrius, on the day 
 of his quitting Megara, after having showed the 
 strongest marks of regard to Stilpon, told him 
 that he left the city to him in an entire state of 
 freedom. " Yv'hat you say, my lord, is certainly 
 true," replied the 'philosopher, "for you have 
 not left so much as one slave in it." 
 
 Demetrius, when he returned to Athens, 
 I>osted his troops before the port of JNIunychia, 
 ' and carried on the siege Avith so much vigour, 
 1 that he soon drove out the garrison, and razed 
 the fort. The Athenians, after this event, en- 
 treated him with great importunity to come 
 and refresh himself in the city ; upon which he 
 accordingly entered it, and then assembled the 
 
 Megara Demetrius ceperat, cui cognomen Poliorcetes 
 fuft. Ab hoc Stilpon philosophus interrogatus, num quid 
 perciidisset : Nihil, inquit ; omnia namque mea raecum 
 sunt — Habebat enim secum vera bona in quse non est ma- 
 nOs ii.jectio — H^c sunt, justitia, virtus, temperantia, pru- 
 dentia ; et hoc ipsuin, nihil bonum putare quod cripi 
 possit. — Cogita nunc, an huic quisquam facere injuriam 
 poEsit, cui belluni, et hostis ille egregiam artcm quassan- 
 daruni urbium prnfe.s:us, cripere nihil [Kituit. Seuec de 
 Cot^. sap. c. V. iSc tp. IX. 
 
 gant as the decree obtained by Democlides, who 
 proposed, that in order to the more effectual 
 consecration of the bucklers that were to be 
 dedicated in the temple of Apollo at Delphi, 
 proper persons should be despatched to Deme- 
 trius, the tutelc-a- deity; and that after they had 
 offered sacrifices to him, they should inquire of 
 this tutelar deity in what manner they ought 
 to conduct themselves, so as to celebrate, with 
 the gi'eatest promptitude, and the utmost devo- 
 tion and magnificence, the dedication of those 
 offerings, and that the people should comply 
 with all the directions of the oracle on that oc- 
 casion." 
 
 The extreme ingratitude the Athenians dis- 
 covered towards Demetrius Phalereus, was no 
 less criminal and extravagant than the immo- 
 derate acknowledgment they had just shown to 
 their new master. They had always considered 
 the former as too much devoted to oligarchy, 
 and were offended at his suffering the Macedo- 
 nian garrison to continue in their citadel for the 
 space of ten years, without making the least 
 application to Cassander for its removal: in this 
 hou-ever, he had only followed the examph 
 of i'hocion, and undo'ubtedly considered those 
 troops as a necessary restraint on the turbulent 
 dispositiuu of the A'thenians. They might pos- 
 siblv imagine likewise,* fhat by declaring against 
 
 i Diog. Laert. 
 
ALEXANDERS 
 
 him, they should ingratiate themselves more 
 effectually with the conqueror. But whatever 
 their motives might be, they first condemned 
 him to suffer death for contumacy ; and as they 
 were incapable of executing their resentment 
 upon his person, because he had retired from 
 their city, they threw down the numerous sta- 
 tues they had raised in honour of Demetrius 
 Phalereus; who, when he had received intelli- j 
 gence of their proceedings, " At least," said 
 he, " it will not be in their power to destroy 
 that virtue in me by which those statues were 
 deserved." 
 
 What estimation is to be made of those hon- 
 ours which, at one time, ai*e bestowed Avith so 
 much profusion, and as suddenly revoked at 
 another ; honours that had been denied to vir- 
 tue, and prostituted to vicious princes, with a 
 constant disposition to divest them of those fa- 
 vours upon the first impressions of discontent, 
 and degrade them from their divinity with as 
 much precipitation as they conferred it upon 
 them ! What weakness and stupidity do those 
 discover, who are either touched with strong 
 impressions of joy when they receive such hon- 
 ours, or appear dejected when they happen to 
 [ose them ! 
 
 The Athenians gtill proceeded to greater ex- 
 tremities. Demetrius Phalereus was accused 
 of having acted contrary to their laws in many 
 instances during his administration, and they 
 omitted no endeaA^ours to render him odious. 
 It was necessary for them to have recourse to 
 this injustice and calumny, infamous as such 
 proceedings were in their own nature, to escape, 
 if possible, the just reproach of having con- 
 demned that merit and virtue which had been 
 universally known and experienced. The sta- 
 tues, while they subsisted, were so many public 
 testimonials, continually declaring in favour of 
 the innocence ot Demetrius, and against the in- 
 justice of the Athenians. Their own evidence 
 then turned against them, and that they could 
 not invalidate. The reputation of Demetrius 
 was not obliterated by the destruction of his 
 statues ; and therefore it was absolutely neces- 
 sary that he should appear criminal, that the 
 Athenians might be able to represent themselves 
 a"" innocent and just; and they imagined that a 
 so-emn and authentic condemnation would sup- 
 ply the defect of proofs, and the regularity of 
 forms. They did not even spare his friends ; 
 and all those who had maintained a strict in- 
 timacy with him were exposed to danger. Me- 
 nander, that celebrated poet, from whom Te- 
 rence has traxiscribed the greatest part of his 
 comedies, was on the point of being prosecuted, 
 for no other reason than his having contracted 
 a friendship with Demetrius. 
 
 There is reason to believe that Demetrius, 
 after he had passed some time at Thebes, re- 
 tired for refuge to Cassander, who was sensible 
 of his merit, and testified a particular esteem 
 for him, and that he continued under his pro- 
 tection as long as that prince lived. But, after 
 the death of Cassander, as he had reason to be 
 apprehensive of the worst that could befall him 
 from the brutality of his son Antipater, who 
 had caused his own mother to be destroyed, he 
 retired into Egypt, to Ptolemy Soter, who had 
 rendered himself illustrious by his liberalities to 
 men of letters, and whose court was then the 
 asylum of all persons in distress. 
 
 Ilis reception at that court was as favourable 
 as possible; and the king, according to ZElian, 
 gave him the office of superintending the obser- | 
 
 SUCCESSORS. 2G7 
 
 vation of the laws of the state." lie held the 
 first rank among the friends of that prince ; lived 
 in affluence, and was in a condition to transmit 
 presents to his friends at Athens. These were 
 undoubtedly some of those real friends, of whom 
 Demetrius himself declared, that they never 
 came to him in his prosperity till he first had 
 sent for them, but that they always visited him 
 j in his adversity without waiting for any invi- 
 tation. 
 
 During his exile he composed several treatises 
 on government, the duties of civil life, and other 
 subjects of the like nature. This employment 
 was a kind of sustenance to his mind,* and cher- 
 ished in it those sentiments of humanity with 
 which it was so largely replenished. How 
 grateful a consolation and resource is this, either 
 in solitude or a state of exile, to a man solicitous 
 of improving his hours of leisure to the advan- 
 tage of himself and the public ! 
 
 The reader, when he considers the surprising 
 number of statues erected in honour of one man, 
 will undoubtedly have noticed the striking dif- 
 ference between the glorious ages of Athens and 
 that we are now describing. A A^ery judicious 
 author has a fine remark upon this occasion.* 
 All the recompense, says he, which the Athe- 
 nians formerly granted 'Miltiades for preserving 
 the state, was the privilege of being represented 
 in a picture as the principal figure, and at the 
 head of nine other generals, animating the troops 
 for the battle ; but the same people, being after- 
 wai'ds softened and corrupted by the flattery of 
 their orators, decreed above SCO statues to De- 
 metrius Phalereus. Honours thus prodigally 
 lavished, are no proofs of real merit, but the 
 effects of servile adulation; and Demetrius Pha- 
 lereus was culpable to a considerable degree in 
 not opposing them to the utmost of his power, 
 if he really was in a condition to prevent tlieir 
 taking place. The conduct of Cato was much 
 more prudent," in declining several marks of 
 distinction which the people were desirous of 
 granting him ; and when he was asked one day, 
 why no statues had been erected to him, when 
 Rome was crowded with so many o-thers, " 1 
 had much rather," said he, "people should in- 
 quire why I have none, than why 1 have any.*' 
 True honour and distinction, says Plutarch 
 in the place 1 last cited, consist in the sincere 
 esteem and affection of the people, founded on 
 real merit and effectual services. These are 
 sentiments which are so far from being extin- 
 guished by death, that they gain strength and 
 are perpetuated from age to age : whereas a 
 profusion of honours lavished through flattery 
 or fear, upon bad princes and tyrants, are never 
 known to survive them, and frequently die away 
 before them. The same Demetrius Poliorcetes, 
 whom we have lately seen consulted and adored 
 as an oracle and a god, will soon have the mor- 
 tification to behold the Athenians shutting theii 
 gates against him, for no other reason than the 
 change of his fortune. 
 
 Demetrius,' while he continued at Athens 
 espoused Eurydice, the widow of Ophelias. He 
 
 3 MVian. 1. iii. c. 17. Plut. de exil. p. COL 
 4 iMulta preeclara in illo calamitoso exilio scripsit, non 
 ad usum aliquem suum, quo erat orbatus ; sed animi cul. 
 tu9 ille erat ei quasi quidam humanitatis cibus, Cic. dt 
 Finib. bon. ft mat. 1. v. n. 54 
 
 5 Cor. Nep. in Miltiad. c. vi. 
 6 Plut. in prffic. reip. ger. p. 820. 
 1 7 Plat, in Dereetr. p. byi. 
 
2G8 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 had already several wives, and among the rest 
 rhila, the daughter of Antipater, whom his 
 father compelled him to marry against his incli- 
 nations, citing to him a verse out of Eui'ipides, 
 which he changed into a parody by the altera- 
 tion of one word : " Wherever fortune is, a per- 
 son ought to marry, even against his inclina- 
 tion."* Ancient as this maxim is, it has never 
 grown obsolete hitherto, but retains its full 
 force, how contrary soever it be to the senti- 
 ments of nature. Demetrius was severely cen- 
 sured at Athens for infamous excesses. 
 
 In a short time after this marriage,* his fa- 
 ther ordered him to quit Greece, and sent him, 
 with a strong fleet and a numerous army, to 
 conquer the isle of Cyprus from Ptolemy. Be- 
 fore he undertook this expedition, he sent am- 
 bassadors to the Rhodians, to invite them to an 
 alliance with him against Ptolemy ; but this at- 
 tempt proved ineffectual, and they constantly 
 insisted on the liberty of persevering in the neu- 
 trality they had embraced. Demetrius being 
 sensible that the intelligence Ptolemy maintain- 
 ed in Rhodes had defeated his design, advanced 
 to Cyprus, where he made a descent, and 
 marched to Salamis, the capital of that island. 
 Menelaus, the brother of Ptolemy, who had 
 shut himself up therewith most of his troops, 
 marched out to give him battle, but was defeat- 
 ed, and compelled to re-enter the place after he 
 had lost 1000 of his men, who were slain upon 
 the spot, and SOOO more who were taken pri- 
 soners. 
 
 IMenelaus not doubting but the prince, elated 
 with this suc^-ess, would undertake the siege of 
 Salamis, made all the necessary preparations, 
 on his part, for a vigorous defence ; and while 
 he was employing all his attention for that pur- 
 pose, be sent couriers post to Ptolemy, to carry 
 him the news of his defeat, and the siege with 
 which he was threatened ; they were also to so- 
 licit him to hasten the succours he demanded, 
 and, if possible, to lead them in person. 
 
 Demetrius, after he had obtained an exact ac- 
 count of the situation of the place, as also of its 
 strength and that of the garrison, was sensible 
 that he had not a sufficient number of battering- 
 rams and other military machines to reduce it ; 
 and therefore sent to Syria for a great number 
 of expert workmen, wi'th an infinite quantity of 
 iron and wood, in order to make all the neces- 
 sai'y preparations for assaulting a city of that 
 importance ; and he then first built the famous 
 engine called Helepolis, of which I shall soon 
 give an exact description. 
 
 When all the necessary dispositions were 
 made, Demetrius carried on his approaches to 
 the city, and began to batter the walls with his 
 engines; and as they were judiciously worked, 
 they had all the effect that could be expected. 
 The besiegers, after various attacks, opened se^ 
 veral large breaches in the walls, by which 
 means the besieged were rendered incapable ot 
 sustaining the assault much longer, unless they 
 could resolve upon some bold attempt to prevent 
 the assault which Demetrius intended to make 
 the next day. During the night, which had 
 suspended the hostilities on both sides, the inha- 
 bitants of Salamis piled a vast quantity of dry 
 
 1 "Oa-flw T« xiq'Sos, -rat^a. (pCiriv yaf^-nriov. It was doo- 
 \wT'iiv, a ir.an must serve. 
 
 2 T}\ca\. 1. XX. p.783— 789. Plut. in Dera. p. 895, 6% 
 Justiu. I. XV. c. 2. 
 
 wood on their walls, with an intermixture of 
 other combustible materials, and about midnighl 
 threw them all down at the foot of the Hele- 
 polis, battering-rams, and other engines, and 
 then kindled them with long flaming poles. 
 The fire immediately seized them with so much 
 violence, that they were all in flames in a very 
 short time. The enemies ran from all quarteijs 
 to extinguish the fire ; but this cost them a consi- 
 derable time to effect, and most of the machines 
 were greatly damaged. Demetrius, however, 
 was not discouraged at this disaster. 
 
 Ptolemy, upon the intelligence he received of 
 his brother's ill success in the action against 
 Demetrius, had caused a powerful fleet to bt 
 fitted out with all expedition, and advanced with 
 the utmost expedition to his assistance. The 
 battle, for which both parties prepared after 
 some ineffectual overtures of accommodation, 
 created great expectations of the event, not only 
 in the generals who were then upon the spot, 
 but in all the absent princes and commanders. 
 The result appeared to be uncertain ; but it was 
 very apparent that it would eventually give one 
 of the contending parties an entire superiority 
 over the rest. Ptolemy, who arrived with a 
 fleet of 150 sail, had ordered Menelaus, who 
 was then at Salamis, to come-up with the sixty 
 vessels under his command, in order to charge 
 the rear-guard of Demetrius, and throw them 
 into disorder, amidst the heat of the battle. 
 But Demetrius had had the precaution to leave 
 ten of his ships to oppose those sixty of Mene- 
 laus, for this small number was sufficient to 
 guard the entrance into the port, which was very 
 narrow, and prevent Menelaus from coming 
 out. When this preliminary to the engagement 
 was settled, Demetrius drew out his land-forces, 
 and extended them along the points of land 
 which projected into the sea, that he might be in 
 a condition, in case any misfortune happened, 
 to assist those who would be obliged to save 
 themselves by swimming ; after which he sailed 
 into the open sea with 180 galleys, and charged 
 the fleet of Ptolemy with so much impetuosity, 
 that he broke the line of battle. Ptolemy, find- 
 ing his defeat inevitable, had immediately re- 
 course to flight with eight galleys, which were 
 all that escaped ; for of the other vessels which 
 composed his fleet, some were either shattered 
 or sunk in the battle, and the others, to the 
 number of seventy, were taken, with their whole 
 complements. All the rest of Ptolemy's train 
 and baegage, his domestics, friends,^ and wives, 
 provisions, arms, money, and machines of war, 
 on board the store-ships which lay at anchor, 
 were seized by Demetrius, who caused them to 
 be carried to his camp. ^ ^ 
 
 Menelaus no longer made any opposition af- 
 ter this battle at sea, but surrendered himself to 
 Demetrius, with the city, and all his ships and 
 land-forces, which consisted of 12C0 horse and 
 12,000 foot. 
 
 Demetrius enhanced the glory of this victory 
 by his humanity and generous conduct after it. 
 He caused the slain to be interred in a magnifi- 
 cent manner, and generously restored liberty to 
 Menelaus and Lentiscus, one the brother and 
 the other the son of Ptolemy, who were found 
 among the prisoners : he also sent them back to 
 him, with their friends and domestics, and all 
 their baugaire, without any ransom; that he 
 might oiice^more return the civilities he had 
 formerly experienced from Ptolemy, on a like 
 I occasion, after the battle of Gaza. With so much 
 I more generosity, disinterestedness, and polite 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 2C9 
 
 fiftss, did enemies make war against each other 
 in those days, than we now find between friends 
 in the oi-dinary intercourse of life.^ He likewise 
 selected out of the spoils 1200 complete suits of 
 armour, and gave them to the Athenians ; the 
 rest of the prisoners, whose number amounted to 
 17,000 men without including the sailors taken 
 with the fleet, were incorporated by him into 
 his troops ; by which means he greatly reinforced 
 his army. 
 
 Antigonus, who continued in Syria, waited 
 with the utmost anxiety and impatience for an 
 account of a battle, by the event of which the 
 fate of himself and his son was to be decided. 
 When the courier brought him intelligence, that 
 Demetrius had obtained a complete victory, his 
 joy rose in proportion ; and all the people, at the 
 same instant, proclaimed Antigonus and Deme- 
 trius kings. Antigonus immediately transmit- 
 ted to his son the diadem which had glittered on 
 his own brows, and gave him the title of king in 
 the letter he wrote to him. The Egyptians, 
 when they were infonned of this proceeding, 
 proclaimed Ptolemy king also, that they might 
 not seem to be dejected at their defeat, or be 
 thought to entertain the less esteem and affec- 
 tion for their prince. Lysimachus and Seleucus 
 soon followed their example, the one in Thrace, 
 and the other in Babylon and the provinces of 
 the East ; and assumed the title of king, in their 
 several dominions, aftfr they had for so many 
 years usurped all the authority, without pre- 
 suming to take the title upon them, till now, 
 which was about eighteen years after the death 
 of Alexander. Cassander alone, though he was 
 treated as a king by the others when they either 
 spoke or wrote to him, continued to write his 
 letters in his usual manner, and without affixing 
 any addition to his name. 
 
 Plutarch observes, that this new title not only 
 occasioned these princes to augment their train 
 and pompous appearance, but also caused them 
 to assume airs of pride and arrogance, and in- 
 spired them with such haughty impressions as 
 they had never manifested till then ; as if this 
 appellation had suddenly exalted them into a 
 species of beings different from the rest of man- 
 kind. 
 
 Seleucus had greatly in- 
 A. M. 3699. creased his power in the ori- 
 Ant. J. C. 305. ental provinces,^ during the 
 transactions we have been 
 describing; for after he had killed Nicanor, 
 whom Antigonus had sent against him, in a 
 battle, he not only established himself in the 
 possession of Media, Assyria, and Babylon, but 
 reduced Persia, Bactriana, Hyrcania, and all 
 the provinces oa this side the Indus, which 
 had formerly been conquered by Alexander. 
 
 Antigonus,^ on his side, to improve the victory 
 his son had obtained in Cyprus, assembled an ar- 
 my of 100,000 men in Syria, with an intention to 
 invade Egypt. He flattered himself that conquest 
 would readily attend his arms, and that he 
 should divest Ptolemy of that kingdom, with as 
 much ease as he had taken Cyprus from him. 
 Whilst he was conducting this great army by 
 land, Demetrius followed him with his fleet, 
 
 3 Tanto honestils tunc bella gerebantur, quam nunc 
 amicitiae coluntur. Justin. 
 
 4 Appian. in Syr. p. 122, 123. Justin. 1. xv. c. 4. 
 5 Diod 1. XX. p. 804—806. Flut in Demetr. p. 896, 827. 
 
 which coasted along the shore to Gaza, where 
 the father and son concerted the measures each j 
 of them were to pursue. The pilots advised 
 them to wait till the setting of the Pleiades, and 
 defer their departure only for eight days, be- 
 cause the sea was then very tempestuous ; but 
 the impatience of Antigonus to surprise Ptole- 
 my, before his preparations were completed, 
 caused him to disregard that salutary advice. 
 Demetrius was ordered to make a descent in one 
 of the mouths of the Nile, whilst Antigonus 
 was to endeavour to open a passage by land, in- 
 to the heart of the country; but neither the 
 one nor the other succeeded in his expedition. 
 The fleet of Demetrius sustained great damage 
 by violent storms ; and Ptolemy had taken such 
 effectual precautions to secure the mouths of 
 the Nile, as rendered it impracticable to Deme- 
 trius to land his troops. Antigonus, on the 
 other hand, after endui'ing many hardships in 
 crossing the deserts that lie between Palestine 
 and Egypt, had much greater difficulties still to 
 surmount, and found it impossible to pass the 
 first arm of the Nile in his march; such judi- 
 cious orders had been given by Ptolemy, and so 
 advantageously were his troops posted at all the 
 passes and avenues ; but what was still more | 
 distressing to Antigonus than all the rest, his 
 soldiers daily deserted from him in great 
 numbers. 
 
 Ptolemy had sent out boats on several parts 
 of the river where the enemies resorted for 
 water, and caused it to be pi'oclaimed on his 
 part, from those vessels, that every deserter from 
 their troops should receive from him two mi- 
 nae, and every officer a talent. So considerable 
 a recompense soon allured great numbers to re- 
 ceive it, especially the mercenaries in the pay of 
 Antigonus ; nor were they prevailed upon by 
 money alone, as their inclinations to serve Pto- 
 lemy were much stronger than their motives to 
 continue under Antigonus, whom they consi- 
 dered as an old man, difficult to be pleased, im- 
 perious, morose, and severe ; whereas Ptolemy 
 rendered himself amiable, by his gentle dispo- 
 sition and engaging behaviour to all who 
 approached him. 
 
 Antigonus, after he had hovered to no effect 
 on the frontiers of Egypt, and even till his pro- 
 visions began to fail him, becoming sensible of 
 his inability to enter Egypt, and finding that 
 his army decreased every day by sickness and 
 desertion, and that it was impossible for him to 
 subsist his remaining troops any longer in that 
 country, was obliged to return into Syria, in 
 a very shameful manner, after having lost in 
 this unfortunate expedition a great number of 
 his land forces, and many of his ships. 
 
 Ptolemy, having offered a sacrifice to the 
 gods, in gratitude for the protection they had 
 granted him, sent to acquaint Lysimachus, Cas- 
 sander, and Seleucus, with the happy event of 
 that campaign, and to renew the alliance be- 
 tween them, against the common enemy. This 
 was the last attack he had to sustain for the 
 crown of Egypt, and it greatly contributed to 
 fix it upon his head, in consequence of the pru- 
 dent measures he pursued. Ptolemy, the astro- 
 nomer, therefore, fixes the commencement of j 
 his reign at this period, and afterwards points 
 out the several years of its duration, in his chro- j 
 nological canon. He begins the epocha on the 
 seventh of November, nineteen years after the 
 death of Alexander the Great. 
 
2^0 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 SECT. VIII. 
 
 Demetrius forms the siege of Rhodes, which he raises a 
 year after, by concluding a treaty much to the honour 
 of the city. Helepolis, a famous machine. The Co- 
 lossus of Rhodes. Protogenes, a celebrated pamter, 
 spared during the siege. 
 
 Antigonus v/as not less 
 A. M. 3700. than fourscore years of age 
 Ant. J. C. 304. at that time,' and as he had 
 then contracted a gross habit 
 of body, and consequently was but little quali- 
 fied for the activity of a military life, he made 
 use of his son's services, who, from the experi- 
 ence he had already acquired, and the success 
 which attended him, transacted the most im- 
 portant affairs with gi'eat ability. The father, 
 for this reason, was not offended at his expen- 
 sive luxury and intemperance ; for Demetrius, 
 during peace, abandoned himself to the greatest 
 excesses of all kinds, without the least regard to 
 decorum. In times of war, indeed, he acted a 
 very different part ; he was then a quite different 
 man, vigilant, active, laborious, and invincible 
 by fatigues. Whether he indulged in pleasure, 
 or applied to serious affairs, he entirely devoted 
 himself to the one or the other ; and for the time 
 he engaged in either was incapable of modera- 
 tion. He had an inventive genius ; and an in- 
 quisitive turn of mind, actuated by a love for 
 the sciences. He never employed his natural 
 industry, in frivolous and insignificant amuse- 
 ments, iike many other kings, some of whom, 
 as Plutarch observes, valued themselves for 
 their expertness in playing on instruments, 
 others in painting, and some in their dexterity 
 in the turner's art, with a hundred other quali- 
 ties of private men, but not one of a prince. 
 His application to the mechanic arts had some- 
 thing great and truly royal in it ; his galleys, 
 with filfteen benches of oars, were the admira- 
 tion of his enemies, who beheld them sailing 
 along their coasts j and his engines called hele- 
 polis, were a surprising spectacle to those whom 
 he besieged. They were exceedingly useful to 
 him in the war with Rhodes, with the conduct 
 of which his father had charged him at the time 
 we are now speaking of. 
 
 Among the islands called Sporades, Rhodes 
 held the first rank, as well for the fertility of its 
 soil, as the safety of its ports and roads, which, 
 on that account, were resorted to by great 
 numbers of trading ships from all parts. It then 
 formed a small, but very powerful state, whose 
 friendship was courted by all princes, and 
 which was studious, on its own part, to keep up- 
 on good terms with them all, by observing an 
 exact neutrality, and carefully declining any de- 
 claration in favour of one against another, in 
 the wars that arose in those times. As the in- 
 habitants were limited to a little island, all their 
 power flowed from their riches, and their riches 
 from their commei'ce, which it was their main 
 interest to preserve as free as possible with the 
 Mediterranean states, which all contributed to 
 its prosperity. The Rhodians, by persisting in 
 so prudent a conduct, had rendered their city 
 very flourishing ; and as they enjoyed continual 
 peace, they became extremely opulent. Not- 
 withstanding the seeming neutrality they main- 
 
 1 DioH.l. XX. p. 809—815, ct 817— 8i.'5. I'lut. in De- 
 metr. p b97.ei 898. 
 
 tained, their inclination, as well as interest, pe- 
 culiarly attached them to Ptolemy, because the 
 principal and most advantageous branches ol 
 their commerce flowed from Eg5T)t. When 
 Antigonus, therefore^ demanded succours of 
 them in his war with Cyprus, they entreated 
 him not to compel them to declare against Pto- 
 lemy, their ancient friend and ally; but this 
 answer, prudent and well concerted as it really 
 was, drew upon them the displeasure of Anti- 
 gonus, which he expressed in the severest me- 
 naces ; and, when he returned from his expedi- 
 tion to Egypt, he sent his son Demeti-ius, with 
 a fleet and army, to chastise their insolent teme- 
 rity, as he termed it, and likewise to reduce them 
 to his obedience. 
 
 The Rhodians, who foresaw the impendmg 
 storm, had sent to all the princes their allies, 
 and to Ptolemy, in particular, to implore their 
 assistance; and caused it to be represented to 
 the latter, that their attachment to his interest 
 had drawn upon them the danger to which they 
 were then exposed. 
 
 The preparations on each side were immense. 
 Demetrius arrived before Rhodes with a very i 
 numerous fleet, for he had 200 ships of war of j 
 different dimensions ; and more than 170 trans- | 
 ports, which carried about 40,000 men, without ! 
 including the cavalry, and the succours he re- 
 ceived from pirates. He had likewise near 1000 
 small vessels laden with provisions, and all other 
 necessary accommodations for an army. The ex- 
 pectation of the vast booty to be acquired by the 
 capture of so rich a city as Rhodes, had allured 
 great numbers of soldiers to join Demetrius in 
 this expedition. This prince, who had the most 
 fertile and inventive genius that ever was, for 
 attacking places, and forming machines of war, 
 had brought with him an infinite number of the 
 latter. He was sensible that he had to deal 
 with a brave people, and very able commanders, 
 who had acquired great experience in maritime 
 affairs; and that the besieged had above 800 
 military machines almost as formidable as his 
 own. 
 
 Demetrius, upon his arrival at the island, 
 landed in order to take a view of the most com- 
 modious situation for assaulting the place. He 
 likewise sent out parties to lay the country 
 waste on all sides, and, at the same time, caused 
 another body of his troops to cut down the trees, 
 and demolish the houses in the parts adjacent to 
 Rhodes, and then employed them as materials 
 to fortify his camp with a triple palisade. 
 
 The Rhodians, on their part, prepared for a 
 vigorous defence. All persons of merit, and re- 
 putation for military affairs in the countries in 
 alliance with the Rhodians, threw themselves 
 into the city, as much for the honour of serving 
 a republic, equally celebrated for its gratitude 
 and the courage of its citizens, as to manifest 
 their own valour and abilities in the defence ol 
 that place, against one of tlie greatest captains, 
 and the most expert in the conduct of sieges, 
 that antiquitv ever produced. 
 
 They began with dismissing from the city all 
 such persons as were useless ; and the number 
 of those who remained, and were capable ol 
 bearing arms, amounted to 6000 citizens, and 
 1000 strangers. Liberty, and the right of de- 
 nizens, were promised to such slaves as should 
 distinguish themselves by their bravery, and the 
 public engaged to pay the masters the full price 
 for each of them. It was likewise publicly de- 
 clared, that the citizens would bestow an hon- 
 ourable interment on those who should lose their 
 
ALEXANDER'S 
 
 lives in any engagement, and would also pro- 
 vide for the subsistence of their parents, wives, 
 and children, and portion the daughters in mar- 
 riage ; and that when the sons should be of an 
 age capable of bearing arms, they should be pre- 
 sented with a complete suit of armour, on the 
 public theatre, at the great solemnity of the Bac- 
 chanalia. 
 
 This decree kindled an incredible ardour in 
 all ranks of men. The rich came in crowds 
 with money to defray the expense of the siege, 
 and the soldiers' pay. The workmen redoubled 
 their industry in making arms that were excel- 
 lent, as well for the promptitude of execution, as 
 the beauty of the work. Some were employed 
 in making catapultas and balistas ; others form- 
 ed different machines equally necessary ; a third 
 class repaired the breaches of the walls ; while 
 several others supplied them with stone. In a 
 word, every thing was in motion throughout the 
 city, each striving with emulation to distinguish 
 himself on that occasion ; so that a zeal so ar- 
 dent and universal was never known before. 
 
 The besieged first sent out three good sailers 
 against a small fleet of sutlers and merchants, 
 who were bringing a supply of provisions to the 
 enemy : they sunk a great number of their ves- 
 sels, burnt several, and carried into the city such 
 of the prisoners as were in a condition to pay 
 their ransom. The Rhodians gained a consi- 
 derable sum of money by this expedition ; for it 
 was mutually agreed, that 100 drachmas (about 
 five and twenty pounds) should be paid for 
 every person that was a freeman, and half that 
 sum for a slave. 
 
 The siege of Rhodes has been represented as 
 the masterpiece of Demetrius, and the greatest 
 instance of the fertility of his genius in resources 
 and inventions. He began the attack from the 
 sea, in order to make himself master of the 
 port, and the towers which defended the en- 
 trance. 
 
 In order to accomplish this design, he caused 
 two tortoises^ to be erected on two flat-bottom- 
 ed vessels joined together, to facilitate his ap- 
 proach to the places he intended to batter. One 
 of these was stronger and more solid than the 
 other, in order to cover the men from those 
 enormous masses which the besieged discharged 
 from the towers and walls, by means of the ca- 
 tapultas planted upon them ; the other was of a 
 lighter structure, and designed to shelter the 
 soldiers from flights of darts and arrows. Two 
 towers of four stories were erected at the same 
 time, which exceeded in height the towers that 
 defended the entrance into the port, and these 
 were intended to be used in battering the latter 
 with volleys of stones and darts. Each of these 
 towers was placed upon two ships strongly bound 
 together. 
 
 Demetrius, besides, caused a kind of floating 
 barricade to be erected in front of these tortoises 
 and towers on a long beam of timber, four feet 
 thick, thi-ough which stakes, armed at the end 
 with large spikes of iron, were driven. These 
 stakes were disposed horizontally, with their 
 spikes projecting forward, in order to prevent 
 the vessels of the port from shattering the work 
 with their beaks. 
 
 He likewise selected out of his fleet the largest 
 vessels, on the side of which he erected a rara- 
 
 2 These were pent-houses of wood, constructed so as 
 to shelter the soldiers. 
 
 SUCCESSORS. 271 
 
 part of planks with little windows easy to be 
 opened. He there placed the best Cretan ai'ch- 
 ers and slingers in all his army, and furnished 
 them with an infinite number of bows, small 
 balistas or cross-bows, slings and catapultas, 
 with other engines for shooting; in order to 
 gall the workmen of the city employed in rais- 
 ing and repairing the walls of the port. 
 
 The Rhodians, seeing the besiegers turn all j 
 their efforts against that quarter, were no less 
 industrious to defend it ; in order to accomplish 
 that design, they raised two machines upon an 
 adjoining eminence, and formed three others, 
 which they placed on large ships of burden, at 
 the mouth of the little haven. A body of arcli- 
 ers and slingers was likewise posted on each of 
 these situations, with a prodigious quantity of 
 stones, darts, and arrows of all kinds. The 
 same orders were also given with respect to the 
 ships of burden in the great port. 
 
 When Demetrius advanced with his ships 
 and all his armament, to begin the attack on 
 the ports, such a violent tempest arose as ren- 
 dered it impossible for him to accomplish any of 
 his operations that day ; but the sea growing 
 calm about night, he took the advantage of the 
 darkness, and advanced, without being perceiv- j 
 ed by the enemy, to the great harbour: he made 
 himself master of a neighbouring eminence, 
 about 500 paces from the wall, and posted there 
 400 soldiers, who fortified themselves imme- 
 diately with strong palisades. 
 
 The next morning, Demetrius caused his bat- 
 teries to advance with the sound of trumpets, 
 and the shouts of his whole army ; and they at 
 first produced all the effect he proposed from 
 them. A great number of the besieged were 
 slain in this attack, and several breaches were 
 opened in the mole which covered the port : 
 but they were not very advantageous to the be- 
 siegers, who were always repulsed by the Rho- 
 dians ; and after a loss nearly equal on both 
 sides, Demetrius was obliged to retire from the 
 port with his ships and machines, to be out of 
 the reach of the enemy's arrows. 
 
 The besieged, who had learned to their cost 
 what advantage might be taken of the darkness 
 of the night, caused several fire-ships to sail out 
 of the port during the darkness, in order to burn 
 the tortoises and wooden towers which the ene- 
 my had erected ; but as unfortunately they 
 were not able to force the floating barricado 
 which sheltered them, they were obliged to re- 
 turn into the port. The Rhodians lost some of 
 their fire-ships in this expedition, but the mari- 
 ners saved themselves by swimming. 
 
 The next day, the prince ordered a general at- 
 tack to be made against the port and the^walls 
 of the place, with the sound of trumpets and 
 the shouts of his whole army, thinking by those 
 means to spread tei'ror among the besieged . 
 but they were so far from being intimidated, 
 that they sustained the attack with incredible 
 vigour, and discovered the same intrepidity for 
 the space of eight days that it continued ; and ac- 
 tions of astonishing bravery were performed on 
 both sides during that long interval. 
 
 Demetrius, taking advantage of the eminence 
 which his troops had seized, gave orders for j 
 erecting upon it a battery of several engines, ! 
 which discharged great stones of 160 pounds in \ 
 weight, against the walls and towers, the | 
 latter of which tottered with the repeated i 
 shocks, and several breaches were soon made ! 
 in tlie walls. The besiegers advanced with | 
 great fury to seize the mole which defended { 
 
272 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 tlie entrance into the port ; but as this post 
 was of the utmost importance to the Rho- 
 dians, they spared no pains to repulse the be- 
 siegers, who had ah-eady made a considerable 
 progress. This they at last effected, by a shower 
 of stones and arrows, which they discharged 
 upon their enemies with so much rapidity, and 
 for such a length of time, that they were obliged 
 to retire in confusion, after losing a great num- 
 ber of their men. 
 
 The ardour of the besiegers was not dimi- 
 nished by this repulse, and they rather appeared 
 more animated than ever against the Rhodians. 
 They began the scalade by land and sea at the 
 same tinie, and employed the besieged so effec- 
 tually, that they scarce knew to what quarter 
 to run for the defence of the place. The attack 
 was carried on witl^ the utmost fury on all 
 sides, and the besieged defended themselves with 
 the greatest intrepidity. Great numbers were 
 thi'own from the ladders to the earth, and 
 miserably bruised ; several even of the principal 
 officers, *got to the top of the wall, where they 
 were covered with wounds, and taken prisoners 
 by the enemy ; so that Demetrius, notwith- 
 standing all his valour, thought it necessary to 
 retreat, in order to repair his engines, which 
 were almost entirely destroyed by so many at- 
 tacks, as well as the vessels that carried them. 
 
 After the prince had retreated from Rhodes, 
 immediate care was taken to bury the dead ; 
 the beaks also of the ships, with the other spoils 
 that had been taken from the enemy, were car- 
 ried to the temple, and the workmen were in- 
 defatigable in repairing the breaches of the 
 walls. 
 
 Demetrius, having employed seven days in 
 refitting his ships, and repairing his engines, set 
 sail again, with a fleet as formidable as the for- 
 mer, and steered, with a fair wind, directly for 
 the port, which he was most anxious to gain, as 
 he conceived it impracticable to reduce the place 
 till he had first made himself master of that. 
 Upon his arrival, he caused a vast quantity of 
 lighted torches, flaming straw, and arrows to 
 be discharged, in order to set fire to the vessels 
 that were riding there, while his engines bat- 
 tered the mole without intermission. The be- 
 sieged, who expected attacks of this nature, 
 exerted themselves with so much vigour and 
 activity, that they soon extinguished the flames 
 which had seized the vessels in the port. 
 
 At the same time they caused three of their 
 largest ships to sail out of the port, under the 
 command of Exacestes, one of their bravest offi- 
 cers, with orders to attack the enemy, and exert 
 the utmost efforts to reach the vessels that car- 
 ried the tortoises and wooden towers, and to 
 charge them in such a manner with the beaks 
 of theirs, as might either sink them, or render 
 them entirely useless. These orders were exe- 
 cuted with surprising expedition and address ; 
 and the three galleys, after they had shattered 
 and broken through the floating ban-icado al- 
 ready mentioned, drove their beaks with so 
 much violence into the sides of the enemy's 
 barks, on which the machines were erected, that 
 the water was immediately seen to flow into 
 them through several openings. Two of them 
 were already sunk, but the third was toAved 
 along by the galleys, and joined the main fleet ; 
 and dftUgei-ous as it was to attack them in that 
 situation, the Rhodians, through a blind and 
 precipitate ardour, ventured to attempt it. But 
 as the inequality was too great to admit them 
 to come off with success, ICxacestes, with the 
 
 officer who commanded under him, and some 
 others, after having fought with all the bravery 
 imaginable, were taken with the galley in which 
 they were; the other two regained the port, 
 after sustaining many dangers, and most of the 
 men also arrived there by swimming. 
 
 Unfortunate as this last attack had proved to 
 Demetrius, he was determined to undertake an- 
 other; and in order to succeed in that design, 
 he ordered a machine of a new invention to be 
 built, of thrice the height and breadth of those 
 he had lately lost. When this was completed, 
 he caused it to be placed near the port which he 
 was resolved to force ; but at the instant they 
 were preparing to work it, a dreadful tempest 
 arose at sea, and sunk it to the bottom, with the 
 vessels on which it had been raised. 
 
 The besieged, who were careful to improve 
 all opportunities, employed the time afforded 
 them by the continuance of the tempest, in re- 
 gaining the eminence near the port, which the j 
 enemy had carried in the first assault, and j 
 where thev afterwards fortified themselves. : 
 The Rhodians attacked it, and were repulsed 
 several times ; but the forces of Demetrius who 
 defended it, perceiving fresh troops continually i 
 pouring upon them, and that it was in vain for 
 them to expect any relief, were obliged, at last, 
 to surrender themselves prisoners, to the num- 
 ber of 400 men. 
 
 This series of fortunate events was succeeded 
 by the arrival of 600 men from Cnossus, a city 
 of Ci-ete, to the assistance of the Rhodians, and 
 also of 600 more whom Ptolemy sent from 
 Egypt, most of them being Rhodians, who had 
 listed themselves among the troops of that 
 prince. 
 
 Demetrius, being extremely mortified to see 
 all his batteries on the side of the harbour ren- 
 dered ineffectual, resolved to employ them by 
 land, in order to carry the place by assault, of 
 reduce it to the necessity of capitulating. He, 
 therefore, prepared materials of every kind, and 
 formed a machine called helepoUs, which was 
 larger than any that had ever been invented be- 
 fore. The basis on which it stood was square, 
 and each of its sides was seventy-five feet wide. 
 The machine itself was an assemblage of large 
 square beams, rivetted together with iron, and 
 the whole mass rested upon eight wheels that 
 were made proportionable to the weight of the 
 superstructure. The felloes of these wheels were 
 three feet thick, and strengthened with large 
 iron plates. 
 
 In order to facilitate and vary the movements 
 of the helepolis, care had been taken to place 
 casters' under it, by which the machine was 
 made moveable any way. 
 
 From each of the four angles a large column 
 of wood was carried up to^the height of about 
 150 feet, inclining towards each other. The 
 machine was composed of nine stories, whose 
 dimensions gradually lessened in the ascent. 
 The first story was supported by forty-three 
 beams, and the last by no more than nine. 
 
 1 Monsieur Rollin informs us, in a note, that he was 
 obliged to retain the Greek term {Antistrepta) for want of 
 a proper French word to render it by ; but as the English 
 laoBuaRe is not so defective in that particular, the trans- 
 lator his expressed the Greek by the word caster, whid^, 
 as well as the original word, signifies a wheel placed under 
 a piece of work, in such a manner as to rc^<^.er it converti- 
 ble on all sides, like those little wheels affl-,ed under the 
 feet of beds, by which they move with ease to any part ol 
 the room. 
 
 ii 
 
ALKXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 273 
 
 Three sides of the machine were plated over 
 with iron, to prevent its being damaged by the 
 fires that were launched from the city. 
 
 In the front of each story were little win- 
 dows, whose form and dimensions corresponded 
 with the nature of the arrows that were to be 
 shot from the machine. Over each window was a 
 kind of curtain made with leather, stuffed with 
 wool : this was let down by a machine for that 
 purpose, and the intention of it was to break 
 the force of whatever should be discharged by 
 the enemy against it. 
 
 Each story had two large staircases, one for 
 the ascent of the men, and the other for their 
 descent. 
 
 This machine was moved forward by 3400 of 
 the strongest and most vigorous men in the 
 whole army, but the art with which it was 
 built greatly facilitated the motion. 
 
 Demetrius also gave directions for building a 
 great number of other machines, of different 
 magnitudes, and for various uses ; he also em- 
 ployed his seamen in levelling the ground over 
 which the machines were to move, which was 
 100 fathoms in length. The number of arti- 
 zans and others employed on these works, 
 amounted to near 30,000 men, by which means 
 they were finished with incredible expedition. 
 
 I'he Rhodians were not indolent during these 
 formidable preparations, but employed their 
 time in raising a counter-wall, on the track of 
 ground where Demetrius intended to batter the 
 walls of the city with the helepolis ; and, in 
 order to accomplish this work, they demolished 
 the wall which surrounded the theatre, as also 
 several neighbouring houses, and even some 
 temples, having solemnly promised the gods to 
 ' build more magnificent structures for the cele- 
 bration of their worship after the siege should 
 be raised. 
 
 When they knew that the enemy had quitted 
 the sea, they sent out nine of their best ships of 
 war, divided into three squadrons, the com- 
 mand of which they gave to three of their 
 bravest sea-officers, who returned with a very 
 rich booty, some galleys, and several smaller 
 vessels, which they had taken, as also a great 
 number of prisoners. They had likewise seized 
 a galley richly laden, in which were large quan- 
 tities of tapestry, with other furniture, and a 
 variety of rich robes, intended by Phila as a 
 present to her husband Demetrius, and accom- 
 panied with letters which she herself had writ- 
 ten to him. The Rhodians sent the whole, and 
 even the letters, to Ptolemy, which exceedingly 
 exasperated Demetrius. In this proceeding, 
 says Plutarch, they did not imitate the polite 
 conduct of the Athenians, who having once 
 seized some of the couriers of Philip, with 
 whom they were then at war, opened all the 
 packets but those of Olympias, which they sent 
 to Philip sealed as they were. There are some 
 rules of decency and honour which ought to be 
 inviolably observed even with enemies. 
 
 While the ships of the republic were em- 
 ployed in taking the prizes already mentioned, 
 a great commotion happened at Rhodes, respect- 
 ing the statues of Antigonus and Demetrius, 
 which had been erected in honour of them, and 
 till then had been held in the utmost veneration. 
 Some of the principal citizens were solicitous, 
 in a public assembly, for an order to destroy 
 the statues of those princes who then harassed 
 them with such a cruel war; but the people, 
 who were more discreet and moderate on this 
 occasion than their chiefs, would not suffer that 
 
 IX. 
 
 proposal to be executed. So wise and equitable 
 a conduct, exclusively of all events, did the 
 Rhodians no small honour ; but in case their 
 city should be taken, it could not fail to in- 
 spire the conqueror with impressions in their 
 favour. 
 
 Demetrius, having tried several mines with- 
 out success, from their being all discovered, and 
 rendered ineffectual by the vigilant conduct and 
 activity of the besieged, gave orders and made 
 the necessary dispositions for a general assault; 
 in order to which the helepolis was moved to a 
 situation from whence the city might be bat- 
 tered with the best effect. Each story of this 
 formidable engine was furnished with catapul- 
 tas and balistas proportioned in their size to the 
 dimensions of the place. It was likewise sup- 
 ported and fortified on two of its sides, by four 
 small machines called tortoises, each of which 
 had a covei'ed gallery, to secure those who should 
 either enter the helepolis, or issue out of it, to 
 execute different orders. On the two other 
 sides was a battering-ram of a prodigious size, 
 consisting of a piece of timber thirty fathoms in j 
 length, armed with iron terminating in a point, | 
 and as strong as the beak of a galley. 'I hese | 
 engines were mounted on wheels, and were i 
 driven forward to batter the walls during the 
 attack with incredible force by near 1000 men. 
 
 When every thing was ready, Demetrius or- 
 dered the trumpets to sound, and the general | 
 assault to be given on all sides, both by sea and 
 land. In the heat of the attack, and when the 
 walls were already shaken by the battering- 
 rams, ambassadors arrived from the Cnidians, 
 and earnestly solicited Demetrius to suspend 
 the assault, giving him hopes, at the same time, 
 that they should prevail upon the besieged to 
 submit to an honourable capitulation. A sus- 
 pension of arms was accordingly granted ; but 
 the Rhodians refusing to capitulate on the con- 
 ditions proposed to them, the attack was re- 
 newed with so much fury, and all the machines 
 co-operated so effectually, that a large tower 
 built with square stones, and the wall that 
 flanked it, were battered down. The besieged 
 fought like lions in the breach, and repulsed 
 their enemies. 
 
 [n this-conjuncture, the vessels which Ptole- 
 my had freighted with 300,000 measures of corn, 
 and diffei-ent kinds of pulse for the Rhodians, 
 arrived very seasonably in the port, notwith- 
 standing all the efforts of the enemies' ships 
 which cruised in the neighbourhood to intercept 
 them. A few days after this relief, two other 
 small fleets sailed into the port ; one of which 
 was sent by Cassander, with 100,000 bushels of 
 barley ; the other came from Lysimachus, with 
 400,000 bushels of wheat, and as much barley. 
 This seasonable and abundant supply, which 
 was received when the city began to be in want 
 of provisions, inspired the besieged with new 
 courage ; and they resolved not to surrender till 
 the last extremity. 
 
 While they were animated in this manner, 
 they attempted to fire the enemies' machines, 
 and with this view, ordered a numerous body of 
 soldiers to march out of the city towards mid- 
 night with torches, and all kinds of kindled 
 wood. These troops advanced to the batteries, 
 and set them on fire, and at the same time in- 
 numerable arrows were shot from the wall, to 
 support the detachment against those who 
 should endeavour to extinguish the flames. The 
 besiegers lost great numbers of their men on 
 this occasion, because they were incapable, 
 
2T4 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 amidst the obscurity of the night, either to see 
 or avoid the volleys of arrows discharged upon 
 them. Several plates of iron happening to fall 
 from the helepolis during the conflagration, the 
 Rhodians advanced with impetuosity, in order 
 to set it on fire: but as the troops within 
 quexiched it with water as fast as the flames 
 were kindled, they could not eflfect their design. 
 However, Demetrius being apprehensive that 
 all his machines would be consumed, caused 
 them to be removed with all possible expedi- 
 tion. 
 
 Demetrius, being curious to know what num- 
 ber of machines the besieged had employed in 
 casting arrows, caused all those, which had been 
 shot from the place in the attack that night, to 
 be gathered up ; and when these were counted, 
 and a proper computation made, he found that 
 the inhabitants must have more than 800 en- 
 gines^ of different dimensions, for discharging 
 fires, and about 1500 for arrows. The prince 
 i was struck with consternation at this number, 
 ' as he did not imagine the city could have made 
 1 such formidable preparations. He caused his 
 ! dead to be interred, gave directions for curing 
 ! those who were wounded, and was as expedi- 
 i tious as possible in repairing the machines which 
 had been dismounted and rendered useless. 
 
 The besieged, in order to take advantage of 
 the relaxation they enjoyed by the removal of 
 the machines, were industrious to fortify them- 
 selves against the new assault, for which their 
 enemies were then preparing. To this purpose 
 they began with opening a large and deep ditch 
 ! behind the breach, to obstruct the passage of the 
 I enemy into the city ; after which they raised a 
 I substantial wall, in the form of a crescent, along 
 I the ditch ; which would cost the enemies a new 
 ] attack. 
 
 ' As their attention was devoted, at the same 
 time, to every other emergency, they de- 
 tached a squadron of the best sailing ships in 
 their port, which took a great number of ves- 
 sels laden with provision and ammunition for 
 Demetrius, and brought them into the port. 
 These were soon followed by a numerous fleet 
 of small vessels freighted with corn and other 
 necessaries, sent them by Ptolemy, with 1500 
 men, commanded by Antigonus of Macedonia. 
 
 Demetrius, having repaired his machines, 
 caused them all to advance near the city, when 
 a second embassy arrived at the camp from the 
 Athenians, and some other states of Greece, on 
 the same subject as the former, but with as 
 little success. The king, whose imagination 
 was fruitful of expedients for succeeding in his 
 projects, detached 1500 of his best troops, under 
 the command of Alcimus and Mancius, with 
 orders to enter the breach at midnight, and 
 force the intrenchments behind it. They were 
 then to possess themselves of the parts adjacent 
 to the theatre, where they would be in a condi- 
 tion to maintain their ground, if they could but 
 once make themselves masters of it. In order 
 to facilitate the execution of so important and 
 dangerous an expedition, and amuse the enemy 
 with false attacks, he at the same time caused 
 all the trumpets to sound a charge, and the city 
 to be attacked on all sides, both by sea and land, 
 that the besieged finding sufficient employment 
 in all parts, the 1500 men might have an oppor- 
 tunity of forcing the intrenchments which cov- 
 ered the breach, and afterwards of seizing all 
 the advantageous posts about the theatre. This 
 feint had all the success the prince expected 
 from it. The troops having shouted from all 
 
 quarters, as if they were advancing to a general 
 assault, the detachment commanded by Alci- 
 mus entered the breach, and made such a vigo- 
 rous attack upon those who defended the ditch, 
 and the crescent which covered it, that after 
 they had killed a great number of their enemies, 
 and put the rest into confusion, they seized the 
 posts adjacent to the theatre, where they main- 
 tained themselves. 
 
 The alarm was very great in the city, and all 
 the chiefs who commanded there despatched 
 orders to their officei's and soldiers forbidding 
 them to quit their posts, or make the least 
 movement whatever. After which they placed 
 themselves at the head of a chosen body of their 
 own troops, and of those who were newly 
 arrived from Egypt, and with them poured 
 upon the detachment which had advanced as far 
 as the theatre ; but the obscurity of the night 
 rendered it impracticable to dislodge them from 
 the posts they had seized, and the day no sooner 
 appeared, than a universal cry of the besiegers 
 was heard from all quartei-s, by which they 
 endeavoured to animate those who had entered 
 the place, and inspire them with a resolution to 
 maintain their ground, where they might soon 
 expect succours. This terrible cry drew floods 
 of tears and dismal groans from the populace, 
 women, and children, who continued in the 
 city, and concluded themselves inevitably lost. 
 The battle, however, continued with great vi- 
 gour near the theatre, and the Macedonians de- 
 fended their post with an intrepidity that aston- 
 ished their enemies, till at last the Rhodians 
 prevailing by their numbers, and perpetual 
 supplies of fresh troops, the detachment, after 
 having seen Alcimus and Mancius slain on the 
 spot, were obliged to submit to superior force, 
 and abandon a post it was no longer possible to 
 maintain. Great numbers of them fell on the 
 spot, and the rest were taken prisoners. 
 
 The ardour of Demetrius was rather aug- 
 mented than abated by this check, and he was 
 making the necessary dispositions for a new as- 
 sault, when he received letters from his father 
 Antigonus, by which he was directed to take 
 all possible measures for the conclusion of a 
 peace with the Rhodians. He then wanted 
 some plausible pretext for discontinuing the 
 siege, and chance supplied him with it. At 
 that very instant deputies from ^tolia arrived 
 at his camp to solicit him anew to grant a peace 
 to the Rhodians, to which they found him not 
 so averse as before. 
 
 If what Vegetius relates of the helepolis be 
 true' and indeed Vitruvius seems to confirm it 
 with a small variation of circumstances, it 
 might possibly be another motive that contribut- 
 ed not a little to dispose Demetrius to a peace. 
 That prince was preparing to advance his hele- 
 polis against the city, when a Rhodian engin- 
 eer contrived an expedient to render it entirely 
 useless ; he opened a mine under the walls of 
 the city, and continued it to the way over 
 which the tower was to pass the ensuing day in 
 order to approach the walls. The besiegers not 
 suspecting any stratagem of that nature, moved 
 on the tower to the place undermined ; which 
 being incapable of supporting so enormous a 
 load, sunk in under the machine, which buried 
 itself so deep in the earth, that it was impossible 
 to draw it out again. This was one inconveni- 
 
 1 Veget. de re milit. c. 4. 
 
ALEXANDER S SUCCESSORS. 275 
 
 1 ence to which these formidable engines were 
 
 j obnoxious ; and the two authors whom I have 
 cited declare, that this accident determined De- 
 metrius to raise the siege ; and it is, at least, 
 very probable that it contributed not a little to 
 his taking that resolution. 
 
 { The Rhodians, on their part, were as desir- 
 ous of an accommodation as himself, provided 
 it could be effected upon reasonable terms. 
 Ptolemy, in promising them fresh succours, 
 much more considerable than the former, had 
 earnestly exhorted them not to lose a favourable 
 occasion, if it should offer itself. Besides which, 
 they Avere sensible of the extreme necessity they 
 were under of putting an end to the siege, 
 which could not but prove fatal to them at last. 
 This consideration induced them to listen with 
 pleasure to the proposals made them, and the 
 treaty was concluded soon after upon the follow- 
 ing terms : That the republic of Rhodes, and 
 all its citizens, should retain the enjoyment of 
 
 1 their rights, privileges, and liberty, without 
 being subjected to any power whatsoever. The 
 alliance they had always had with Antigonus, 
 was to be confirmed and renewed, with an ob- 
 ligation to take up arms for him in any war in 
 which he should be engaged, provided it was 
 not against Ptolemy. The city was also to de- 
 liver 100 hostages, to be chosen by Demetrius, 
 for the effectual performance of the articles 
 stipulated between them. When these hostages 
 were given, the army decamped from before 
 Rhodes, after having besieged it a year. 
 
 Demetrius,^ who was then reconciled with 
 the Rhodians, was desirous, before his depar- 
 ture, to give them a proof of that disposition ; 
 and accordingly presented them with all the 
 machines of war he had employed in that siege. 
 These were afterwards sold for SOO talents 
 (about 300,000 crowns), which they employed, 
 with an additional sum of their own, in making 
 the famous Colossus, which was reputed one of 
 the seven wonders of the world. It was a 
 statue of the sun, of so stupendous a size, that 
 ships in full sail passed between its legs : the 
 height of it was seventy cubits, or 105 feet, and 
 few men could clasp his thumb with their arms. 
 It was the work of Chares of Lindus, and em- 
 ployed him for the space of twelve years. Sixty- 
 six years after its erection it was thrown down 
 by an earthquake ; of which we shall speak in 
 the sequel of this history. 
 
 The Rhodians, to testify their gratitude to 
 Ptolemy for the assistance he had given them 
 in so dangerous a conjuncture, consecrated a 
 grove to that prince, after they had consulted 
 the oracle of Jupiter Ammon, to give the action 
 an air of solemnity ; and, to honour him the 
 more, erected a magnificent edifice within it. 
 
 [ They built a sumptuous portico, and continued 
 it along each side of the square which encom- 
 passed the grove, and contained a space of 400 
 fathoms. This portico was called the Ptolemse- 
 on ; and, out of flattery, no less customary in 
 those days than it was impious, divine honours 
 were rendered to him in that place ■ and in or- 
 der to perpetuate their deliverer in this war by 
 another method, they gave him the appellation 
 of Soter, which signifies a saviour, and is used 
 tjy tiic 11 jatuL Jails tu ui^Liug uLoii 111111 11 om Lue otner 
 Ptolemies, who were his successors on the 
 throne of Egypt. 
 
 I was unwilling to interrupt the series of 
 events that occuried at this siege, and, therefore, 
 i-eserved for this place one that greatly redounds 
 to the honour of Demetrius It relates to his 
 taste for the arts, and the esteem he entertained 
 for those who were distinguished by peculiar 
 merit in them ; a circumstance not a little con- 
 ducive to the glory of a prince. 
 
 Rhodes was at that time the residence of a 
 celebrated painter, named Protogenes, who was 
 a native of Caunus, a city of Caria, which was 
 then subject to the Rhodians. The apartment 
 where he painted was in the suburbs, without 
 the city, when Demetrius first besieged it ; but 
 neither the presence of the enemies who then 
 surrounded him, nor the noise of arms that 
 perpetually rung in his ears, could induce him 
 to quit his habitation, or discontinue his work. 
 The king was surprised at his conduct ; and he 
 one day asked him his reasons for such a pro- 
 ceeding. " It is," replied he, " because I am 
 sensible you have declared war against the 
 Rhodians, and not against the sciences." Nor 
 was he deceived in that opinion, for Demetrius 
 actually showed himself their protector. He 
 planted a guard round his house, that the artist 
 might enjoy tranquillity, or, at least, be secure 
 from danger, amidst the tumult and ravages of 
 war. He frequently went to see him work, 
 and could never sufficiently admire his applica- 
 tion, and his surprising excellency in his art. 
 
 The masterpiece of this painter was the lali/- 
 sus, an historical picture of a fabulous hero of 
 that name, whom the Rhodians acknowledged 
 as their founder.^ Protogenes had employed 
 seven years in finishing this piece ; and when 
 Apelles first saw it, he was transported 
 with so much admiration, that his speech failed 
 him for some time ; and when he at last began 
 to recover from his astonishment, he cried out, 
 " Prodigious work indeed ! Admirable perfor- 
 mance ! It has not, however, the graces I give 
 my works, and which has raised their reputa- 
 tion to the skies." If we may credit Pliny, 
 Protogenes, during the whole time he was 
 working on this picture, condemned himself to 
 a very rigid and abstemious life,* that the deli- 
 cacy of his taste and imagination might not be 
 affected by his diet. This picture was carried 
 to Rome, and consecrated in the temple of 
 Peace, where it remained in the time of Pliny ; 
 but it was destroyed at last by fire. 
 
 The same Pliny pretends that Rhodes was 
 saved by this picture, because as it hung in the 
 only quarter by which it was possible for De- 
 metrius to take the city, he rather chose to 
 abandon his conquest,^ than expose so precious 
 a monument of art to the danger of being con- 
 sumed in the flames. This, indeed, would have 
 been carrying his taste and value for painting 
 into a surprising extreme ; but we have already 
 seen the true reasons which obliged Demetrius 
 to raise the siege. 
 
 One of the figures in this picture was a dog,* 
 
 3 fJe was the son of Ochimus, whose parents were thr 
 Sun and Rhoda, from wliom the city and island derived 
 their name. 
 
 4 He supported himself on boiled lupine?, a kind of 
 pulse, which satisfied his hunger and thirst at the same 
 time. 
 
 5 Parcentem picturae fugit occasio victorise. 
 
 6 Est in ea canis mirS factus ut quem pariter casus ci 
 ars pinxerint. Non judicabat se exprimere in eo spumam 
 anhelantis posse, cijm in reliquA omni parte (quod difTicU- 
 
 S2 
 
 2 Plin. L xxxiv. c. 7. 
 
276 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 that was admired by all the good judges, and 
 had cost the painter great pains, without his 
 being able to express his idea to his own satis- 
 faction, though he was sufficiently pleased with 
 all the rest of the work. He endeavoured to 
 represent the dog panting, and with his mouth 
 foaming as after a long chase ; and employed all 
 the skill he was capable of exerting on this part 
 of his subject, without being able to content 
 himself. Art, in his opinion, was more visible 
 than it ought to have been ; a mere resemblance i 
 would not suffice, and almost nothing but real- 
 ity itself -would satisfy him. He was desirous j 
 that the foam should not seem painted, but ac- 1 
 tually flowing out of the mouth of the dog. He 
 frequently retouched it, and suiFered a degree of 
 torture from his anxiety to express those simple I 
 traces of nature, of which he had formed the 
 ideas in his mind. All his attempts were how- j 
 ever ineffectual, till at last, in a violent emotion / 
 of rage and despair, he darted at the picture j 
 the sponge with which he used to vi'ipe out his 
 colours, and chance accomplished that which art 
 liad not been able to effect. 
 
 This painter is censured for being too difficult 
 to be pleased, and for retouching his pictures too 
 frequently. It is certain that, though Apelles 
 almost regarded him as his master,* and allowed 
 him a number of excellent qualities, yet he con- 
 demned in him the defect of not being able to 
 quit the pencil and finish his works ; a defect 
 highly pernicious in eloquence as well as paint- 
 ing. " We ought," says Cicero,^ " to know how 
 far we should go : and Apelles justly censured 
 some painters for not knowing when to have 
 done.'' 
 
 SECT. IX. 
 
 Tlie expedition of Seleucus into India. Demetrius com- 
 pels Cassander to raise the siege of Athens. The ex- 
 cessive honours paid him in that city. A league between 
 Ptolemy, Seleucus, Cassander, and Lysimachus, against 
 Antigonus and Demetrius. 'I'he battle of Ipsus, a city 
 of Phrygia, wherein Antigonus is slain, and Demetrius 
 put to flight. 
 
 The farther we advance into the history of 
 Alexander's successors, the more easily may we 
 discover the spirit by which they were con- 
 stantly actuated hitherto, and by which they 
 will still appear to be influenced. They at first 
 concealed their real dispositions, by nominating 
 children, or persons of weak capacities, to the 
 regal dignity, in order to disguise their own 
 ambitious views. But as soon as all the family 
 of Alexander was destroyed, they threw off the 
 mask, and discovered themselves in their proper 
 
 limum erat) sibi ipsi satisfecisset. Displicebat autem ars 
 ipsa, nec minui poterat, et videbatur nimia, ac longids i 
 veritate discedere, spumaque ilia pingi non ex ore nasci, 
 anxio animi cruciatu, cixm in pictura verum esse, non 
 verisimile, vellet. Absterserat sffipiUs mutaveratque peni- 
 cillum, nuUo modo sibi approbans. Postremft iratus arti 
 qubd intelligeretur, spongiam eam impegit inviso loco 
 tabulae, et ilia reposuit ablatos colores, qualiter cura op- 
 tabat : fecitque in pictura fortuna naturam. Plin. 1. xxxv. 
 cap. 10. 
 
 1 Et aliam gloriam usurpavit Apelles, cQm Protogenis 
 opus immensi laboris ac curae supra modum anxisE mira. 
 retur. Dixit enim omnia sibi cum illo paria esse, aut illi 
 meliora, sed uno se prasstare, qu5d manum ille de tabulA 
 nesciret tollere : memorabili praecepto, noscere stepe ni- 
 miam diligentiam. Plin. ibid. 
 
 2 In omnibus rebus videndum est quatenus— In quo 
 Apelles pictores quoque eos peccare dicebat, qui non sen- 
 Urent quid csset satis. Oral. n. 73. 
 
 colours, and such as, in reality, they had always 
 been. They were all equally solicitous to sup- 
 port themselves in their several governments; 
 to become entirely independent ; to assume an 
 absolute sovereignty ; and enlarge the limits of 
 their provinces and kingdoms, at the expense of 
 those other governors Who were weaker or less 
 successful than themselves. For this purpose 
 they employed the force of their arms, and en- 
 tered into alliances, which they were always 
 ready to violate when they could derive more 
 advantages from others; and they renewed them 
 with the same facility from the same motives. 
 They considered the vast conquests of Alexan- 
 der as an inheritance destitute of a master, 
 which prudence obliged them to secure for them- 
 selves, in as large portions as possible, without 
 any apprehensions of being reproached as usui-p- 
 ers, for the acquisition of countries gained by 
 the victories of the Macedonians, but not the 
 property of any particular person. This was 
 the great motive of all the enterprises in which 
 they engaged. 
 
 Seleucus, as we formerly 
 A. M. 3701. observed, was master of ail 
 Ant. J. C. 303. the countries between the 
 Euphrates and the Indus, 
 and was desirous of acquiring those that lay be- 
 yond the latter of those rivers. In order, there- 
 fore, to improve the favourable opportunity 
 which now offered, when he himself was in 
 alliance with Ptolemy, Cassander, and Lysi- 
 machus, and when the forces of Antigonus were 
 divided, and Demetrius was employed in the 
 siege of Rhodes, and in awing the republics of 
 Greece; and while Antigonus himself was only 
 intent upon becoming master of Syria and Phoe- 
 nicia, and attacking Ptolemy even in Egypt 
 itself, he thought it incumbent on him to take 
 advantage of this diversion, which weakened 
 the only enemy he had to fear ; for carrying his 
 arms against the people of India, who were in- 
 cluded in his lot by the general partition, and 
 whom he hoped it would be very pi'acticable for 
 him to subdue if he made a sudden irruption 
 into that country, when it was altogether un- 
 expected by king Sandrocotta. This person wa5 
 an Indian of very mean extraction, who, undei 
 the specious pretext of delivering his country 
 from the tyranny of foreigners, had raised an 
 army, and augmented it so well by degrees, that ; 
 he found means to drive the Macedonians out ; 
 of all the provinces of India which Alexander 
 had conquered, and to establish himself in them, 
 while the successors of that monarch were en- ; 
 gaged in mutual wars with each other. Seleu- 
 cus passed the Indus in order to regain those ; 
 provinces; but when he found that Sandrocotta 
 had rendered himself absolute master of all In- j 
 dia, and had likewise an army of 600,000 men, 
 with a prodigious number of elephants, he did ; 
 not judge it prudent to attack so potent a prince ; I 
 but entered into a treaty with him, by which , 
 he agreed to renounce all his pretensions to that j 
 country, provided Sandrocotta would furnish | 
 him with 600 elephants ; upon which terms a 
 peace was concluded. This was the final result 
 of Alexander's Indian conquests ! this the fruit 
 of so much blood shed to gratify the frantic 
 ambition of one prince ! Seleucus shortly after 
 led his troops into the West against Antigonus, 
 as I shall soon observe. The absolute necessity 
 he was imder of engaging in this war, was one 
 of his strongest inducements for concluding so 
 sudden a peace with the Indian prince. 
 I The Athenians at the same time called in 
 
ALEXANDERS 
 
 277 
 
 Demetrius to assist them against Cassander,' 
 who was besieging their city. He accordingly 
 set sail with 330 galleys, and a gj-eat body of 
 foot ; and not only drove Cassander out of At- 
 tica, but pursued him as far as Thermopylae, 
 where he defeated him, and made himself mas- 
 ter of Heraclea, which sun'endered voluntarily. 
 He also admitted into his service 6000 Mace- 
 donians, who came over to his side. 
 
 When he returned to Athens, the inhabitants 
 of that city, though they had already lavished 
 upon him all the honours they were able to in- 
 vent, had recourse to new flatteries that outdid 
 the former. They lodged him in the back part 
 of the temple of Minerva, called the Parthenon; 
 but even this place, which had so much sanctity 
 ascribed to it by the people, and was the man- 
 sion of a virgin goddess, he did not scruple to 
 
 ?rofane by the most infamous debaucheries, 
 lis courtesans were there treated with more 
 honour than the goddess herself, and were the 
 only divinities he adored. He even caused altars 
 to be erected to them by the Athenians,* whom 
 he called abject wretches for their mean com- 
 pliance, and creatures born only for slavery ; so 
 much was even this prince shocked at such des- 
 picable adulation, as Tacitus observed with re- 
 spect to Tiberius.^ 
 
 Democles, surnamed the Fair, and of a very 
 tender age, threw himself, iu order to elude the 
 violence of Demetrius, into a vessel of boiling 
 water prepared for a bath, and there lost his 
 life, choosing rather to die than violate his 
 modesty. The Athenians, to appease the re- 
 sentment of Demetrius, who was extremely 
 offended at a decree they had published with re- 
 lation to him, issued a new one, importing, 
 " That it was ordei'ed and adjudged by the peo- 
 ple of Athens, that whatever Demetrius might 
 think fit to command, should be considered as 
 sacred with regard to the gods, and just with 
 regard to men." Is it possible to believe, that 
 flattery and servitude could be carried to such 
 an excess of baseness, extravagance, and irre- 
 ligion ? 
 
 Demetrius, after these proceedings, entered 
 Peloponnesus, and took from Ptolemy, who had 
 rendered himself powerful in that country, the 
 cities of Sicyon, Corinth, and several others 
 where he had garrisons. And as he happened 
 to be at Argos, at the grand festival in honour 
 of Juno, he was desirous of celebrating it, by 
 proposing prizes, and presiding in person among 
 the Greeks. In order to solemnize it more 
 effectually, he espoused, on that day, Deidamia, 
 the daughter of JEacides, king of the Molos- 
 sians, and sister of Pyrrhus. 
 
 The states of Greece being assembled in the 
 Isthmus, and curiosity having drawn a vast 
 number of peoijle from all parts, Demetrius 
 was proclaimed general of all the Greeks, as 
 Philip and Alexander had been before him ; to 
 whom he thought himself abundantly superior; 
 so much was he intoxicated with the success of 
 his arms, and the extravagant flattery lavished 
 upon him. 
 
 When he was about to depart from Pelopon- 
 
 S Diod. 1. XX. p. 825—828. Plut. in Demetr. p. 899. 
 
 4 Athen. 1. vi. p. 253. 
 5 Memorise proditur, Tiberium, quoties curiA egrede- 
 retur, Grjecis verbis in hunc niodum eloqui solitum : O 
 homines ad servitutem paratos ! Scilicet etiam ilium, qui 
 liliertatem publicam nollet, tam projectae servientium pa- 
 tientiffi taedebat. Tacit. Annal. 1. iii. c. 65. 
 
 C Plut in Demetr, p. 900. 
 
 nesus for Athens, he wrote to the inhabitants 
 of that city, that he intended, upon his arrival 
 among them, to be initiated in the greater and i 
 lesser mysteries at the same time. This had \ 
 never been permitted before ; for it was neces- j 
 sary to observe certain intervals ; it being lawful 
 to celebrate the lesser mysteries only in the 
 month of March,' and the greater in that of j 
 October. In order, therefore, to obviate this : 
 inconvenience, and satisfy so religious a prince, i 
 it was ordered, that the then present month of { 
 May should be deemed the month of March, j 
 and afterwards that of October ; and Deme- I 
 trius, by this i-are invention, was duly initiated, j 
 without infringing the customs and ceremonials 
 prescribed by the law. 
 
 But of all the abuses committed at Athens, 
 that which most afflicted and mortified the in- 
 habitants, Avas an order issued by Demetrius, 
 for immediately furnishing the sum of 260 ta- 
 lents ; and when this money had been collected 
 without the least delay or abatement, the prince, 
 the moment he saw it amassed together, ordered 
 it to be given to Lamia, and the other courte- 
 sans in her company, for washes and paint. 
 The Athenians were more offended at the inr 
 dignity than the loss, and resented the applicas- 
 tion of that sum much more than their contri- 
 bution of the sum itself. 
 
 Lamia, as if this terrible expense had not 
 been sufficient, being desirous to regale Deme- 
 trius at a feast, extorted money from several of 
 the richest Athenians by her own private au- 
 thority. The entertainment cost immense suras, 
 and gave birth to a very ingenious pleasantry of 
 a comic poet, who said, that Lamia was a true 
 helepolis. We have already shown that the s 
 helepolis was a machine invented by Deme- 
 trius for attacking and taking towns. 
 
 Cassander finding himself 
 A. M. 3702. vigorously pressed by Deme- 
 
 Ant. J. C. 302. trius,^ and not being able to 
 obtain a peace without sub- 
 mitting entirely to the discretion of Antigonus, 
 agreed with Lysimachus to send ambassadors to 
 Seleucus and Ptolemy, to represent to them the 
 situation to which they were reduced. The 
 conduct of Antigonus made it evident that he 
 had no less in view than to dispossess all the 
 other successors of Alexander, and usurp the 
 whole empire to himself ; and that it was time ' 
 to form a strict alliance with each other to hum- 
 ble this exorbitant powei*. They were likewise 
 offended, and Lysimachus in particular, at the 
 contemptible manner in which Demetrius per- j 
 mitted people to treat the other kings in their | 
 conversation at his table, ai^propriating the regal ; 
 title to hiinself and his father; whereas Ptolemy, j 
 according to his flatterers, was no more than j 
 the captain of a ship, Seleucus a commander of 
 elephants, and Lysimachus a treasurer. A con- 
 federacy was therefore formed by these four 
 kings, and Seleucus hastened into Assyria, to j 
 make preparations for this new war. j 
 
 The first operations of it were commenced at j 
 the Hellespont ; Cassander and Lysimachus 
 having judged it expedient that the former 
 should continue in Europe, to defend it against 
 Demetrius, and that the latter, with as many 
 troops as could be drawn out of their two king- 
 
 7 There are various opinions with relation to the 
 months in which these mysteries were celebrated. 
 
 8 Diod. 1. XX. p. 830—836. Plut. in Demetr. p. 899 
 Ju«tin. 1. XV. c. 4. 
 
278 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 doms, without leaving them too destitute of 
 forces, should invade the provinces of Antigo- 
 nus, in Asia. Lysimachus consequently passed 
 the Hellespont with a fine army, and, either by 
 treaty or force, reduced Phrygia, Lydia, Lyca- 
 onia, and most of the territories between the 
 Propontis and the river Mseander. 
 
 Antigonus was then at Antigonia, which he 
 had lately built in Upper Syria, and where he 
 was employed in celebrating the solemn games 
 he had there established. This news, with that 
 of several other revolts, transmitted to him at 
 the same time, caused him immediately to quit 
 his games. He accordingly dismissed the as- 
 sembly upon the spot, and made preparations 
 for advancing against the enemy. When all his 
 troops were drawn together, he marched with 
 the utmost expedition over mount Taurus, and 
 entered Cilicia, where he took out of the public 
 treasury of Quinda, a city in that province, as 
 much money as he wanted, and then augmented 
 his troops to the number he thought necessary. 
 After which he advanced directly towards the 
 enemy, and retook several places which had re- 
 volted in his march. Lysimachus thought pro- 
 per to be upon the defensive, till the arrival of 
 the succours which were upon their march to 
 join him from Seleucus and Ptolemy. The 
 remaining part of the year, therefore, elapsed 
 without any action, and each party retired into 
 winter-quarters. 
 
 Seleucus, at the beginning 
 
 A. M. 3703. of the next year, formed 
 Ant. J. C. 301. his army at Babylon, and 
 marched into Cappadocia, to 
 act against Antigonus. This latter sent imme- 
 diately for Demetrius, who left Greece with 
 great expedition, marched to Ephesus, and re- 
 took that city, with several others that had de- 
 clared for Lysimachus upon his arrival in Asia. 
 
 Ptolemy improved the opportunity in Syria, 
 of the absence of Antigonus, and recovered all 
 Phoenicia, Judsea, and Coele- Syria, except the 
 cities of Tyre and Sidon, where Antigonus had 
 left good garrisons. He, indeed, formed the 
 siege of Sidon ; but whilst his troops were em- 
 ployed in battering the walls, he received intel- 
 ligence that Antigonus had defeated Seleucus 
 and Lysimachus, and was advancing to relieve 
 the place. Upon this false report he made a 
 truce for five months with the Sidonians, raised 
 the siege, and returned to Egj'pt. 
 
 Here ends what remains of the history of 
 Diodorus Siculus, in a period of the greatest 
 importance, and on the very point of a battle, 
 by which the fate of Alexander's successors is 
 to be decided. 
 
 The confederate army," commanded by Se- 
 
 1 Plut. in Demet p 902. 
 
 leucus and Lysimachus, and the troops of An- 
 tigonus and Demetrius, arrived in Phrygia 
 almost at the same time, but did not long con- 
 front each other without coming to blows. 
 Antigonus had about 60,000 foot, 10,000 horse, 
 and seventy-five elephants. The enemy's forces 
 consisted of 64,000 foot, 10,500 horse, 400 ele- 
 phants, with 120 chariots armed with scythes. 
 The battle was fought near Ipsus, a city of 
 Phrygia. 
 
 As soon as the signal was given, Demetrius, 
 at the head of his best cavalry, fell upon Antio- 
 chus, the son of Seleucus, and behaved with so 
 much bravery, that he broke the enemy's ranks, 
 and put them to flight ; but a rash and incon- 
 siderate thirst of glory, against which generals 
 can never be too much on their guard, and 
 which has been fatal to many, prompted Deme- 
 trius to pursue the fugitives with_ too much 
 ardom", and without any consideration for the 
 rest of the army ; by which means he lost the 
 victory he might easily have secured, had he 
 improved his first advantage aright. For when 
 he returned from the pursuit, he found it im- 
 practicable for him to rejoin his infantry, the 
 enemy's elephants having filled up all the inter- 
 mediate space. When Seleucus saw the infantry 
 of Antigonus separated from their cavalry, he 
 did not actually attack them, but only made a 
 feint as if he were going to fall upon them, 
 sometimes on one side and sometimes on another, 
 in order to intimidate and afi'ord them sufficient 
 time to quit the army of Antigonus, and come 
 over to his own ; and this was at last the expe- 
 dient on which they resolved. The greatest 
 part of the infantry detached themselves from 
 the rest, and surrendered voluntarily to Seleucus, 
 and the other were all put to flight. At the 
 same instant a large body of the army of Seleu- 
 cus drew off by his oi'der, and made a furious 
 attack upon Antigonus, who sustained their 
 efforts for some time, but being at last over- 
 whelmed with darts, and having received many 
 wounds, he fell dead on the earth, having de- 
 fended himself valiantly to his last gasp. De- 
 metrius seeing his father dead, rallied all the 
 troops he was able to draw together, and retired 
 to Ephesus with 6000 foot and 4000 horse; 
 which were all that remained of more than 
 70,000 men, whom his father and himself com- 
 manded at the beginning of the engagement. 
 The great Pyrrhus,^ young as he then was, 
 was inseparable from Demetrius, overthrew all 
 that opposed him, and gave an essay, in this first 
 action, of what might be expected one day from 
 his valour and bravery. 
 
 I 
 
 j 2 Plut. in Pyrrh. p. 384 
 
THE HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 BOOK XVIT. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Sect. I. 
 
 The four victorious princes divide the empire of Alexan- 
 der the Great into as many kingdoms. Seleucus builds 
 several cities, Athens shuts her gates against Deme- 
 trius. He reconciles himself with Seleucus, and after- 
 wards with Ptolemy. The death of Cassander. The 
 first exploits of Pyrrhus. Athens taken by Demetrius. 
 He loses almost at the same time all he possessed. 
 
 AFTER the battle of Ipsus,' * the four con- 
 federate princes divided the dominions of 
 
 1 Plut. in Demetr. p. 902, Appian. in Syr. p, 122, 123. 
 Polyb. 1. XV. p, 572. 
 
 * Between the death of Alexander and the battle of Ip- 
 sus, the struggle for power amongst his generals, had 
 lasted twenty-two years. During this contentious period, 
 events crowd upon the mind in the most rapid succession, 
 interesting, both from the talents of the ambitious chiefs 
 concerned in them, and from the novel combinations of 
 political affairs, which were continually taking place. 
 The cruel Perdiccas, the prudent, yet selfisn Ptolemy, the 
 brave, the generous Kumenes, the rapacious and unprin- 
 cipled Antigonus, pass in review like so many phantoms 
 over the stage. In the eventful conflict of their ener- 
 getic ambition, the sceptre of the Great Alexander, sliding 
 from the feeble hands of his son and brother, the sangui- 
 nary extirpation of his whole family, and the extinction 
 of the race of Caranus are scarcely noticed by the reader. 
 The empire acquired by eleven years of perpetual victory, 
 extending from the Adriatic to the Hyphasis or Beyah, 
 and from the sands of Libya to the deserts of Toorkistaun, 
 and equalling in territorial surface, that occupied by the 
 modern empires of Turkey and Persia and Mawaralnahar 
 united, could not be upheld but by the same mental ener- 
 gy, the same warlike prowess, which had achieved the 
 mighty feat. Unsated with hitherto boundless power, 
 panting for fresh triumphs, and brooding over new con- 
 quests, which in their wide expanse embraced the desti- 
 nies of the western world as they had already affected 
 those of the eastern, the cup of new and anticipated glo- 
 ries was suddenly dashed from the lips of that restless Hero 
 by the resistless hand of the universal conqueror, death. 
 His often and deep revolved schemes passed away as a dream 
 of the night. The mighty fabric erected by himself, fell with 
 
 Antigonus among themselves, and added them 
 to those which they already possessed. The 
 empire of Alexander was thus divided into 
 four kingdoms. Ptolemy had Egypt, Libya, 
 
 himfelf. The sceptre of power so vigorously wielded by his 
 mighty hand could not possibly be so wielded by those of an 
 infant son and unwarlike brother. No sooner had fled, and 
 that for ever, the commanding spirit, which ruled, over, 
 awed, and subordinated to its own glories, the fierce ener- 
 gies of the Macedonian chiefs, than commenced the 
 mighty strife 
 
 " . for empire won 
 
 By Philip's fierce and warlike son." 
 
 In consequence of the defeat and death of Perdiccas, and 
 the captivity and death of Eumenes, Antigonus rose to 
 great power and eminence, and seemed in a fair way to 
 obtain the supremacy. But his overgrown power 
 alarmed the other commanders of Alexander, and produc- 
 ed the famous confederacy of Seleucus, Ptolemy, Lysima- 
 chus, and Cassander against him, for their common safety. 
 This confederacy seems to have been the first instance of 
 a political coalition, to restore the balance of power, by 
 distant and powerful princes, and was planned with pecu- 
 liar secrecy, and conducted with steadiness, Syria and 
 the lesser Asia were at that time governed by Antigonus, 
 and his son Demetrius occupied most of the cities of 
 Greece. The four confederates being upon the frontiers 
 of Ills monarchy, Lysimachus from Thrace, burst, with 
 the Macedonian auxiliaries of Cassander, into Phrygia, 
 while Seleucus hastened to join him from beyond the Eu- 
 phrates, and Ptolemy, though with more cautious marches, 
 advanced from Egypt into Palestine, Thus the wily old 
 man, elated by a long course of prosperity, was for once 
 taken by surprise. The united armies of Seleucus and 
 Lysimachus met him at Ipsus, where he was defeated and 
 slain, while Ptolemy stript him of Palestine, Phoenicia, 
 and Ccelo-Syria. In consequence of these events, the do- 
 minions of Alexander, agreeably to the prophecy of Da- 
 niel, v/ere divided into four kingdoms, significantly repre- 
 sented under the emblem of the four horns of the he-goat 
 The great horn, (Alexander,) was broken, says the man 
 greatly beloved, and from it came up four notable horns, 
 towards the four winds of heaven. These horns, we are 
 told in another part of the same prophetical book, are four 
 kingdoms, which shall stand up out of the nation, namely, 
 the Greeks : but not in his power. These kingdoms 
 however, were soon reduced to three, Macedon, Sjria, 
 
280 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 Arabia, Coele-Syria, and Palestine: Cassan- 
 der had Macedonia and Greece : Lysimachus, 
 Thrace, Bithynia, and some other provinces be- 
 yond the Hellespont, and the Bosphorus ; and 
 
 and Egypt. The conquests of Alexander effected a me- 
 morable change in the state and condition of the countries, 
 between the Hellespont and the Euphrates. Previous 
 to that epoch these countries had been governed by barba- 
 rous dynasties, but after that period they became the seat 
 of regular military discipline, of diffused opulence, of legal 
 government and of philosophy, for upwards of 900 years. 
 
 The conquest of the Persian empire is not more memo- 
 rable, for the great and permanent revolution which it ef- 
 fected, than for the apparent inadequacy of the means. 
 The throne of the successors of Cyrus incomparably the 
 mightiest potentates the world had yet seen, though pro- 
 tected, not more by the countless multitude of lier own 
 subjects, than by the disciplined valour of Greek mercena- 
 ries, was subverted within the short space of three years, by 
 an army originally not exceeding 40,000 men. After the 
 battle of Arbela in which 300,000 barbarians are reported, 
 with incredible exaggeration, by the Greeks, to have fal- 
 len, Persia made no farther resistance. There seems to have 
 been as great disparity in point of numbers and discipline 
 between the contending armies, as in modern times be- 
 tween the British and the unwarlike and undisciplined 
 Hindoos. Wliat increases the difficulty is, that the de- 
 scendants of those very Persians whose power Alexander 
 so easily subverted, repeatedly baffled, and successfully re- 
 sisted, more numerous armies of Roman legionaries in the 
 zenith of Roman power, under the auspices of a Crassus 
 and a Mark Antony, generals who till then had been uni- 
 formly victorious, than those commanded by Alexander. 
 I suspect the Greeks to have prodigiously overrated 
 the masses which the Persian sovereigns either led 
 or sent to the field. The armies of the Parthian 
 and Persian monarchs brought to the field against the 
 legions of Rome, seldom exceeded 100,000 or 120,000 at 
 most, and yet with these they avenged the violation of 
 (' their territory in the blood of a Crassus and a Julian, in 
 the inglorious retreat of an Anthony, and the captivity of 
 ' a Valerian, and yet it is confessed by all, that the Roman le. 
 ' gioiiaries were as good soldiers as the Macedonians, and 
 oommanded by as able and experienced officers. Some 
 change must have taken place in the military habits of those 
 people whom Alexander so easily subdued, to enable us, in 
 some way, to account for the exceedingly dififerent results 
 of the Macedonian and Roman campaigns, though that 
 change is not at all adverted to by any historians, as far as 
 I know, whether ancient or modern. It is not sufficient 
 barely, though truly and accurately, to state facts : they 
 must be accounted for ; in other words, a reason must be 
 j assigned why the results, other things being equal or the 
 same, should be so very different. The Parthian and 
 Persian soldiers of the two dynasties that succeeded to 
 ! the throne of Cyrus, must have been either commanded 
 j by better officers, or they themselves must have been much 
 1 better disciplined, than those who fought at Issus or Arbela, 
 I or we must say, that the veteran legions of Rome were 
 inferior to the Macedonian soldiers in valour and discipline. 
 If the latter be not granted, and granted it cannot be, then 
 the former must be allowed, or we have an effect without 
 I a cause, or a change of result without a reason for the 
 I difference, or a cause to produce it. A reason of the change 
 I efffected in the discipline of the eastern armies, may be 
 j found in the conduct of Alexander himself. Disgusted at 
 1 what he conceived to be insolence on the part of his sol. 
 , diers, and finding it a very difficult matter to manage a li- 
 centious army, intoxicated with continued success, and 
 1 enriched beyond expectation by the accumulation of 
 j plundered wealth, he levied 30,000 youths out of the pro- 
 vinces, whom he caused to be instructed in the Greek 
 j language, and so to be trained up in military discipline, as 
 I that he might from time to time with them fill up the 
 ! phalanx. This measure of course raised a commotion 
 ' among his old soldiers, the Macedonians, to whom he was 
 chiefly indebted for his victories. Having conquered the 
 Persians, and become masters of their wealth, they natu- 
 rally wished to have them kept in perpetual vassalage. 
 This did not suit the disposition of the conqueror, who 
 wished to regard all his subjects with equal favour, and 
 who perhaps saw the extreme difficulty, if not impossibility, 
 of preserving the vast empire he had acquired, by keeping 
 I the natives of the conquered provinces in perpetual servi- 
 I tude to his Macedonian subjects. Such a state of vassalage 
 ] would have proved a source of continual irritation to tlie 
 I conquered, and would have required a constant succession 
 I of new levies from Greece and Macedon. To have sup- 
 [ posed that the vast population of the Persian empire could 
 I nave been kept in permanent slavery, by the small, though 
 
 Seleucus all the rest of Asia, to the other side of 
 the Euphrates, and as far as the river Indus. 
 The dominions of this last prince are usually 
 called the kingdom of Syria, because Seleucus, 
 
 warlike population of his hereditary dominions, would have 
 been quite chimerical. Alexander seems, therefore, to 
 have thought it the best way to secure his newly acquired 
 dominions, and to hand them down to his successors, to | 
 put his conquered subjects on a level with his hereditary 
 subjects, and thus to win and keep their affections, and 
 by ttaining them up in the arts, the sciences, the 
 language and arras of Greece, to amalgamate both 
 into one common mass, and blend the manners and 
 customs of the east and west in one common mix- 
 ture. If Alexander bad lived to put this great and 
 liberal design in execution, or jf his successors, the Syro- 
 Macedonian monarchs, had adopted the same plan, it I 
 might have proved of vast service to the natives of the | 
 east, and the Macedonian conquerors mig'ht have confer- 
 red great permanent blessings on the conquered. Rut by 
 this procedure Alexander lost the afilections of his Mace- 
 donian soldiers, and it was not Jong after his death, that 
 the Syro-Macedonian kings, by adopting a different line of 
 conduct, lost all their eastern dominions. It was very 
 natural for the Macedonians, by whose sole instrumentali- 
 ty he had conquered the Persians so easily, to have a high 
 contempt for the vanquished, and it was equally so, that 
 they should show it on all occasions. It is seldom that the 
 conquered reap any thing but oppression and insult from 
 the conquerors, and so it happened to the unhappy Per- 
 sians. During Alexander's long absence on his Scythian 
 and Indian campaigns, the Macedonian governors and 
 commanders behaved to their new vassals in a most scan- 
 dalous manner. They suppressed the national religion, 
 extorted vast sums of money from the oppressed natives, 
 ravished the women, plundered the tomb of the Great 
 Cyrus ; and in fine, gave unbounded scope to the most li- 
 centious and tyrannical conduct. The cry of the oppress- 
 ed, assailed, in every quarter, the ears of their new sove- 
 reign, as he proceeded homewards. Alexander was com. 
 pelled, both from motives of policy and justice, to listen 
 to the tale of woe, by ordering the instant execution of the 
 delinquents, though they were his own countrymen — ^and 
 by strictly ordering all his governors and magistrates tocon- 
 duct themselves with justice and moderation. This just, i 
 though generous conduct towards the oppressed, produced 
 such consequences as might have been anticipated, it ri- 
 vetted the affections of his new subjects. Mot only did 
 Alexarider order a levy of 30,000 Persian boys, as above 
 mentioned, but actually enlisted and incorporated with hi* 
 own native soldiers, a vast number of the vanquished na- 
 tives, else he could never have had an army of nigh 130,000 
 men when he entered India. Not above one third of 
 these, if even so many, could be Greeks and Macedonians, as 
 he was obliged to station a number of them in the new ac- 
 quired provinces, to preserve them in subjection, and a 
 great number besides had perished in the five preceding 
 campaigns, both by the sword, disease, and the fatigues in. 
 cident on such long continued and extraordinary marches. 
 Now these newly enlisted soldiers, would, like our Indian 
 seapoys, become acquainted with European disciphne. 
 They could not indeed fail of doing so, and of emulating 
 that disciplined valour by which they themselves had been 
 vanquished. We are further told, that on his return 
 from the Indian war, he rewarded without distinction, 
 whether of dress or nation, all who had behaved valiantly 
 in the Indian campaigns, reviewed the 30,000 Persian 
 youths whom he had ordered to be taught Greek and the 
 Macedonian discipline, and expressed high satisfaction 
 at the fine appearance they made, which rendered them 
 worthy of the appellation he had bestowed on them, 
 namely, of Epigotii or Successors, to the Macedonians. 
 
 Now, what was this but training them up to the know- 
 ledge of that very military discipline by which their coun- 
 trymen had been conquered ? What was this but putting 
 those very arms, and that very discipline, into their own 
 possession, with which, at some future day, they might re- 
 assert their lost independence, and avenge their fallen 
 fortunes on the Greeks ? Would not this, with the ac- 
 quired knowledge of those other numerous barbarian 
 soldiers, who had served him in his arduous campaigns , 
 amidst the rocks of the Hindoo-Kho and the plains of the 
 Punjaub, introduce a knowledge of European tactics, to 
 which they had hitherto been utter strangers.' In the 
 contest for power which ensued on his death amongst his 
 commanders, would not many of the natives be employed 
 in their respective campaigns, and thus be taught the use 
 of arms ? Many of them, also, would be incorporated in 
 the armies of the early Syro-Macedonian monarchs, and 
 learn something of Gr'^?k discipline. The same would be 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 who afterwards built Antioch in that province, 
 made it the chief seat of his residence, in which 
 his successors, who from his name were called 
 Seleucidae, followed his example. This king- 
 
 the case with those who served in the armies of the Greek 
 sovereigns of Bactria. Indeed it must have been so, as 
 the gross of their armies could consist of no other, though 
 thev might be officered by Greeks. This must have been 
 the" case, unless we suppose the natives of Middle Asia 
 utterly incapable of military discipline— a notion com- 
 pletely confuted by what has taken place in Hindoostan, 
 and which is actually taking place at this very moment in 
 the Burman war. We have taught the Hindoos Euro- 
 pean tactics, and there can be no reasonable doubt, in the 
 mind of any reflecting per^n, that this improved disci- 
 pline, this knowledge of the mode of European warfare, 
 will at some future, perhaps no very distant period, be 
 turned against ourselves. 
 
 From these facts 1 am induced to believe, that some 
 change took place in the military discipline of the soldiers 
 of the East ; that the grounds of this change were laid in 
 the conduct of Alexander himself, and in the successive 
 contests waged by his commanders subsequent to his de- 
 
 ''^r am not prepared to say to what extent this change 
 went, not having documents sufficient to enlighten me on 
 the subject. That the Oriental armies did not adopt the plan 
 of the Macedonian phalanx is true; but that some change ac- 
 tually took place in their discipline and mode of warfare, 
 and was, as it were, forced upon them by what they had 
 both felt and witnessed of the great superiority of their 
 I conquerors is manifest, else they could never have op- 
 posed such a vigorous and successful resistance to the Ro- 
 man legionaries in a subsequent period. We no longer 
 read of their bringing sucli cumbrous and undisciplined 
 masses into the field as they did previous to the Macedo- 
 nian conquest, if we can believe the Greeks ; many com- 
 ', batants of which masses, as Curtius tells us, had no other 
 ! weapons but sticks burned and sharpened at the point. 
 
 We no longer read of 300,000, 400,000, 500,000, 600,000, 
 I 1,000,000, or to the vast amount of 1,200,000 brought mto 
 1 the field. In the succeeding periods of their history their 
 i armies seldom exceeded 100,000 ; and even at the decisive 
 i battles of Kadesia and Nehavend, when the very existence 
 I of their religion and independence were at stake, the 
 I numbers did not exceed 120,000 and 150,000 men. 
 I We learn, from a curious document in the Chronicle of 
 I Ebn Aasim of Cufa, who lived in the eighth century, soon 
 I after Fersia had yielded to the Mussulman arms, and 
 ! given us by Sir William Ousely, that the following dis- 
 tricts and provinces furnished eai-h its contingent to the 
 royal army:— Rai, Semnan Dameghan, and the neigh- 
 bouring places, contributed 20,()00 men; Hamadan, CEc- 
 batana,) and Sawa, 10,000 ; Nehavend, 10,000 ; Koom and 
 Cashan, 20,000 ; Ispahan, 20,000 ; Pars, (Persia,) Kirman, 
 (Carmania,) 40,000; Aderbaijan, (Media Atropatia,) 30,000. 
 Total, 150,(;00.— Travels, vol. iii. p. 3, note 3. 
 
 It has been said, that it was to the nature of their coun- 
 try, and their singular mode of warfare, that they owed 
 those frequent advantages which they gained over the 
 disciplined legions of Rome. The frontier which the 
 Parthian kingdom presented to the Romans, extended 
 from the Caspian sea to the Persian gulf, and consisted of 
 lofty and barren mountains, of rapid and broad rivers, and 
 of wide-spreading deserts ; and that in whatever direction 
 the Roman legions advanced the country was laid waste. 
 The war, it is said, was made, not against the enemy, but 
 against the supplies by which it was supported ; and the 
 mode in which the Parihian warrior took his unerring 
 aim, while his horse was in full flight from his enemy, 
 may be viewed as a personification of the system in war- 
 fare by which his nation, during the era of its history, 
 preserved its independence. The system, it is further 
 stated, was suited to the soil, to the man, and to the fleet 
 and robust animal on which he was mounted ; and its 
 success was so certain, that the bravest veteran of Rome 
 murmured when their leaders talked of a Parthian war. 
 —Malcolm's Persian History, vol. i. p. 88, 4to. London, 
 1815. 
 
 All this graphic description is perfectly true, but it does 
 not account for the ea.sy conquest of Persia by a Macedo- 
 nian army not exceeding 40,000 men. Were not the same 
 physical obstacles presented to Alexander? Did not the Per- 
 sian and Parthian horsemen fight in precisely the same way ? 
 and were not the Roman legionaries as well qualified to 
 manage a Parthian war as the Macedonians a Persian cam- 
 paign ? It must be granted, however, that the great error 
 of Darius lay in not attending to the advice of Memnon, 
 the Rhodian, his best commander, which was to lay waste 
 ibe country, and thus deprive Alexander's army of pro- 
 
 281 1 
 
 dom, however, not only included Syria, but j 
 
 those vast and fertile provinces of Upper Asia, | 
 
 which constituted the Persian empire. The | 
 
 reign of twenty years, which I have assigned to j : 
 
 visions : not to venture a decisive battle hand to hand, but : 
 merely to lie on the defensive ; watch the motions of the 
 invaders ; harass their movements with frequent desul- , 
 tory attacks ; and cut off their convoys and foiagmg par- [ j 
 ties. What would have been the final result, if thm | 1 
 advice had been taken, none can certainly say; but it i» i j 
 plain that it was the best advice which could be given to 
 a sovereign whose subjects had never met the enemy, j | 
 whether Greeks or Macedonians, in close combat, but to i | 
 be defeated. 'Ihis perhaps was the .true source of the ! 
 calamities of Darius, in venturing so repeatedly to fight I 
 a veteran army hand to hand, with a comparatively un- 
 disciplined, though prodigious rabble, putting all to stake 
 on the issue of a single engagement. 
 
 When the Greeks tell us that the Persian armies con- 
 sisted of such vast numbers of men, the question naturally 
 arises. Were these all fighting men, or efficient soldiers > 
 If we are to judge from such descriptions as have reached 
 us of the nature of these armies, and from what we know 
 in modern times of Oriental armies, the answer will be in 
 the negative. The vast army of Xerxes, according to 
 Herodotus himself, had at least one-half of its enormous 
 number composed of servants, eunuchs, women, sutlers, 
 &c. If we allow the one-half of the Persi.nn armies to 
 have been made up of such characters, then one-half 
 must be deducted from their numbers, and then the dis- 
 parity will not be so astonishingly great. Rennel, in his 
 Memoir of the Retreat of the Ten Thousand Greeks, 
 has made some very judicious remarks on the composition 
 of Oriental armies in general. He very reasonably doubts 
 whether the 900,000 men of Artaxerxes Mnemon were all 
 fighting men, and infers from a passage in Xenophon, that 
 they were not perhaps above one-fourth of that number. 
 The passage says, that the king, (Artaxerxes,) when in the 
 centre of his own army, was beyond tlie extremity, or left 
 wing of that of Cyrus. Now, says that able geographer, 
 on a supposition that the mode of drawing the armies was 
 the same in both, the centre of the king's army should 
 have been at a prodigious distance, (that is, some miles,) 
 beyond the extremity of that of Cyrus ; but, says he, the 
 text does not warrant a belief that the king's post m the 
 centre was far beyond the flank of the other.— Anabasis, j 
 lib. I. c. 35 & 37. In order further to corroborate hi3 
 opinion, that but a minor portion of the 900,000 men of 
 Artaxerxes' armv were really fighting men, he gives an 
 authentic list of the fighting men and of followers of every 
 description, in a body of troops in the British service, sent 
 across the continent of India in 1778, commanded by 
 general Goddard. '1 his small army consi>ted entirely al 
 most of native troops, or sepoys, officered by Europeans 
 and with an attendant corp of artillery :— 
 
 Fighting men of every description, . 6,727 
 Followers, 19,7/9 
 
 ~T6,.'506 
 
 Ordu- Bazar, or Camp Market, . . 12,000 
 
 38,506 
 
 These numbers give in the gross the proportion of 5f ti \ 
 each fighting man, but even the proportion, taken on vh>\ \ 
 followers of the army, properly so called, is as nearly as 
 possible three to one. Now, says Rennel, if the 900,001 
 be considered as the number of fighting men and followers 
 collectively, and the same proportion of 3 to 1 be .-ipplied, 
 the number of combatants will of course be the double 
 the number of those of Cvrus, or 225,000 fighting men, 
 and admitting the same kind of order in both, the centre 
 of the king's armv would have been nearly opposite to the 
 extremity of that of Cyrus, as the history seems to imply, 
 and it must be farther remarked, that the army of Abro- 
 comas from Cilicia, did not join the king till some days 
 after the battle, and that the Median and Susian armies 
 did not arrive before the Greeks came to Opis, more than 
 a month after the battle, so that a great part of the Per- 
 sian force was not present at the battle of Cunaxa. Ren- 
 nel p- 112. Now if this canon be applied to estimate the 
 number of combatants in the Persian army at Arbela, 
 vaguely estimated in the gross at 1,0(10,000, then the real 
 number of combatants would be only 2.'i0,000 opposed to 
 47,000 Macedonians, according to Arrian's statement of 
 their number, or rather more than 5 to 1 ; or if Justin's 
 account be adopted, which reduces the Persians to 500,000 
 men, then the number of real combatants will be only 
 125,00f>, or upwards of 2J to 1. If the same canon wew 
 
282 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 Seleucus Nicator, commences at this pei'iod, 
 i because he was not acknowledged as king till 
 I after the battle of Ipsus ; and if we add to 
 
 these the twelve during which he had already 
 
 to be applied to the innumerable host of Xerxes, it would 
 be reduced from 5,283,000 men, to 1,320,730 men, both na- 
 : val and military ; or if the real number of combatants 
 j should even be reduced to one sixth of the whole, tlien 
 ! the military efficient would be still 880,000 men, a pro- 
 I digious number still, the equal of which has never since 
 ' crossed the Hellespont into Europe, or vice versa, crossed 
 I the same straits from Europe into Asia as in the days of 
 the famed Crusades, It is perhaps owing to the discrimi. 
 I nation made between the followers and attendants of an 
 army, and an army itself, that succeeding writers have so 
 much reduced the Parthian and Persian armies with 
 whom the Romans so long contended. If the above cal- 
 culations of fighting men, composing the real strength of 
 an Oriental army, be adopted, it will considerably diminish 
 our astonishment at the rapid success of Alexander. As 
 i another instance in modern times, the army of the cele- 
 brated Nadir-Shah, when he entered India, may he 
 quoted. The real army consisted of 125,000 men, almost all 
 cavalry, and the most numerous host Persia had seen and 
 sent for centuries past. Yet the army in the gross, in- 
 cluding camp followers, &c. amounted to 500,000 men and 
 upwards. Still, however, some change must have taken 
 place in the mode of oriental warfare, sufficient to have 
 enabled the posterity of that very people whom Alexan- 
 der conquered, to preserve their independence of Rome, 
 I when all the rest of tlie civilized world owned her superior 
 I sway, and when even Macedon itself ceased to exist as an 
 I independent kmgdom, and became a province, and that 
 I none of the most important of her wide spread empire. 
 I The small kingdom of Macedon, though in itself a mint 
 j of soldiers, could not possibly supply Alexander with 
 I troops sufficient for his far distant and extensive cam- 
 paigns. Though from thence he received frequent re- 
 ! cruits during the course of his conquests, still these, un- 
 ! less more numerous than reported by ancient authors, 
 i could not repair the losses of war and fatigue during 
 I eleven years of successive warfare, and fill the places of 
 ' those veterans, whom, from time to time, he dismissed to 
 i their native country. He had besides to keep on foot a 
 I numerous army in Macedon itself, for the double purpose 
 of defending it from the inroads of those savage and war- 
 I like mountaineers, that continually hovered over the 
 nortliern frontiers of that country, and who were always 
 ready, whenever an opportunity presented itself, to descend 
 from their rugged mountains, and lay waste the fertile 
 plains of the Axius, and the Haliacmon, and also of 
 I watching the motions of the (Greeks ; these restless peo- 
 j pie who ware ever ready for revolt or attack. Alexander, 
 therefore, must have been under the necessity of employ- 
 ing mercenaries or hired troops from the Grecian states, 
 and of enlisting and enrolling in his army, such of the 
 conquered nations as, from the prospect of pay and plun.. 
 der, voluntarily offered their services. We read that, 
 when at Susa, he received a reinforcement of nigh 16,000 
 men, of whom fiSOO only were Macedonians, and 5000 of 
 the rest were Greeks from Peloponnesus. We read also, 
 that the Greek mercenaries, to the number of 23,000, who 
 upon the death of Alexander and the succeeding contest 
 for the sovereignty, despairing of being able to obtain 
 their return to Greece by fair means, and of enjoying in 
 repose at home the hard-earned fruits of their mercenary 
 toils, revolted, and determined to accomplish their return 
 by force, and accordingly bent their march towards the 
 coast of Asia Minor, but were intercepted in their way 
 thither, by an army of Macedonians despatched for that 
 purpose by Perdiccas, and defeated ; and 3000 of them 
 who had abandoned the rest and come into the Macedo- 
 nian camp, were there murdered in cold blood. The col- 
 lective armies of the generals who disputed the empire with 
 each other, almost immediately after the death of Alex , 
 ander, were very numerous, and must have been compos- 
 ed mainly of Asiatic soldiers. This is plain from the 
 account of the battle of Ipsus, where the contending 
 armies amounted to 155,000 efiective men, exclusive of 
 tho.se who fought on elephants and in chariots of war, and 
 yet the army of Ptolemy Lagus was not in the action. 
 This battle too was fought after 20 years of constant war- 
 fare, and many well contested and sanguinary engagements. 
 Macedon by this time was in a manner divided from the 
 rest of the empire, and, theref ore, could not have furnished 
 soldiers, it should seem, to foreign and often hostile so- 
 vereigns. The solution of this problem can only be ob- 
 tained by comparing scattered passages of antiquity. The 
 great strength of all these armies was the Macedonian pha. 
 lanx, one of those grand military innovations which have 
 
 exercised the regal authority without the title, 
 they will make out the reign of thirty-one years 
 assigned him by Usher. 
 
 These four kings are the four horns of the 
 
 rewarded their inventors with supreme power and fame. 
 For two centuries the phalanx was deemed to be irre.sis. 
 tible and invincible. When complete, it consisted of 1024 
 files, 16 deep. Their charge in close order, presenting 
 their Macedonian spears, which were of such a length 
 that those of the fifth rank projected beyond the front, 
 could not be withstood by the shorter weapons and less 
 compact arrangement of the Greeks, much less by the rude 
 and irregular multitudes of the Asiatics. This phalanx, 
 as we said before, was filled up with Persians, so early as 
 the time of Alexander. Arrian informs us, that he 
 formed the three foremost ranks with Macedonians, the 
 twelve next with Persians, and the hindmost file consist- 
 ed of Macedonians. By this judicious intermixture, the 
 want of skill and perhaps of bravery in the Persians was 
 compensated. They acquired with the arms and discipline 
 the spirit and self-estimation of their conquerors, and 
 there is ground of well founded suspicion, that they were 
 gradually confounded under the same name, that is, in 
 other words, they would all be called Macedonians, 
 though 12 parts out of 16 were Persians. 
 
 Long after this epoch, and when few native Macedoni- 
 ans can be well supposed to have served in the troops 
 of Egypt, in the sedition which followed the death of 
 Ptolemy Philopater, the soldiery is addressed by Agatho- 
 cles with that honourable appellation, namely Macedonians. 
 Next to the phalanx in dignity were the Greek mercen- 
 aries, who were raised in great numbers for the service of 
 the two eastern kings, from the Grecian cities of Europe 
 and Asia. Greece, in particular, at all times, abounded 
 with that class of men who were brought up to no settled 
 employment, and who, therefore, destitute of the means of 
 supporting a decent existence, were ready to serve as 
 partisan soldiers, in the service of any foreign prince who 
 would employ them. Ancient Greece bore a striking re 
 semblance to modern Switzerland, both in the physical 
 aspect of the country, and its political institutions. Its 
 bleak and mountainous territory was divided into a vast 
 number of petty republics, who were engaged in almost 
 constant, though petty hostilities with each other. As a 
 great proportion of the population were of course war. 
 riors, both from necessity and choice, Greece was con. 
 sequently a nursery of soldiers. Though liberty was 
 the universal passion of that people, yet they were quite 
 willing, if at any time one petty state overcame another, to 
 deprive each other of that very liberty, after which all pant- 
 ed. Witness the republics of Athens, Sparta and Thebes, 
 each of which in their turn, while for their short hour. 
 Lord of the ascendant, opposed their less fortunate ri. 
 vals. Multitudes of Greeks were under no scruples, pro- 
 vided they got handsome pay, and had the prospect of 
 returning home ; like the modern Swiss, with glory and 
 plunder, to enter into the service of any prince, nay, even 
 of the Persian monarch, deemed by all the common 
 enemy of Grecian freedom. The ranks of the Persian army 
 were filled with Greek mercenaries. .Alexander himself 
 had more Europeans opposed to him at the battle of Issus 
 (for the Greeks in the Persian pay amounted to 30,(J00 
 men) than the Briiish government ever employed alone, 
 and at the same time, in the whole East. How many Greek 
 mercenaries served under the Egyptian kings, during their 
 temporary but unavailing struggles against the Persian 
 power, and how many, vice versa, served in the Egyptian 
 expeditions under Persian pay, and fought with their own 
 countrymen engaged on the opposite side ? No less than 
 13,000 Greeks entered the service of the younger Cyrus, 
 though that expedition, in which they made so great a 
 figure, had for its object the dethronement and eventual 
 murder of Artaxerxes, his own brother ; and yet Xeno- 
 phon blazons the virtues of this unnatural and ambitious 
 brother, and endeavours to place him in an amiable point 
 of view. The very commander of these 13,000 Greeks 
 was a man who had been banished from Sparta, and that 
 a state by no means the most rigid in its morals, for the 
 crimes of tyranny, murder, and robbery. Yet Xenophon, 
 the professed disciple and admirer of the great Socrates, 
 and who delivers so many grave lectures on the moral 
 virtues in that historical romance styled the Cyropjedia, 
 passes over in total silence the causes of his banishment, 
 and merely tells us that Clearchus was a banished man. 
 The great fault he finds with him was his violent passion 
 for war. In delineating his character after the massacre 
 at the Great Zab, he thus speaks : " These seem to be the 
 actions of a man delighting in war, who, when it is in his 
 power to live in peace, without detriment or dishonour, 
 prefers war ; when to live in ease, chooses labour with a 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 283 
 
 he-goat in the prophecy of Daniel,' which came 
 up in the place of the first horn that was bro- 
 ken. The first horn was Alexander king of 
 Greece, who destroyed the empire of the Medes 
 and Persians, designated by the ram with two 
 
 horns ; and the other four horns, are those four 
 kings who rose up after him, and divided his 
 empire among them, but they were not of his 
 posterity. , , 
 
 They are likewise shadowed out by the four 
 
 1 And as I was considering, behold, an he.goat came 
 from the "West on the face of the whole earth, and touched 
 not the ground ; and the goat had a notable horn between 
 his eyes. And he came to the ram that had two horns, 
 which I had seen standing before the river, and ran unto 
 him in the fury of his power. And I saw him come close 
 unto the ram, and he was moved with choler against him, 
 and smote the ram, and brake his two horns, and there 
 was no power in the ram to stand before him, but he cast 
 him down to the ground, and stamped upon him : and 
 there was none that could deliver the ram out of his hand. 
 Therefore the he.goat waxed very great, and when he was 
 strong, the great horn was broken : and from it came up 
 four notable horns, towards the four winds of heaven.— 
 Dan. viii. 5—8. God afterwards explains to his prophet 
 what he had seen : The ram which thou sawest having 
 two horns are the kings of Media and Persia, and the 
 rough goat is the king of Grecia, and the great horn that 
 is between his eyes, is the first king. Now that being 
 broken, whereas four stood up for it, four kingdoms shall 
 stand up out of the nation, but not in his power, Jbid. 
 V. 20—22. 
 
 view to war ; and when to enjoy riches, without danger, 
 chooses rather by making war to diminish them." Such 
 is Xenophon's picture of the man— a picture sufficiently 
 repugnant to every principle of benevolence. His melan- 
 choly fate clearly verified the scripture maxim, that they 
 who love the sword shall perish by the sword. This 
 motley army of mercenaries was composed of Thessalians, 
 Boeotians, Spartans, Arcadians, Athenians, Rhodians, &c. 
 and that the great motive which actuated them, in this 
 expedition, was the hope of returning home with wealth, 
 13 clearly expressed by Xenophon in the following words : 
 «' The greater part of the men had not engaged in this 
 service through want, but induced by the reputation of 
 Cyrus ; some even bringing soldiers with them, who had 
 spent their fortunes ; some h.aving left their fathers and 
 mothers, and others their children, with a design to re- 
 turn when they had acquired enough to enrich them ; for 
 they thought that the other Greeks, who before had served 
 under Cyrus, had made their fortunes."— Anab. lib. i. 
 c. 2. lib. iii. c. 5^6. ; Spelman's Translation. The Greek 
 mercenaries who served in the armies, whether of the Se- 
 leucides or the Ptolemaides, do not seem to have adopted 
 the Macedonian tactics, but were ranged commonly on 
 each side of the phalanx, and formed a very respectable 
 part of the army. The great victory obtained by Ptolemy 
 Philoi)ater at Raphia, is ascribed, by Polybius, to the 
 freshness of his Grecian mercenaries, which had been 
 lately levied for his service ; whereas, those of Antiochus 
 were exhausted by the fatigue of long campaigns in the 
 Upper Asia. Agents were employed, like our crimping 
 sergeants in modern times, to obtain soldiers both in 
 Greece and the Greek cities of Asia Minor, in much the 
 same way as the Great Frederick had crimps employed in 
 all the petty states of Germany, as far as the Rhine, to 
 enlist or entrap men into his service. A passage in Plau- 
 tus throws some light on the recruiting, or crimping sys- 
 tern of that time. In his comedy of the Miles Gloriosus, 
 Pyrgopolynices tells us that he was employed upon such a 
 service :— 
 
 Nam rex Seleucus me opcre oravit maximo 
 Ut sibi latrones (i. e. mercenaries) cogerem et con- 
 scriberem. 
 
 In the comedies both of Plautus and Terence, the mir- 
 rors of the later Greek comedy, we find the stage character 
 of the partisan warrior, who has served in the Asiatic 
 campaigns, as much established as those of the slave and 
 the parasite. It occurs three or four times in Plautus, and 
 once in the well-known Thraso of Terence : and although 
 the similarity which runs through them may induce us to 
 judge that these authors rather copied each other than re- 
 presented real life, there must have been a prototype, in 
 the received notion of the character, which the public 
 were well able to recognize. In all the instances men- 
 tioned in these comic writers, they are represented as 
 having acquired inordinate wealth, and as spending it in 
 much the same way as a British sailor is supposed to get 
 rid of his prize-money. But the parallel will carry no 
 farther. The most ridiculous vanity, stupidity, and cowar. 
 
 dice, are the constant attributes of the soldiers in these 
 plays A nation, one would suppose, must be sunk very 
 low indeed, in which the military character vvas never 
 exhibited but as odious and contemptible. But it we are 
 to judge from history, the picture must be overcharged. 
 The Greeks of that age, though unable to cope with Rome 
 or Macedon, displayed occasionally both skill and prowess. 
 It was perhaps unpopular thus to waste the blood of 
 Greece in wars in which it had no concern ; and public 
 indignation refused to the mercenaries of the Seieucides 
 that admiration and sympathy which are the usual reward 
 of a military life. „ , ^ , 
 
 The third class of troops in the armies of the Seieucides 
 and Ptolemaides, were their native subjects. Though the 
 natives of the finest climates of Asia were generally un- 
 warlike, the other parts, especially the mountainous dis- 
 tricts, as the Carduchian range ; the mountains of Armenia 
 and Media, and the different ridges of the Taurian range ; 
 the mountains of the modern Ghilan and Mazanderan, and 
 the Paropamisan range, contained hardy and warlike races 
 of men. The skill which barbarian hordes of rude war. 
 riors frequently acquire in missile weapons, is formidable 
 to any body of men unacquainted with the use of artillery, 
 or not possessed of it, and consequently obliged to fight 
 near at hand. The extensive ptovince of Media furnished 
 an incomparable breed of horses, as also did the inland 
 province of Cappadocia ; and the Syro-Macedonian kings 
 were at one time able to reinforce their armies from the 
 savage hardihood of the Isaurian mountaineers, the obsti- 
 nate bravery of the Jews, and the dexterity of the Par. 
 thian horsemen. The kingdom of Egypt seems less calcu- 
 lated by nature to supply military resources from itself, 
 yet, we are told that 200,000 infantry, and 40,000 cavalry, 
 obeyed the mandate of Ptolemy Philadelphus, which, if 
 true, could not, one would think, be collected without 
 great draughts upon the population. It must however be 
 remarked, that this prince was not only possessed of Egypt, 
 Cyrene, and Libya, but also of Coelo-Syria and Palestine, 
 with the provinces of Cilicia, Pamphylia, Lycia and Caria 
 in Asia minor, along with the island of Cyprus. 
 
 if we are to judge of the internal state of the eastern 
 Greeks, from the personal character of the sovereigns, up- 
 on which, in a mere despotism, so much seems to dei)end, 
 the condition of these Greeks and their other fellow-subjects 
 would generally seem deplorable. After the first or second 
 generation, the successors of Seleucus and Ptolemy dege- 
 nerated into effeminate luxury or portentous guilt ; and 
 even the annals of Constantinople itself hardly contain a 
 greater series of crimes, than those which sullied the royal 
 families of Antioch and Alexandria. But this was com- 
 pensated to their subjects by the peculiar advantages of 
 their situation. They enjoyed the inexhaustible and exu- 
 berant fertility of Syria, Babylonia and Egypt. The ports 
 of the Mediterranean were crowded with vessels, secure 
 from maritime hostility, and the creation of almost num. 
 berless cites, bearing the names of Seleucus and his family, 
 is the noblest and strongest proof of the riches and magnifi- 
 cence of that dynasty. The Syrians are stated by Athe- 
 njeus as a people who from the fertility of their soil had 
 little need to labour, and consumed their leisure in ban- 
 queting and diversions. Antioch, the capital, was most 
 distinguished for this character. The beautiful grove of 
 Daphne, 5 miles distant from that city, was the scene 
 where its luxurious inhabitants abused the prodigality of 
 nature in every enjoyment of voluptuous ease. Alexan- 
 dria obtained, and enjoyed, a more honourable character, 
 as the seat of literature ; and it was the praise of her sove- 
 reigns, that they bestowed patronage upon men, who, how- 
 ever inferior to those nursed in the lap of Grecian freedom, 
 surpassed them in erudition, and who formed a sort of 
 epoch in the history of literature. The Seieucides were 
 not such patrons of literature, but they cultivated the 
 favourite and almost peculiar art of the Greeks ; that ot 
 stamping medals with consummate ingenuity, and taste, 
 and beauty ; and by their coins and medals the imperfect 
 remains of their history have been often illustrated. Re- 
 specting the condition of the Oriental natives we can say 
 nothing. Those remote and barbarous provinces, in which 
 few Greeks were settled, probably felt little more than a 
 nominal subjection, and retained their own laws and cus- 
 toms with little or no alteration. Even in the royal city 
 of Seleucia, Polybius seems to speak of magistrates and a 
 senate composed of the native inhabitants. There is how. 
 ever little doubt, that wherever the Greeks predominated, 
 as in Syria and Cilicia, the state of the native Orientals 
 
284 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 heads of the leopard, which form part of ano- 
 ther vision shown to the same prophet.' 
 
 These prophecies of Daniel were exactly ac- 
 complished by this last partition of Alexander's 
 
 1 After this I beheld, and lo, another like a leopard, 
 which had upon the back of it four wings of a fowl, the 
 beast had also four heads ; and dominion was given to it. 
 Dan. vii. 6. 
 
 would be little belter than servitude, at least we know 
 ^ that Syria and Cilicia supplied the markets of Greece and 
 , Italy with slaves. 
 
 i If political vigour were to be appreciated merely by ex- 
 ' tent of dominion, the Syrian monarchy would appear in. 
 I comparably the most potent of those that were shared 
 among the conquerors of Ipsus. But this would be a 
 i wrong criterion of political energy. The more extensive 
 I the kingdom, the more dense the population, and the 
 ! more distinct the varied masses of that population are in 
 ! their race, their tastes, their manner, their language and 
 I their religion, so much more proportional wisdom com. 
 i bined with energy is required to wield the sceptre with a 
 i steadfast and even hand ; and so much more judicious 
 accommodation on the part of that government is im. 
 j periously demanded, to the varied opinions and habits of 
 j the discordant mass. The great propensity in man is to 
 I rule, without considering how diflBcult a thing it is to rule 
 I wisely, and how easy a thing it is to rule wrong. Where 
 the sovereign does not rule by opinion, he must rule by 
 ! the sword ; and if at any time the arm is either unable to 
 I wield that weapon with energy and judgment, or the so- 
 I vereign forgetful that he owes his hazardous elevation to 
 ' the sword and not to the opinion of his vassals, relaxes 
 I its vigorous exercise, a rebellion ensues, the revolters be- 
 1 come victorious, and either establish their own indepen- 
 I dence or overturn the throne and erect a new dynasty. 
 
 But the Syrian kings were generally a race of feeble mo- 
 j narchs, totally incompetent to rule a state reaching at one 
 time from the Hellespont to the Indus, and from the 
 Mediterranean sea and Persian gulf, to the mountains of 
 I Caucasus and the Caspian sea. The distant provinces 
 j were necessarily intrusted to tlie care of viceroys, who 
 : like the modern Turkish Pashas, having the care of the 
 I revenue, the command of the troops and the administra- 
 tion of justice intrusted solely to their hands as the re- 
 I presentatives of the sovereign, were thereby capacitated 
 j to become independent each in his own province, and as 
 I the will or inclination follows the power, it is no matter 
 of wonder, if intrusted with such extensive powers, and 
 far from the seat of government, tliey should hoist the 
 ! standard of revolt. Two successive rebellions of Alexan- 
 { der and Molo in the Upper, and of Achaeus in the Lesser 
 Asia, threatened the subversion of the throne of Antio. 
 chus the Great, and though his victories retarded the ex- 
 tinction of his dynasty, and re-established for a time the 
 Syrian jiower throughout Asia, yet after his death, or ra- 
 ther the inglorious defeat at Mount Sipylus by the Romans, 
 it soon fell to pieces and in less than half a century, was 
 j reduced to insignificance. 
 
 Even in its best days, it must not be imagined, for it 
 j cannot, that the successors of Seleucus possessed that firm 
 i and well compacted sovereignty over all parts of their 
 1 wide extended dominions, which notions borrowed from 
 I the state of modern Europe would induce us to believe. 
 They received aid in war, and tribute in peace, from many 
 barbarous tribes, who maintained in their own precincts a 
 I virtual, though not a nominal independence. The writ 
 of the Syrian king, like the Firman of the Turkish Sul- 
 j tan, did not meet with implicit deference from the moun- 
 I taineers of Koordistan or Mazanderan j if even such 
 j writs entered these mountainous regions. The hardy sons 
 I of Carduchia preserved the same rude independence 
 j during the vigorous sway of the Persian monarchs, as they 
 ! do even now, and can we for a moment hesitate in be- 
 I lieving that they did so, during the inglorious reigns of 
 j the imbecile successors of Seleucus. But decisive proofs 
 ' of their political imbecility, appear in the countries 
 I which were successively dismembered from their domin- 
 ions. In Asia Minor, the northern parts were occupied 
 by the three petty kingdoms of Pergamus, Bilhynia and 
 Paphlagonia, and the more powerful monarchy of Pcn- 
 tus ; a horde of Gauls and the Cappadocian sovereigns 
 shared parts of the midland district ; and latterly, a nest of 
 pirates fastened upon the southern coasts of Pamphylia 
 and Cilicia. In the East their dominions were equally 
 dilapidated. Immediately upon the death of Alexander 
 I the lamed Indian chief Sandrocottus, drove the Macedo- 
 j nmm from the Punjaub, and Seleucus wisely sold his 
 
 empire ; other divisions had, indeed, been made 
 before this, but they were only of provinces 
 which were consigned to governors, under the 
 brother and son of Alexander, and none but 
 
 claim to those distant conquests for 500 elephants. So 
 little is afterwards heard of the provinces to the west of , 
 the Indus about Cabul and Candahar, that we may safely 
 suspect them to have followed the example. Theodotus the ' 
 Greek governor of Bactria, afterwards revolted and es. 
 tablished a dynasty which lasted for near a century and a 
 half, till it was swept away by a Scythian invasion, a fact 
 at once attested by the historians of Greece and China. 
 This little kingdom, stationed as it were upon the outpost 
 of civilized life, has excited some interest in modem times, 
 and Gibbon has thought fit, for his credulity is sometimes as | 
 great as his scepticism is unreasonable, to give them i 
 credit for being the instructors of the Tartars, and even of i 
 the Hindoos in science. So much faith indeed was placed 
 in the conjecture of that historian, that the wild and rude 
 mountaineers denominated Kaufirs by the Mohammedans, ! 
 were actually believed to be the descendants of the Bac. I 
 trian Greeks, and it was hailed as a wonderful event that 
 we had at last found out the descendants of the Macedo. 
 nians amongst the rocks of the stupendous Hindoo-Kho. 
 It was at first believed that the descendants of the Greeks 
 abode in the mountains of Bijore on the report of Kirk- 
 patrick quoted by Rennel. The British embassy to Cabul 
 impressed with a belief of the report, made inquiry at 
 Paishawur, and soon learned that no such persons resided 
 in Bijore, but they were told that the Kaufirs, a people in 
 the mountains north of Bijore, had many points of char, 
 dcter in common with the Greeks, were famed for their 
 beauty and European complexion, worshipped idols, 
 drank wine in silver cups or vases, used chairs and tables, 
 and spoke a language unknown to their neighbours. 
 Stimulated by this interesting intelligence, Mr. Elphin- 
 ston despatched a fit person in whose knowledge and vera- 
 city he could confide, into their rugged country, to inves. 
 tigate the truth of the report. From his report, and that 
 of three others, one of whom was himself a Kaufir, he 
 understood that there was no truth whatever in the alleged 
 information, that they were merely a tribe of rude ferocious 
 and ignorant mountaineers, had nothing whatever of the 
 Greek or Macedonian about them, whether in their fea- 
 tures, language, religion or manners. Their complexions 
 indeed were remarkably fair and beautiful, but this was 
 chiefly owing to merely physical circumstances, as in. 
 habiting a high elevated region, and breathing a pure, 
 cool, and salubrious atmosphere like the natives of 
 Bootan. Their language bore not the least resemblance j 
 to Greek, but to the Shanscrit. 'Ihe real fact was, that 
 they had several languages with many words in common ' 
 to them all, and the language of Lumghan, or that of the ! 
 northern part of Caubul, is a dialect of the Kaufir language, i 
 Their traditions gave no distinct account of their origin, j 
 but the most likely opinion is, that they were expelled by ! 
 the Mussulmen from the vicinity of Candahar, and mi. i 
 grated from place to place, till they found a secure refuge 
 among the inaccessible mountains of the Hindoo-Kho or 
 Indian Caucasus. Their religion bore no resemblance to 
 that of the Greeks their supposed ancestors, nor indeed 
 with any other system of Polytheistic worship with which 
 .Mr. Elphinston was acquainted. They believed in one 
 God, called Imra by the Kaufirs of Caumdaisli and Da. 
 gun by those of Tsokoee ; but they also worshipped nu- 
 merous idols, and offered bloody sacrifices. Thus the 
 whole story, that a remnant of the Bactrian Greeks 
 was preserved in the mountains of the Hindoo-Kho, 
 between Bactria and Caubul, and that they still retained 
 among their mountain neighbours, that superiority by 
 which at first they conquered the Persian empire, has 
 vanished to nothing. The denomination Kaufir signifies 
 infidel, and is conferred by the Mohammedans on all 
 persons professing a religion diflferent from their own, 
 and their territory is consequently called Kaufiristan, 
 or the land of infidels. They are classed by their Mus. 
 sulmaun neighbours into two divisions, one called See- 
 aposh (bLickvested) or Tor Kaufirs (black, iiifideb,^ 
 and another Speen Kaufirs (white infidels). Both these 
 epithets are taken from their dress, for those of the 
 larger division wear a sort of vest of black goat skins, 
 while the others dress in white cotton. The former 
 class are the Seeaposhians of Sherifeddin-Ali, mention- 
 ed m his Life of Timur Beck, and against whom his 
 hero made an expedition previous to his crossing the 
 Indus; but their country is called the mounUins of 
 Ketuer by that author, and corresponds to the Kuttore ; 
 of Kennel. I'heir country is also mentioned in the I 
 Itinerary of Benedict Goes, who travelled from Attock to I 
 t aubul in 1603, under the appellation of Caphurstan. | 
 The curious reader may peruse that itinerary in the China 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 285 
 
 the last was a partition into kingdoms. Those 
 prophecies, therefore, are to be understood of 
 this alone, for they evidently represent these 
 four successors of Alexander, as four kings, 
 « four stood up for it." But not one of Alex- 
 ander's successors obtained the regal dignity, 
 till about three years before this last division of 
 the empire. And even then this dignity was 
 precarious, as being assumed by each of the 
 several parties, merely by his own authority, 
 and not acknowledged by any of the rest. 
 
 lUustrata of the learned and indefatigable Jesuit Athana- 
 sius Kircher. The fact is, that no traces whatever of the 
 Greeks of Bactria are now to be found, and he who can 
 believe with Gibbon, that these Greeks civilized the Tar- 
 tars and instructed the Hindoos, without the smallest 
 evidence to support the notion, may believe any thing. 
 
 A far more important people than these Greeks occu- 
 pied the western parts of Khorasan — the Parthians— be. 
 lieved by many to have been originally a Scythian clan, 
 banished from their country at a very early period, and 
 which, after successive migrations, fixed themselves in 
 that region. No facts sufficiently satisfactory have yet 
 been adduced to prove that opinion, nor, in all probability, 
 ever will ; so that we may class them safely enough among 
 the indigenous natives of Eeran, or Persia largely taken. 
 Antiochus the Great kept them within bounds, but after 
 his demise they seized upon Media, and finally conquered 
 all the provinces to the east of the Euphrates. 
 
 Egypt, though necessarily more circumscribed in extent 
 of territorial surface than the Syrian monarchy, was on 
 that very account less liable to dismemberment. Its 
 limits were however various. Cyrenaica was its perma- 
 nent appendage. It also generally contained Cyprus, and 
 sometimes Ccelo-syria, which was its debateable frontier 
 on the Asiatic side. However, as the desert of Arabia 
 lay betwixt it and Palestine, and as it was secured by the 
 Libyan and Nubian deserts on the other sides, and pre. 
 sented a coast ditficult of access from the sea, its natural 
 means of defence were much stronger than those of Syria. 
 Two only of its monarchs seem to have achieved exten- 
 sive conquests. Its extent has been already mentioned 
 when speaking of Philadelphus. His reign might be 
 aptly designated the golden age of Egypt. At a later 
 period his successor, Ptolemy Evergetes, or the Benefac- 
 tor, achieved more unprofitable triumphs in Nubia and 
 Abyssinia, the memory of which is preserved in a column 
 at Axuma, and which was discovered in the 6th century. But 
 when the Romans came to meddle with the affairs of the 
 East the Egyptian sovereigns felt their inadequacy to con- 
 tend, obeyed the mandates of the haughty republic with 
 all becoming humility, and were rewarded by that great 
 political Polypheme, with the estimable privilege of being 
 devoured the lafct. 
 
 In extent and opulence, the kingdom of Macedon 
 was undoubtedly the least of the three. But its effi- 
 cient power, proportioned to its comparatively small 
 extent, was greater than that of either. Though not a 
 very commercial state, it had abundance of the precious 
 as well as ruder metals. Its natives made excellent sol- 
 diers, brave, steady, faithful, and patient. On all sides but 
 that of the sea, it was environed by a strong barrier of 
 steep and lofty mountains. Beyond these, to the north 
 and to the east, dwelt fierce and warlike barbarians, 
 which, though but imperfectly and occasionally subdued 
 or restrained, were commonly its auxiliaries in the field. 
 The strength of Macedon may be judged of by the re- 
 sistance which it made to the Roman arms. The match 
 Was evidently quite unequal. Rome, after having baffled 
 the profound military skill of the great Hannibal, had 
 ceased to fight up hill, and had come to wield forces of 
 every kind far superior to those of any competitor ; yet, 
 even under these disadvantages, which rendered Macedon 
 quite unable for the contest, the unpopular, the mean and 
 spiritless Perses, was able to foil three successive consular 
 armies in the defence of his country. The harsh and 
 cruel treatment which Maceuon received at the hand of 
 her conquerer, Paulus ^milius, prove the strong feeling 
 the Romans entertained of the compatriots of Alexander. 
 Her cities were dismantled ; her fortresses demolished ; 
 and her brave inhabitants sold by thousands for slaves. 
 Macedon was divided into four districts, perfectly distinct 
 in police and government ; and, to render the separation 
 more perfect, intermarriages among their exclusive in- 
 habitants were prohibited. Thus the fate of Macedon was 
 more calamitous and severe than that of the other two 
 kingdoms, for no other reason but because it made a 
 more spirited and more prolonged resistance than did the 
 mean and eiFeminate kings of Syria and Egypt.— Hd. 
 
 Whereas, after the battle of Ipsus, the treaty ( 
 made between the four confederates, when they \ 
 had defeated their advei-sary, and divested him 
 of his dominions, assigned each of them their | 
 dominions, under the appellation of so many i 
 kingdoms, and authorized and acknowledged 
 them as kings and sovereigns, independent of 
 any superior power. These four kings are 
 Ptolemy, Seleucus, Cassander, and Lysimachus. 
 
 We can never sufficiently admire, in this and 
 the other places, wherein the completion of the 
 prophecies of Daniel will be pointed out, the 
 strong light with which the prophet penetrates 
 the thick gloom of futurity, at a time when 
 there was not the least appearance of' all he 
 foretells. With how much certainty and ex- 
 actness, even amidst the variety of these revolu- 
 tions, and this chaos of singular events, does he 
 determine each particular circumstance, and fix 
 the number of the several successors ! How 
 expressly has he pointed out the nation, which 
 was to be the Grecian ; described the countries 
 they were to possess ; measured the duration of 
 their empires, and the extent of their power, 
 inferior to that of Alexander ; in a word, with 
 what lively colours has he drawn the characters 
 of those princes, and specified their alliances, j 
 treaties, treachery, marriages, and success ! Can 
 any one possibly ascribe to chance, or human 
 foresight, so many circumstantial predictions, 
 which at the time of their being denounced, 
 were so remote from probability ; and not evi- 
 dently discover in them the character, and as it 
 were, the seal, of the Divinity, to whom all ages 
 are present in one view, and who alone deter- 
 mines at his will the fate of all the kingdoms 
 and empires of the world ? But it is now time 
 to resume the thread of our history. 
 
 Onias,^ the first of that name, and high-priest 
 of the Jews, died about this time., and was sue- ' 
 ceeded by his son Simon, who for the sanctity \ 
 of his life, and the equity of his actions, was i 
 surnamed the Just. He enjoyed the pontificate { 
 for the space of nine years. 
 
 ^ Seleucus, after the defeat 
 
 A. M. S704. of Antigonus, made himself 
 Ant. J. C. 300. masterof Upper Syria, where 
 hebuilt Antioch on the Oron- 
 tes, and gave it that name, either from his fathei 
 or his son, for they were both called Antiochus. 
 This city, where the Syrian kings afterwards 
 resided, was, for a long time, the capital of the 
 East, and still preserved that privilege under 
 the Roman emperors. Antigonus had lately 
 built a city at a small distance from this, and 
 called it Antigonia ; but Seleucus caused it to 
 be entirely demolished, and employed the mate- 
 rials in the construction of his own city, to 
 which he afterwards transplanted the inhabi- 
 tants of the former. 
 
 Among several other cities built by Seleucus 
 in this country,* there were three more remark- 
 able than the rest : the first was called Seleucia, 
 from his own name ; the second, Apamea, from 
 the name of his consort, who was the daughter 
 of Artabazus the Persian ; the third was Lao- 
 dicea, so denominated from his mother. Apamea 
 and Seleucia were situated on the same river | 
 on which Antioch was built, and Laodicea was 
 on the same side towards the south. He allowed 
 the Jews the same privileges and immunities, 
 
 2 Joseph. Antiq. 1. xh. c. 2. 
 3 Strab. 1. xvi. p. 749, 750. Appian. in Syr. p. 121 
 Justin. 1. XV. c. 4. 
 
 4 Strab. 1. xvi. p. 750. 
 
28G 
 
 HISTORY OP 
 
 in each of these new cities, as were enjoyed by 
 the Greeks and Macedonians, and especially at 
 Antioch in Syria,' where that people settled in 
 Buch numbers, that they possessed as consider- 
 
 1 The extensive dominions of the Seleucidae were de- 
 nominated Syria collectively, because Seleucus, the first 
 of that race, having built the city of Antioch in that pro- 
 vince, chose it for his residence, as did also his successors. 
 Here the Seleucidae reigned, according to Eusebius, in his 
 Chronicle, for the space of 251 years ; that is, from the 
 117th Olympiad, when Seleucus recovered Babylon out 
 of the hands of his rival Antigonus, to the 3d year of the 
 180th, when Antiochus Asiaticus, the last of the race, 
 was driven out by Pompey, and Syria reduced to the 
 humble rank of a Roman province. A Table is here 
 subjoined of the names of the Syro- Macedonian mo- 
 narchs, with the years of their respective reigns, from the 
 foundation of that kingdom to its reduction by the Ro- 
 mans : — 
 
 Names. 
 
 Seleucus Nicator, . 
 Antiochus Soter, 
 Antiochus 'I heos, . 
 Seleucus Callinicus, 
 Seleucus Ceraunus, 
 Antiochus the Great, 
 Seleucus Philopator, 
 Antiochus Epiphanes, 
 Antiochus Eupator, 
 Demetrius Soter, 
 Alexander Balas, . 
 Demetrius Nicator, 
 
 Alexander Zebina, 
 Antiochus Theos, . 
 Antiochus Sidetes, . 
 Antiochus Grypus, , 
 Antiochus Cyzicenus, 
 Seleucus, . 7 months, 
 Antiochus Eusebes, 
 Demetrius Eucheerus, 
 
 Philip, 
 
 Antiochus Dionysius, 
 'I'igranes, .... 
 Antiochus Asiaticus, 
 
 The era of the Seleucidae, which commenced as above 
 stated, from the capture of Babylon, was used over all the 
 East, by Jews, Christians, and Mohammedans. It is de. 
 nominated by the Jews the era of contracts, because they 
 were compelled, when subjects of the Seleucidae, to use it 
 in all their contracts and other civil matters. This mode 
 of computing their years the Jews followed till the tenth 
 century of the Christian era, when, upon their expulsion 
 into the western countries, they learned of the Christian 
 chronologers of those parts to compute by the years of the 
 creation of the world. The same era is called by the 
 Arabians, Taarich-dhul-Karnain, or the epoch of the Two 
 Horned. This appellation does not refer to Alexander 
 the Great, also styled by Oriental historians Secunder- 
 dhul-Karnain, or the Double Horned Alexander, as he 
 is frequently so called in the Koran of Mohammed, pro- 
 bably because he affected to be the son of Jupiter Am- 
 mon, whom the Egyptians represented with two ram's 
 horns on his head, or perhaps he was so called in the sym- 
 bolical language of the East, from his vast conquests and 
 great power — horns being used in eastern language, and 
 Oriental sculpture, to denote kingly power — and in the 
 books of Daniel and the Apocalypse, horns are emblemati- 
 cally used to signify kings, dF potentates. This era has 
 no relation to him, though by some ignorantly derived 
 from him, and also called by his name, for Alexander was 
 dead twelve years before the recapture of Babylon by 
 Seleucus, from which event the era of the Seleucidae com- 
 menced. Tlie question therefore occurs, why Seleucus 
 is denominated Uhi.l Karnain, or the Two Horned. Others 
 therefore say, that he was so called from his extraordinary 
 bodily strength, being able, as Appian in his Syriacis, 
 p. 203, informs us, to seize a bull by the two horns and 
 stop him while in full career, and therefore the statuaries 
 represented him with two bull's horns on his head, which 
 circumstance gave rise to the above-mentioned deno. 
 milialion of Taarish-dliul. Karnain, or era of the Tuso 
 Horned, and not from Alexander. This era in the two 
 books of the Maccabees, is called the era of the kingdom of the 
 Greeks, with this difference, however, that the first bnok 
 begins the years of this era from the spring, and the other 
 from the autumn following. Ptolemy of Alexandria, in 
 great Syntasis, places the commencement of this era 
 in the spring of the year following, and not conceiving 
 Seleucus thoroughly settled in the possession of Babylon 
 till Demetrius retreated from thence, and this retreat 
 happening in the spring of the following year, from that 
 Beason reckoned the years of the Seleucidae. From this 
 year al.-o the Babylonians, as we learn from the same 
 work of Ptolemy, date the era of the kingdom of the 
 Seleucidae, though all other nations place its commence- 
 ment in the autumn of the preceding year. 
 
 After the recovery of Babylon, Seleucus advanced into 
 Media, crossing the Tigris, and defeated and slew with his 
 own hand Nicanor, or, as others call him, Nicator, whom 
 4.ntifi:onus iiad sent against him. Having reduced that 
 
 able a part of that city as their other coiintrymeD 
 enjoyed at Alexandria. 
 
 Demetrius had withdrawn himself to Ephe- 
 sus, after the battle of Ipsus, and from thence 
 
 large and extensive province, he marched through Persia, 
 Hyrcania, Bactria, &c. subjecting to his new sway these 
 and all the other provinces to the west of the Indus, for- 
 merly conquered by his master Alexander. In the mean- 
 time Antigonus and his son Demetrius having assumed 
 the regal title, Seleucus, not to be behind hand with them, 
 took the same, styling himself king of Babylon and Media. 
 He then marched across the Indus to recover the Pun- 
 Jaub, out ot whicli Sandracottus, or Chandra-gupta, had 
 driven the Macedonians. 
 
 This personage was the son of Nanda, king of Prachi, or 
 the East j which the Greek? corrupted into Prasii ; as they 
 did also Gangara-desa, the ancient name of Bengal, to Gan. 
 garidai, or Gangaridte. This Nanda was the remotest de- 
 scendant of Garasanda, who subdued the whole of the Pra. 
 chi, or East, according to the Puranas, and fixed his resi- 
 dence at Baliputra, where he suffered a most cruel death 
 from Krishen and Bala-Rama. The latter restored Saha. 
 deva his son to his hereditary dominions, and from that 
 time the kings of Magadha, or Bahar, reigned peaceably 
 for twenty-four generations at Pataliputra, or Patna, tiU 
 Nanda. the father of Chandra-gupta, ascended the throne, 
 who, proving an active and enterprising prince, subdued 
 the whole of Prachi, and having thus recovered the con- 
 quests that were made by his ancestor, Garasanda, pro. 
 bably re-established his capital at Baliputra.— See Wil- 
 ford's Treatise on the Hindoo Chronology, Asiatic Re. 
 searches, vol. v. Prachi, or the East, included what are 
 now called Bengal, Bahar, and part of Oude ; and which, 
 from its relative situation to the rest of Hindostan, ob- 
 tained that denomination. Where to fix the site of the 
 Palibothra of the ancients has exercised the learning and 
 ingenuity of the most distinguished geographers and adepts 
 in the dark and confused antiquities of that extensive coun- 
 try, as a Jones, a Robertson, and a Rennel, a Wilford and 
 a Franklin. Rennel once supposed the celebrated Canoge, 
 placed on the Kali-Nuddy, where that stream joins the 
 Ganges, to be the ancient Palibothra. But the subsequent 
 discovery of Sir William Jones, that a very large city siood 
 on or near the site of the modern Patna, called Patel- 
 pooter, or Pataliputra, altered the opinion of that able and 
 enlightened geographer, who has poured such a flood of 
 light on the topography of that region. Having adopted 
 the opinion that the modern Patna represents the ancient 
 Patelpooter, or Pataliputra, and that this latter was the 
 Palibothra of Phny's Indian Itinerary, Rennel recognized 
 the ancient Calinapaxa of that auihor in the modern 
 Canoge. One objection to this, however, could not be got 
 over ; namely, that the modern Patna is only 345 of 
 Pliny's miles below the confluence of the lomanes, (Jum- 
 nah,) and Ganges, or 80 of his miles short of the position 
 assigned in his Itinerary; the distances of which were 
 measured, he assures us, by the order of Seleucus Nica- 
 tor, the subject of our present note. Wilford endeavours 
 to fix the site of Palibothra near Rajamahl, 180 miles 
 below Patna. But this seems farther beyond the truth 
 than that of Rennel or Jones. According to Arrian, who 
 had his account from the Journal of Megasthenes, who as 
 the ambassador of Seleucus resided at Palibothra, it was 
 situated on the western side of the Ganges, at its conflu- 
 ence with the Erranoboas, a large river, and the third in 
 magnitude of the Indian streams. This, however, we now 
 know not to be true ; as it is inferior in volume and length 
 of course, not only to the Ganges, but to the Indus, Jumna, 
 Acesines, or Chunaub, the Gogra, and Jumnah. Perhaps, 
 says Wilford, Megasthenes meant by the Indian streams, 
 those of the Gangetic provinces : but even this is not true. 
 The Erranoboas is the same with the Sonus of Pliny and 
 Megasthenes, and is just another name of the same river ; 
 which these authors not knowing, made a distinct river 
 from the Sonus, or Soane, and Ptolemy has made no men 
 tion of either the one or the other of these rivers. To 
 this day, says Wilford, the Soane is known under the 
 name of Hiranya-baha, even to every school-boy in the 
 Gangetic provinces, and in them there is no other river of 
 that name. Now, if the Erranoboas be, as he says, the 
 same with the Soane, and if Palibothra stood at its con. 
 fluence with the Ganges, then surely it must have stood 
 near the site of the modern Patna, and not at Kajemahl, 
 130 miles below that confluem e. He says, indeed, that 
 the ancient Baliputra stood in the vicinity of the modern 
 Rajemahl, and that the whole confusion regarding this 
 famed city of the frasii, has originated in the similarity ol 
 sound between the names of the two distinct places, Bali- 
 putra and Pataliputra ; and that the former was the capi- 
 tal of the great empire of the Prasii, and the same rnag. 
 niticent city described by Curtius and Arrian. But unless 
 we can siu^pose the Soane. or Erranoboas. to have once 
 
 If 
 
ALEXANDER S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 embarked for Greece, his only resource being 
 the affection of the Athenians, with whom he 
 had left his fleet, money, and wife Deidamia. 
 But he was strangely surprised and offended, 
 
 joined the Ganges 180 miles farther down, or that Megas- 
 thenes was mistaken in the name of the river ; how can 
 we believe that the ancient Palibothra stood near the site 
 of the modern Rajemahl. , , , , 
 
 The opinion of Franklin advanced in a work lately 
 published, or in course of it, that the modern Boglipore 
 (Bhagilpore), stands on, or near the site of the ancient Pa- 
 libothra, (Baliputra), is as probable as any that have been 
 advanced, and at least much more so than the opinion of 
 Welford just discussed. It has this advantage over Ken- 
 nel's hypothesis, that of being farther down the river, and 
 there is a manifest similarity of sound between the names 
 of Baliputra and Bhagilpore. The great objection still is, 
 that it does not stand at the confluence of the Ganges and 
 Erranoboas, or Soane, and that it is too far below the junc- 
 tion of the Ganges and Jumnah, to correspond to Pliny's 
 Itinerary. To establish the fact that the modern Bogh. 
 pore, therefore, is the ancient Palibothra or Baliputra, 
 we must suppose, either that some corruption has 
 crept into Pliny's numbers, or that the Soane once dis- 
 charged itself by two arms or branches, the one called the 
 Sonus, near Patna, and the other the Erranoboas, near 
 Boglipore, neither of which can be proved at this distance 
 of time. The site of the ancient Palibothra in fact is not 
 'it all satisfactorily made out. The seats of government 
 in India, and especially in Bengal, have often fluctuated ; 
 and the cities being all built of brick, that fragile substance, 
 the necessary consequence is, that if once a city be aban- 
 doned, its ruins soon disappear, and as in the case of an- 
 cient Babylon, the bricks that remain are carried oil" to 
 build another city or village. In the loose and pervious 
 soil of Bengal, the rivers also frequently change their 
 courses, and not unfrequently ruin the cities placed on 
 their banks, by encroaching on and undermining them, 
 and thus inducing a necessity of change of site. In the 
 days of Megasthenes, the famed city above mentioned was 
 80 stadia in length by 15 in breadth. If we estimate 8 
 stadia to a mile, then that city would be 10 Roman miles 
 long by 2 such broad. This for a European city com- 
 pactly built, would be deemed enormous, and that justly. 
 Yet this extent does not exceed the dominions of the capi- 
 tals of the Indian Soubahdries or viceroyalties. The ruins 
 of Gour in Bengal, are much more extensive. Taking the 
 extent of Gour, the ancient capital of Bengal, at the 
 most reasonable rate, it extended 15 miles along the banks 
 of the river, and was from 2 to 3 miles broad. The ruins 
 of ancient Delhi are more extensive still. The fact is, the 
 description of one Indian city serves for all. The places 
 of these contain a vast number of gardens and ample re- 
 servoirs of water, and the houses of the common people 
 consist of one floor only. — Fewer people of course will be 
 accommodated in the same compass of ground in an Indian 
 town, than in a European city, and this may account for 
 the enormous dimensions of Asiatic cities. See Rennel's 
 Indian Memoir, p. 31 and 58, and his Geography of Hero- 
 dotus, article Babylon. 
 
 Upon the death of Nanda, who was assassinated in his 
 old age, by a faithless courtier, under colour of revenge 
 for some real or pretended injury, a civil war ensued 
 among the sons of the murdered monarch. Each deter- 
 mined to fight his way to the throne by the sword, but 
 that ot Chandra Gupta proved the longest, and he took 
 possession of the sceptre of eastern Hindoostan, after a 
 long and sanguinary struggle, in which many of his bro- 
 thers fell a sacrifice to unsuccessful ambition. The claim 
 of Chandra Gupta or Sandrocottus had been supported by 
 some of the princes of Western Hindoostan, who sent 
 him powerful succours, both of their own troops and of 
 Macedonian soldiers, whom they had bribed into their 
 service. Gratitude for such service, induced the fortu- 
 nate monarch to espouse the cause of the princes of the 
 Punjaub, and he marched with a powerful, and in those 
 days, a well disciplined army, flushed with victory and 
 conquest, to the banks of the Indus, in order to expel the 
 invaders of his country, and to meet Seleucus, the Mace- 
 donian prince, who was marching, it was understood, in 
 great force to recover the recent conquests he had lo>t 
 by the fraud and folly of his officers. Chandra Gupta hav- 
 ing restored the conquered provinces to their former mas- 
 ters, offered battle to Seleucus, which that prince, though 
 flushed with recent succe-js, thought it prudent to decline, 
 and seeing no hope of accomplishing his purpose, with a 
 prince brave as Porus and much more formidable, desist- 
 ed from the fruitless attempt of resubjugating India, and 
 maae proposals of peace alike honourable to his adversa- 
 ry, and creditable to himself. A treaty was therefore 
 
 287 ! 
 
 when he was met on his way by ambassadors j 
 from the Athenians, wbo came to acquaint hinq / 
 that he could not be admitted into their city, 
 because the people had by a decree, prohibited 
 
 speedily concluded between them, and the hitherto sue- j 
 cessful Seleucus renounced all claim to the provinces of i 
 the Punjaub, conquered by Alexander, upon receiving | 
 500 elephants from the Indian prince. The latter, who 
 contended for nothing more than the liberation of his 
 countrymen from the yoke of the Greeks, returned to his 
 capital, Pahbothra, amidst the applause and gratitude ol 
 his subjects. Seleucus, who had wisdom sufficient to per. 
 ceive the impossibilit> of keeping the Indian provinces un- 
 der subjection, without an expense, far counterbalancing 
 any revenue he could have derived from them, had also 
 the sagacity to perceive the immense advantages that 
 would be derived from establishing a commercial inter, 
 course between his subjects and those of Sandrocottus, 
 a benefit of far more value to himself and his new empire, 
 than any that could be derived from mere conquest. 
 With this view he deputed the celebrated Megasthenes to 
 the court of his Indian rival, who resided several years at 
 Baliputra or Palibothra, and by his extensive knowledge 
 and good sense, restored that beneficial commercial inter- 
 course between Persia and India, which had been interrupt, 
 ed and almost destroyed by the ^Macedonian conquest. It 
 was this Megasthenes who furnished the Greeks with the 
 principal part of the accounts of India, that are to be 
 found in Strabo, Pliny, and Arrian : for he kept a journal, 
 and also wrote a very particular account of what he had 
 seen and heard, during his several years residence at Bali- 
 putra, respecting India in general, which account existed 
 in Arrian's time. Megasthenes, along with Onesicritus, 
 has been frequently charged with relating several incredi. 
 ble fictions respecting India, but several of these supposed 
 fictions have been recently found to be truths. Onesicri. 
 tus mentions a species of tree growing in the territories ot 
 the Musicani, the modern Sehwan, whose boughs, after 
 they had grown to the height of 12 cubits, grew down- 
 wards and rooted in the earth, which course they continu. 
 ed till they had formed a sort of long booth or arbour, re- 
 sembling a tent or pavilion supported by pillars. Now 
 this is the noted Banyan tree, so much and so frequently 
 spoken of by travellers, and so called because it isheld in the 
 highest veneration by the Hindoos, Dr. Fryar mentions 
 them as abounding in the vicinity of Surat, and that the 
 leaves resemble our Ivy, and that they are capable of over- 
 spreading whole fields, so that one of them may make a 
 large wood. He was informed that several of them may 
 shade an army of 30,000 men, when taken due care of, 
 for it is its nature to extend its branches on every side, till 
 they fall down to the ground, where they re-root, spring up 
 again, and form new trees, which spread in a manner re- 
 sembling arches. On an island, in the Nerbuddah, ten 
 miles from the city of Broach, stands the famous Banyan 
 tree, supposed to be the largest and most extraordinary m 
 being. It is named Kuveer Beer, in honour of a famous 
 Saint, and was formerly much larger than now, for high 
 floods have at different times carried away the banks ot 
 the island where it grows, and along with them such parts 
 of the tree, as had extended their roots so far. What still 
 remains, is about 2000 feet in circumference, measuring 
 round the different stems ; but the hanging branches, whose 
 roots have not yet reached the ground, cover a much larger 
 extent. The chief trunks of this tree, amount to 350, all 
 superior in size to the generality of English oaks and elms, 
 and the smaller stems, forming strong supporters, are 
 more than 3000, and from each of them hangmg roots are 
 proceeding, which in time will become trunks, and be the 
 parents of a new progeny. This is the tree described by 
 Milton, in his Paradise lost : — 
 So counsell'd he, and both together went 
 Into the thickest wood ; there soon they chose 
 The fig-tree, not that kind for fruit renowned. 
 But such as at this day to Indians known 
 In Malabar or Decan, spreads her arms. 
 Branching so broad and long, that in the ground 
 The bended twigs take root, and daughters grow 
 About the mother tree, a pillar'd shade 
 High over-arch'd, and echoing walks between. 
 There oft the Indian herdsman, shunning heat. 
 Shelters in cool, and tends his pasturing herds 
 At loop holes, cut through thickest shade. 
 The natives have a tradition that this tree is 3000 years 
 old, and assert that 7000 persons can recline under its shade. 
 
 The strength and ferocity of the Indian dogs, reported 
 by the ancients, has also been deemed fabulous. We are 
 told that Sopithes, an Indian prince, gave 150 of these fierce 
 dogs to Alexander, and that 4 of these, in the presence of 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 i 288 
 
 the reception of any of the kings ; they also in- 
 j formed him, that his consort Deidamia had 
 ! been conducted to Megara, with all the honours 
 
 and attendance due to her rank. Demetrius 
 
 Alexander and Sopithes, were set upon a lion, and 
 proved a match for him. In the midst of the conflict, 
 { Sopethes commanded one of them to have a thigh cut off" 
 I gradually, in order to oblige him to quit his hold ; but 
 j this even did not compel him to leave the lion. We are 
 further told, that this breed of dogs is so large and strong, 
 that one of them could hold fast even a bull or a lion ; and 
 that they were so fierce, that their eyes sometimes fell out of 
 their heads after they had fastened on these animals. These 
 creatures would rather have been cut to pieces than let 
 go their hold; resemblmg, in this respect, the genuine 
 English bull dog. However, we learn from Strabo, (and 
 no doubt repeated from Megasthenes,) that the Indians 
 could disengage them by pouring cold water into their 
 nostrils. A similar story of monstrously large and fierce 
 dogs is reported by Marco Polo. " In Tibet," says he, " they 
 have dogs as large as asses, strong enough to match all kind of 
 wild animals, particularly the wild oxen, which are called 
 beyomini, and all extremely fierce and large." " This," 
 says his annotator, Mr. Marsden, note 812, " may seem an 
 exaggeration, but modern travellers describe the dogs of 
 Tibet as of an uncommon size." " On the left," says Mr. 
 Turner, in his journey to Tishooloomboo, " was a row of 
 wooden cages, containing a number of huge dogs, tre- 
 mendously fierce, and strong, and noisy. They were na- 
 tives of Tibet, and whether savage by nature, or rendered 
 so by confinement, they were so impetuously fierce and 
 furious, that it was unsafe, unless the keepers were near, 
 even to approach their dens. In another place," says Tur- 
 , ner, " the instant I entered the gate, to my astonishment 
 up started a huge dog, big enough, if his courage had 
 been equal to his size, to fight a lion."— Embassy to Tibet, 
 p. 155 & 215. 
 
 Under this sanction, the ancients and Marco Polo may 
 i stand acquitted of the charge of hyperbole, respecting the 
 size of the Indian dogs, although some other accounts 
 do not convey an idea of the same magnitude. " One 
 of these dogs," says Captain Kaper, in his Journey 
 to Bhadrinath, Asiatic Researches, vol. xi. " was a re- 
 markably fine animal, as large as a good sized Newfound- 
 land dog, with very long hair, and its head resembling 
 that of a mastiff His tail was of an amazing length, like 
 the brush cf a fox, and curled half over his back. He 
 was however so fierce that he would suffer no one to ap- 
 proach him," p. 529. Mr. Frazer speaks in similar lan- 
 guage of the Bischur dogs. Mr. Marsden himself gives 
 the following description of a fine Newfoundland dog in 
 his own possession : " He stood 2 feet 3 inches at the 
 shoulder ; was 4 feet in girth round the chest ; and mea- 
 sured 6 feet in length from the nose to the tip of the tail. 
 His colour was white marked with brown, and his hair 
 strong and curling. In disposition he was, however, a 
 perfect contrast to the Indian and Tibetian dogs, being as 
 remarkable for the gentleness and sociability of his habits, 
 as for size and beauty." Megasthenes mentions tigers 
 in the country of the Prasii as big again as a lion, and of 
 such strength that one of them, with his hinder paw, could 
 seize upon, and drag to him a large mule. Now, this is 
 perfectly true of the Bengal tiger ; which is much larger 
 than a lion, and vastly more terrible, some of them mea- 
 suring 15 feet from the nose to the tip of the tail. 
 
 Some of the ancients mention several ants which were 
 possessed of much gold, in desert places, among mountains, 
 and which they watched constantly with the utmost care. 
 These have been asserted to have been equal to a fox, or 
 a large Hyrcanian dog, in size ; and Pliny has given them 
 wings and horns. " The whole of this ridiculous story," 
 says Wilford, Asiatic Researches, vol. xiv. p. 466. " has 
 originated in a verbal mistake. In Shanscrit, a large aiit 
 is denominated Cheunta, or Chyonta, whilst a spotted 
 tiger, in the same language, is called Chettraca Vyagru, 
 and in Hindi, Chitta, or Cheta." 
 
 In the account of the Punjaub rivers, the Acesines is 
 said by Megasthenes to receive another large river, called 
 the Tutapus, but it is not mentioned by Ptolemy. In 
 Wilford's opinion, the Sutluj formerly ran into the Cag- 
 par, or Drishadrati, and the confluent stream formed a 
 large river, called in Shanscrit, Dhutp^pa, and that this is 
 the common tradition of the natives. But how, in this 
 case, it may be asked, could the Tutapus fall into the 
 i Ace.sines? It should rather have been said, that the 
 Caggar fell into the Sutluj than the Sutluj into it. But 
 even supposing the truth of the junction of the Sutluj and 
 Caggar, and that the combined stream was called Dhut- 
 p&pa, or the Tutapus, they might join the Hyphasis, or 
 Beyah, and together with it enter the combined stream of 
 tho Chunaub, Ihylum, and Rauwee. In this case, the 
 Acesmes roust be understood collectively ; as otherwise it 
 
 was then sensible of the value of honours and 
 homage extorted by fear, and which did not 
 proceed from the heart. The posture of his 
 affairs not permitting him to punish the perfidy 
 
 is impossible that ever the combined stream of the Sutluj 
 and Caggar could enter the Acesines above the junction, 
 whether of the Hydaspes or the Hydraotes. 
 
 After the return of Seleucus from his Indian expedition, 
 he fought, in conjunction with his allies, the great and deci- 
 sive battle of Ipsus, which annihilated the overgrown power 
 of Antigonusand secured his own Marching intothe Upper 
 Syria, he made himself master of that rich and opulent 
 country, and there built the new capital of his recently 
 acquired empire, on the river Orontes, and called it An. 
 tioch, after the name of his father Antiochus, one of the 
 chief captains of Philip, the father of Alexander. He 
 also built sixteen other cities of the same name ; whereof 
 one, situate in Pisidia, is mentioned in the Acts of the 
 Apostles, chap. xiii. verse 16. But Antioch, on the Oron. 
 tes, excelled them all ; and, as Strabo says, was not much 
 surpassed, either by Seleucia on the Tigris, or by Alexan- 
 dria in Egypt. From its magnificence and extent it was 
 denominated the Queen of the East. «« Antioch and 
 Alexandria," says the elegant historian of the Decline 
 and Fall of the Roman Empire, « looked down with dis- 
 dain on a crowd of dependent cities, and yielded with re- 
 luctance to the majesty of Rome itself." 'ITie population 
 at one time is said to have amounted nearly to half a 
 million of souls. In the reign of Theodosius it contained 
 100,000 Christians alone, and was surnamed I heopolis, or 
 the City of God, when Christianity became the religion of 
 the Roman empire ; and it was in this city, as we are in- 
 formed in the Acts of the Apostles, that the honourable 
 appellation of Christians originated. Antigonus not long 
 before had founded a city near the site of Antioch, which, 
 from his own name he had called Antigonia ; and had 
 designed it for the capital of his unestablished empire. 
 This city Seleucus razed to the ground, employing the 
 materials to build his new city, and transplanting the in- 
 habitants to people his new metropolis. John Malela, a 
 native of Antioch, tells us, in his Chronicle, that Seleucus 
 coming to lopolis, or the city of lo, (for the Antiochians, 
 as Stratio informs us, have a tradition that lo, the daugh 
 ter of Phoroneus, king of Argos, was carried away captive 
 to Syria, and that Triptolemus was sent with a number of 
 Argives in search of her, but not finding her, buill with 
 his Argives a city, not far from where Antioch now 
 stands, and called it lopolis,) in the hilly country of Sili- 
 phum, offered there, on the first of the month Artemi- 
 sium, a sacrifice to Jupiter the Thunderer, in a chapel 
 said to have been built by Perseus, the son of Danae. 
 From lopolis he came to Antigonia, and there offering a 
 sacrifice to Jupiter, on an altar newly built by Antigonus, 
 he, together with Amphion the priest, begged of Jupiter 
 to show him, by some sign, whether he ought to inhabit 
 Antigonia or build a new city in some other place. They 
 had scarce ended their prayer when an eagle, snatching 
 up a piece of flesh from the altar, dropped it near the hill 
 of Siliphum. Hereupon Seleucus, upon that spot where 
 anciently stood a town called Rotzia, laid the foundation 
 of his new city, on the 22d day of the month Artemisium, 
 that is, of our May. These, and many other such things, 
 are found in the Chronicle of John Malela, concerning 
 the building of his native city. 
 
 Antioch was afterwards known under the name of 
 Tetrapolis, being, as it were, divided into four cities ; each 
 of them having its proper wall, besides a common one, 
 enclosing them all. The first of these quarters, or cities, 
 was built by Seleucus himself ; the second, by those who 
 flocked thither on its being made the capital of the Syro- 
 Macedonian empire ; the third, by Seleucus Callinicus ; 
 and the fourth, by Antiochus Epiphanes. The natives of 
 this place abandoned themselves to voluptuousness and 
 luxury; were remarkable both for their wit and effemi- 
 nacy ; and whilst the genial softness of its delicious climate 
 disposed the mind to indolence and sensuality, it rendered 
 it unfit for the manly pursuits of v/ar and politics. It was 
 the usual residence of the Roman governors of Syria, and 
 the place where the emperors generally assembled their 
 armies for the Parthian, or Persian war. It was sur- 
 prised by Shapoor, the first son of Artaxares, consequent 
 on the defeat and captivity of the emperor Valerian. 
 
 So rapid were the motions of the Persian cavalry," says 
 a very judicious historian, «« that the city of Antioch was 
 surprised when the idle multitude was fondly gazing on 
 the amusements of the theatre. The splendid buildings 
 of Antioch, private as well as public, were either pillaged 
 or destroyed ; and the numerous inhabitants were either 
 put to the sword or made captives." It was almost eu. 
 tirely destroyed by an earthquake in the reign of the 
 emperor Justin. It was, however, soon rebuilt and 
 beautified by his ne phew Justinian. But it was sh ortlj 
 
289 
 
 of that people, he contented himself with inti- 
 mating his complaints to them in a moderate 
 manner, and demanded his galleys, among which 
 j was that prodigious galley of sixteen benches of 
 
 afterwards taken by the great Khosroes Nushirvan, 
 who set fire to the city and massacred many of the 
 inhabitants. It was twice pillaged in the reign of He- 
 raclius; first by Khosroes. Pur veez, grandson of Nu- 
 shirvan, and then by the Saracens. Recovered by Nice, 
 phorus Phocas, it was subsequently betrayed into the 
 hands of Solyman, sultan of Roum, of the Seljookian dy. 
 nasty ; and fourteen years afterwards, in the year 1097, 
 Boheinund, prince of Tarento, one of the chiefs of the 
 first crusade, established his authority at Antioch, which, 
 in 1268, was finally destroyed by Bendocdur, tlie Mama, 
 luke, sultan of Egypt. It surrendered to Selim I after 
 the battle of Aleppo, which proved fatal to the Mamaluke 
 power. Exposed, therefore, in rapid succession to the 
 ; plundering inroads of the Persians, and the desolating arm 
 ! of tlie Arabs, and finally withered by the baleful blast of 
 I Turkish despotism, the glory of the Syrian capital, which 
 ! had flourished for nigh 1600 years as the Queen of the 
 , East, has long since passed away — its temples, and its 
 palaces, have sunk into the dust to rise no more; and all 
 traces of its theatre, its baths, and its circus, have irre- 
 trievably perished. 
 I "^■'^"he city of Antioch," says Kinnier, who visited it in 
 I 1813, "occupies a long and narrow slip between the base 
 I of a steep mountain and the river Orontes, which defends 
 I it on the north-west. 'I'be space within the walls is three 
 miles in length,and one in breadth from the foot of the raoun- 
 I tain to the river, and probably in some places a mile and a 
 half. The fortifications, however, from the nature of the 
 ground on which they have been constructed, embrace a 
 j circumference of nearly 12 miles." »♦ The modern town," 
 says the same intelligent traveller, " does not, I think, 
 occupy more than a sixth part of the space within the 
 walls, the remainder being covered with plantations of 
 mulberry, apricot, olive, and pomegranate trees. The 
 ; houses are in the Turkish fashion, small, but neatly built 
 of hewn stone, in general consisting of two stories, with a 
 , square in the centre, and lighted by small arched windows. 
 ; Along the heights, on the south-east side of the city, the 
 ; walls and towers are almost entire, being apparently 40 
 j feet in height, and six or seven in thickness. They are 
 ; formed of stone and lime with layers of brick, and crusted 
 : with fine cut granite flags, gradually diminishing in size 
 1 as they approach the top. The towers are more lofty than 
 I the walls, and are of a quadrangular form, divided into 
 I three floors, one upon the ground and two above, the 
 I latter being filled with loop-holes, and sometimes small 
 i embrazures." Near the bridge of the Orontes, Kinnier 
 I observed the remains of an extensive structure, probably 
 meant to defend the passage of the river, while the sub- 
 structions of other buildings are seen to extend a consider- 
 able way up the face of the mountain behind the town. 
 The rocks, in this quarter, are full of catacombs, and in 
 one part there is an aqueduct of 3 arches hewn out of the 
 solid rock. The walls leading up the steep sides of the 
 mountain have steps upon them, to facilitate the ascent; 
 and in one of the three peaks which crown the summit, 
 are the shattered towers of the citadel, looking down upon 
 a hoUow basin, or tank, intended, probably, to collect the 
 rain-water falling from the slopes of the hills. This cita- 
 del was defended for some time by the Saracens after the 
 crusaders had taken the city. There are, in various parts 
 of the town and its vicinity, the remains of many churches 
 and aqueducts, but none, says Kinnier, appeared deserv- 
 ing of any notice. 
 ! Antioch, though charmingly situated, could never, in 
 { Kinnier's opinion, have been a place of strength ; as it is 
 i commanded on two sides by the h%iights. Rising in a 
 j gentle slope from the shelving bank of the Orontes to the 
 I foot of the mountains, the Syrian capital overlooked a 
 territory at once picturesque and prolific, enriched with 
 ! groves of bay trees and olives, verdant meadows and arable 
 land. Seleucus could not have pitched on a spot more 
 admirably situated for containing the capital of his new 
 empire. The soil, naturally fertile, is moistened and re- 
 freshed by a thousand rivulets, issuing from the hills and 
 running into the Orontes, which flows majestically, in a 
 south-west course, along the foot of the decayed walls, 
 v/hen it disappears amidst the clifi^"s and woods of a ro. 
 mantic valley. The plain, six miles broad, is bounded by 
 ' the range of Bailan on the north — a range fringed with 
 { verdant shrubs, and terminating at the sea, near ihe ruins 
 of the ancient Seleucia. The lake of Ifrin, and an im- 
 mense plain, capable of supplying all Syria v/ith corn, if 
 cultivated, opens to the view on the north-east, and on 
 the south-east and south the city and valley of the Orontes 
 are bordered by a chain of wooded hills, emerging into ] 
 
 oars. As soon as he had received them, he 
 sailed towards the Chersonesus ; and having 
 committed some devastations in the ten'itories 
 of Lysimachus, he enriched his army with the 
 
 the brDwn and stormy peak of mount Casius, said by 
 Pliny to be four miles in perpendicular height, and from 
 which, according to him, the morning dawn and evening 
 twilight may be seen at the same time. The Ifrin lake is 
 about 36 miles in circumference, and has most excellent 
 water. It contains several islands, said to embrace the 
 ruins of many temples and castles, but Kinnier could not 
 approach them for want of a boat. Ihe immense and 
 exuberant plain before-mentioned is possessed by a horde 
 of Turkmans, who regard it as their property, and will 
 not allow it to be cultivated. It is of a square form ; each 
 side about 12 miles in length, bounded on all sides by lofty 
 mountains ; those to the north are the highest. The pro. 
 vince comprehending this plain was theancientCyrrhestica, 
 from Cyrrhus, its capital. This extensive plain is irrigated 
 by a multitude of streams, which enriched and gladdened 
 its once populous surface, all of which fall into the lake which , 
 fakes its name from Ifrin, the principal river entering it j 
 from the north-east. A large stream proceeds from its i 
 south-west end and falls into the Orontes. The Orontes? is I 
 the largest and longest river in all Syria, originating in the ! 
 Antilibanus, near the source of the Jordan, from which 1 
 it is separated merely by a ridge of hills. It runs a very j 
 winding course alongst the eastern side of that range, j 
 almost all the way, to near the lake Ifrin, when it turns \ 
 south-west to Antioch, below which, near 25 British 
 miles, south-west, it enters the sea, after a comparative I 
 course of £23 British miles. j 
 Tne modern city of Antioch, according to Colonel i 
 Squire, is about three-fourths ot a mile long, and about I 
 7 or 800 yards broad. It has five gates ; though once, 
 there is no doubt, it had many more; the northern 
 being called Bab Geniun ; the southern, Bab Hadeed ; 
 the eastern, Bab Paulos, or Paul's gate; the western, 
 Bab Latakie ; and the north-western, Bab el Geseer. The 
 walls, stated by Kinnier to be 40 feet in height, are made 
 by Squire to be only 20 feet high, and built of excellent 
 hard stone, much resembling that of the famed temple of 
 Baalbec. 'Ihere are 15 mosques in Antioch, now called 
 Antakia, and the population is estimated by Squire at 
 4000, and by Kinnier at 10,000; a vast difierence, and 
 sufficient to show how vague are the accounts given by 
 travellers of the population of Turkish towns. It is go- 
 verned by a Motsellim, tributary to the Pacha of Aleppo. 
 When Kinnier was there, the Motsellim had thrown off 
 the yoke of the Pacha of Aleppo, and was a jierson of a 
 mild and equitable disposition, who had discovered that 
 the true way of enriching himself was first to enrich his 
 subjects. It has, however, very lately undergone that 
 mojt dreadful and sudden of all calamities, an earthquake, 
 which has so recently desolated the most of Syria. Much 
 cotton and silk are cultivated here, and are both exported 
 in their raw and manufactured state. Grapes are also raised 
 here, and much wine is made by the Christian inhabitants 
 Kinnier states the climate as mild and agreeable, neither 
 too hot nor too cold, and at least 15 degrees cooler than 
 Tarsus, or Adana ; a difference he cannot easily account 
 for, unless it be occasioned by the perpetual verdure of the 
 earth, preserved by the numberless springs in the vicinity 
 of the city. The difference of temperature may perhaps 
 be accounted for by the existence of the large fresh water 
 lake of Ifrin, which may both absorb the heat and cool 
 the air. The Orontes, though the largest river in Syria, 
 would however be completely dry in summer, were it not 
 for the numerous bars which dam up its waters. The 
 v/ater thus retained requires the aid of machinery to raise 
 it for the purpose of irrigating the adjoining plains. Hence 
 it has obtained the epitliet of Aasi, or the obstinate, ac- 
 cording to Abulfeda, Tab. Syria-, p. 150, Koehler's edition. 
 
 According to the ancient Itineraries, Antioch was con. 
 sidered half v/ay between Constantinople and Alexandria, 
 being 725 Roman miles distant from each. Seleucus mu.st 
 be esteemed as one of the greatest builders of antiquity, 
 as in addition to the sixteen cities of the name of Antioch 
 which he erecied, he built nine called Seleucia, after his 
 own name; six in honour of his mother Laodice; and 
 three in honour of Apamea, his first wife ; in all thirty, 
 four cities : besides many otliers of great note, both in 
 Ciireece and Asia, which he either new built or repaired. 
 
 Daphne, mentioned in the second book of the Macca- 
 bees, chap. iv. verse 33, was reckoned one of the suburbs 
 of Antioch, though removed several miles from it. 'i here 
 Seleucus planted a grove 10 miles in compass, and in the 
 middle of the grove built a temple which he consecrated 
 to Apollo and Diana, making the whole an asylum. 
 Thilher the Antiochians resorted for pleasure, as did the 
 Romans to Baije, and the Alexandrians to Panopus. As 
 T 
 
21)0 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 spoils, and by that expedient prevented the de- 
 sertion of his troops, who now began to recover 
 their vigour, and rendered themselves formi- 
 dable anew. 
 
 persons of all ranks and conditions flocked to this deli- 
 cious place, in process of time Apollo and Daphne gave 
 room to Venus and Bacchus, whereby it became so in. 
 famous that Daphnicis moribus vivere, to live after the 
 iranner of Daphne, was used as a proverb to express a 
 most voluptuous and dissolute way of hving. Such as had 
 any regard for their character avoided Daphne as they did 
 the public stews, it being frequented only by young de- 
 bauchees and prostitutes, insomuch that when Cassius 
 the Homan general came to Antioch, the very next day 
 after his arrival he took care to forbid, by a public pro- 
 clamation, and under the severest penalties, any of his 
 soldiers to go thither, or even go near that place, lest they 
 should be corrupted bv the horrid abominations practised 
 there by the natives. It was so remarkable a place, that, to 
 d stinguish Antioch, near which it lay, from the other cities 
 bearing the same name, that city was commonly called An- 
 tioch near Daphne, as we learn from Strabo, Lib. xv. p / 19. 
 
 The accomplished historian of the Roman empire has 
 given the following elegant description of this celebrated 
 place, consecrated to sensual indulgence :— " At the dis- 
 tance of five miles from Antioch, the Macedonian kings 
 of Syria had consecrated to Apolk) one of the most ele- 
 gant places of devotion in the pagan world. A mag- 
 nificent temple rose in honour of the god of light, and 
 his colossal figure almost filled the capacious sanctuary, 
 which was enriched with gold and gems, and adorned by 
 the skill of the Grecian artists. The deity was represented 
 in a bending attitude, with a golden cup in his hand, 
 pouring out a libation on the earth, as if to supplicate the 
 venerable mother to give to his arms the chaste and beau- 
 teous Daphne ; for the spot was ennobled by fiction, and 
 the fancy of the Syrian poets had transplanted the amor, 
 ous tale from the banks of the Peneus to those of the 
 Orontes. The ancient rites of Greece were imitated by 
 the royal colony of Antioch. A stream of prophecy, which 
 rivalled the truth and reputation of the Delphic oracle, 
 flowed from the castalian fountain of Daphne. In the 
 adjacent fields a stadium was built by a special privilege 
 which had been purchased from Elis ; the Olympic games 
 were celebrated at the expense of the city, and a revenue 
 of thirty thousand pounds sterling was annually app led to 
 the public pleasures. The perpetual resort of pilgrims 
 and strangers insensibly formed, in the vicinity of the 
 temple, the stately and populous village of Daphne, which 
 emulated the splendour, without acquiring the title, ol a 
 provincial city. The temple and the village were deeply 
 bosomed in a thick grove of laurels and cypresses which 
 reached as far as a circumference of ten miles, and lormed 
 in the most sultry summers, a cool and impenetrable 
 shade. A thousand streams of the purest water, issuing 
 from every hill, preserved the verdure of the earth and 
 i temperature of the air ; the senses were regaled with har- 
 I monious sounds and aromatic odours, and the peaceful 
 grove was consecrated to health and joy, to luxury and love. 
 
 «' The vigorous youth pursued, like Apollo, the object of 
 his desires, and the blushing maid was warned by the fate 
 of Daphne to shun the folly of unseasonable coyness. 1 he 
 soldiers and the philosophers wisely avoided the temptation 
 of this sensual paradise, where pleasure, as^um'^S t»e 
 character of religion, imperceptibly dissolved the firmtiess 
 of manly virtue. But the groves of Daphne continued to 
 eniov the veneration of natives and strangers for many 
 ages ; the privileges of the holy ground were enlarged by 
 the Munificence of succeeding emperors, and every new 
 generation added new ornaments to the splendour of the 
 
 Ammianus Marcellmus says that the temple was built 
 bv Antiochus Epiphanes." . 
 
 This place, though wholly adapted for sensual enjoy, 
 ment, was fortified and garrisoned by the emperor Alex- 
 aPder Severus, who, finding his soldiers grow lazy and 
 effeminate in this voluptuous retreat, put some ot his 
 officers to death for not preventing it. kinnier visited a 
 most delightful spot, on the declivity of the moun a.ns, 
 seven mills distant from Antioch. I is called Balyl^ 
 and exhibits the remains of many buildings, bathed by a 
 number of fountains which boil up from amongst the 
 rocks, and flowing in different channels, through a mea- 
 dow shaded bv luxuriant bays, ivalnut trees, and groyes 
 of myrtle, soon afterwards unite and form a river, called 
 the Kersa, which enters the Orontes half way between 
 Antioch and Suedia. These bays are the on>y ^^P^fes of 
 laurel which Kinnicr saw about Antioch. Ihese trees 
 attain a prodigious size, and under a luxuriant foliage 
 afford a delightful retreat. The singular beauty of this 
 place, combined with the name of Babylae, would have 
 
 Lysimachus, king of Thrace, in order to 
 strengthen himself in his dominions, entered 
 into a particular treaty with Ptolemy, and 
 strengthened the alliance between them, by es- 
 
 .nduced our traveller to have supposed it the spot on 
 which the famous temple of Apollo Daphnseus, and after- 
 wards the churcli of St. Babylas formerly stood. Legen- 
 daries say that when the body of St. Bahylas, who suffered 
 martyrdom under the emperor Numerian, was brought to 
 Daphne, the oracle was put to silence ; so that the em. 
 peror Julian made the Christians translate the bones of 
 the martyr to some other place j but not long after, the 
 temple, statue, and oracle, were destroyed by fire from 
 heaven, so that, in the time of John Chrysostom, there 
 was but one pillar remaining of all that noble edifice, and 
 now no trace of it is left. D'Anville and others have 
 however fixed upon a place called Beit-ul-Mei, or the house 
 of water, another agreeable situation, five or six miles 
 south of the city, instead of Babylse, as the site of the 
 celebrated Daphne; and the Jerusalem Itinerary says 
 that Daphne was five miles from Antioch, on the road to 
 Laodicea, exactly on the site of the modern Beit-ul-Mei. 
 Kinnier, in his visit to this i)lace, went along the foot of 
 tlie mountains, through groves of myrtle and mulberry 
 trees, and at the sixth mile reached this spot, so famous in 
 the history of Syria. Beit.ul-Mei is a small natural am- 
 phitheatre on the declivity of the mountains, where the 
 springs burst with a loud noise from the earth, and, run- 
 ning in a variety of directions for the distance of about 
 200 yards, terminate in two beautiful cascades, about 30 
 feet in height, falling into the valley of the Orontes. In- 
 stead of a magnificent temple, surrounded with stately 
 groves, of laurels and cypresses— groves which, says Pro- 
 copius, it was deemed unlawful to cut down— Kinnier 
 saw only three or four wretched water-mills, built of 
 mud, and a few dwarf myrtle bushes intermingled with 
 brambles. The larger of these fountains rises from under 
 a vertical rock, forming a small abyss, or concavity, on 
 the top and sides of which are seen the massy remnants 
 of an ancient edifice, which he supposes to be those of the 
 temple above-mentioned. A considerable portion of the 
 water of this spring is conveyed, for nearly two miles, 
 through an artificial subterraneous aqueduct, which, as he 
 was informed, had been traced to the vicinity of Antioch. 
 The ruins of another building appeared at the foot of an 
 adjoining mountain, but it did not strike him as deserving 
 an attentive examination. These are all the antiquities 
 to be seen at Beit-ul-Mei, the supposed site of the famous 
 Daphne ; and Kinnier was as much dissatisfied and dis- 
 appointed at that place as he had been gratified with Ba- 
 bylse, and therefore descended, through some ploughed 
 fields and mulberry plantations, into the sequestered val- 
 ley of the Orontes. The lake of Ifrin is called in Turkish 
 Aggi Denghiz, or Bahar Agoule. 
 
 Near the mouth of the Orontes, and to the north of it, on 
 the coast, Seleucus founded the city ot Seleucia, the port 
 of Antioch, and also denominated Seleucia Pieris, to dis. 
 tinguish it from other cities of the same name, and built 
 by the same founder. The plain on which it was situated 
 lies between mounts Pierius and Casius, having the for- 
 mer 7800 feet in height, to the north, and the latter, now 
 called Jebel Ocrat, to the south, the Orontes meandering 
 through the plain to the sea. The city lay close to the 
 sea-sliore, at the foot of mount Pierius. John Malela, 
 the Chronicler of Antioch, tells us, that on the 'loA of 
 April, while Seleucus was sacrificing to Jupiter on mount 
 Casius, and consulting him about a proper place where to 
 build a city, an eagle, snatching from the altar part of the 
 sacrifice, flew towards the sea and dropped it m a sea-port 
 of Pieria, not far from Palaeopolis, a small city, biiilt m 
 former days by Syrus, the son of Agenor. Hereupon Se- 
 leucus immediately laid the foundations of a great city on 
 that spot, and called it Seleucia. Others gravely tell us 
 that he was induced to do this, not by an eagle, but by 
 a flash of lightning, whence lightning wab ex-er after 
 adored as a deity, and called Jupiter Fulminans Seleucen- 
 stum. Strabo says, lib. xv that it was an impregnable 
 city, and made free by Pompey, as appears by several 
 medals by different emperors. The territory in its vicinity 
 was denominated Seleucis from the city. The ruins con- 
 sist of an artificial port, now almost choked up with sand, 
 around which the houses would appear to have stood. A 
 part of the walls remain, by which the form and magni- 
 tude of the city mav be traced, but the area within Uie 
 works did not appear capable, in Kinnier's opinion of 
 containing more than 70 or 80,000 inhalntant^. Polyb.us 
 says that Seleucia stood very near the sea, at the foot of c 
 mount of uncommon height, called Corypha-iis, (Mons 
 Pierius,) and that it was surrounded with broken rocks 
 and precipices. The suburbs lay on the plain towards the 
 mouth of the Orontes, and between the city and the sea. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 291 
 
 pousing one of his daughters, named Arsinoe ; 
 he had before this procured another, named 
 Lysandra, to be married to his son Agatho- 
 cles. 
 
 which could only be approached by a flight of steps cut 
 close and deep into the rocks. Traces of those steps are 
 still discernible, but the palaces and sumptuous edifices 
 have disappeared for ever. A miserable place, called 
 Suedia, a mile and a half from the sea, consisting of a 
 small house belonging to the Aga, and four or five poor 
 hovels, used as storehouses for merchandise, are all the 
 buildings that now remain at the mouth of the Orontes. 
 
 Laodicea was another city built by Seleucus, five hours' 
 sail to the south of mount Casius. This city, under the 
 name of Ramitha, was famous for a temple of Minerva, at 
 whose altar the natives are said to have annually sacrificed 
 a virgin. " Sequitur Laodicea, inquit Strabo, ad mare sita 
 urbs optime extructa, et portu prjedita, agrum habens, 
 prater csteram frugum ubertatem, vini feracissimum, 
 unde maxiraam vini partem Alexandrinis preebet, eum 
 totum supra se montem habeat vineis plenum usque ad 
 vertices fere."— Lib. xv. Laodicea was visited by Julius 
 C«sar when on his way from Egypt to Pontus. He granted 
 the inhabitants their liberty, and we find the city called 
 Juliopolis on some of its medals. During the war of the 
 triumvirate with Brutus and Cassius, Dolabella, with his 
 I fleet and army, were here shut up by Cassius. The fleet 
 ' was laid up in the port, and the army encamped on the 
 I promontory, but both were compelled to surrender, and 
 ^ uie general fell upon his own sword. In the days of 
 j Christianity it became a bishop's see, and was still pos. 
 
 sessed by the professors of that faith when the Crusaders 
 { invaded Syria. It was afterwards included in the empire 
 I rtt the famous Saladin, conquered by sultan Selim, and 
 [ subsequently destroyed by an earthquake. The popula. 
 
 tion which, according to Mr. Barker the British consul 
 I amounted to 10,000 souls at the commencement of the 
 I present century, is now, in consequence of the badness of 
 ! the government and decline of the trade, reduced to 4000 
 Ihe town is situated on the north side of a promontory 
 I forming two bays, one to the south and the other to the' 
 I north, and along a chain of heights, on one of which the 
 j citadel appears to have stood, amidst large groves of fie 
 I and olive tiiees. The harbour, defended by a dilapidated 
 castle, IS a small cove with a narrow mouth, where vessels 
 1 of 100 tons burden may ride in safety. The houses are 
 built of cut stone, flat-roofed, generally two stories high 
 with an inner court ; and as each house is supplied with 
 a cistern, or reservoir of water, collected during the rains. 
 Laodicea, or the modern Latakia, might safely defy an 
 army destitute of cannon. 
 
 The greatest ornament of Laodicea is a triumphal 
 arched structure, of a square form, between 30 and 40 feet 
 high, and encircled near the top with a handsome en. 
 tablature. The arches, four in number, are in the style 
 of Roman architecture, and, as the general appearance of 
 the building denotes great antiquity, it was probably 
 erected in honour of Julius Csesar, the patron of the city'- 
 or, perhaps,.as Kinnier thinks, in honour of (7ermanicus, 
 who died at Daphne, and who was much beloved by the 
 Syrians. He passed through Laodicea on his return from 
 fc-gypt. Ihe corners of this structure are adorned with 
 handsome pilasters of the Corinthian order, and one of its 
 fronts exhibits a basso relievo with arms and martial in- 
 struments. Near it is a mosque built from the ruins of 
 another ancient edifice, of which several Corinthian co- 
 lumns and a portico still stand, and amidst the rocks and 
 crags along the sea-shore, north of the town, are a pro- 
 digious number of small catacombs. Though Latakia is 
 now, or was very lately, the port of Aleppo, the commerce 
 of the place is very small. Sugar, salt, and rice, from Egypt • 
 wine from Cyprus ; oranges from Tripoli ; and a few bales 
 of woollens from Smyrna, constitute the whole of its 
 trade. It is a singular phenomenon in the annals of the 
 lurks, a race of people who usually confine their exer- 
 tions to the work of destruction, that after Latakia had 
 been entirely ruined by an earthquake it should have been 
 rebuilt by a Turkish Aga. A village called Leuca Acte, 
 on account of the white cliffs which lined the adjoining 
 shores, originally stood on the site of Laodicea, and was 
 also called Rhamantus, which signifies God on high, be 
 cause a certain shepherd cried out so, when struck with a 
 flash of lightning. 
 Apamea, built by Seleucus in honour of his first wife 
 ( stood on the Orontes, near its junction with the small 
 stream of the Marsyas. Strabo say; that Apamea was a well 
 fortified city, situate in a peninsula formed by the waters 
 of the Orontes and a lake, in so fruitful a soil that Seleu 
 cus kept here the 500 elephants he had received from 
 JMndrocottui. From this city the adjacent tract was called 
 
 This alliance between Ly- 
 A. M. S705. simachus and Ptolemy gave 
 Ant. J. C. 299. umbrage to Seleucus, who 
 thereupon entered ir»to a 
 treaty with Demetrius,' and espoused Strato- 
 nice, the daughter of that prince, by Phila the 
 sister of Cassander. The beauty of Stratonice 
 had induced Seleucus to demand her in mar- 
 riage ; and as the alfairs of Demetrius were at 
 that time in a very bad condition, so honourable 
 an alliance with so powerful a prince was ex- 
 ceedingly agreeable to him. In consequence of 
 which he immediately conducted his daughter 
 with all his fleet into Syria from Greece, where 
 he was still in possession of some places. Dur- 
 ing his passage he made a descent on Cilicia, 
 which then belonged to Plistarchus the brother 
 of Cassander, to whom it had been assigned by 
 the four kings, who divided the dominions of 
 Alexander the Great after the death of Anti- 
 gonus. Plistarchus went to complain of this 
 proceeding to Seleucus, and to reproach him for 
 contracting an alliance with the common ene- 
 my, without the consent of the other kings, 
 which he considered as an infraction of the 
 treaty. Demetrius receiving intelligence of this 
 journey, advanced directly to the city of Quin- 
 da, where the treasures of the province, amount- 
 ing to 1200 talents,® were deposited. These he 
 carried off with all expedition to his fleet, and 
 then set sail for Syria, where he found Seleucus, 
 and gave him the princess Stratonice in mar- 
 riage. Demetrius, after some days passed in 
 rejoicings for the nuptials, and in entertainments 
 given on each side, returned to Cilicia, and 
 made himself master of the whole province. He 
 then sent his wife Phila to Cassander, in order 
 to excuse this proceeding. These kings imitated 
 the princes of the East, with whom it is custo- 
 mary to have several wives at the same time. 
 
 During these transactions, Deidamia, another 
 of his wives, who had taken a journey to meet 
 him in Greece, and had passed'some time with 
 hina in that country, was seized with an indis- 
 position that ended her days. Demetrius hav- 
 ing reconciled himself with 
 A. M. 3706. Ptolemy, by the mediation 
 Ant. J. C. 298. of Seleucus, espoused Ptole- 
 mais, the daughter of Ptole- 
 my, by which means his affairs began to assume 
 a better aspect: for he had all the island of 
 Cyprus, and the two rich and powerful cities of 
 Tyre and Sidon in Phoenicia, besides his new 
 conquests in Cilicia, and some other cities in 
 Asia. 
 
 It was very imprudent in Seleucus to permit 
 so dangerous an enemy to establish himself at 
 so small a distance from him, and to usurp from 
 one of his allies a province so near his own do- 
 minions as Cilicia. All this shows that these 
 princes had no established rules and principles 
 
 Apamine. Here was a celebrated pagan temple, defended 
 by Its votaries, as Sozomen relates, against the Christians 
 It is now called Famich, and stood 80 British miles south 
 of Antioch. The tract in which these four cities were 
 found, Antioch, Seleucia, Laodicea, and Apamea was 
 called Tetrapolis, or the region of the four cities This 
 however, was but an occasional appellation; the true 
 name of the tract being Seleucis, a name given to it by 
 Seleucus himself ; for Syria, under its kings of the Mace- 
 donian race, was divided into three parts— namely S'-ria 
 properly so called ; Ccele.Syria, or the Hollow Syria now* 
 denominated Barrai.el-Sham, or the valley of Syria •' and 
 thirdly, Syria Palestina.— £d. * ' 
 
 1 Flut. in Demetr. p. SOS. 
 2 Twelve hundred thousand crowns. 
 T 2 
 
292 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 of conduct, and were even ignorant of the true 
 interests of their ambition. For as to sincerity, 
 equity, and gratitude, they had long since re- 
 nounced them all, and only reigned for the un- 
 happiness of their people, as the author of the 
 first book of Maccabees has observed. ' 
 
 The eyes of Seleucus were however open at 
 last, and'in order to prevent his having a neigh- 
 bour of such abilities on each side of his do- 
 minions, he required Demetrius to surrender 
 Cilicia to him for a very considerable sum of 
 money; but that prince not being disposed to 
 comply with such a proposal, Seleucus insisted 
 upon his returning him the cities of Tyre and 
 Sidon, that were dependencies on Syria, of 
 which he was king. Demetrius, enraged at this 
 demand, replied very abruptly, that though he 
 should lose several other battles as fatal to him 
 as that of Ipsus, he could never resolve to pur- 
 chase the friendship of Seleucus at so high a 
 price. At the same time he sailed to those two 
 cities, reinforced their garrisons, and furnished 
 them with all things necessary for a vigorous 
 defence ; by which means the intention of Seleu- 
 cus to take them from him was rendered ineffec- 
 tual at that time. This proceeding of Seleucus, 
 though sufficiently conformable to the rules of 
 political interest, had such an odious aspect, 
 with reference to the maxims of honour, that it 
 shocked all mankind, and was universally cx)n- 
 demned: for, as his dominions were of such a 
 vast extent as to include all the countries be- 
 tween India and the Mediten-anean, how insa- 
 tiable was that rigour and avidity which would 
 1 not permit him to leave his father-in-law the 
 I peaceable enjoyment of the shattered remains ot 
 
 I his fortune ! . , .1.. 
 
 I Cassander died about this 
 
 A. M. 3707. time, of a dropsy, after hav- 
 Ant. J. C. 297. ing governed Macedonia for 
 the space of nineteen years, 
 from the death of his father Antipater, and six 
 or seven from the last partition. He left three 
 sons by Thessalonica, one of the sisters of Alex- 
 I ander the Great. Philip, who succeeded him, 
 I dying soon after, left his crown to be contested 
 I by his two brothers. ^ . , , 
 
 ! PyiThus,^ the famous king of Epirus, had 
 ' espoused Antigone, a relation of Ptolemy, in 
 ' Egypt. This young prince was the son of it.a- 
 ! cides, whom the Molossians, in a rebellion, had 
 expelled from the throne; and it was with great 
 difficulty that Pyrrhus himself, then an infant 
 ; at the breast, was preserved from the fury of 
 I the rebels, Avho pursued him with intent to de- 
 stroy him. After various adventures, he was 
 , I conducted to the court of king Glaucias in II- 
 lyria, where he was taken into the protection 
 of that prince. Cassander, the mortal enemy 
 of ^acides, solicited the king to deliver the 
 young prince into his hands, and offered him 
 200 talents on that occasion : Glaucias, however, 
 was struck with horror at such a proposal ; and 
 when the infant had attained the tweltth year 
 of his age, he conducted him in person to Epiriis 
 with a powerful army, and reinstated him in 
 -his dominions ; by which means the Molossians 
 were compelled to submit to force. Justin tells 
 us, that their hatred being softened into com- 
 passion, they themselves recalled him, and as- 
 signed him guai-dians to govern the kingdom 
 
 till he should be of age himself; but there seems 
 to be no great probability in his account. 
 
 When he had attained his seventeenth year, 
 he began to think himself sufficiently established 
 on the throne ; and set out from his capital city 
 for Illyria, in order to be present at the nuptials 
 of one of the sons of Glaucias, with whom he 
 had been brought upc The Molossians, taking 
 advantage of his absence, revolted a second time, 
 drove all his friends out of the kingdom, seized 
 all his treasures, and conferred the crown on 
 Neoptolemus, his great uncle. Pyrrhus being 
 thus divested of his dominions, and finding him- 
 self destitute of all succours, retired to his bro- 
 ther-in-law, Demetrius, the son of Antigonus^ 
 who had espoused his sister Deidamia. 
 
 This young prince distinguished himself among 
 the bravest in the battle that was fought on the 
 plains of Ipsus, and would not forsake Deme- 
 trius even after he was defeated. He also pre- 
 served for him those Grecian cities which that 
 prince had confided to him ; and when a treaty 
 of peace was concluded between Ptolemy and 
 Demetrius, by the mediation of Seleucus, Pjt- 
 rhus went into Egypt as a hostage for his bro- 
 ther-in-law. . r 1 
 
 During his continuance at the court ot Ptole- 
 my, he gave sufficient proofs of his strength, 
 address, and extraordinary patience, in hunting, 
 martial exercises, and all other labours. Ob- 
 serving, that of all the wives of Ptolemy, tJere- 
 nice had the greatest ascendant over him, and 
 that she surpassed the others in wit and pru- 
 dence, as well as beauty, he attached himself to 
 her in particular ; for as he was already an able 
 politician, he neglected no opportunity ot mak- 
 ing his court to those on whom his fortune 
 depended, and of ingratiating himself ^ylth such 
 persons as were capable of being useful to him. 
 His noble and engaging demeanour procured : 
 him such a share in Ptolemy's esteem, that he 
 gave him Antigone, the daughter of Berenice ; 
 his favourite consort, in preference to several \ 
 voung princes who demanded her in marriage. 
 This lady was the daughter of Berenice, by 
 Philip her first husband, who was a Macedo- 
 nian nobleman, little known with respect to 
 any other particular. When Pj-rrhus J ad es- 
 poused Antigone, the queen had so much mtiu- 
 ence over her consort, as to induce him to grant 
 his son-in-law a fleet, with a supply ot money, 
 which enabled him to repossess himselt ot his 
 dominions. Here began the fortune of an exiled 
 prince, who was afterwards esteemed the great- 
 est general of his age : and it must be acknow- 
 ledged, that every instance of his early conduct 
 denoted extraordinary merit, and raised gi'eat 
 expectations of his future glory. 
 
 Athens,* as we have al- 
 A. INI. 3708. readv observed, had revolted 
 Ant. J. C. 296. from' Demetrius, and shut 
 her gates against him. But 
 when that prince thought he had sufficiently 
 provided for the security of his territories in 
 Asia, he marched against that rebellious and 
 ungrateful citv, with a resolution to punish her 
 as ^she deserved. The first year was employed 
 in the reduction of the Messenians, and the 
 conquest of some other cities who had quitted 
 his partv ; and he returned the next season to 
 Athens, 'which he closely blocked up, and re- 
 duced to the last extremity, by cutting ott all 
 
 1 Chap. i. ver. 9. 
 -2 nut. in Pyrrh. p. 383—385. 
 
ALEXANDER'S 
 
 SUCCESSORS. 
 
 communication of provisions. 
 
 A. M. 3709. A fleet of 150 sail, sent by 
 Ant. J. C. 295. king Ptolemy to succour the 
 Athenians, and which ap- 
 peared on the coasts of JEgina, afforded them 
 but a transient joy ; for when this naval force 
 saw a strong fleet arrive from Peloponnesus to 
 the assistance of Demetrius, besides a great 
 number of other vessels from Cyprus, and that 
 tlie whole amounted to 800, they weighed an- 
 chor, and fled. 
 
 Although the Atlienians had issued a decree, 
 by which they made it capital for any person 
 even to mention a peace with Demetrius, the 
 extreme necessity to which they were reduced 
 by want of provisions, obliged them to open 
 their gates to him. — When he entered the city, 
 he commanded the inhabitants to assemble in 
 the theatre, which he surrounded with armed 
 troops, and posted his guards on each side of the 
 stage where the dramatic pieces were per- 
 formed ; and then descending from the upper 
 part of the theatre, in the manner usual with 
 the actors, he showed himself to that multitude, 
 who seemed rather dead than alive, and waited 
 for the event in inexpressible terror, expecting 
 it would prove the sentence for their destruc- 
 tion. But he dissipated their apprehensions by 
 the first expressions he uttered ; for he did not 
 raise his voice like a man affected with the emo- 
 tions of rage, nor deliver himself in any pas- 
 sionate or insulting language ; but softened the 
 tone of his voice, and only addressed himself to 
 them in gentle complaints and amicable expos- 
 tulations. He pardoned their offence, and re- 
 stored them to his favour ; presenting them, at 
 the same time, with 100,000 measures of corn, 
 and reinstating such magistrates as were most 
 agreeable to them. The joy of this people may 
 be easily conceived from the terrors with which 
 they were before affected ; and how glorious 
 must such a prince be, who could always sup- 
 port so brilliant, so admirable a character ! 
 
 When he had regulated the state of affairs in 
 Athens, he detei'mined to reduce the Lacedae- 
 monians. Archidamus, their king, advanced as 
 far as Mantinea to meet him : but Demetrius 
 defeated him in a great battle, and obliged him 
 to have recourse to flight ; after which he ad- 
 vanced into Laconia, and fought another battle 
 in the very sight of Sparta. He was again vic- 
 torious ; 500 of his enemies were made prison- 
 ers, and 200 killed upon the spot, so that he was 
 already considered as master of the city, which 
 had never been taken before. 
 
 But at this important moment he received 
 two pieces of intelligence, which compelled him 
 to direct his attention to a quite different quar- 
 ter. The first was, that Lysimachus had lately 
 divested him of all his territories in Asia; and 
 the other, that Ptolemy had made a descent on 
 Cyprus, and conquered all the island, except 
 Salamis, where the mother of Demetrius, with 
 his wife and children, had retired j and that the 
 king of Egypt carried on the siege of that city 
 with great vigour. Demetrius left all to fly to 
 their assistance, but was soon informed that the 
 place had surrendered. Ptolemy had the gene- 
 rosity to give the mother, wife, and children, of 
 his enemy, their liberty without any ransom ; 
 and to dismiss them with all their attendants 
 and effects. He even made them magnificent 
 presents at their departure, which he accom- 
 panied with all imaginable marks of honour. 
 
 The loss of Cyprus was soon succeeded by 
 that of Tyre and Sidon ; and Seleucus dispos- 
 
 I sessed him of Cilicia on another side. Thus, in 
 a very short time, he saw himself divested of all 
 his dominions, without any resource or hopeai 
 for the future. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 Dispute between the two sons of Cossander for the crown 
 of Macedonia. Demetrius, being invited to the assist- 
 ance of Alexander, finds means to destroy him, and is 
 proclaimed king by the Macedonians. He makes great 
 preparations for the conqueet of Asia. A powerful 
 confederacy is formed against him. Pyrrhus and Lysi- 
 machus deprive him of Macedonia, and divide it be. 
 tween themselves. I'yrrhus is soon obliged to quit 
 those territories. Sad end of Demetrius, who dies in 
 prison. 
 
 No prince was ever obnoxious to greater 
 vicissitudes of fortune, nor ever experienced 
 more sudden changes, than Demetrius. He 
 exposed himself to these events by his impru- 
 dence, amusing himself with inconsiderable con- 
 quests, while he abandoned his provinces to the 
 first invader. His greatest successes were im- 
 mediately followed by his being dispossessed of 
 all his dominions, and almost reduced to despair, 
 when suddenly an unexpected resource offered 
 itself from a quarter from whence he had not 
 the least room to expect it. 
 
 In the quarrel between 
 
 A. M. 3710. the two sons of Cassander 
 Ant. J. C. 294. for the crown,* Thessalonica, 
 their mother, favoured Alex- 
 ander, who was the youngest ; which so enraged 
 Antipater, the eldest son, that he killed her with 
 his own hands, though she conjured him by the 
 breasts which had nourished him, to spare her 
 life. Alexander, in order to avenge this un- 
 natural barbarity, solicited the assistance of 
 Pyrrhus and Demetrius, the former of whom 
 was in Epirus, and the latter in Peloponnesus. 
 Pyrrhus arrived the first, and made himself 
 master of several cities in Macedonia, part of 
 which he retained as a compensation for the aid 
 he had given Alexander ; and he returned to his 
 own dominions, after he had reconciled the two 
 brothers. Demetrius came up at the same in- 
 stant, upon which Alexander advanced to meet 
 him ; and testified, at the interview between 
 them, all imaginable gratitude and friendship j 
 but represented to him, at the same time, that 
 the state of his affairs was changed, and that ha 
 no longer had any need of his assistance. De- 
 metrius was displeased with this compliment, 
 whilst Alexander, who dreaded the greatness of 
 his power, was apprehensive of subjecting him- 
 self to a master, should he admit him into his 
 dominions. They, however, conversed together 
 with an external air of friendship, and enter- 
 tained each other with reciprocal feasts ; tiU at 
 last, Demetrius, upon some intelligence, either 
 true or fictitious, that Alexander intended to 
 destroy him, prevented the execution of that 
 design, and killed him. This murder armed 
 the Macedonians against him at first; but when 
 he had acquainted them with all the particulars 
 that influenced his conduct, the aversion they 
 entertained for Antipater, the infamous mur- 
 derer of his own mother, induced them to de- 
 clare for Demetrius, and they accordingly pro- 
 claimed him king of Macedonia. Demetrius 
 possessed this crown for the space of seven 
 
 4 Flut. in Demetr. p. SU5, m Pyrr/>. p. 386. Justin 
 1. xvi. c. 1 
 
294 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 years, and Antipater fled into Thrace, where 
 he did not long survive the loss of his kingdom. 
 
 One of the branches of the royal family of 
 Philip, king of Macedonia, became entirely ex- 
 tinct by the death of Thessalonica and her two 
 sons ; as the other branch from Alexander the 
 Great had been before by the death of the young 
 Alexander and Hercules, his two sons. Thus 
 these two princes, who by their unjust wars 
 had spread desolation through so many pro- 
 vinces, and destroyed such a number of royal 
 families, experienced, by a just decree of Provi- 
 dence, the same calamities in their own families, 
 as they had occasioned to others. Philip and 
 Alexander, with their wives, and all their de- 
 scendants, perished by violent deaths. 
 
 Much about this time Se- 
 
 A. M. 3711. leucus built the city of Se- 
 Ant. J. C. 293. leucia,* on the banks of the 
 Tigress, at the distance of 
 forty miles from Babylon. It became very 
 populous in a short time, and Pliny tells us it 
 was inhabited by 600,000 persons. The dykes 
 of the Euphrates being broken down, spread 
 such an inundation over the country, and the 
 branch of that river, which passed through 
 Babylon, was sunk so low by this evacuation, 
 as to be rendered unnavigable, by which means 
 that city became so incommodious, that as soon 
 as Seleucia was built, all its inhabitants with - 
 drew thither. This circumstance prepared the 
 way for the accomplishment of that celebrated 
 prophecy of Isaiah, who, at a time when this 
 city was in the most flourishing condition, had 
 foretold, that it should one day become entirely 
 desert and uninhabited.^ I have observed else- 
 where by what manner and degrees this predic- 
 tion was fully accomplished.^ 
 
 1 Strab. 1. xvi. p. 738 & 743. Plin. 1. vi. c. 26. 
 
 2 Vol. i. p. 193, &c. At the taking of Babylon by Cyrus. 
 
 3 Here RoUin reverts, for the third time, to his favour, 
 ite opinion, that the Euphrates had totally abandoned 
 Babylon, and thereby rendered it uninhabitable ; and that 
 the breaking down of the dykes, which were necessary to 
 protect the flat grounds from being inundated, had con- 
 verted the tract in the vicinity of that city into a vast lake ; 
 and that the natural channel of the river, which passed 
 through Babylon, was so reduced, by the redundancy of 
 water which ran into the canal which branched out from 
 the main river, a considerable distance above the city, and 
 which ran far to the west of Babylon, as to become unnavi- 
 gable, and in process of time wholly dry, that ancient canal 
 being now the main channel of the river. Had it really 
 been the case as he represents it, Babylon would neither 
 have been a morass nor a stagnant pool of water ; nothing 
 would have been seen about its site but the dry channels of 
 canals and that of the main stream. The country abounds 
 with dry channels of former canals, but there is no ap- 
 pearance that ever the river has abandoned its usual chan- 
 nel, which at this very moment runs, as formerly, through 
 the midst of the ruins; and the lakes which formerly ex- 
 isted west of Babylon have been long in a course of desic. 
 cation, and are now dried up. Nothing is easier than to 
 make canals in a flat and yielding soil, such as that of 
 Egypt and Babylon ; and no sooner was any new city of 
 importance built at a distance from the river, than a canal 
 was at the same time made to supply the inhabitants of 
 the new city with water, and to irrigate the grounds in 
 the vicinity. People so accustomed to make canals, as 
 the natives of Babylonia, could never be at a loss to repair 
 them, and surely for the numerous population of ancient 
 Babylon, whose existence so much depended on the river 
 and the canals drawn from it in their immediate neigh, 
 bourhood, it would be a matter of the utmost importance 
 to keep the river in its natural course, and to prevent its 
 evacuation into the canal, which ran far to the west of 
 their city. Surely the expense would not be more than 
 the population of so great a city could bear, to repair the 
 dykes, and prevent the alteration of the course of the 
 river. 
 
 It is absurd to say that Seleucus was compelled to aban- 
 don Babylon, or that Seleucia was built merely because 
 
 A. M. 3712. 
 Ant. J. C. 295 
 
 Simon, surnamed the J ust, 
 the high-priest of the Jews, 
 died at the close of the ninth 
 year of bis pontificate, and 
 
 4 Joseph. Antiq. 1. xii. c. '2. 
 
 Babylon was rendered uninhabitable by the inundations 
 and the desertion of the river. Seleucus could have re- 
 paired these dykes, and preserved the river in its wonted 
 course, with much less trouble and expense than that of 
 founding a large and new metropolis at 44 Roman miles 
 distance from Babylon. 
 
 The change in the course of the river would not only have 
 ruined Babylon, but likewise all the country to the south ; 
 as, in that case, all the intersecting canals leading across 
 the country to the Tigris, from the wonted channel of the 
 river, would have lost their usual supply of water, and 
 the country been rendered a dry and thirsty land where 
 no water is, and been thereby reduced to an uninhabited 
 desert. The place where all this mischief is said to have 
 originated was but a few miles above Babylon, and could 
 of course be more easily repaired ; and the redundant 
 waters of the inundation, could have been re-conveyed to 
 the old channel by drains made for the purpose. Even 
 supposing the river to have deserted Babylon, new chan- 
 nels could have been cut across the country, both above 
 and below the city, and wliich could have thus re-conducted 
 the water of the river to its ancient bed. N umbers of beds 
 of ancient canals are found in that quarter of Babylon 
 which lay west of the river as well as in that part of the 
 city which lay to the east of the stream. The fact however 
 is, that the dykes were repaired, and the river still flows, 
 as formerly, through the site of the ancient city, and canaJs 
 leading from the Euphrates to the Tigris did intersect the 
 country as far south as the marsh of Lemloom, during 
 the Parthian and Sassanian dynasties, and during the days 
 of the Abbasside caliphs. 
 
 The main reason of the gradual decline of Babylon, lay 
 in its being no longer the seat of an empire, or even that of 
 an independent principality. During the Persian dynasty 
 it was still the capital of a large and flourishing province, 
 though no longer the seat of empire ; and we have the 
 express testimonv of Xenophon himself, that the country 
 itself was then in'a prosperous state. During the long con- 
 tinued contest for power, among the generals of Alexan. 
 der, the country would be subjected to all those vicissitudes 
 consequent on civil war, which most seriously aft'ect its in- 
 ternal state. The want of a fixed and stable government, 
 would be deeply felt in a country where so much roust be 
 done by a despotic government, and so little by private 
 individuals or joint communities. The protecting dykes 
 and communicating canals would be comparatively ne- 
 glected, and all the evils, consequent on such neglect, 
 would not be ameliorated till Seleucus found himself in 
 sure and undisturbed possession of the country. It would 
 then be his interest to repair the mischiefs attendant on 
 such neglect, and as there is no reason to doubt, from his 
 character, that he would consult the interest of his sub- 
 jects, there is reason to presume that he would attend to 
 the state of the canals and dykes, on which an alluvial 
 flat country like Babylonia so much depended. 
 
 What were his actual reasons for founding Seleucia, 
 and transferring thither the seat of government from 
 Babylon, we are not particularly informed; but we know 
 that it was the great and principal cause of the dechne of 
 Babylon. By this event Babylon lost its political dignity 
 and importance, as the capital of a large and populous 
 province, and was degraded to the rank of a subaltern 
 city. Seleucia became not only the occasional residence 
 of Seleucus, but was made by him the metropolis of 
 all his dominions beyond the Euphrates, and was hon- 
 oured with many privileges above all his other eastern 
 cities. Being thus, as it were, made the seat of the eastern 
 court, and where all the business respecting the internal 
 and external administration of the eastern provinces was 
 transacted, the politicd existence of Babylon would cease, 
 and its importance diminish. By this means Babylon was 
 rapidly drained of its inhabitants, and Seleucia became so 
 populous that, m the days of Pliny the elder, it contained I 
 tiOO,000 inhabitants, and far excelled ail the other cities of 
 the East. . , 
 
 To fix the precise time when Babylon became entirely 
 deserted is impossible, as there is nothing on record to aid 
 us in that matter ; but Pliny says that in his time it was 
 drained of its population, and brought to a state of desola- 
 lation by the building of Seleucia. Lucan, in his Pliar. 
 salia, iib. i. ver. 10. and Philostratus in his Life of ApoU 
 lonius of Tyana. that noted impostor, lib. i, c. 17, 18, 19. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 296 
 
 left a young son, named Onias. As he was of 
 too tender an age to take upon himself the exer- 
 cise of that dignity, it was consigned to Eleazar 
 the brother of Simon, who discharged the func- 
 tions of it for the space of fifteen years. 
 
 and others, indeed, mention Babylon as still standing and 
 flourishing in their time; but those authors, and all others 
 who speak of Babylon as a ciiy still remaining after the 
 time ot Seleucus Nicator, are to be understood of Seleucia 
 on the Tigris, and not of old Babylon on the Euphrates ; 
 for that city becoming, soon after it was built, the metro- 
 polis of the East, was also called Babylon, as we are in- 
 formed both by Pliny and Stephen of Byzantium. See 
 lib. vi. c 26. of the former, and Stephanus in vocera Baby- 
 Ion. It was at first called Seleucia Babylonia, to distin- 
 guish it from several other cities bearing the same name 
 in different provinces. It was subsequently known by the 
 name of Babylonia, and at length by that of Babylon itself. 
 That the poet Lucan, in the place above-mentioned, by 
 Babylon means Seleucia, is very plain, for he speaks there 
 of the metropolis of the Parthian kingdom, where the 
 trophies of Crassus were hung up, after the defeat of the 
 Romans at Carrha, which can only be understood of the 
 Seleucian Babylon, that city, and not the old Babylon, being 
 the seat of the Parthian kings. Lucan, in another place, 
 speakingof Babylon, lib. vi. ver 60. describes it as surround, 
 ed by the Tigris, which clearly shows that by Babylon he 
 meant Seleucia, or the new Babylon, for that city, and not 
 the old Bciby Ion, stood on the Tigris. As for Philostratus, he 
 mistook Seleucia, (then called Baliylon,) for the old Babylon, 
 and therefore gives us the same description of it which 
 Herodotus, Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, and others, give us of 
 old Babylon. But this is one only of the many blunders 
 that author has been guilty of in his biography, or rather 
 romance, of Apollonius of Tyana. It is even not true, 
 however, that Seleucia was situated on the Tigris, or sur. 
 rounded with it, as Lucan says ; but on the Naharmalcha 
 canal ; which was drawn from Neapolis, on the Euphrates, 
 to the western bend of the Tigris, which formed the penin- 
 sula of Ctesiphon. It lay three miles west of the Tigris. 
 On the site of Seleucia, then in ruins, Julian, the apostate, 
 drew a cross canal, from the Naharmalcha north-east to the 
 Tigris, so that his fleet might enter that river above Ctesi- 
 phon, as he found it impossible for his fleet to enter the 
 river by the mouth of the Naharmalcha ; which entered 
 that stream at the populous village, or rather city, of 
 Cochos, or Coche, immediately opposite Ctesiphon, and 
 with which it was connected by a bridge of boats, and 
 which was, besides, defended by a very numerous Persian 
 garrison. 
 
 According to Mr, Gibbon, Coche was a remnant of the 
 ancient Seleucia : he says, " The name and glory of 
 Seleucia were for ever extinguished ; and the only re- 
 maining quarter of that Greek colony had resumed, with 
 the Assyrian language and manners, the primitive appel- 
 lation of Coche." According to this it would seem, m 
 Gibbon's opinion, that Coche was the primitive appellation 
 of Seleucia. This 1 do not believe. If Seleucia stood 
 three miles from the Tigris, and on the Naharmalcha 
 canal, how could it be Coche ? The name Ctesiphon, or 
 Thaisafun, means, in Persian, the two cities. What cities ? 
 Coche on the western bank, and the city on the eastern 
 bank, both connected by a bridge of boats, like the modern 
 Bagdad. Coche. therefore, was distinct from Seleucia, 
 being the western quarter of Ctesiphon. According to 
 Gibbon, Seleucia was included in Ctesiphon as the western 
 part of the double citv, Coche being iU primitive name. 
 But it will not foUow that because Seleucia stood near 
 Coche therefore Seleucia was Coche. It may be said that 
 Seleucia, in the days of its glory, included Coche, or that 
 Coche was a suburb. This is not true ; Coche was never 
 reckoned a part, or suburb of Seleucia, but of Ctesiphon. 
 The canal dug by Julian had been formerly dug by the em- 
 peror Trajan ; which implies that Coche was then inbemg; 
 as Trajan durst not enter the Tigris by the mouth of the 
 Naharmalcha canal, more than his successor Julian ; for, 
 in that case, his fleet and army would have been separated 
 by the intermediate situation of Coche, and no Roman 
 fleet would have dared to steer its course against a rapid 
 stream, and force its way through the midst of a hostile 
 capital, as total destruction would have been the conse- 
 quence. , , . , 
 The only remedy for this evil that occurred to the mind 
 both of Trajan and Julian, was to alter the direction of 
 the canal of Naharmalcha, and this was accomplished by 
 digging a new channel at Seleucia, to receive the waters 
 of ilie Euphrates and convey them into the l igris. Some 
 distance above Ctesiplion, or the two cities, a strong dyke 
 was built, to stop the current of the Naharmalcha from 
 entering the Tigris at Coche, causing the waters of that 
 
 I here pass over some 
 A. M. 3716. events of small importance,* 
 Ant. J. C. 288. and proceed to Demetrius, 
 who, believing his power 
 sufficiently established in Greece and Macedo- 
 
 5 Plut. in Demetr. p. 909, et in Pyrrh. p. S86. Justin, 
 I. xvi. c. 2. 
 
 canal to rush into their new bed, and thus conveyed the 
 Roman fleet into the Tigris, above Coche and Ctesiphon, 
 by this means the communication of the Roman fleet and 
 army was preserved, and the army wafted to the eastern 
 shore of the Tigris, a thing impracticable at Coche. 'I'he 
 text of Gibbon says that this new channel left Coche on the 
 right hand : he means that itled to theTigris to the left of, 
 or above, Coche. According to the positive testimony of 
 Arrian and Gregory Nazianzen, Coche was a totally differ- 
 ent city from Seleucia, and therefore could not make a 
 part of it. When travellers therefore tell us, as Delia 
 Valle and Kinnier, that, in sailing down the Tigris, the 
 ruins on the eastern side are those of Ctesiphon, and 
 those immediately opposite, those of Seleucia, they are 
 mistaken ; they are the ruins of Coche, not of Seleucia. 
 Those of the latter, if existing at all, must be sought for 
 three miles at least from the Tigris, on the old bed of the 
 Naharmalcha. 
 
 It is necessary to be thus particular, because Seleucia 
 and Ctesiphon have been confounded together, as if one 
 and the same city, built on the same river, and connected 
 together in the same manner as the modern Bagdad, by a 
 bridge of pontoons ; whereas, this was the case with Coche 
 and Ctesiphon, and not with Seleucia and Ctesiphon. 
 From this circumstance of the connection of Coche and 
 Ctesiphon on opposite banks of the Tigris, the connected 
 city obtained the Arabic api)ellation of Al-Madayen, or 
 Al-Modain, the Double City. Gibbon justly remarks, 
 the celebrated cities of Babylon, Seleucia, Ctesiphon, Mo- 
 dain, and Bagdad, have been often confounded with each 
 other ; and refers his inquisitive reader to an excellent 
 memoir of the celebrated D'Anville on the site of these 
 places, in the 30th volume of the Memoirs of the Academy 
 of Sciences. 
 
 Seleucia existed as a great city for nigh five centuries 
 after its foundation by St leucus, and became, after the 
 expulsion of the Greeks from Babylonia arid eastern Me- 
 sopotamia, the capital of the Parthian empire. It long 
 retained the genuine characters of a Greek colony— arts, 
 military virtue, and the love of freedom. It constituted 
 within itself a kind of independent republic, governed by 
 a senate of 300 nobles, and the people, if we can believe 
 Pliny, consisted of 600,000 citizens. Its w.ills were strong, 
 and as long as concord prevailed within them, they might 
 with safety brave the power of the Parthian sovereigns. 
 But, as usual in great cities like Seleucia, governed by 
 the citizens, factions arose ; and, in the struggle for civic 
 power, the one faction courted the aid of the common 
 enemy, posted almost at the gates of the colony. As almost 
 all oriental monarchs retain a predilection for pastoral 
 life, the Parthian camp was frequently pitched in the 
 plain of Ctesiphon, on the eastern bank of the Tigris, only 
 three miles distant. As usual, the innumerable atten- 
 dants on luxury and despotism resorted to the court, and 
 the small village of Ctesiphon insensibly swelled into a 
 great city ; and though Seleucia, for a considerable period, 
 was the abode of the Parthian kings, yet Ctesiphon gained 
 the ascendancy, and Seleucia gradually declined. 
 
 The military power of Rome, which rose on the ruins of 
 the Syrian empire, rendered Seleucia in some measure a 
 less secure abode of royalty than Ctesiphon. With the 
 aid of a fleet, the Roman army could easily descend the 
 Euphrates, enter the Naharmalcha canal, (as it was a large 
 navigable stream,) and invest Seleucia, and the feelings of 
 a Greek colony were always more partial to Homan man- 
 ners than to those of the Parthians- The Romans, be- 
 sides, were much more skilled in the arts, both of besieg. 
 ing and defending cities, than their oriental antagonists. 
 But Ctesiphon presentei a much more secure capital than 
 Seleucia. The large peninsula, formed by a deep and cir. 
 cuitous bend of the l igris, presented a favourable spot for 
 the erection of a capital. Defended on three sides by the 
 deep and rapid Tigris, the banks of which were steep 
 and lofty, and connected by a stationary bridge of boats, 
 with the opposite city of Coche, which was strongly 
 fortified, and protected by a numerous garrison, Ctesi- 
 phon might, in these days, be considered as unpreg. 
 nahle. It could not be attacked, with any prospect of 
 success, but by a fleet as well as army, and a fleet could be 
 of little service while Coche remained in the hands of the 
 
29G 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 nia, began to make great preparations for re- 
 gaining the empire of his father in Asia. With 
 this view he raised an army of above 100,000 
 men, and fitted out a fleet of 500 sail. So great 
 
 defenders. Yet, though Ctesiphon rose on the decline of 
 Seleucia, still Seleucia owed its final destruction, not to 
 the Parthians, nor to the vicinity of Ctesiphon, but to the 
 barbarity of the Komans. In the reign of Marcus Aure- 
 Uus, A. D. 165, the Roman general, Avidius Cassius, 
 penetrated as far as Seleucia and Ctesiphon. 'i'he Romans 
 were received as friends by the (jreek colonists, and at. 
 tacked, as enemies, the Parthian capital. Yet both cities 
 met the same fate. Cassius ordered the unhappy citizens 
 of Seleucia, to the number of 400,000 souls, to be inhu- 
 manly mas-acred, and the city to be utterly demolished. 
 
 Some authors, as Quadratus, (quoted in the Augustan 
 History,) have attempted to vindicate the Romans, by 
 alleging a breach of faith on the part of the inhabitants, 
 and others attribute this savage butchery to the cruelty of 
 Cassius, vfho thus retaliated, on the Greek colony, the 
 dreadful slaughters which the Romans had in former 
 ' times suffered from the Parthians. Seleucia, already ex- 
 hausted by the vicinity of Ctesiphon, its too powerful 
 rival, sunk finally under the fatal blow, while the latter 
 recovered the shock, and succeeded Babylon and Seleucia 
 as the capital of the East. 
 
 We are, however, told very hyperbolical stories by the 
 historians of that period, as that Cassius made himself 
 master of Edessa, Babylon, and all Media. The former 
 is true ; but how he could capture a city which had ceased 
 ■ to exist is impossible to conceive: and we are perfectly 
 j certain he never passed the Zagros. Lucian is not ashamed 
 i to tell us, that in a battle, near Europus, a little below 
 Zeugma on the Euphrates, witli the Parthians, the latter 
 I lost o72,000 men, while the Romans lost only two men 
 I killed, and had none wounded ; and yet this falsifier of 
 j fact wrote a treatise en the proper manner of composing 
 I a history. 
 
 ! There can be little doubt that these authors confounded 
 I Babylon with Seleucia, and that the name Media, as in 
 the days of Xenophon, was applied to the tract to the east 
 I of the Tigris, and west of the Zagrian hills. 
 1 Seleucia stood, according to Pliny, 527 Roman miles 
 I from Palmyra, not 337, as the comnrwin copies have it. 
 i i The learned authors of the Ancient Universal History, 
 I who sing the same song with our author, respecting the 
 ' desertion of Babylon by the Euphrates, confound Seleucia 
 I with Ctesiphon, and the latter with Al-Modain ; wliereas, 
 the last was an appellation bestowed on the connected 
 cities of Coche and Ctesiphon, as above stated. These 
 learned gentlemen further tell us that Bagdad was built 
 on the site of Seleucia, and that this circumstance gave rise 
 to the common error that Bagdad stands on the ruins of 
 old Babylon. "Whether the error was common or not, it 
 is clear that it must have been a very gross one ; and it is 
 equally clear, that their own error is not much less so, 
 for they inform us very gravely that " in the year 75i Se. 
 leucia was reduced to such a state of desolation as to have 
 nothing left on the spot where it stood, but the cell of a 
 monk called Dad, and a garden adjoining to it ; whence it 
 was called B igdad, or the Garden of Dad. That hero, the 
 Abasside khalif, Abu-Jaafar-Al-Mansur, or the Defender, 
 not liking Hashemiyah, where his predecessor resided, 
 built a new city, which has ever since been called from 
 the place Bagdad." No less than three errors are committed 
 here ; for, in the first place, Seleucia did not stand on the 
 Tigris, though it stood near it, but on the Naharmalcha 
 canal ; secondly, Seleucia was in ruins five centuries at 
 least before the year 754 ; and, thirdly, Bagdad was not 
 built on the site of Seleucia, but about twenty geographical 
 miles farther up the river, independent of the smuosities 
 of the stream, and 11 geographical miles above the con- 
 ! fluence of the Tigris and the Deeallah ; and, therefore, 
 the garden of the monk Dad could not have stood on the 
 site of the ruined Seleucia. Respecting the etymology of 
 the appellfition Bagdad, it is entirely fanciful, though 
 given by Abu-Jaafar-al-Tahari, his epitomiser, Al-Makin 
 and the Jacobite patriarch of Alexandria. 
 
 Orientalists furnish us with abundance of etymologies 
 for almost any thing, and several other etymons of Bag- 
 dad are given us besides the one quoted liy these gentle- 
 men. 'J'here is no doubt, however, that Bagdad was built 
 of the same materials as Seleucia, and Coche, and Ctesi- 
 phon ; that is, of bricks ; and that as the bricks of old 
 Babylon served to build Seleucia, and as the palace of 
 Nushirvan, called the lauk-Kesra, in Ctesiphon, was evi- 
 dently built of bricks transported from Babylon, that in- 
 exhaustible quarry for building new cities, so there can 
 be no doubt that Bagdad was built out of the remains of 
 Ctesiphon, as this latter, and Seleucia, and Coche, were 
 
 an armament had never been seen since the 
 time of Alexander the Great. Demetrius ani- ■ 
 mated the workmen by his presence and in- ! 
 structions, visited them in person, directed them ! i 
 
 built of Babylonish bricks. We are told, however, that 
 when the khabf Al-Mansur commanded the Tauk-Kesra, 
 or Palace of Khosrou, above-mentioned, to be demolished, 
 in order to employ its materials for adorning the citadel of 
 Bagdad, he found the building so firmly cemented, and 
 the consequent expense in working on its stately structure 
 so great, that he was compelled to give up the enter- 
 prise and leave the greatest part of Nushirvan's palace 
 em ire, on which a Persian poet wrote the following 
 distich, alluding to the founder of that magnificent edU 
 
 " Thy works, like thee, eternity enjoy, ! 
 Nor rage, nor time, can thy designs destroy." I 
 
 The same mistake is committed by the authors of the 
 Modern Universal History, vol ii. p. 279. where they tell 
 us that Bagdad was erected upon the foundations of Se- 
 leucia. 
 
 It is surprising that the learned Bictiart should take i 
 Ctesiphon to be the Chalne of scripture, and that the i 
 latter name was changed for the former by Pacorus, king | 
 of the Parthians. Bochart has taken the idea that Ctesi- : j 
 phon was the new appellation bestowed on Chalne by [ | 
 Pacorus from Ammianus Marcellinus, who tells us that j 
 this prince adorned and beautified it. But Ammianus 
 gives no countenance to such a notion from such an ex- | 
 pression. He only says that Ctesiphon was built, in ancient i 
 times, by Bardanes, or Vardanes, and that Pacorus 
 having beautified, and surrounded it with walls, it in- I 
 creased in population, and became the capital of Persia. 
 Surely Bochart inferred from this that Bardanes was 
 Nimrod, as otherwise his argument would be of no weight. 
 But before he could legitimately make such an inference, 
 he should have proved, or, at least, given some show of [ 
 proof, that Bardanes and Nimrod were the same person, j 
 But assumption is easier than proof, and Bochart, eager to i [ 
 make Ctesiphon the ancient Chalne, merely because it | j 
 stood in the province of Cbalonitis, jumps at once to the i i 
 conclusion that Bardanes was Nimrod, from the expres- | | 
 sion of Ammianus Marcellinus— C/fs/pAon, quam Far' \ 
 danes, priscis temporibus instituit. _ j 
 
 It is surely not necessary to affirm, that because Ctesi- i 
 phon stood in the province of Cbalonitis, and was the j 
 capital, not merelv of that district but even of the Parthian 
 and Persian empires, therefore Ctesiphon was Chalne. I 
 Who this Bardanes was, or when he flourished, is impos. i 
 sible to determine. That he was a Parthian king can I 
 hardly be doubted ; and we know, from history, that a 
 Parthian king, so called, lived in the reign of Claudius ! 
 Cjesar, 300 years before the times of Julian and Ammia. I 
 nus, his contemporary, and the historian of his fatal ex- j 
 pedition : so that the expression, priscis temporibus insti. 
 tuit, might very well agree to him, or rather, to the Par- 
 thian T^onarchy itself, as Ammianus himself was so very 1 
 ignorant, that he describes the Arsacides as still seated on i 
 the Persian throne in the middle of the fourth century, j 
 though they had been expelled from that dignified seat I 
 nigh 110 years before. The Pacorus mentioned by him as : 
 having enlarged, beautified, and fortified Ctesiphon, must 
 have been Pacorus 11. contemporary with Hadrian; The 
 fact however is, that Ctesiphon existed in the days of i 
 Strabo, prior to the Bardanes of Ammianus, who calls it 
 a very large city, in which the Parthian kings wintered, j 
 sparing Seleucia, and which seems gradually to have risen ; 
 to the honour of being the Parthian and Persian capital. \ 
 
 If we can credit Abulfeda that celebrated prince, of the 
 house of Avub, and equally famous as an annalist and ! 
 geographer, and who flourished in the fourteenth century, | 
 Ctesiphon was not a Greek word, as Ammianus affirmed, j 
 but a corruption of the Persian appellation, Thaisafun ; 
 which means the same as the Arabic appellation Al- j 
 Modain, or Al-Madayen, the two cities, or the double i 
 city, as including Coche, which was joined to it, or to the [ 
 city, on the eastern bank, by a bridge of boats. Hence, i 
 when we find the Roman writers constantly applying the f 
 name Ctesiphon exclusively to the city situated on the 
 peninsula formed by ti.e deep bend of the Tigris to the 
 west, it must be imputed to their ignorance of the mean, 
 ing of the term. See AbuU'eda'sdescription of Irak, arti- 
 cle Modain. 
 
 From all these things considered— namely, its compara- 
 tively modern existence, being posterior to that of Seleucia, 
 which was the Parthian cai)ital in the days of Crass is, 
 when he undertook his equally unjust and disastrous ex- 
 pedition against the Parthians } and that the appellation 
 
ALEXANDERS SUCCESSORS. 
 
 297 
 
 how to act, and even assisted them in their 
 labours. The number of his galleys, and their 
 extraordinary dimensions, created a universal 
 astonishment ; for no ships of sixteen, or even 
 
 of Ctesiphon was not a Greek, but Persian collective term, 
 including Cnche on the western bank— it is perfectly clear 
 
 I that Ctesiphon and Chalne were very different cities ; and 
 that, if any traces of the name Chalne mentioned in the 
 book of Genesis, chap. x. ver. 10. as in the land of Shinar, 
 exist in profane authors, they must be recognized in the 
 
 1 Kelonse of Herodotus, at the foot of mount Zagros, an. 
 
 I swering to the modern Ghilanee, or in the Chala of Isidore 
 
 i of Cbarax, in his Parthian Stations ; though, after all, I 
 am still doubtful if the land of Shinar included the tract 
 to the east of the Tigris. If Bochart's conjecture that 
 Chalne and Ctesiphon were the same had been true, 
 Ctesiphon would have been coeval with Nimrod, as being 
 founded by him along with Babel, and Erech, and Accad. 
 
 I Ctesiphon, or Thaisafun, is written Ishanin by Keiske, 
 the translator of Abulfeda's Moslemic Annals, and Tisbon 
 and Esbanen, by Mr. Otter. 
 
 Kinnier, in his Geographical Memoir of the Persian 
 Empire, p. SOO, says that the pass of Deraubund is 13 fur- 
 sungs, or 43 miles, from Kirkook. '1 his is certainly an 
 error of the press. Solyraania, or rather, Scheher-issoul, 
 the ancient Siazuros, should be read, and not Kirkook. 
 He supposes this pass to be that which the emperor Hera- 
 clius crossed, after the battle of Nineveh, in 627, A. C. on 
 his return from Dustajird, and where the snow fell for 34 
 days successively ; which, if true, argues the great eleva- 
 tion of the range of Zagros in that part. He also supposes 
 this pass to be that of Kelon£e, mentioned by Herodotus. 
 In this Kinnier is certainly very much mistaken. The 
 pass of Ghilanee, 50 miles south of Holwan, which also 
 leads over mount Zagros, is, in my opinion, the Kelonje 
 of the venerable father of history. This is evident from 
 the very name Kelonse, as it should be written agreeably 
 to the Greek kappa, and not Celonaj. Now, this seems to 
 be the Chalneh, Chalno, Channe of scripture, the dis. 
 trict belonging to which is called Chalonitis by the Greeks. 
 Strabo calls Ctesiphon the capital of Chalonitis, lib xvi. 
 Again — says the same writer, " Chalonitis is a part of 
 Babylonia which lies beside mount Zagros." Idem liber. 
 Pliny also mentions Chalonitis, and, in agreement with 
 Strrbo, makes Ctesiphon its capital. Polybius, speaking 
 of k-he defeat and death of Molo, lib. v. says that his body 
 was fixed on a cross and carried into Chalonitis, and 
 placed at the very ascent of mount Zagros, or crest of the 
 pass, by the orders of Antiochus. Dionysius Periegites 
 also mentions the Chalonitse, or the people of that district, 
 m his Poetical Geography, translated by Priscian into 
 Latin hexameters, thus : 
 
 " At supra Babylona vides Aquilonis ad oras 
 Cissos, Messabatasque, Chalonitasque feroces." 
 
 Isidore of Charax also mentions Chalonitis and its capital 
 Chala, 
 
 From all these testimonies it seems ervidcnt, that the 
 scripture Chalneh, Chalno, Channe, was the same with 
 the Greek and Roman Chalonitis, and that Chala, and 
 not Ctesiphon, was its capital. The similarity of name 
 and situation so clearly agree to the modern Ghilanee, that 
 I am fully of Rennel's opinion, that the modern Ghilanee 
 is the Kelonae of Herodotus, and that it is quite different, 
 both in name and situation, from the Deraubund pass, 
 supposed by Kinnier to be ideiitical with it. 
 
 Dustajird, or Kasr-Shirin, stood to tlie west of the 
 Deeallah, and, according to his own opinion, Heraclius 
 never crossed that stream to the east or south-east. Now, 
 the pass of Ghilanee lies far to the south-east of the Dee- 
 i j allah, and is also called the pass of Ailah-Akbar, a Mo- 
 I hammedan appellation. There are no less than four passes 
 ! I to the south and south-east of the pass of Deraubund ; 
 namely, the pass of Tak ; the pass of Korrund, the ancient 
 Karina ; the pass of Derteng ; and finally, to the south of 
 all these, that of Ghilanee, leading north-e;ist to Kerman- 
 5hah. Now Heraclius crossed the pass of Deraubund on 
 his return from Dustajird, or Kasr-Schirin Now, as this 
 stood on the west of the Deeallah, his march must have 
 been to the north, or north-west, instead of south, or 
 south-east ; so that he could not possibly have crossed the 
 pass of Ghilanee, which lay in a direction directly opposite 
 to that of his retreat. Therefore, the pass of Deraubund 
 must have been that which lies to the north-east of the 
 modern Sheher-issoul, and led in one direction across 
 the range to the lake of Oormeeah, and in another to 
 Ecbatana, and was the identical pass, in all probability, 
 over which the unfortunate Darius escaped in his flight 
 from the f^tal plain of Gaugamela. The difference of 
 
 i 
 
 fifteen benches of oars, had ever been seen till 
 then ; and it was not till many years after this 
 period that Ptolemy Philopator built one of 
 forty benches,' but then it was only for pomp 
 and ostentation, Avhereas those which Deme- 
 trius built were extremely useful in battle, and 
 more admirable for their lightness and agility 
 than their size and magnificence. 
 
 Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and 
 A. M. 3717. Seleucus, receiving intelli- 
 Ant. J. C. 287. gence of these formidable 
 preparations of Demetrius, 
 immediately caught the alarm, and in order to 
 frustrate their effect, renewed their alliance, in 
 which they likewise engaged Pyrrhus, king of 
 Epirus ; in coiisequence of which, when Lysi- 
 machus began to invade Macedonia on one side, 
 Pyrrhus did the same on the other. Demetrius, 
 who was then making preparations in Greece 
 for his intended expedition into Asia, advanced 
 with all speed to defend his own dominions; 
 but before he was able to arrive there, Pyrrhus 
 had taken Beraja, one of the most considerable 
 cities in Macedonia, where he found the wives, 
 children, and effects, of a great number of sol- 
 diers belonging to Demetrius. This news caused 
 so great a tumult in the army of that prince, 
 that a considerable part of his troops absolutely 
 refused to follow him, and declared with an air 
 of mutiny and sedition, that they would return 
 to defend their families and effects. In a word, 
 things were carried to such an extremity, that 
 Demetrius, perceiving he no longer had any 
 influence over them, fled to Greece in the dis- 
 guise of a common soldier, and his troops went 
 over to Pyrrhus, whom they proclaimed king 
 of Macedonia. 
 
 The different characters of these two princes 
 greatly contributed to this sudden revolution. 
 Demetrius, Avho considered vain pomp and 
 superb magnificence as true grandeur, rendered 
 himself contemptible to the Macedonians, in the 
 very circumstance by which he thought to ob- 
 tain their esteem. He ambitiously encircled 
 his head with a double diadem, like a theatrical 
 monarch, and wore purple robes, enriched with 
 a profusion of gold. The ornaments of his feet 
 were altogether extraordinary ; and he had long 
 employed artists to make him a mantle, on 
 which the system of the world, with all the 
 stars visible in the firmament, Avere to be em- 
 broidered in gold. The change of his fortune 
 prevented the finishing of this work, and no 
 future king would presume to wear it. 
 
 But that which rendered him still more 
 odious, was his being so difficult of access. Ke 
 was either so imperious and disdainful, as not 
 to allow those who had any affairs to transact 
 with him the liberty of speech ; or else he treated 
 them with so much rudeness, as obliged them 
 to quit his presence with disgust. One day, 
 Avhen he came out of his palace, and walked 
 
 situation of the two passes of Deraubund and Ghilanee, 
 is so obvious, that 1 am surprised that so judicious a geo- 
 grapher and traveller as Kinnier should ever have con- 
 founded them. The pass of Ghilanee derives its name 
 from the city so called, which stood near the foot of it, 
 and was probably, as before stated, the Chala of Isidorus, 
 the Kelonae of Herodotus, and the Chalneh of scripture. 
 
 
 
 1 This galley was 280 cubits (about 4'JO feet) in length, 
 and twenty-eight cubits (seventy-two feet) from the keel 
 to the top of the poop. It carried 400 sailors, be.-ides 
 4000 rowers, and near 3000 soldiers, who were disposed in 
 the spaces between the rowers, and on the lower dec)i. 
 Plut. in the lije oj Demetrius. 
 
298 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 through tlifc streets with a mien of more affa- 
 bility than it was usual for him to assume, some 
 persons were encouraged to present a few peti- 
 tions to him. He received them with a gra- 
 cious air, and placed them in one of the folds of 
 his I'obe ; but as he was passing over a bridge on 
 the river Axius,* he threw all those petitions 
 into the stream. A prince must certainly know 
 very little of mankind, not to be sensible that 
 j such a contemptuous behaviour is sufficient to 
 j disgust his subjects. On this occasion, an action 
 of the great Philip was recollected, which has 
 j been related among the events of his reign. — 
 That prince had several times refused audience 
 1 to a poor woman, under pretence that he wanted 
 [ leisure to hear her. " Be no longer king then," 
 j replied she with some emotion ; and Philip, 
 from thenceforth, made it a maxim with him- 
 self to grant his subjects long and frequent 
 audiences. For, as Plutarch observes on that 
 occasion, the most indispensable duty of a 
 
 KING, IS TO EXERT HIMSELF IN THE ADMINISTRA- 
 TION OF JUSTICE.* 
 
 The Macedonians had formed a very different 
 idea of Pyrrhus. They had heard it reported, 
 and were sensible by their own experience, that 
 he was naturally affable, and that he was always 
 mild and accessible; they were convinced of his 
 promptitude to recompense the services rendered 
 him, and that he was slo%v to anger and severity. 
 Some young officers, over their liquor, had 
 vented several offensive pleasantries against 
 him. The particulars of their conversation 
 were related to Pyrrhus himself, who ordered 
 them to be brought into his presence, and then 
 asked them, if they had expressed themselves in 
 the manner he had heard. " Yes, my lord," 
 replied one of the company, " and we should 
 have added a great deal more, if we had had 
 more wine." Pyrrhus could not forbear laugh- 
 ing at this facetious and sprightly turn, and 
 dismissed them from his presence without far- 
 ther notice. 
 
 The Maceaonians thought him much superior 
 to Demetrius, even in military merit. He had 
 beaten them on several occasions, but their ad- 
 miration of his bravery was greater than their 
 j resentment for their defeat. It was a common 
 expression with them, that other princes imi- 
 tated Alexander in nothing but their purple 
 robes, the number of their guards, the affecta- 
 tion of inclining their heads like his, and their 
 imperious manner of speaking ; but that Pyr- 
 rhus was the only one who represented that 
 monarch in his great and laudable qualities. 
 Pyrrhus himself was not altogether free from 
 vanity, with respect to the resemblance of his 
 own features to those of Alexander ;^ but a 
 good matron of Larissa, in whose house he once 
 lodged, had undeceived him in that particular, 
 by an answer, perhaps, not at all agreeable to 
 him. The Macedonians, however, thought they 
 
 1 A river of Upper Macedonia. 
 2 OiSiv 'yk^ ovTdii T&i ^a,(rtKu Tr^oaYixov, as to -rrs hlz'/js 
 l^yov. 
 
 .'3 A set of flatterers had really persuaded Pyrrhus, that 
 he resembled Alexander in the features of his face. With 
 this belief he sent for the pictures of Philip, Perdiccas, 
 Alexander, Cassander, and some other princes, and then 
 desired a woman of Larissa, with whom he then lodged, 
 •o tell him which of those princes he most resembled. She 
 refused to answer him for a considerable time, till at last 
 he pressed her very earnestly to satisfy his curiosity ; upon 
 which she replied, that she thought him very like Batra- 
 chion, who was a noted cook in that city. Lucian advers 
 indoct. p. 552, 553. 
 
 discovered in him the aspect of that jirince ; 
 with all the fire of his eyes, and the vivacity, 
 promptitude, and impetuosity, with which he 
 charged his enemies, and bore down all who 
 presumed to oppose him : but with respect to 
 the military art, and ability in drawing up an 
 army in battle, and knowing how to take ad- 
 vantage of circumstances, they thought none 
 comparable to Pyrrhus. 
 
 It cannot, therefore, be thought surprising, 
 that the Macedonians, who entertained prepos- 
 sessions so favourable to the one and so disad- 
 vantageous to the other, should easily quit the 
 party of Demetrius to espouse that of Pyrrhus : 
 and one may see by this instance, and a thou- 
 sand others, of what importance it is for princes 
 to attach their people to their interests by the 
 gentle ties of affection and gratitude ; by treating 
 them with mildness and affability ; and by 
 entertaining a real love for them, which is the 
 only means of acquiring their love, which con- 
 stitutes their most solid glory, their most essen- 
 tial obligation, and at the same time theii 
 greatest security. 
 
 As Lysimachus happened to arrive imme- 
 diately after Pyrrhus had been declared king 
 of Macedonia,* he pretended that he had con- 
 tributed as much as that prince to the flight of 
 Demetrius, and that he consequently ought to 
 have a share in that kingdom. Pyrrhus, who, 
 in this conjuncture, was not entirely certain of 
 the fidelity of the Macedonians, readily acqui- 
 esced in the pretensions of Lysimachus, and the 
 cities and provinces were accordingly shared 
 between them : but this agreement was so far 
 from uniting them with each other, that it was 
 rather the constant source of animosities and 
 divisions : for, as Plutarch observes, when nei- 
 ther seas nor mountains, nor uninhabitable de- 
 serts, could suffice as barriers to the avarice and 
 ambition of these princes ; and when their de- 
 sires were not to be botmded by those limits 
 which separate Europe from Asia, how could 
 they possibly continue in a state of tranquillity, 
 and refrain from the injustice of invading do- 
 mains which lay so near and so commodious to 
 them? This was not to be expected; and a 
 perpetual war between them became inevitable, 
 from the malignant seeds of envy and usurpa- 
 tion that had taken root in their minds. The 
 names of peace and war were considered by 
 them as two species of coin, to which they 
 themselves had given currency, merely for their 
 own interest, and without the least regard to 
 justice. — Still, continues the same author, they 
 "act more laudably, when they engage in an 
 open war, than when they use the sacred names 
 of justice, friendship, and peace, for what, in 
 reality, is no more than a truce, or transient 
 suspension of their unjust views. 
 
 The whole history of Alexander's successors 
 justifies these reflections of Plutarch. Never 
 were more treaties and alliances made, and 
 never were they violated with less disguise and 
 more impunity. Would to God that those 
 complaints were never applicable to any princes 
 or times but those we are treating of at pre- 
 sent ! 
 
 Pyrrhus finding the Macedonians more trac- 
 table and submissive, when he led them to war, 
 than when he permitted them to enjoy a state 
 of repose ; and being himself not much addicted 
 
 4 riut, in Pyrrh. \\ 389, 390. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 299 
 
 to tranquillity, nor capable of satisfaction in the 
 calm of a long peace, was daily forming new- 
 enterprises, without much regard to sparing 
 either his subjects or allies. Lysimachus took 
 advantage of the army's disaffection to Pyrrhus, 
 and inflamed them still more by his emissaries, 
 who artfully insinuated that they had acted 
 most shamefully in choosing a stranger for their 
 master, whom interest, and not affection, had 
 attached to Macedonia. These reproaches drew 
 in the greatest part of the soldiers ; upon which 
 Pyrrhus, who feared the consequences of this 
 alienation, retired with the Epirots and the 
 troops of his allies, and lost Macedonia in the 
 same manner he had gained it. 
 
 He greatly complained of the inconstancy of 
 this people, and their disaffection to his person ; 
 but, as Plutarch again observes, kings have no 
 reason to blame other persons for sometimes 
 changing their party according to their interest, 
 as in acting so they only imitate their own ex- 
 ample, and practise the lessons of infidelity and 
 treason, which they have learned from the 
 whole of their own conduct, which upon all oc- 
 casions demonstrates an utter disregard for jus- 
 tice, veracity, and sincerity, in the observance 
 of engagements. 
 
 As to Demetrius,* when he found himself 
 deserted by his troops, he had retired to the city 
 of Cassandria,** where his consort Phila resided : 
 this lady was so afflicted at the calamitous state 
 in which she beheld her husband, and was so 
 terrified at the misfortunes to Avhich she herself 
 was exposed by the declension of his affairs, 
 that she had recoui'se to a di-aught of poison, by 
 Avhich she ended a life that was become more 
 insupportable to her than death itself. 
 
 Demetrius, thinking to gather up some re- 
 mains of his shattered fortune, returned to 
 Greece, whei'e several cities still continued de- 
 voted to him ; and when he had disposed his 
 affairs in the best order he was able, he left the 
 government of those places to his son Antigo- 
 nus; and assembling all the troops he could 
 raise in that country, which amounted to be- 
 tween ten and eleven thousand men, he em- 
 barked for Asia, with a resolution to make a 
 desperate attempt to retrieve his good fortune. 
 Eurydice, the sister of his late wife Phila, re- 
 ceived him at Miletus, where she lived with the 
 princess Ptolemais, her daughter by Ptolemy, 
 whose marriage with Demetrius had been 
 agreed upon by the mediation of Seleucus. — 
 Eurydice accordingly pi'esented the princess to 
 him, and this alliance gave birth to Demetrius, 
 who afterwards reigned in Cyrene. 
 
 Demetrius,' immediately after the celebration 
 of his nuptials, entered Caria and Lydia, where 
 he took several places from Lysimachus, and 
 considerably augmented his forces ; and at length 
 made himself master of Sardis ; but, as soon as 
 Agathocles, the son of Lysimachus, appeared at 
 the head of an army, he abandoned all his con- 
 quests, and marched into the East. His design 
 \n taking this route was to surprise Armenia 
 and Media; but Agathocles, who followed him 
 close, cut off his provisions and forage so effec- 
 tually, that a sickness spread through his army, 
 and weakened it extremely ; and when he at 
 last made an attempt to march over mount 
 
 5 Plut. in Demetr. p. 910, 91 1. 
 6 A city on the frontiers of 'I brace, and in Upper Mace- 
 ania. 
 
 7 Plut. in Demetr, p. 912—915. 
 
 Taurus, with the small remains of his troops, 
 he found all the passes guarded by the ene- 
 mies, Avhich obliged him to fall back to Tarsus 
 in Cilicia. 
 
 From thence he represented to Seleucus, to 
 whom that city belonged, the melancholy sit>.ia- 
 tion of his affairs, and entreated him, in a very 
 moving manner, to afford him the necessary 
 subsistence for himself and the remainder of his 
 troops. Seleucus was touched with compassion 
 at first, and despatched orders to his lieutenants, 
 to furnish him with all he should want. But 
 when remonstrances were afterwards made to 
 him upon the valour and abilities of Demetrius, 
 his genius for resource and stratagem, and his 
 intrepidity in the execution of his designs, 
 whenever the least opportunity for acting pre- 
 sented itself; he thought it impossible to re- 
 instate a prince of that character, without ex- 
 posing himself to danger. For which reason, 
 instead of continuing to support him, he resolved 
 upon his destruction, and immediately placed 
 himself at the head of a numerous army, with 
 an intention to attack him. Demetrius, who 
 had received intelligence of these measm-es, 
 posted his troops in those parts of mount Tau- 
 rus where he imagined it would be very diffi- 
 cult to force them, and sent to Seleucus a second 
 time, to implore his permission to pass into the 
 East, in order to establish himself in some coun- 
 try belonging to the Barbarians, where he might 
 end his days in tranquillity : but if he should 
 not be inclined to grant him that favour, he 
 entreated him to allow him to take up his win- 
 ter-quarters in his dominions ; and begged that 
 prince not to expose him, by driving him from 
 thence, to famine, and the rigours of the season, 
 as that would be delivering him up defenceless 
 to the discretion of his enemies. 
 
 Seleucus was so prejudiced against the design 
 which Demetrius had formed against the East, 
 that this proposal only tended to increase his 
 distrust ; and he consented to nothing more than 
 his taking up his quarters in Cataonia, a pro- 
 vince adjacent to Cappadocia, during the two 
 severest months of the winter ; after which he 
 was immediately to evacuate that country. Se- 
 leucus, during this negotiation, had placed strong 
 guards at all the passes from Cilicia into Syria, 
 which obliged Demetrius to have recourse to 
 arms, in order to disengage himself. He ac- 
 cordingly made such a vigorous attack on the 
 troops who guarded the passes in the mountains, 
 that he dislodged them from thence, and opened 
 himself a passage in Syria, which he imme- 
 diately entered. 
 
 His own courage, and the hopes of his sol- 
 diers, reviving from this success, he took all 
 possible measures for making a last effort for 
 the re-establishment of his affairs ; but he had 
 the misfortune to be suddenly seized with a 
 severe distemper, which disconcerted all his 
 measures. During the forty 
 
 A. M. 3718. days that he continued sick, 
 Ant. J. C. 286. most of his soldiers deserted •, 
 and when he at last recovered 
 his health, so as to be capable of action, he found 
 himself reduced to the desperate necessity of 
 attempting to surprise Seleucus in his camp by 
 night, with the handful of men who still con- 
 tinued in his service. A deserter gave Seleucus 
 intelligence of this design time enough to pre- 
 vent its effect; and the desertion of Demetrius's 
 troops increased upon this disappointment. He 
 then endeavoured, as his last resource, to regain 
 tiip. mountains, and join his fleet ; but he found 
 
soo 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 the passes so well guarded, that he was obliged | 
 to conceal himself in the woods ; from whence 
 he was soon dislodged by hunger, and compelled 
 to surrender himself to Seleucus, who caused 
 him to be conducted under a strong guard to 
 the Chersonesus of Syria near Laodicea, where 
 he was detained prisoner. He, howevei', was 
 allowed the liberty of a park for hunting, and 
 all the conveniences of life in abundance. 
 
 When Antigonus i-eceived intelligence of his 
 father's captivity, he was affected with the ut- 
 most sorrow ; and wrote to all the kings, and 
 even to Seleucus himself, to obtain his release, 
 offering, at the same time, his own person as a 
 hostage for him, and consenting to part with all 
 his remaining dominions, as the price of his 
 liberty. Several cities, and a great number of 
 princes, joined their solicitations in favour of 
 the captive prince; but Lysimachus offered a 
 large sum of money to Seleucus, provided he 
 would cause his prisoner to be put to death. 
 Seleucus was struck with horror at so barbar- 
 ous and inhuman a proposal ; and in order to 
 grant a favour solicited from so many different 
 quarters, he seemed only to wait the arrival of 
 his son Antigonus, and Stratonice, that Deme- 
 trius might owe the obligation of his liberty to 
 them. 
 
 In the meantime that unhappy prince sup- 
 ported his misfortunes with patience and mag- 
 nanimity ; and became at last so habituated to 
 them, that they no longer seemed to affect him. 
 He exercised himself in racing, walking, and 
 hunting ; and might have been infinitely more 
 happy, had he made a true estimate of his con- 
 dition, than whilst hurried over lands and seas 
 by the frenzy of ambition. For what other 
 fruit do these pretended heroes, who are called 
 conquerors, derive from all their labours and 
 wars, and from all the dangers to which they 
 expose themselves, than that of tormenting 
 themselves, while they render others miserable ; 
 and constantly turning their backs on tranquil- 
 lity and happiness, which, if they may be be- 
 lieved, are the sole ends of all their motions ? 
 But Demetrius was gradually seized with 
 melancholy ; and no longer amused himself 
 with his former exercises : he grew corpulent, 
 and entirely abandoned himself to drinking and 
 gaming at dice, to which he devoted whole days, 
 undoubtedly endeavouring by these methods to 
 banish the melancholy thoughts of his condition. 
 When he had continued in his captivity for the 
 space of three years, he was seized with a se- 
 vere distemper, occasioned by his inactivity, and 
 intempei-ance in eating and drinking, and died 
 at the age of fifty-four years. His son Antigo- 
 i nus, to whom the urn which enclosed his ashes 
 1 was transmitted, celebrated his funeral with 
 great magnificence. We shall see, in the sequel 
 , of the present history, that this Antigonus, who 
 I was surnamed Gonatas, continued peaceable 
 I possessor of the kingdom of Macedonia ; and the 
 \ race of this prince enjoyed the crown for several 
 : generations, in a direct line from father to son, 
 till the reign of Perseus, who was the last of 
 i that family, and was divested of Macedonia by 
 the Romans. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 Ptolemy Soter resigns his kingdom to his son Ptolemy 
 I'hiladelphus. The tower of Fliaros built. 1 he image 
 of berapis conveyed to Alexaiidria, The celebrated 
 library founded in that city, with an academy ot learned 
 men. Demetrius I'halereus presides over both. Death 
 of i'tolemy Soter. 
 
 A. M. 3719. 
 Ant. J. C. 265. 
 
 Ptolemy Soter,' the son 
 of Lagus, after a reign of 
 twenty years in Egypt, with 
 the title of king, and of near 
 thirty-nine from the death of Alexander, was 
 desirous of transmitting the throne to Ptolemy 
 Philadelphus,* one of his sons by Berenice. He 
 had likewise several children by his other wives, 
 and among them Ptolemy, surnamed Ceraunus, 
 or The Thunder; who being the son of Eury- 
 dice, the daughter of Antipater, and the eldest 
 of the male issue, considered the crown as his 
 right, after the death of his father. But Bere- 
 nice, who came into Egypt, merely to accom- 
 pany Eurydice, at the time of her espousals 
 with Ptolemy, had so charmed that prince with 
 her beauty, that he married her ; and so great 
 was her ascendant over him, that she caused 
 him to prefer her son to all his issue by the 
 other queens. In order, therefore, to prevent 
 all disputes and wars that might ensue after his 
 death, which he was sensible could not be very 
 remote, as he was then fourscore years of age; 
 he resolved to have him crowned in his own 
 lifetime, intending, at the same time, to resign 
 all his dominions to him; declaring, that to 
 create a king was more glorious than to be so 
 one's self. The coronation of Philadelphus was 
 celebrated with the most splendid festival that 
 had ever been seen ; but I reserve the descrip- 
 tion of it to the end of this section. 
 
 Ptolemy Ceraunus quitted the court, and re- 
 tired to Lysimachus, whose son Agathocles had 
 espoused Lysandra, the sister of Ceraunus, both 
 by father and mother ; and, after the death of 
 Agathocles, he removed to the court of Seleu- 
 cus, who received him with a generosity entirely 
 uncommon, for which he afterwards repaid him 
 with the blackest ingratitude, as wiU appear in 1 
 the sequel of this history. ^ i 1 
 
 In the first year of the reign of Ptolemy 
 Philadelphus,^* which was also the first year of , 
 the 124th Olympiad, the famous watch-tower I 
 in the isle of Pharos was completed. It was j 
 usually called the tower of Pharos, and has been 
 reputed one of the seven wonders of the world, j 
 It was a large square structure built of white j 
 marble, on the top of which a fire was con- 
 stantly kept burning, in order to guide ships in ! 
 their course. It cost 800 talents, which, esti- ■ 
 mated by the Athenian money, are equal to ! 
 200,000/., but amount to almost double that sum 
 if computed by the coin of Alexandria. The 
 architect of the* edifice was Sostratus of Cnidus, j 
 who, to perpetuate the Avhole honour of it to S 
 himself, had recourse to the artifice I have men- j 
 tioned before.* Pharos was originally a real i 
 island, at the distance of seven turlongs from 
 the continent ; but was afterwards joined to it 
 by a causeway like that of Tyre. 
 
 Much about this time the 
 A. M. 3720. image of the god Serapis was 
 Ant. J. C. 284. brought from Pontus to Alex- 
 andria.* Ptolemy had been 
 
 1 Justin. 1. xvi. 
 
 2 The word signifies a lover of his brethren; but Ptolo- 
 my received this surname, agreeably to a figure o speecfc 
 called antiphrosis, because he charged two of Ins brothers 
 with forming designs against his hfe and then caused 
 them to be destroyed. Faiisan. 1 i. p. 12. 
 
 3 Flin. 1. xxxvi. c. 12. Strab. 1. xvu. p. 791. Suid. m 
 
 '^'^^'^* 4 See vol. i. in the history of Egypt. 
 
 5 Tacit, hist. 1. iv. c. 83 & 84. PUit. de Isid. el Usu 
 1>. oGl. Clem. Alex, in Protrept. p. 31. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 301 
 
 induced by a dream to demand it, by an em- 
 bassy, of the king of Si nope, a city of Pontus, 
 where it was kept. It was, however, refused 
 him for the space of two years, till at last tiie 
 inhabitants of Sinope suffered such extremities 
 from a famine, that they consented to resign 
 this god to Ptolemy for a supply of corn, which 
 he transmitted to them ; and the statue was 
 then conveyed to Alexandria, and placed in one 
 of the suburbs, called Rhacotis, where it was 
 adored by the name of Serapis ; and a famous 
 temple, called the Serapion, was afterwards 
 erected for it in that place. This structure, ac- 
 cording to Ammianus Marcellinus,^ surpassed, 
 in beauty and magnificence, all the temples in 
 the world, except the Capitol at Rome. This 
 temple had also a library, which became famous 
 in all succeeding ages, for the number and value 
 of the books it contained. 
 
 Ptolemy Soter had been careful to improve 
 nimself in polite literature,' as was evident by 
 his compiling the life of Alexander, which was 
 greatly esteemed by the ancients, but is now 
 entirely lost. In order to encourage the culti- 
 vation of the sciences, which he much admired, 
 he founded an Academy at Alexandria, called 
 the Musseum, where a society of learned men 
 devoted themselves to philosophic studies, and 
 the improvement of all other sciences, almost in 
 the same manner as those of London and Paris. 
 For this purpose, he began by giving them a 
 library, which was prodigiously increased by 
 his successors. 
 
 His son Philadelphus left 100,000 volumes in 
 it at the time of his death,** and the succeeding 
 princes of that race enlarged it still more, till at 
 last it consisted of 700,000 volumes. 
 
 This libi'ary was formed by the following 
 method.^ All the Greek and other books that 
 were brought into Egypt were seized, and sent 
 to the Musseam, where they were transcribed by 
 persons employed for that purpose. The copies 
 were then delivered to the proprietors, and the 
 originals were deposited in the library. Ptolemy 
 Euergetes, for instance, borrowed the vrorks of 
 Sophocles, Euripides, and ^schylus, of the 
 Athenians, and only returned them the copies, 
 which he caused to be transcribed in as beauti- 
 ful a manner as possible ; and he likewise pre- 
 sented them with fifteen talents (equal to J 5,000 
 crowns) for the originals which he kept. 
 
 As the Musseum was at first in that quarter 
 of the city which was called Bruchion, and near 
 the royal palace, the library was founded in the 
 same place, and it soon drew vast numbers 
 thither; but when it was so much augmented, 
 as to contain 400,000 volumes, they began to de- 
 posit the additional books in the Serapion. This 
 last library was a supplement to the former, for 
 which reason it received the appellation of its 
 Daughter, and in process of time had in it 
 500,000 volumes. 
 
 In Caesar's war with the inhabitants of Alex- 
 andria,'" a fire, occasioned by those hostilities, 
 consumed the library of Bruchion, with its 
 400,000 volumes. Seneca seems to me to be 
 out of humour," when, speaking of the confla- 
 
 6 Amm. Marcell. I. xxii. c. 16. 
 7 Arrian. in pra?f'. I'lut. in Alex. p. 691. Quint. Curt. 
 I. IK. c. 8. Strab. 1 xvii. p. 793, piut. in Moral, p. 1095. 
 8 Euseb. in Chron. 9 Galen. 
 
 10 Plut. in C£Bsar. p. 732. in Anton, p. 943. Amni. 
 Marcell. 1. xxii. c, 16. Dion. Cass. 1. xlii. p. 102. 
 
 11 Quadringenta millia librorum Alexandria arserunt, 
 i)Ulrherrimum regia opulentias monunientum. Alius 
 
 gration, he bestows his censures, both on the 
 library itself, and the eulogium made on it by 
 Livy, who styles it an illustrious monument of 
 the opulence of the Egyptian kings, and of their 
 judicious attention to the improvement of the 
 sciences. Seneca, instead of allowing it to be 
 such, would have it considered only as a work 
 resulting from the pride and vanity of those 
 monarchs, who had amassed such a number of 
 books, not for their own use, but merely for 
 pomp and ostentation. This reflection, how- 
 ever, seems to discover very little sagacity ; for 
 is it not evident beyond contradiction, that none 
 but kings are capable of founding these magni- 
 ficent libraries, which became a necessary trea- 
 sui'e to the learned, and do infinite honour to 
 those states in which they are established ? 
 
 The library of Serapion did not sustain any 
 damage, and it was undoubtedly there, that 
 Cleopatra deposited those 200,000 volumes fronj 
 that of Pergamus, which were presented to her 
 by Antony. This addition, with other enlarge- 
 ments that were made from time to time, ren- 
 dered the new library of Alexandria more 
 numerous and considerable than the first : and 
 though it was ransacked more than once, dur- 
 ing the troubles and revolutions which happened 
 in the Roman empire, it always retrieved its 
 losses, and recovered its number of volumes. 
 In this condition it subsisted for many ages, 
 displaying its treasures to the learned and cu- 
 rious, till the seventh century, when it suffered 
 the same fate with its parent, and was burnt by 
 the Saracens when they took that city in the 
 year of our Lord 642. The manner by which 
 this misfortune happened is too singular to be 
 passed over in silence. 
 
 John,'^ surnamed the Grammarian, a famous 
 follower of Aristotle, happened to be at Alex- 
 andria when the city was taken ; and as he was 
 much esteemed by Amrou Ebn-al As, the general 
 of the Saracen troops, he entreated that com- 
 mander to bestow upon him the Alexandrian 
 library. Amrou replied, that it was not in his 
 power to grant such a request; but that he 
 would write to the Kbalif, or emperor of the 
 Saracens, for his orders on that head, without 
 which he could not presume to dispose of the 
 library. He accordingly wrote to Omar, the 
 then Khalif, whose answer was, that if those 
 books contained the same doctrine with the 
 Koran, they could not be of any use, because 
 the Koran was sufficient in itself, and compre- 
 hended all necessary truths ; but if they con- 
 tained any particulars contrary to that book, 
 they ought to be destroyed. In consequence of 
 this answer, they were all condemned to the 
 flames, without any farther examination ; and, 
 for that purpose were distributed among the 
 public baths ; where, for the space of six months, 
 they were used for fuel instead of wood. We 
 may from hence form a just idea of the pro- 
 digious number of books contained in that 
 library ; and thus was this inestimable treasure 
 of learning destroyed.'^ 
 
 laudaverit, siciit Livius, qui elcgantize regum cur£equp 
 egregium id opus ait fuisse. Non fuit cleganlia illud, aut 
 cura, sed studiosa luxuria : \mb, ne studiosa quidem, quo- 
 niam non in studium, sed in spectaculum comparaverant. 
 — Paretur itaque librorum qjantum sit, nihil m appara. 
 turn. Senrc. de tranquill. ani?n. c. ix. 
 
 12 Abul-Pharagius, in hist. Dynast. IX. 
 13 The story of the burning of the Alexandrian library 
 by the command of the khalif Omar, has been hitherto 
 believed by all except Gibbon. 1 must also own, thut 1 
 
302 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 The Musaeam of Bruchion was not burnt 
 with the library which was attached to it. 
 Strabo ' acquaints us, in this description of it, 
 that it was a very large structure near the palace, 
 
 1 Strab. 1. xvii, p. 793. 
 
 am not fully satisfied respecting the alleged fact. Nothing 
 should be received in history but upon clear and evident 
 proof. The whole authority on which the truth of this 
 memorable event is made to depend, is, as far as 1 know, 
 the sole testimony of Abulfaraj, a writer of the thirteenth 
 century, in his History of the Dynasties, first published 
 and translated by the learned Pococke, in A. D. 1663. 
 Now, this writer lived at least six cepturies posterior to 
 the reported fact, and it is somewhat strange that so im- 
 portant a fact, if it really happened, was never mentioned 
 by any coiitemporary or succeeding writers, whether these 
 be Greeks or Arabians, till the time of Abulfaraj. 
 
 Such a catastrophe, as that of burning the greatest col- 
 lection of books that ever the world saw, amounting to 
 700,000 volumes— an event that so deeply affected the in. 
 terests of literature and science, an event that has reflected 
 so much disgrace on the character of Omar, and on the 
 genius of the Mohammedan system— could not possibly 
 fail, one would suppo.se, of being noticed during a lapse 
 of 600 years. Unless we suppose the Greeks of the age of 
 Heraclius and his successors in the throne of Constantme, 
 to have been utterly lost to all concern respecting the in- 
 terests of literature and science, it is impossible to account 
 for this silence. They could not have failed to improve 
 this event as an argument, as a demonstrative proof, of 
 the enmity of the religion of Mohammed, not merely to- 
 wards Christianity, but to every species of literature or 
 philosophy that had hitherto ennobled tlie human species. 
 Not a word of it occurs in Al-Wakidi, translated by the 
 learned Simon Ockley, whose history is solely confined to 
 the conquest of Syria, Arabia, and Egypt, nor in George 
 Al-Makin, a christian physician of Malathyah, whose epi- 
 tome of the large chronicle of Tabari, was translated and 
 published by Erpenius, nor in the annals of Eutychius, the 
 Jacobite patriarch of Alexandria, translated and published 
 in England by Selden and Pococke, and in France by the 
 Abbe Renaudot. As every thing must be established at 
 the mouth of two or three witnesses before it can be ad- 
 mitted as proof, so something analogous to this must take 
 place in history, before a reported fact can be received as 
 genuine truth. 
 
 We have nothing to rest on but the authority of a 
 single writer, and that none of the most respectable, and 
 one who lived 600 years posterior to the fact he mentions 
 and for which he himself produces no voucher. I am 
 almost inclined to suspect that long prior to this event this 
 celebrated library had ceased to exist. Tiie Alexandrians 
 were noted for a fickle, restless, satirical, turbulent, and 
 factious people. The city was frequently laid waste by 
 the double calamity of conflagration and bloodshed. Many 
 severe contests had taken place within its walls, both in 
 the days of the Ptolemies and the Cassars. The Bruc-hion 
 library was totally consumed, as stated above, in the war 
 which Julius Ciesar waged with the inhabitants ; and, in 
 the days of Aurelian, the quarter of the Bruchion was so 
 completely destroyed, that in the next century nothing of 
 it was left remaining but ruins. 
 
 In the reign of Theodosius, a terrible rupture took place 
 in that city, between the Christians and Pagans. The 
 consequence of this was, the total destruction of the cele- 
 brated temple of Serapis, and all the other pagan temple.'^ 
 both there and throughout Egypt. This temple was, ac 
 cording to Ammianus Marcellinus, superior to all others 
 in the pagan world, except that of the Capitoline Jupiter 
 at Rome. In this large edifice was the famed library con- 
 tained. As this temple was used as a fortress by the 
 pagans to defend themselves against the Christians, and 
 from whence they frequently sallied out upon their ad 
 versaries, and compelled such as they took captive either 
 to sacrifice to the idol there worthipped, or to suffer death, 
 the vengeance of the Christian population was chiefly 
 directed against it, and though no mention is made of the 
 fate of the iibrarv, yet there is ground of suspicion that 
 both temple and library shared the same fate. 'I'he phi- 
 losophers of Alexandria made common cause with the 
 pagans, in defence of their temple and their god, and one 
 of them, named Olympius, was the ringleader and general 
 of the pagan party, along with two others, Helladius and 
 Ammonius. It is, therefore, quite natural to think that 
 an exasperated Christian populace, headed by a zealous 
 bishop, would no more spare the library than the temple. 
 
 and fronting the port; and that it was sur- 
 rounded with a portico, in which the philoso- 
 phers walked. He adds, that the members of 
 this society were governed by a president, whose 
 station was so honourable and important, that 
 in the time of the Ptolemies, he was always 
 chosen by the king himself, and afterwards by 
 the Roman emperor ; and that they had a hall 
 where the whole society ate at the expense of 
 the public, by whom they were supported in a 
 very plentiful manner. 
 
 destructive seditions, rebellions, massacres and conflagra. 
 tions, which took place in a city the most turbulent in the 
 whole Roman empire, it is hardly possible, 1 think, that 
 the library of the Serapseum existed so late as the days of 
 the khalif Omar. When the temple in which it was 
 lodged was razed to the very foundation, the library, if 
 preserved, must have been removed to some other place ; 
 jut of this there is no mention. 
 
 I do not pretend to affirm that what Abulfaraj has saia 
 of the destruction of the library by the command of Omar 
 is not true. I shall neither decide on the one side nor the 
 other ; but I may be excused for expressing my doubts 
 respecting a matter resting solely on the affirmation of a 
 single historian, who lived 600 years posterior to the event 
 which he reports. 
 
 That the library of the Serapasum was actually destroyed 
 in the catastrophe which befell the temple of the Egyptian 
 deity, we have the express, the unequivocal testimony of 
 Orosius, a Christian writer, and an eye-witness of the 
 desolation of the Serap£eum— " Nos vidimus armaria libro- 
 rum, quibus direptis, exinanita a nostris, temporibus me 
 morant."— Lib. vi. c. 15, p. 421. edit. Havercamp. The 
 appearance of so many empty shelves, once filled with the 
 choicest productions of past ages, could not but fill the 
 mind of every spectator not totally darkened by religious 
 intolerance, with indignation and regret. " The compo- 
 sitions of ancient genius," says Gibbon, vol. iil p 470. " so 
 many of which have irretrievably perished, might surely 
 have been excepted from the wreck of idolatry, for the 
 amusement and instruction of succeeding ages, and either 
 the zeal or the avarice of the archbishop (I'heophilus) 
 ight have been satiated with the rich spoils which were 
 the reward of his victory." 
 
 This library was founded by Antony, who gave the 
 whole collection of Pergamus, S.OO,0CO volumes, to his 
 fascinating queen, as the foundation of this new library. 
 There is no probability thai ever the loss was repaired, or 
 that ever a new collection, equal in value and number to 
 that which preceded it, was accumulated in the succeed- 
 ing period of 250 years, which intervened between this 
 calamitous event and the conquest of Egypt by the Sara- 
 cens. 
 
 The conduct of Theophilus seems as cnmmal to me, 
 and as much deserving of censure, as the conduct of the 
 khalif Omar. Both were alike animated with illiberal 
 bigotry and religious intolerance, and I see no reason why 
 so many tears and lamentations should have been poured 
 forth for the fate of the Alexandrian library, destroyed by 
 Omar, and why so many execrations should have been 
 heaped on his guilty head, whilst the equally infamous con. 
 duct of Theophilus, should have been comparatively passed 
 over sub silentio. The only reason I can divine for the 
 difference is, that Theophilus was a Christian and an 
 archbishop, whilst Omar was the successor of Mohammed, 
 and the ecclesiastical and political head of a religion in 
 opposition to Christianity. 
 
 Much, and undeserved abuse, has been heaped on the 
 heads of our Scottish reformers, and especially on John 
 Knox, for the destruction of popish cathedrals and libra- 
 ries, by our episcopalian neighoours of the south, whilst 
 they seem totally forgetful that a Christian prelate, and 
 that of the highest order too, one who derived his dignity 
 in a line of direct succession from the apostles, destroyed 
 more books in a few days than have, in all probability, 
 been destroyed in all Europe, by whatever measures, since 
 the reformation; and who thereby did infinitely more mis- 
 chief to the interests of literature and science. But John 
 Knox was a presbyterian, whilst Theophilus was an epis- 
 copalian, and one of the fathers of the church. His war- 
 like exploits against the temples of the Egyptian idols, and 
 the library of the Serap£euin, and the monks of Nitria, 
 have procured for him lasting l^me, as one of the chief 
 warriors of the church militant. — Ed. 
 
 2 Hence I'iir.on the Phliasian, contemporary with it£ 
 founder Ptoieiny Soter, used to call the Museum, the 
 falaron, or the coop, denoting theicby that the philoso. 
 I'speak tTds"under'corV"ectTon%"bVtram and ! phers were fed in the museum, and fatted like birds in u 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSOllS. 
 
 303 
 
 Akxandl ia was undoubtedly indebted to this 
 Musaeum for the advantage she long enjoyed of 
 being the greatest school in all that part of the 
 world, and of having trained up a vast number 
 
 coop. Athen. lib. i. p. 22. This museum, or college, of 
 the literati was suppressed by the cruel and tyrannical 
 Caracalla, in A. D. 216, on account of some severe and 
 satirical lampoons which the Alexandrians had made 
 upon him, on the occasion of the death of his brother 
 Geta. He also stripped the city of all its privileges, after 
 having previously ordered his troops to massacre the in. 
 habitants and pillage the place. 
 
 Though Demetrius Pbalereus was president of the mu- 
 seum, we are not to imagine that he was Ptolemy's libra- 
 rian, as Aristeas seemingly insinuates ; for this would 
 ! have been too mean an employment for a man who had 
 been the prince of Athens, and had governed it ten years 
 with absolute sway, was a great lawgiver, an eminent 
 philosopher, and the most able politician of his age. The 
 I emperor Antonine ranks him with the greatest princes of 
 those times, and even puts him on a level with Philip of 
 Macedon, and his son tlie Great Alexander. To say, 
 therefore, that he was librarian to Ptolemy, would be de. 
 grading a person of his merit and reputation. Another 
 person than he is found in this emplovment, under the 
 reigns both of the first Ptolemy and his successor Phila- 
 delphus, namely Zenodotus of Ephesus, who, being pro- 
 fessionally a grammarian, was therefore a very fit person 
 to take cnarge of a library, and therefore there can be no 
 doubt but that he would be assisted in his function by the 
 advice of Demetrius himself, the president of this new 
 literary institution, as in the choice of valuable books for 
 the use of the literati who were to live in the museum 
 It must be observed, that though the first library was in 
 the quarter of the Bruchton, where stood the museum 
 and the royal palace, y«t, when the library was filled to 
 I the number of 400,000 volumes, another library was 
 I erected within the Serap£eum, as a supplement to it, and 
 on that account was called the daughter of the former. 
 The books lodged in this gradually increased to 300,000 
 volumes, and these two put together composed a total of 
 700,000 volumes, of which the royal libraries of the Ptole- 
 mies were said to consist. After the burning of the Bru- 
 chion quarter with its library, that of the Serapaeum still 
 remamed ; and there it was, undoubtedly, that Cleopatra 
 deposited the Pergamenian collection of 200,(.00 volumes 
 which Antony gave her. The entire lil)rary of the Sera- 
 paeum, therefore, would contain 500,000 volumes ; and as 
 there can be little doubt but that this collection would re- 
 ceive various additions in the lapse of four centuries, 
 which succeeded, down to the fatal epoch of its destruc- 
 tion by the archbishop Theophilus, it must have been a 
 much larger library than that consumed by the command 
 of the khalif Omar, on the hypothesis that this latter 
 event actually took place. 
 
 Who this Serapis was, in honour of whom the temple 
 was built— whether a foreign deity, introduced into Egypt 
 by Ptolemy Philadelphus in the first year of his reign, in 
 compliance with the will of his father Ptolemy Lagus, or 
 Soter, or an old forgotten deity worshipped at Memphis, 
 I and again raisfd to the honours of godship— has been 
 matter of keen dispute amongst the learned. Bochart and 
 Witsius are of opinion that Serapis was a foreign god, 
 while Vossius, De Idololat. lib i. c. 19. strives to support 
 the strange notion of the fathers, as Julius Pirmicus, 
 Ruffinus, &c. that the patriarch Joseph was worshipped 
 there under that name. This ridiculous and ill-grounded 
 opinion has also been embraced by Oucelius, the learned 
 I Dr. Spencer, and many other modern writers of no mean 
 reputation. I'he only reason advanced for this strange 
 conceit IS, that Serapis was generally represented with a 
 bushel on his head, which, they think, denotes the bushel 
 with which Joseph measured out his corn to the Egyp- 
 tians, in the time of tlie famine ; whereas, it may as well 
 represent the bushel with which Ptolemy measured out 
 the same article to the inhabitants of Sinope, which he 
 sent them for their god. Vossius, and those who follow 
 his opinion, will have it also thai Serapis was an ancient 
 E<ryptian deity, the same with Apis, and derive his name 
 from Apis and the Greek word Soros, a coffin ; so that 
 according to them, Serapis is the same as Apis en Soro 
 or Apis in his coffin. Their meaning is, that the sacred 
 bull, worshipped by the Egyptians, when alive was called 
 Apis, when dead, Serapis ; for, from these words Apis 
 and Soros, they deduce Serapis : which at first, according to 
 them, was iioroapis, and by corruption came to be Serapis, 
 and f )r this they quote Nymphiodorus, Clemens Alexan. 
 drinus, Ruffinus, and Eusebius. They seem, however, I 
 not to have been aware of a very obvious, and therefore | 
 very formidable, objection against their etymological r<'n I 
 
 ! of men who excelled in literature. It is from 
 thence, in particular, that the Church has re- 
 ceived some of its most illustrious doctors : as 
 Clemens Alexandrinus, Ammonius, Origen, 
 
 soning, namely, that the ancient Egyptians were ignorant 
 of Greek, (that language not having been introduced into 
 Egypt till the era of the Ptolemies,) and, consequently, I 
 that had Serapis been an ancient Egyptian god, his name | 
 could not have had a Greek etymon. | 
 It is very certain, that if a king rose up in Egypt who j 
 knew not Joseph, as Moses tell us, that Joseph could not 
 have been worshipped as a deity ; and it is equally so, that 
 no person whose history was immediately connected witli 
 tliat nation, in whose behalf so many tremendous judgment? 
 were inflicted on their gods, thuir country, and them, 
 selves, would ever be worshipped as a*divinity or undergo 
 an apotheosis. 
 
 If we are to credit the ancients, Serapis was not origi- 
 nally a native deity, nor worshipped by the ancient in- 
 j habitants of Egypt, as he must have been "had the patriarch 
 I Joseph been worshipped under that name. Polybius, lib. 
 I iv. p. 307. tells us that Serapis was first worshipped as a 
 god on the coast of the Propontis, on the I hracian side, 
 oyer against Heirus, and that there Jason sacrificed to 
 him, when engaged in the Argonautic expedition. From 
 thence, in all probability, the worship of that deity was 
 transferred to Sinope, itself a Greek colony, and from 
 Sinope brought into Egypt in the time and manner above 
 related. That he was a foreign deity is supported, inde- I 
 pendent of the authority of Tacitus, by the suffrages of 
 Origin, Clemens Alexandrinus, Plutarch, in bis treatise 
 on Isis and Osiris, by the silence of Herodotus on the sub- 
 ject, and by the omission of the image of that god on the 
 famous Isiac table. The only objection against Herodotus 
 and the Isiac table is, that all the gods of Egypt were not 
 represented on that table, and that Herodotus did not 
 mention the names of all the Egyptian gods. But nega- 
 tive objections are no arguments of any weight against 
 positive testimony ; and it is passing strange, ttiat if Sera- 
 pis had been an ancient Egyptian deity, and worshipped 
 at the capital of Memphis too, that he cannot be recog- 
 nized amongst the gods anciently worshipped there, and 
 that, in the absence of all history concerning him, Vossius 
 and his followers have been compelled to adopt a Greek 
 etymon for the name of a Coptic divinity. 
 
 It is not true, also, as has been said by Baumgarten, 
 that as soon as the image of Serapis was landed in Egypt i 
 the Egyptians immediately recognized him as their infer, j 
 nal Jupiter ; for Macrobius, in his Saturnalia, lib. i. c. 20. 
 tells us, that Nicocreon, who then reigned in Cyprus, sent 
 to inquire at Alexandria what this god Serapis was, which 
 he would not have done had Serapis been anciently wor- 
 shipped by the natives, and Nicocreon, as the same au- 
 thor informs us, was a prince of great learning, and well- 
 versed in the Egyptian mythology. Origen speaks of him 
 as a deity, brought into Kgypt not long before his time. 
 For all these reasons it is manifest to me, at least, that 
 Serapis was a foreign deity, an imported god, and not one 
 of ancient Egyptian manufacture. However, his worship 
 from the date of his importation soon outdid all the hon. 
 ours usually paid to Osiris, or almost all the other deities 
 adored in that land of pagan darkness, and, as if they de- 
 lighted in darkness, this Egyptian Pluto, this infernal 
 deify, was elevated to a level in point of adoration with 
 the 1 hunderer of Olympus. 
 
 The temple of this exotic deity, who had succeeded to 
 the bed and to the throne of Osiris, the husband of Isis 
 and which rivalled the pride, and equalled the magni! 
 ficence, of the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter, was 
 erected on the spacious summit of an artificial mount, 
 elevated one hundred steps above the adjacent level • I 
 and the interior cavity was strongly supported by arches', I 
 and distributed into vaults and labyrinths. The con. I 
 secrated buildings were surrounded by a quadrangular i 
 portico. The stately halls, and exquisite statues, displayed 
 the triumph of the arts ; and the treasures of ancient 
 learning were preserved in the famous library uhich had ' 
 succeeded that of the Bruchion. The colossal statue of i 
 the god was composed of a great number of various me. j 
 tallic plates, artificially conjoined, and so broad was its ' 
 majestic figure, that it touched on either side the walls of I 
 the sanctuary. The aspect of Serapis, his sitting posture I 
 and the sceptre which he wielded in his left hand, were ! 
 extremely similar to the representations of Jupiter. He 
 was distinguished from that deity by the basket, or bushel 
 which was placed on his head, and by the emblematic 
 monster which he grasped in his right hand; the head 
 and body of a serpent branching into three tails, which i 
 were again terminated by the triple head of a dog. a lioii. I 
 anxl a wolf. ' ^ 
 
304, 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 Aiiatolius, Athanasius, and many others ; for 
 all these studied in that seminary. 
 
 Demetrius Phalereus was probably the first 
 president of this seat of learning ; it is certain 
 
 indeed that he had the superintendency of the 
 library. Plutarch ' informs us, that it was he 
 who proposed to Ptolemy the establishment of a 
 library of such authors as treated of civil polity 
 
 The god of Fontus enjoyed, almost without a rival 
 amnngst his Egyptian votaries, his new and extraordinary 
 honours, for the space of nigh 700 years. But the eleva- 
 tion of the orthodox Theodosius to the sceptre of Con- 
 Btantinople, presaged his approaching doom, which was 
 hastened and insured by the imprudent conduct and 
 fanatic zeal of the Egyptian pagans, 't hough the emperor 
 had issued edicts to shut the pagan temples, and t > pro- 
 ! hibit the use of sacrifices, or the practice of immolation, 
 I which constituted the very essence of paganism, yet he 
 did not wish that the temples should be demolu^hed, nor 
 that the statues of the pagan divinities, (many of which 
 latter were the best productions of the art of sculpture,) 
 should be destroyed, but ordered them to be removed from 
 I their sanctuaries to the public squares, where they might 
 I stand as ornaments to the different cities of the empire. 
 ' Many of the temples themselves were the most splendid 
 \ and beautiful monuments of Grecian architecture, as 
 ! every grace that ingenuity could invent, skill could direct, 
 j hands could execute, and money could procure, had been 
 lavished upon them. The emperor, therefore, was so far 
 I interested in their preservation, as they both contributed 
 1 to ornament his own cities and enhance the value of his 
 i own possessions ; and might have been suffered to remain 
 as so many lasting trophies of the victory of Christianity 
 over paganism. „ ^, , . 
 
 But the intentions, even the orders, of Theodosius were 
 defeated by the religious animosities of his own subjects. 
 Long as these temples and statues existed, expiring pagiin. 
 ism still cherished with fondness the languid hope, and 
 the secret expectation, that an auspicious revolution, or a 
 second Julian, would restore its almost departed life, and 
 again re-establish the altars of the gods. But the very 
 earnestness which the votaries of the declining superstiiioti 
 manifested, in their unavailing petitions to the imperial 
 throne, in behalf of their temples and their gods, in- 
 creased the zeal of the Christians to extirpate, without 
 mercy, the last strongholds of paganism. 
 
 In diflferent provinces of the empire, the bishops and 
 monks, aided by the fervour of their followers, marched 
 to destroy the temples, and idols, and consecrated trees of 
 the pagans, as Martin in France, and Marcellus in Syria ; 
 and the ruin of the fairest structures of the ancient world 
 was accomplished, in almost every district, by the zeal of 
 tlie votaries of the cross. ^ - j w 
 
 In Egypt, a land long famed for its diversified idolatry, 
 the temple and statue of Serapis had been hitherto spared. 
 I and 'I'heodosius had still tolerated the pagan sacrifices in 
 that sanctuary, though, as above related, he had prohibited 
 I them in all other places of the empire. This singular in 
 i dulgence was foolishly ascribed, by the pagans, to the Jear 
 i of the Christians themselves, as if they durst not abolish 
 those ancient rites, which could alone secure the inunda- 
 tions of the Nile, the harvests of Egypt, and the subsis- 
 tence of the imperial city. The destruction of the temple 
 was, however, at hand ; and accelerated by the following 
 circumstance. Theophilus, the Egyptian primate, having 
 begged, and obtained, of the emperor an old temple, tor- 
 nierly consecrated to Bacchus, the patron god of sensual 
 indulgence, but at that time ruined and abandoned, in 
 order to convert it into a church, found among the ruins 
 several obscene figures, which he, to ridicule the super- 
 stition of the pagans, caused to be exposed to public view^ 
 Incensed at the insult, and convinced that he meditated 
 still greater, the pagans flew to arms, and, falling upon 
 the Christians, cut great numbers of them to pieces before 
 they were able to defend themselves. . . 
 
 Though much inferior in numbers to the Lhristi. 
 Alexandria, they were instigated to this measure by the 
 nh'lo'opher Olympius, who exhorted them to die in de- 
 fence of the aUars of the gods. The Christians likewise 
 took arms in their own defence, and, being supported by 
 the few soldiers, repelled the attacks of their enemies. A 
 civil war was thus kindled within the very heart of the city 
 and no day passed without an engagement and the effusion 
 of blood. ^The pagans, when tired with tightmg, or over- 
 powered by numbers, retired to the temple or rather for. 
 trel, of Serapis; where they fortified themselves and 
 repe led the besiegers by daring saUies and a resolute de- 
 fence, and by the'-inhuman cruelties^wh.ch they exercised 
 on such Christian prisoners as they happened to take, ob. 
 taincd the last consolation of despair. 
 
 In the meantime Evagrius, the governor of I^gYPf. f'f 
 Ilomanus, commander of the troops, having fruitlessly at- 
 tempted to persuade the pagans to quit the temple and 
 return to their homes, sent a distuict account of the whole 
 
 1 Plut. in Apophth. p. 189. 
 
 procedure to the emperor, who, extolling and envying the 
 felicity of such as had chosen to die, rather than renounce 
 their faith and sacrifice to idols, would not suffer their 
 death to be avenged on those at whose hands they had 
 obtained the crown of martyrdom, but readily forgave 
 them. The two parties assembled in the public square, 
 without arms, to hear the imperial rescript. In this he 
 ordered the temple of Serapis in Alexandria, and all the 
 other pagan temples there, which gave rise to frequent 
 disturbances, to be utterly demolished j charging the- 
 ophilus, who had solicited this order, to see it put in exe- 
 cution, and enjoining Evagrius and Komanus to follow 
 his orders therein. . 
 
 No sooner was this sentence pronounced aloud than tne 
 Christians set up a shout of exultation, whilst the uiihapp> 
 pagans, whose fury had given way to consternation, fled 
 from the temple, some privately to their own hou.ses, 
 whilst the rest concealed themselves in the neighbouring 
 cities, or expatriated themselves. Among these last was 
 their leader, Olympius, who conveyed himself away in a 
 vessel bound for Italy. Helladius and Ammonius, t\yo 
 grammarians, under whom Socrates, the ecclesiastical his, 
 torian, had studied at Constantinople, withdrew from 
 Alexandria, and took refuge among the barbarians. Hel- 
 ladius was wont to boast of having killed nii.e Christians 
 with his own hands. u j k„ 
 
 The temple of Serapis Was immediately demolished by 
 Theophilus, without any other obstacles than those which 
 arose from the weight and solidity of the materials, bu^ 
 these proved so insuperable that he was compelled to leave 
 the foundations, and content himself with reducing the 
 stately edifice to a mass of ruins, a part of which was soon 
 afterwards cleared away, to make room for a chijrcn, 
 ected in honour of the Christians who suffered there. 
 The statue of the Pontic deity shared the same fate with 
 his abode But such was the superstitious veneration in 
 which it was held by its deluded adorers, that it was conti. 
 dently affirmed, that if any impious hand, or sacrilegious 
 arm, should be lilted up, or stretched out to violate the 
 majesty of the god, universal nature would convulsed 
 to its centre and return to its original chaos. An intrepid 
 soldier, however, animated by zeal, and armed with a 
 weighty battle-axe, ascended the ladder, and yet, so gen- 
 eral was the awe inspired by superstition, that even the 
 Christian multitude waited, with some anxiety, the issue 
 of the combat. The veteran warrior aimed a vigorous 
 stroke at the cheek of Serapis; the cheek fell to the 
 ground; the thunder was still silent ; and nature still con- 
 tinned n her wonted tranquillity, and P^f^rved her ac- 
 customed course. The blows were repeated ; he huge 
 idol was overthrown, and broken m pieces ; and the m^^^ 
 of Serapis were ignominiously dragged through the tieeU 
 of Alexandria. His mangled carcase was burned in the 
 amphitheatre, amidst the shouts .of the populace; and 
 S pagans' recanted, who attributed their con-.rs,oi, 
 to this manifestation of the impotence of their tutelary 
 
 ^^Those popular modes of religion, such as Paganism and 
 Roman Catholicism, that present diversified visible and 
 material forms, (which act upon the senses, and influence 
 aif feel ngsl of man) have the advantage of adapting, and 
 fLmmarizing themselves, to I'.eings who are constanUy 
 irone to maferialize an immaterial and invisible deity. 1 his 
 advantage is however compensated, by the various and 
 hievSle accidents to which the faith of the idolater u 
 exoosed " It is scarcely possible," as Gibbon well ob- 
 serves " th 't in every disposition of mind he should pre. 
 se^ve his implicit veneration for the idols or the rebcs 
 which the naked eve, and the profane hand, are unab e to 
 distinguish from the most common productions of art, or 
 naturl" a..d if in the hour of danger, their secret and 
 Sacu ous virtue does not operate for their own preser 
 vat'onVhe scorns the vain apologies of Ins pr'ests, and 
 JUS ly derides the object and the folly of his superstitio 
 J" . .. J j(. true," said Augustus to a veteran 
 
 - - that the man wno 
 
 attachment. 
 
 of Italy, at whose house he supped, 
 give he first stroke to the golden statue Anaitis was 
 fnstantlv riei.rived of his lite ?" *' I was the man, re- 
 ed"th'e cleLr-sighted veteran " and you now sup on o,u 
 of the legs of the goddess 1"—Pliny, Hi.l. Nat. lib. x.vxiu. 
 c. 24. Gibbon, vol. iii. p. 471. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 806 
 
 and government, assuring him, that these would 
 always supply him with such coutisels as none 
 of his friends would presume to offer him. In 
 fact, this is almost the only expedient for intro- 
 ducing truth to princes, and showing them, 
 under borrowed names, their duties as well as 
 their defects. When the king had relished this 
 excellent advice, and measures were taken to 
 procure all such books as were requisite in this 
 rirst view, it may easily be imagined that De- 
 metrius carried the affair to a much greater 
 length, and prevailed upon the king to collect 
 all sorts of other books for the library we have 
 mentioned. Who could better assist that prince 
 in the accomplishment of so noble and magni- 
 ficent a plan than Demetrius Phalereus, who 
 was himself a learned man of the first rank, as 
 well as a very able politician? 
 I We have formerly seen what inducements 
 j brought Demetrius to the court of this prince.^ 
 I He was received with open arms by Ptolemy 
 1 Soter, who heaped a profusion of honours upon 
 i him, and made him his confidant. He con- 
 sulted him, in preference to all his other coun- 
 sellors, in the most important affairs, and par- 
 ticularly those which related 
 A. M. 3719. to the succession to the crown. 
 Ant. J. C. 285. This prince, two years before 
 his death, had formed a re- 
 solution to abdicate his crown in favour of one 
 of his children. Demetrius endeavoured to dis- 
 suade him from that design, by representing to 
 him, that he must no longer expect to enjoy 
 any authority, if he divested himself of his dig- 
 nity in such a manner, and that it would be 
 dangerous to create himself a master. But 
 
 Sed fortes tremuere manus, motique vererida 
 Majestate loci, si robora sacra feriient 
 In sua credebaiit redituras membra secures " 
 
 Lucan. Pharsal. lib. iii. p 429. 
 
 Some liDgering hopes were still cherished in the breasts 
 of the pagans, tJiat the Nile would cease to overflow after 
 the fall of Serapis, and that a general famine wouid ensue, 
 and the unwonted delay of the annual inundation seemed 
 to announce the displeasure of the insulted and dismem- 
 bered river god. But this delay was soon compentated by 
 the rapid and extraordinary swelling of the waters, which 
 comforted, indeed, tlie discontented and despairuig pagans 
 with hopes of a deluge. But the peaceful river again 
 subsided to the usual height of 16 cubits, or 30 feet ; an 
 ammense harvest was thereby obtained ; and many of the 
 pagans, now clearly seeing the vanity of idols, renounced 
 their idolatrous worship and adored the God of the Chris, 
 tians. 
 
 Theophilus, encouraged by the fall of Serapis, and de- 
 feat of the vain expectations of its votaries, i)roceeded, 
 under the support of the governor, and the commander 
 of the Roman troops, to pull down, and level with the 
 ground, all the other temples, oracles, chapels, and every 
 other place of worship consecrated to the service of tiie 
 g(jds, throughout Egypt; causing every where the statues 
 ot the idol deities to be either burned or melted.— Of the 
 mnumerable statues with which that idolatrous country 
 was filled, he is said to have spared but one— that of r n 
 ai»e— in order to expose the pagan system to ridicule. His 
 conduct was approved by Theodosius, who returned him 
 public thanks for what he had done, in clearing his ex 
 tensive diocese from idolatry. Soon after this, an edict 
 was published by Theodosius, prohibiting sacrifices to idols 
 under pain of death. Sophronius, one of St. Jerome's 
 particular friends, wrote a full and distinct account 
 ot the fall of Serapis, the demolition of his temple, and 
 the extinction of iiaganism in Egypt ; but his account has 
 not reached our times. Still, however, the destruction of 
 the library of the Serapaeum is an event deeply to Le 
 lamented, and is an indelible reproach to the memory of 
 Theophilus, the friend of Jerome and the enemy of Chry- 
 tiostom. — t.d. 
 
 2 Plot, in Demetr. p. 892. Diog. Laert. in Liemctr. 
 Phal. 
 
 ir. 
 
 when he found him absolutely determined on 
 this abdication, he advised him to regulate his 
 choice by the order prescribed by nature, which 
 was generally followed by all nations : in con- 
 sequence of which it Avould be incumbent on 
 him to prefer his eldest son by Eurydice, his 
 first wife. But the influence of Berenice pre- 
 vailed over this equitable and prudent advice, 
 which, in a short time, proved fatal to its 
 author. 
 
 Towards the close of this 
 A. M. 3721. year died Ptolemy Soter, 
 Ant. J. C. 283. king of Egypt, in the eighty- 
 fourth year of his age, and 
 two years after his resignation of the empire to 
 his son. He was the most able and worthy 
 man of all his race, and left behind him such 
 examples of prudence, justice, and clemency, as 
 very few of his successors were industrious to 
 imitate. During the sj»ace of near forty years, 
 in which he governed Egypt after the death of 
 Alexander, he raised it to such a height of gran- 
 deur and power, as rendered it superior to the 
 other kingdoms. He retained upon the throne 
 the same fondness for simplicity of manners, and 
 the same aversion for ostentatious pomp, as he 
 discovered when he first ascended it. — He was 
 accessible to his subjects even to a degree of 
 familiarity. He frequently ate with them at 
 their own houses ; and, when he gave any en- 
 tertainment himself, he thought it no disgrace 
 to borrow plate from the rich, because he had 
 but very little of his own, and no more than 
 was necessary for his common use. And when 
 some persons represented to him that the regal 
 dignity seemed to require an air of greater opu- 
 lence, his answer was, " That the true gran- 
 deur of a king consisted in enriching others, not 
 in being rich himself." 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 The magnificent solemnity at the inauguration of Ptolemy 
 Philddelphus, king of Egypt. 
 
 Ptolemy Philadelphus, after his father had 
 abdicated the crown in his favour, entertained 
 the people, when he ascended the throne, with 
 the most splendid festival mentioned in ancient 
 history. Athenaeus has left us a long descrip- 
 tion of it, transcribed from Callixenes, the 
 Rhodian, who compiled a history of Alexan- 
 dria, and Montfaucon relates it in his Antiqui- 
 ties. I shall insert the particulars of it in this 
 place, because they are well calculated to give 
 us an idea of the riches and opulence of Egypt. 
 I may add too, that as ancient authoi-s speak 
 very often of sacred pomp, processions, and so- 
 lenin festivals, in honour of their gods, 1 thought 
 it incumbent on me to give some idea of them 
 for once^ by describing one of the most celebrated 
 solemnities that was ever known. Plutarch 
 who is perpetually mentioning triumphs among 
 the Romans, has the approbation of his readers 
 for his particular description of that of Paulus 
 iEmilius, which was one of the most magnifi- 
 cent. But if the account 1 shall now give 
 should appear unseasonable, or too prolix, it 
 may be passed over, without interrupting the 
 series of this history ; for I declare beforehand, 
 that the relation will be something tedious. 
 This pompous solemnity continued a whole 
 
 3 Plut. in Apoph. p. 181. 
 
306 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 day,' and was conducted through the whole ex- 
 tent of the city of Alexandria. It was divided 
 into several parts, and formed a variety of se- 
 parate processions. Beside those of the king's 
 father and mother, the gods had, each of them, 
 a distinct cavftlcade, the decorations of which 
 weie descriptive of their history. 
 
 Athenseus had related only the particulars of 
 that of Bacchus, hy which a judgment may be 
 formed of the magnificence of the rest. 
 
 The procession began with a troop of Sileni, 
 some habited in purple, others in robes of a 
 deep red : their employment was to keep off the 
 crowd, and make way. 
 
 Next to the Sileni came a band of Satyrs, 
 composed of twenty in two ranks, each carrying 
 a gilded lamp. 
 
 These were succeeded by Victories, with 
 golden wings, carrying vases, in which per- 
 fumes were burning, nine feet in height, partly 
 gilt, and partly adorned with the leaves of ivy. 
 Their habits were embroidered with the figures 
 of animals, and every part of them glittered 
 with gold. 
 
 After these came a double altar, nine feet m 
 height, and covered with a luxuriant foliage of 
 ivy, intermixed with ornaments of gold. It was 
 also beautified with a golden crown, composed 
 of vine leaves, and adorned on all sides with 
 certain white fillets. 
 
 A hundred and twenty youths advanced next, 
 clothed in purple vests ; each of them bearing a 
 golden vase of incense, myrrh, and saffron. 
 
 j They were followed by forty Satyrs, wearing 
 crowns of gold which represented the leaves of 
 ivy ; and in the right hand of each was another 
 
 \ crown of the same metal, adorned with 
 
 : leaves, 
 
 ) \ ariety of colours. . 
 
 * In the rear of these marched two Sileni, ar- 
 rayed in purple mantles, and white drawers ; 
 one of them wore a kind of hat, and carried a 
 golden caduceus in his hand; the other had a 
 trumpet. Between these two was a m^n, six 
 feet in height, masked and habited like a trage- 
 
 ' dian. He also carried a golden cornucopia, 
 and was distinguished by the appellation of The 
 Year. 
 
 This person preceded a very beautiful woman, 
 as tall as himself, diessed in a magnificent man- 
 ner, and glittering all over with gold. She held, 
 in one hand, a crown composed of the leaves of 
 the peach-tree, and in the other a branch of 
 , palm. She was called Penteteris.^ 
 i The next in the pi'ocession were the Genii of 
 the four seasons, wearing characteristic orna- 
 ments, and supporting two golden vases of 
 odours, adorned with ivy leaves. In the midst 
 of them was a square altar of gold. 
 
 A band of Satyrs then appeared, wearing 
 golden crowns, fashioned like the leaves of ivy, 
 and arrayed in red habits. Some bore vessels 
 filled with wine, others carried drinking cups. 
 
 Immediately after these came Philiscus, the 
 poet and priest of Bacchus, attended by come- 
 dians, musicians, dancers, and other persons of 
 that class. . 
 
 Two tripods were carried next, as prizes tor 
 ihe victors at the athletic combats and exercises. 
 
 One of these tripods, being thirteen feet and a 
 half in height, was intended for the youths ; the 
 other, which was eighteen feet high, was de- 
 signed for the men. 
 
 A car of an extraordinary size followed these. 
 It had four wheels,^ was twenty-one feet in 
 length, and twelve in breadth, and was drawn 
 by ISO men. In this car was a figure repre- 
 senting Bacchus, fifteen feet in height, in the 
 attitude of performing libations with a largw 
 cup of gold. He was arrayed in a robe of bro- 
 caded purple, which flowed down to his feet. 
 Over this was a transparent vest of a saffron 
 colour, and above that a large purple mantle 
 embroidered with gold. Before him was a 
 great vessel of gold, formed in the Lacedaemo- 
 nian fashion, and containing fifteen measures, 
 called nietretes.* This was accompanied with a 
 golden tripod, on which were placed a golden 
 vase of odours, with two cups of the same meta] 
 full of cinnamon and saffron. Bacchus was 
 seated under the shade of ivy and vine leaves, 
 intermixed with the foliage of fruit trees; and 
 I from these hung several crowns, fillets, and 
 thyrsi, with timbrels, ribands, and a variety of 
 satiric, comic, and tragic masks. In the same 
 car were the priests and priestesses of that deity, 
 with the other ministers, and interpreters of 
 mysteries, dancers of all classes, and women 
 bearing vans.^ 
 
 These were followed by the Bacchantes, who 
 marched with their hair dishevelled, and wore 
 crowns composed, some of serpents, others of 
 branches of the yew, the vine, or the ivy. Some 
 of these women carried knives ' ' 
 
 u their hands, 
 
 others grasped serpents. 
 _ ^ After these advanced another car, twelve feet 
 
 TheVhabitr were"drversified with a in breadth, and drawn by sixty men. In this 
 
 was the statue of Nyssa, or Nysa,« sittmg, 
 twelve feet high, and clothed with a yellow vest | 
 embroidered with gold, over which was another 
 Laconic habit. The statue rose by the aid of 
 some machines, without being touched by any 
 person, and after it had poured milk out of a ! 
 golden cup, it resumed its former seat. Its left j 
 hand held a thyrsus adorned with ribands : and j 
 it wore a golden crown, on which were repre- 
 sented leaves of ivy, with clusters of grapes, 
 composed of various gems. It was covered 
 with a deep shade, formed by blended foliage, 
 and a gilded lamp hung at each corner of the 
 
 car. , . . /. 
 
 After this came another car, thirty-six leet 
 in length, and twenty-four in breadth, drawn 
 by 300 men. On this was placed a wine-press, 
 also thirty-six feet long, and twenty-two and a 
 half broad ; this was full of the produce of the 
 vintage. Six Satyrs trod the grapes, to the 
 sound of the flute, and sung such airs as corre- 
 sponded with the action in which they were 
 employed. Silenus was the chief of the band, 
 and streams of wine flowed from the chariot, 
 throughout the whole procession. 
 
 Another car of the same magnitude was 
 drawn by 600 men. This carried a vat of a 
 prodigious size, made of leopards' skins sewed 
 
 1 Athen.l. v.p. 197-203. 
 2 This word signifies the space of five years, because, 
 at the expiration of every fourth year, the feast of Bac- 
 chus was celebrated at the beginning of the next, which 
 was the fifth. 
 
 3 All the cars of which mention will be made in the 
 &equel of this relation, had also four wheels. 
 
 4 This word is frequently used in the present descrip- 
 tion ; it is the name of a Greek measure, w Inch corre- 
 sponds mo6t with the Roman amphora, but was somewhat 
 larger. It contained nine gallons. 
 
 5 Mvstica vannus lacrhi. t 'rg 
 6 She is thought to have been the nurse of Bacchus. 
 
ALEXANDERS SUCCESSORS. 
 
 307 
 
 together. The vessel contained 3000 measures, 
 and shed a constant effusion of wine during the 
 procession. 
 
 This car was followed by 120 crowned Satyrs 
 and Silenni, carrying pots, flaggons, and large 
 cups, all of gold. 
 
 This troop was immediately succeeded by a 
 silver vat, containing 600 metretes, jdaced on a 
 car drawn by the same number of men. The 
 vessel was adorned with chased work, and the 
 together with the two handles and the 
 
 rim, ^ 
 
 base, were embellished with the figures of ani- 
 mals. The middle part of it was encompassed 
 with a goldon crown adorned with jewels. 
 
 m 
 
 fe""""^.' vriiu |e\veis. 
 
 Next appeared two silver bowls, eighteen feet 
 diameter, and nine in height. The upper 
 part of tlieir circumference was adorned with 
 studs, and the bottom with several animals, 
 three of which were a foot and a half high, and 
 ! many more of a lesser size. 
 
 I These were followed by ten great vats, and 
 I sixteen other vessels, the largest of which con- 
 j tained thirty metretes, and the least live : there 
 ! were likewise ten cauldrons, twenty-four vases 
 ! with two handles, disposed on five salvers ; two 
 silver wine-presses, on which were placed twen- 
 ty-four goblets ; a table of massy silver, eighteen 
 feet in length, and thirty more of six feet ; four 
 tripods, one of which was of massy silver, and 
 had a circumfei-ence of twenty-four feet; the 
 other three that were smaller, were adorned 
 with precious stones in the middle. 
 
 Then came eighty Delphic tripods, all of sil- 
 ver, something less than the preceding. They 
 were likewise accompanied with twenty-six 
 ewers, sixteen flaggons, and 160 other vessels, 
 the largest of which contained six vietretes, and 
 the smallest two. All these vessels were of 
 I silver. 
 
 j After these came the golden vessels ; four of 
 which, called Laconic, were crowned with vine 
 leaves: there were likewise two Corinthian 
 vases, whose rims and middle circumference 
 were embelli.shed with the figures of animals ; 
 these contained eight metretes: a wine-press, on 
 which ten goblets were placed : two other vases, 
 each of which contained five metretes : and two 
 more that held a couple of measures : twenty- 
 two vessels for preserving liquors cool, the largest 
 of which contained thirty metretes, and the least 
 one: four golden tripods of an extraordinary 
 size : a kind of golden basket, intended as a re- 
 pository for vessels of the same metal; this was 
 enriched with jewels, and was fifteen feet in 
 length; it was likewise divided into six par- 
 titions, one above another, adorned with various 
 figures of animals, above three feet in height : 
 two goblets, and two glass bowls with golden 
 ornaments : two salvers of gold, four cubits in 
 diameter, and three others of less dimensions : 
 ten ewers ; an altar four feet and a half high • 
 and twenty-five dishes. ' 
 
 After this rich equipage, marched 1600 youths, 
 habited m white vests, and crowned, some of 
 them with ivy, others with branches of the 
 pme. Two hundred and fifty of this band car- 
 ried golden vases, and 400 of them vases of sil- 
 ver. Three hundred more carried silver vessels 
 made to keep liquors cool. ' 
 
 After this appeared another troop bearino- 
 large, drinking vessels, twenty of which were of 
 gold, fifty of silver, and 300 diversified with 
 various colours. 
 
 There were likewise sevei'al tables, six feet in 
 length, and supporting a variety of remarkable 
 '•bjects. On one was represented the bed of | 
 
 Semele, on which were disposed several vests, 
 some of golden brocade, others adorned with 
 precious stones. 
 
 We must not omit a car thirty-three feet in 
 length, and twenty-one in breadth, drawn by 
 500 men. In this was the representation of a 
 deep cavern, shrouded with ivy and vine leaves ; 
 from which several pigeons, ring-doves, and' 
 turtles issued out and flew about. Little bands 
 were fastened to their feet, that they might be 
 caught by the people around them. Two foun- 
 tains, likewise, one of milk and the other of 
 wine, flowed out of the cavern. All the nymphs 
 who stood round it wore crowns of gold. Mer- 
 cury was also seen, with a golden caduceus in 
 his hand, and clothed in a splendid manner. 
 
 The expedition of Bacchus into the Indies 
 was exhibited in another car, where the god 
 was represented by a statue, eighteen feet in 
 height, and mounted upon an elephant. He 
 was arrayed in purple, and wore a golden 
 crown, intermixed with twining ivy and vine 
 leaves. A long thyrsus of gold was in his hand, 
 and his sandals were of the same metal. On 
 the neck of the elephant was seated a Satyr 
 above seven feet high, with a crown of gold on 
 his head, formed in imitation of pine branches, 
 and blowing a kind of trumpet made of a goat's 
 horn. Ihe trappings of the elephant were of 
 gold, and his neck was adorned with a crown 
 ot that metal shaped like the foliage of ivy. 
 
 This car was followed by 500 young virgins, 
 adorned with purple vests and golden zones. 
 A hundred and twenty of them, who com- 
 manded the rest, wore crowns of gold that 
 seemed to be composed of the branches of pine. 
 
 Next to these came 120 Satyrs, armed at all 
 points, some in silver, and others in copper 
 arms. ' 
 
 To these succeeded five troops of Sileni, and 
 batyi s with crowns on their heads, mounted on 
 asses, some of whom were entirely harnassed 
 with gold, the rest with silver. 
 
 After this troop appeared a long train of cha- 
 riots, twenty-four of which were drawn by 
 elephants; sixty by he-goats; twelve by lions • 
 six by oryges, a species of goats ; fifteen by buffa- 
 loes; lour by wild asses; eight by ostriches; 
 and seven by stags. In these chariots were 
 Jittle youths habited like charioteers, and wear- 
 ing hats with broad brims. They were accom- 
 panied by others of a less stature, armed with 
 little bucklers, and long thyrsi, and clothed in 
 mantles embroidered with gold. The boys who 
 performed the office of charioteers, were crowned 
 with branches of pine, and the lesser youths 
 with ivy. ' 
 
 On each side of these were three cars drawn 
 by camels, and followed by others drawn by 
 mules. In these cars were several tents, re- 
 sembling those of the Barbarians, with Indian 
 women, and those of other nations, habited 
 like slaves. Some of these camels carried SOO 
 pounds weight of incense; others 200 of saflTron 
 cinnamon, iris, and other odoriferous spices. * 
 At a little distance from these, marched a 
 band of Ethiopians, armed with pikes. One 
 body of these carried 600 elephants' teeth ; an- 
 other, 2000 branches of ebony ; a third, sixty 
 cups of gold and silver, with a large qnantitv of 
 gold dust. ^ 
 
 After these came two hunters carrying gilded 
 darts, and marching at the head of 2,400 dogs of 
 the Indian, Hyrcanian, and Molossian breed, 
 besides a variety of other species. 
 
 Tb^y were succeeded by 150 men supporting 
 
308 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 trees, to which were fastened several species ot 
 birds and deer. Cages were also carried, in 
 which were parrots, peacocks, turkey-hens, 
 pheasants, and a great """^bf^ of Ethiopian 
 birds. After these appeared 130 sheep of that 
 country ; 300 of the Arabian breed ; twenty of 
 the island of Euboea; twenty-six white Indian 
 oxen, eight of the Ethiopian species ; also a 
 large white bear; fourteen leopards; sixteen 
 panthers; four lynxes; three small bears; a 
 camelopard,' and an ^Ethiopian rhinoceros. 
 
 Bacchus advanced next, seated in a car, and 
 wearing a golden crown embellished with ivy 
 leaves. He was represented as taking sanctuary 
 at th(i altar of Rhea, from the persecution of 
 Juno. Priapus was placed near him, with the 
 crown of gold formed like the leaves of ivy. 
 The statue of Juno was crowned with a golden 
 diadem ; and those of Alexander and Ptolemy 
 wore crowns of fine gold, representing ivy 
 leaves. The image of Virtue was placed near 
 that of Ptolemy, and on her head was a crown 
 of gold made in imitation of olive branches. 
 Another statue, representing the city of Co- 
 rinth, was also near Ptolemy, with a golden 
 diadem on its head. At a little distance from 
 each of these was a great vase filled with golden 
 cups, with a large bowl of the same metal, 
 which contained five metretes. 
 
 This car was followed by several women 
 richly arrayed, and bearing the names of the 
 Ionian, and other Greek cities in Asia ; with 
 the islands which had formerly been conquered 
 by the Persians. All this train wore crowns 
 of gold. 
 
 In another car was a golden thyrsus, Idtt 
 feet in length, and a silver lance ninety feet 
 long. . . ^ 
 
 In this part of the procession were a variety 
 of wild beasts and horses, and twenty four lions 
 of a prodigious size ; and also a great number of 
 cars, in which were not only the statues of 
 kings, but those of several deities. 
 
 After these came a chorus of 600 men, among 
 whom were 300 who played on gilded harps, 
 and wore golden crowns. At a small distance 
 from this band marched 2000 bulls, all of the 
 ' same colour, and adorned with golden frontlets, 
 i in the middle of which rose a crown of the same 
 i metal. They were also adorned with a collar, 
 1 and an segis '* hung on the breast of each. All 
 these trappings were of gold. 
 
 The procession of Jupiter, and a great num- 
 ber of other deities, advanced next, and after all 
 the rest, that of Alexander, whose statue of 
 massy gold was placed in a car drawn by ele- 
 phants ; on one side of this statue stood Victory, 
 and on the other Minerva. 
 
 The procession was graced with several 
 thrones of gold and ivory, on one of which was 
 a large diadem of gold, and on another a horn 
 of the same metal. A third supported a crown ; 
 and a fourth a horn of solid gold. On the 
 throne of Ptolemy Soter, the father of the reign- 
 ing prince, was a golden crown, which weighed 
 10,000 pieces of gold.^ 
 
 1 'ITiis animal, whether real or fabulous, is men. 
 tioned by Horace: Diversum confusa genus panthera 
 
 ^"V^A VAwA of buckler which covered the brgast, on the 
 middle of whidi was e-nbossed the Gorgon's head. 
 
 3 The Attic Stater, usually called ^fuiret;?, was equal to 
 ten livres of French money ; the value therefore of ihis 
 •ingle crown amounted to 100,000 French Uvres, which 
 !tre ab^ut 5U00/. ftcrliiif;. 
 
 In this procession were likewise 300 golden 
 vases, in which perfumes were to be burnt; 
 fifty gilded altars, encompassed with golden 
 crowns. Four torches of gold, fifteen feet in 
 height, were fastened to one of these altars. 
 There were likewise twelve gilded hearts, one 
 of which was eighteen feet in circumference, 
 and sixty in height; and another was only 
 twenty-two feet and a half high. Nine Delphic 
 tripods of gold appeared next, six feet m height ,• 
 and there were six others, nine feet high. 1 he 
 largest of all was forty-five feet high ; on which 
 were placed several animals in gold, seven leet 
 and a half high, and its upper part was encom- 
 passed with a golden crown, formed ot a ioliage 
 of vine leaves. , ^ 
 
 After these were seen several gilded palms, 
 twelve feet in length, together with a caduceus, 
 gilt also, sixty-six feet long ; a gilded thunder- 
 bolt, in length sixty feet ; a gilded temple, sixty 
 feet in circumference; a double horn twelve 
 feet long; a vast number of gilded animals, 
 several of which were eighteen feet in height. 
 To these were added several deer of a stu- 
 pendous size, and a set of eagles thirty leet 
 
 l^hree thousand two hundred crowns of gold 
 were likewise carried in this procession ; to- 
 gether with a consecrated crown, of 120 teet, 
 most probably, in circumference ; it was like- 
 wise adorned with a profusion of gems, and 
 surrounded the entrance into the temple ot 
 Berenice. There was also another golden segis. 
 Several large crowns of gold were also sup- 
 ported by young virgins richly habited. Une 
 of these crowns was three feet in height, and 
 twenty-four in circumference. 
 
 In this procession were also carried a golden 
 cuiras, eighteen feet in height ; and another of 
 silver, twenty-seven feet high, on which latter 
 was the representation of two thunderbolts ot 
 gold, eighteen feet in length : an oaken thrown 
 embellished with jewels; twenty golden buck- 
 lers ; sixty-four complete suits of golden armour ; 
 two boots of the same metal, four feet and a 
 half in length ; twelve golden basons ; a great 
 number of flaggons ; ten large vases ot perfumes 
 for the baths ; twelve ewers ; fifty dishes, and 
 a large number of tables ; all these were of gold. 
 Tliere were likewise five tables covered with 
 eolden goblets ; and a horn of solid gold, forty- 
 five feet in length. All those golden vessels and 
 other ornaments were in a separate procession 
 from that of Bacchus, which has been already 
 described. , . , , 
 
 1 There were likewise 400 chariots laden with 
 I vessels, and other works of silver ; twenty 
 I others filled with golden vessels, and 800 more 
 ' appropriated to the carriage of aromatic spices. 
 The troops that guarded this procession were 
 composed of 57,600 foot, and 23,200 horse, all 
 dressed and armed in a magnificent manner. 
 
 During the games and public combats, which 
 continued for some days after this pompous so- 
 lemnity, Ptolemy Soter presented the victors 
 with twenty crowns of gold, and they received 
 twenty-three from his consort Berenice. it 
 appeared, by the registers of the palace, that 
 these last crowns were valued at 22-30 talents, 
 and fifty minse, about 334,400/. sterling : from 
 whence some judgment may be formed of the 
 immense sums to which all the gold and 
 silver employed in this splendid ceremonial 
 amounted. , r v • 
 
 Such was the pageant (shall I call it religious 
 or rather theatrical and comic?) exhibited b> 
 
ALEXANDERS 
 
 Ptolemy Philadelphus at his coronation. If 
 I Fabricius, the famous Komun, whom I have 
 formerly mentioned, so remarkable for his con- 
 tempt of gold and silver, had been a spectator of 
 it, 1 am persuaded that he would not have been 
 able to endure the sight of the procession till it 
 closed, and have no doubt that he would have 
 thought and spoken like the emperor Vespasian, 
 upon an occasion which had some resemblance 
 I to this. He and his son Titus made a triumph- 
 j ant entry into Rome, after the capture of Jeru- 
 salem ; but finding himself fatigued with the 
 excessive length of that pompous procession, he 
 could not conceal his displeasure, and declared 
 that he was justly punished, by that tedious 
 ceremony, for his weakness in desiring a tri- 
 umph at his advanced age.* 
 
 In this festival given by Ptolemy Philadel- 
 phus, no part of it seems to have been conducted 
 with any elegance, or to have had the least air 
 of taste and genius. An amazing profusion of 
 gold and silver was lavished, which makes me 
 recollect a passage in Sallust, the beauty and 
 force of which 1 have the mortification not to 
 be able to render in our language. Catiline 
 wishes to represent the immoderate luxury of 
 the Romans his contemporaries, who lavished 
 immense sums in the purchase of pictures, 
 statues, wrought plate, and superb buildings. 
 " They draw out (says he) and torment their 
 gold and silver by all imaginable methods" (I 
 must entreat the reader's excuse for this litex-al 
 translation), "and yet this excess of prodigality 
 is incapable of exhausting and overcoming their 
 riches," — Omnibus modis pecuniam, trahunt, vex- 
 ant ;^ tamen summd lubidine divitias suas vincere 
 nequeunt. In such profusion as this did the 
 whole merit of Philadelphus consist on this oc- 
 casion. 
 
 In fact, what is there truly great or admi- 
 rable in this vain ostentation of riches, and this 
 waste of such immense treasure in a bottomless 
 abyss, after they had cost the people so much 
 fatigue and labour, and perhaps had been 
 amassed by a long series of violent exactions ? 
 The spoils of whole provinces and cities were 
 sacrificed to the curiosity of a single day, and 
 displayed to public view only to raise the frivo- 
 lous admiration of a stupid populace, without 
 conducing to the least real advantage or utility. 
 Nothing ever argued a more profound ignorance 
 of the true use of riches and solid glory, and of 
 whatever else has any just pretentions to the 
 esteem of mankind. 
 
 But what can we say, when we behold a 
 sacred procession, and a solemnity of religion 
 converted into a public school of intemperance 
 and licentiousness, calculated only to excite the 
 most shameful passions in the spectators, and 
 induce an utter depravity of manners ; by pre- 
 senting to their view all the instruments of 
 excess and debauch, with the most powerful 
 
 4 Adeft nihil ornamentorum extrinsecus cupidd appe- 
 rivit, ut triuniphi die fatigatus tarditate et, taedip pompee, 
 lion reticuerit meritb se plecti, qui triumphum — tam in- 
 
 ■ptg senex concupisset. Sueton. in Vespas. c. xii. 
 
 .5 I'hese metaphorical terms, trahunt, vexant, vincere 
 nequeunt, may possihly be derived from the combats of the 
 
 Atliletje, wherein, after one of them has thrown his ad- 
 versary, and imagines himself victorious, he drags him 
 ;tlong the Arena, in sight of the spectators, twists, shakes, 
 and torments him, without being able to extort a confes- 
 sion from him of his defeat. In this contest, therefore, 
 wherein the Roman author represents luxury and riches 
 as engaged, all the profusion of the former is incapable of 
 exiiaustinft and overcoming her wealth. 
 
 SUCCESSORS. 309 
 
 allurements to indulge them, and that under 
 the pretext of paying adoration to the gods ! 
 What divinities must those be, that would 
 suffer, and even exact, so scandalous a pomp in 
 their worshi[». 
 
 SECT. V. 
 
 'J"he first transactions of the reign of Ptolemy Philadel- 
 phus. The death of Demetrius Phalereus. Se'.eucua 
 resigns his queen and part of his empire to his son An- 
 tiochus. The war between Seleucus and Lysimachus ; 
 the latter of whom is slain in a battle. Seleucus is as- 
 sassinated by Ptolemy Ceraunus, on whom he had con- 
 ferred a miiltitude of obligations. The two sons of 
 Arsinoe are murdered by their uncle Ceraunus, who 
 also banishes that princess. Ceraunus is soon punished 
 for those crimes by the irriiption of the Gauls, by whom 
 he is slain in a battle The attempt of that people 
 against the temple of Delphi. Anligonus establishes 
 himself in Macedonia. 
 
 Ptolemy Philadelphus,* 
 A. M. 3721. after the death of his father. 
 Ant. J. C. 283. became sole master of all 
 his dominions, which were 
 composed of Egypt, and many provinces depen- 
 dant on it, that is to say, Phoenicia, Coele- Syria, 
 Arabia, Libya, ^Ethiopia, the ishind of Cyprus, 
 Pamphylia, Cilicia, Lycia, Caria, and the isles 
 called the Cyclades. 
 
 During the life of Ptolemy Soter, Philadel- 
 phus had concealed his resentment against De- 
 metrius Phalereus, for the advice he had given 
 his father, when he was deliberating on the 
 choice of a successor. But as soon as he saw 
 himself sole master, he caused that philosopher 
 to be seized, and sent with a strong guard to a 
 remote fortress, where he ordered him to be 
 confined, till he should determine in what man- 
 ner to treat him. The bite of an aspic put a 
 period to the life of that great man, who merited 
 a better fate.' 
 
 The testimonies in his favour, whiqh are ad- 
 duced by Cicero, Strabo, Plutarch, Diodorus 
 Siculus, and many others, leave no room to 
 doubt of the probity and wisdom of his govern- 
 ment ; we therefore shall consider only what 
 has been observed with respect to his elo- 
 quence. 
 
 The characteristics of his writings, as Cicero 
 observes in several places,^ were sweetness, ele- 
 gance, beauty, grace, and ornament, so that it 
 was easy to distinguish in them the disciple of 
 Theophrastus. He excelled in that species of 
 eloquence, which is called the temperate and ' 
 florid. His style, in other respects gentle and | 
 calm, was adorned and ennobled with bold and j 
 shining metaphors, that enlivened the subject of 
 his discourse, though otherwise not enriched in 
 any great degree with noble sentiments, and 
 
 6 Theocrit. Idyll, xvii. 
 
 7 Diog Laert. in Demetr. Cic in oral, pro Uabir. Post 
 
 n. 23. 
 
 8 Demetrius Phalereus in hoc numero haberi potest ; 
 disputator subtilis, orator parum vehemens, dulcis tamen, 
 ut Theophrasti discipulura possis agnoscere. <lffic. 1. i, 
 n. 3. 
 
 Demetrius Phalereus, eruditissimus ille quidem, sed 
 non tam armis institutus, qu^m palaestrA. Itaque delec- 
 tabat rnagis Athenienses, qudm inflammabat. Processerat 
 enim in solem et pulverem, non ut 6 militari tabernaculo, 
 sed ut 6 Theophrasti, doctissimi hominis, umbraculis— 
 Suavis videri maluit, quam gravis ; sed suavitate, e& qua 
 perfunderet animos, non qua perfringeret : et tantOm ut 
 tnemoriam concinnitatis sueb, non (qtiemadmodum de 
 Pericle scripsit Eupolis) cum delectatione aculeos etiam 
 relinqueret in animis eorura S quibus esset auditus. Ik 
 clar. Oral. n. 37 & 38. 
 
310 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 those beauties that constitute the great and the 
 sublime. He was rather to be considered as a 
 wrestler, formed in the shade and tranquillity, i 
 for public games and spectacles, than as a sol- 
 dier inured to arms by exercise, and quitting his 
 i tent to attack an enemy. His discourse had, 
 ! indeed, the faculty of affecting his hearers with 
 I something soft and tender, but it wanted energy 
 I to inspire that force and ardour that inflame the 
 j mind, and only left in it at most an agreeable 
 i remembrance of some transient sweetness and 
 j graces, not unlike that which we retain after 
 ! hearing the most harmonious concerts, 
 i It must be confessed, this species of eloquence 
 i has its merits, when confined within just 
 ! I bounds ; but as it is very diflBcult and unusual 
 to preserve this due moderation, and to suppress 
 the sallies of a fertile and lively imagination, not 
 always guided by the judgment; this kind of 
 eloquence is apt, therefore, to degenerate, and 
 to become, even from its very beauties, a pei'- 
 nicious delicacy, which at length vitiates and 
 depraves the taste. This was the effect, ac- 
 cording to Cicero and Quintilian, who were 
 good judges in this point, of the florid and 
 studied graces peculiar to the style of Deme- 
 trius. Athens, till his time,* had been accus- 
 tomed to a noble and majestic eloquence, whose 
 characteristic was a natural beauty without 
 paint and glitter. Demetrius was the first that 
 impaired this manly and solid eloquence, to 
 which he substituted a soft and languishing 
 •pecies, if I may use the expression, that abated 
 i the vigour of the mind, and at length rendered 
 false taste predominant. 
 
 After the death of Ptolemy, two of Alexan- 
 der's captains still survived, Lysimachus and 
 Seleucus, who till then, had always been united 
 by interest and friendship, and were engaged to 
 each other by treaties and confederations : as 
 they were now advancing to the period of their 
 days (for each of them had exceeded fourscore 
 years of age), one would have thought they 
 should have been desirous of ending their lives 
 in the union which had so long subsisted be- 
 tween them ; instead of which, they thought 
 only of making war against, and destroying, 
 each other. Their quarrel arose on the follow- 
 ing occasion. 
 
 Lysimachus, after the marriage of his son 
 Aga'thocles with Lysandra, one of the daughters 
 of Ptolemy, espoused another himself, whose 
 name was Arsinoe, and had several children by 
 her. The diff'erent interests of these two sisters 
 led them into all sorts of intrigues,^ to fonn a 
 powerful party in their favour, upon the death 
 of I^ysimachus. What are ambitious wives and 
 mothers not capable of attempting ! Their op- 
 ! position was not the mere efl"ect of personal in- 
 I terest, but was chiefly fomented by the disputes 
 of their mothers. Lysandra was the daughter 
 I of Eurydice, and Arsinoe of Berenice. The 
 I fiiTival of Ptolemy Ceraunus the brother of 
 j Philadelphus, at his court, made Arsinoe ap- 
 prehensive that his interest would strengthen 
 j too much the party of Lysandra, who was his 
 i sister by the same mother ; and that they Avould 
 
 I 1 Htec atas effudit hanc copiani ; ct, ut opinio nnea 
 fort, succus ille et sanguis incorniptus usque ad lianc 
 tetatem oratonira fuit in qua naturalis inesset, non fuca- 
 tus, nitor— Hie (Phalereus) primus inflexit orationem, 
 ct earn moilem teneramque reddidit. De clar. Orat. 
 n. 36—38. 
 
 £ Justin. 1. xvii. c. 1. Appian. in Syriac. Pausan. in 
 ; Attic, p. 18. 
 
 : accomplish the destruction of herself, and^ hef { 
 { own children at the death of Lysimachus. This 
 calamity she was determined to prevent, by 
 sacrificing Agathocles to her suspicions ; and 
 she succeeded in her design, by representing 
 him to her husband, as one who had formed a 
 conspiracy against his life and crown, by which 
 she so much incensed him against his own son, 
 that he caused him to be imprisoned and put to 
 death. Lysandra and her children, with her j 
 brother Ceraunus, and Alexander, another son i 
 of Lysimachus, took sanctuary in the court of | 
 Seleucus, and prevailed upon him to declare | 
 war against Lysimachus. Several of Lysi- j I 
 machus's principal officers, and even those who j 
 had been most devoted to his interest, were j 
 struck with so much horror at the murder of j 
 his son, that they entirely abandoned him, and | 
 retired to the court of Seleucus, where they 
 strengthened the remonstrances of Lysandra by | 
 their own complaints. Seleucus was easily j 
 induced to undertake this war, for which he j 
 was already sufficiently disposed by views of | 
 interest. _ . ] 
 
 Before he engaged in this | 
 A. M. 3722. enterprise,^ he resigned his ] 
 Ant. J. C. 282. queen Stratonice to his son 1 
 
 Antiochus, for a reason 1 
 shall soon relate, and consigned to him, at the I 
 same time, a considerable part of his empire, re- j 
 serving to himself no other territories than the i 
 provinces between the Euphrates and the sea.^ | 
 Antiochus was seized with a lingering dis- } 
 temper, of which the physicians were incapable 
 of discovering the cause; for which reason bis 
 condition was thought entirely desperate. It is 
 easy to conceive the grief and anxiety of a father 
 who beheld himself on the point of losing his 
 son in the flower of his age ; whom he had in- 
 tended for his successor in his vast doniinions, 
 and in whom all the happiness of his life con- 
 sisted. Erasistratus, the most attentive and 
 most skilful of all the physicians, having care- 
 fully considered every sj-mptom with which the j 
 indisposition of the young prince was attended, i 
 believed at last that he had discovered its true j 
 cause, and that it proceeded from love; in | 
 which conjecture he was not deceived. It was, ! 
 however, more difficult to discover the object of j 
 this passion, which was the more violent from j 
 the secresy in which it remained. The phy- i 
 sician, therefore, to assure himself fully of what 
 he surmised, passed whole days in the apart- i 
 ment of his patient, and when he saw any lady i 
 enter, he carefully observed the countenance of j 
 the prince, and never discovered the least emo 
 tion in him, except when Stratonice came into 
 the chamber, either alone, or with the king her 
 consort ; at which times the young prince was, 
 as Plutarch ol serves, always aff'ected with the \ 
 symptoms described by Sappho, as so many in- 
 dications of a violent passion : such, for instarice, 
 as a suppression of voice; burning blushes; dim- 
 ness of sight; cold sweat; a sensible inequality 
 and disorder of pulse ; with r variety of the like 
 sjTnptoms. When the physician was afterwards 
 alone with his patient, he* managed his inquiries 
 with so much dexterity, as at last drew the ) 
 secret from him. Antiochus confessed his pas- 
 sion for queen Stratonice his mother-in-law, 
 and declared that he had in vain employed all 
 
 3 Pint, in Demctr. p. 906, m~. Aj^pian. in Syr. p 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCFilSSORS. 
 
 311 
 
 his t(!orts to vanquish it : he added, that he had 
 a thousand times had recourse to every consid- 
 eration that could be repi'esented to his thoughts 
 in such a conjuncture ; particularly the respect 
 due from him to a father and sovereign, by 
 whom he was tenderly beloved ; the shame of 
 indulging a passion altogether unjustifiable, and 
 contrary to all the rules of decency and honour ; 
 the folly of harbouring a desire he ought never 
 to Le desirous of gratifying; but that his reason, 
 in its present state of distraction, entirely en- 
 grossed by one object, would hearken to nothing. 
 And he concluded with declaring, that to punish 
 himself, for desires involuntary in one sense, 
 but criminal in every other, he had resolved to 
 pine to death, by discontinuing all care of his 
 health, and abstaining from every kind of food. 
 
 The physician gained a very considerable 
 point, by penetrating into the source of his pa- 
 tient's disorder ; but the application of the pro- 
 per remedy was much more difficult to be ac- 
 complished; and how could a proposal of this 
 nature be made to a parent and king? When 
 next Seleucus inquired after his son's health, 
 Erasistratus replied, that his distemper was 
 incurable, because it arose from a secret passion 
 which could never be gratified, as the lady he 
 loved was not to be obtained. The father, sur- 
 prised and afflicted at this answer, desired to 
 know why the lady was not to be obtained ? 
 " Because she is my wife," replied the phy- 
 sician, "and I am not disposed to yield her up 
 to the embraces of another." — " And will you 
 not part with her then," replied the king, "to 
 preserve the life of a son I so tenderly love ? Is 
 this the friendship you profets for me?" — " Let 
 me entreat you, my lord," said Erasistratus, 
 "to imagine yourself for one moment in my 
 place ; would you resign your Stratonice to his 
 arms? If you, therefore, who are a father, 
 would not consent to such a sacrifice for the 
 welfare of a son so dear to you, bow can you 
 expect another should do it ?" — " Would to 
 God," exclaimed Seleucus, " that the cure of 
 my son depended only on my acquiescence, I 
 would resign both Stratonice and my empire to 
 him with all my soul." — " Your majesty, then," 
 replied the physician, " has the remedy in your 
 own hands; for it is Stratonice whom he loves." 
 The father did not hesitate a moment after this 
 declaration, and easily obtained the consent of 
 his consort : and his son and that princess were 
 crowned king and queen of Upper Asia. Julian 
 the apostate relates,* in a fj-agment of his writ- 
 ings still extant, that Antiochus would not es- 
 pouse Stratonice till after the death of his 
 father. 
 
 Whatever traces of reserve, moderation, and 
 even modesty, appear in the conduct of this 
 young prince, his example shows us the mis- 
 fortune of suffering an unlawful passion, capa- 
 ble of discomposing all the happiness and tran- 
 quillity of life, to gain the least entrance into 
 the heart. 
 
 Seleucus being now eased of his inquietude,^ 
 thought of nothing but marching against Lysi- 
 machus. He therefore put himself at the head 
 of a fine army, and advanced into Asia Minor. 
 All the country submitted to him as far as Sar- 
 dis, which he besieged and took; by which 
 
 4 In Misopog. 
 5 Justin. 1. xvii. c. 1, 2. Appian. in Syr. p. 128. Mem- 
 iionis Excerpta apud Fhot. c. ix. Pausan. in Attic, p. 18. 
 Oros. 3T3. I'olyiEan. 4—9. 
 
 means he became master of all the treasures of 
 Lysimachus. 
 
 The latter having passe I 
 A. M. 3723. the Hellespont in order to 
 
 Ant. J. C. 2Hi. check the progress of Seleu- 
 cus, gave him battle in Phry- 
 gia," but was defeated and slain ; in consequence 
 of which Seleucus made himself master of all his 
 dominions. His greatest pleasure on this oc- 
 casion resulted from his being the only survivor 
 of all the captains of Alexander,' and, by the 
 event of this battle, victorious over conquerors 
 themselves, for that was the expression he 
 thought fit to use, and this advantage was con- 
 sidered by him as the effect of a peculiar provi- 
 dence in his favour. The last victory was un- 
 doubtedly the best justification of the title of 
 Nicator, or the conqueror, which he had already 
 assumed, and which is usually given him by the 
 historians, in order to distinguish him from the 
 other princes of the name of Seleucus who 
 reigned after him in Syria.^ 
 
 His triumph on this occa- 
 A. M. .3724. sion was of no long conti- 
 
 Ant. J. C. 280. nuance; for when he went, 
 seven months after his vic- 
 tory, to take possession of Macedonia, where he 
 proposed to pass the remainder of his days in 
 the bosom of his native country, he was basely 
 assassinated by Ceraunus, on whom he had 
 conferred innumerable honours and obligations; 
 for he had received him into his court, when he 
 fled from his own country, and had treated him 
 suitably to his rank. He had also carried that 
 prince with him in this expedition ; intending, 
 when it should be completed, to employ the 
 same forces for his establishment on the throne 
 of his father in Egypt. But this wretch, in- 
 sensible of all the favours he had received, had 
 the villany to conspire against his benefactor, 
 and assassinate him. 
 
 He had reigned twenty years, from the battle 
 of Ipsus, when the title of king was secured to 
 him ; and thirty-one, if the commencement of 
 his reign be fixed twelve years after the death 
 of Alexander, when he became master of Asia ; 
 from which time the era of the Seleucidae com- 
 mences, 
 
 A late dissertation of Monsieur de la Nauze 
 gives him a reign of more than fifty years,® by 
 adding to it the nineteen years of his son An- 
 tiochus Soter. The author pretends, that Se- 
 leucus Nicator did not entirely divest himself of 
 the government ; but began with making a par- 
 tition of his dominions ; and that he afterwards 
 
 S Porphyry is the only author who has pointed out the 
 real place where th s battle was fought, and which Euse. 
 bins, by an evident mistake, calls Ko^vri^iov, instead of 
 Kv^ovihiov, the field of Cyrus j mentioned by Strabo, I xiii. 
 p. 629. 
 
 7 Lffitus eft victorift Seleucus, et quod majus ea vic oriS 
 putabat, solum se de cohorte Alexandri remansisse, vic- 
 toremque viciorum extitisse, non humanum esse opus, 
 sed divinum munus, gloriabatur : ignarum prorsus. non 
 mult5 p6st fragilitatis humanje se ipsum exemplum futu. 
 rum. Justin. 1. xvii. c. 2. 
 
 8 Out of thirty-six generals left by Alexander, Seleucus 
 and Ly.simachus were the only two now left alive. Before 
 this fatal battle I.ysimachus liad seen the death of fifteen 
 of his children, and, as if he had been the last stone of his 
 house to be pulled down, Seleucus, without the smallest 
 opposition, seized all his dominions. In consequence of 
 this victory, Seleucus styled himself the conqueror of con. 
 querors. At the epocli of this engagement Lysimachus 
 was seventy-four years of age and Seleucus seventy, 
 seven — Ed. 
 
 9 Tom. VII. des Mem. de I'Academie «'Ies Inscrip. cf 
 Belles l^ttres. 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 re-united them, even in the lifetime of his son. 
 He has produced probable reasons in favour of 
 his opinion ; but as I never engage in contests 
 of this nature, I shall confine mystlf to the 
 chronology of Usher, which has been ray usual 
 guide, and which assigns, with Father Petau 
 and Monsieur Vaillant, thirty-one years to the 
 reign of Seleucus Nicator. 
 
 This prince had extraordinary qualities ; and 
 without mentioning his military accomplish- 
 ments, it may be justly said, that he distin- 
 guished himself among the other kings, by his 
 great love of justice, a benevolence and clemency 
 that endeared him to the people, and a peculiar 
 regard to religion. He had likewise a taste for 
 polite literature, and made it a circumstance of 
 pleasure and glory to himself, to send back to 
 the Athenians the library which Xerxes had 
 carried away, and which he found in Persia. 
 He also accompanied that present with the sta- 
 tues of Harmodius and Aristogiton, whom the 
 Athenians honoured a& their deliverers. 
 
 The friends of Lysimachus, with those who 
 had served under that prince, at first considered 
 Ceraunus as the avenger of his death, and ac- 
 knowledged him for their king ; but his conduct 
 soon caused them to change their sentiments. 
 
 He did not expect to possess the dominions of 
 Lysimachus in peace,' vi^hile his sister Arsinoe 
 and the children she had by Lysimachus were 
 i living ; for which reason he determined to rid 
 himself at once of them and the apprehensions 
 I they gave him. The greatest crimes cost the 
 ambitious no remorse. Ceraunus feigned a 
 passion for his sister, and demanded her hand 
 in man-iage ; and as these incestuous marriages 
 were frequent and allowed in Egypt, Arsinoe, 
 who was well acquainted with the natural dis- 
 I position of her brother, protracted, as much as 
 I possible, the conclusion of that aifair, the conse- 
 quences of which she feared would be fatal to 
 herself and children. But the more she delayed 
 and concealed her repugnance under plausible 
 pretexts, the more wannly he pressed her to 
 gratify his passion : and in order to remove all 
 suspicion, he repaired to that temple which the 
 Macedonians held in the greatest veneration, 
 and there, in the presence of one of her confi- 
 dential friends, whom she had sent to him, he 
 called the tutelar gods of the country to witness, 
 embracing their statues at the same time, and 
 protesting, with the most dreadful oaths and 
 imprecations, that his views, with respect to 
 the marriage he solicited, were perfectly pure 
 and innocent. 
 
 Arsinoe placed but little confidence in these 
 promises, though they were uttered before the 
 altars, and had been ratified with the awful seal 
 cf religion ; but she was apprehensive, at the 
 Bame time, that persisting in an obstinate re- 
 fusal would be fatal to her children, for whose 
 welfare she was more solicitous than her own. 
 She, therefore, consented at last ; and the nup- 
 tiils were celebrated with the greatest magniti- 
 i^nce, and with all the indications of the most 
 unaffected ioy and tenderness. Ceraunus placed 
 the diadem on the head of his sister, and de- 
 clared her queen, in the presence of the whole 
 army. Arsinoe felt a real joy, when she be- 
 held herself so gloriously re-established in the 
 privileges of which she had been divested by the 
 d«v5th of Lysimachus, her first husband ; and 
 
 I Justiti 1. x\iv. c. 2— K 
 
 she invited her new spouse to reside with hei 
 iu her own city of Cassandria, to which sh« 
 first repaired herself, in order to make the ne- 
 cessary preparations for his arrival. The tem- 
 ples, on that occasion, with all the public squares 
 and private houses, were magnificently adorned ; 
 and nothing was to be seen but altars and vic^ 
 tims ready for sacrifice. The two sons of Ar. 
 sinoe, Lysimachus, who was then sixteen years 
 of age, and Philip, who was thirteen, both 
 princes of admirable beauty and majestic mien, 
 advanced to meet the king, with crowns on 
 their heads, it being a day of so much solemnity 
 and joy. Ceraunus threw his arms around their i 
 necks, and embraced them with as much ten- j 
 derness as could well be expressed by the fond- j 
 est of fathers. 
 
 The comic part ended here, and was presently 
 succeeded by a bloody tragedy. As soon as he 
 entered the city, he seized the citadel, and or- 
 dered the two brothers to be murdered. Those 
 unfortunate princes fled for refuge to the queen, 
 who clasped them in her arms, and vainly en- 
 deavoured, by covering them with her body, to 
 save them from the daggers of their murderers, 
 who killed them in the bosom of their mother. 
 Instead of being allowed the sad consolation of 
 rendering the last offices to her children, she 
 was first dragged out of the city, with her robes 
 all rent, and her hair dishevelled, and then 
 banished into Samothrace, with only two fe- 
 male servants to attend her, mournfully con- 
 sidering her surviving the princes her sons, as 
 the completion of all her calamities. 
 
 Providence would not suf- 
 A. M. 3725. fer such crimes to go long 
 Ant. J. C. 279. unpunished,^ but called forth 
 a distant people to be the 
 ministers of its vengeance. 
 
 The Gauls, finding their own country too 
 populous, sent out a prodigious number of peo- 
 ple to seek a new settlement in some other land. 
 This swarm of foreigners came from the ex- 
 tremity of the ocean, and after proceeding along 
 the Danube, arrived at the outlet of the Save, 
 and then divided themselves into three bodies. 
 The first, commanded by Brennus and Aci- 
 chorius, entered Pannonia, now known b> the 
 name of Hungary; the second marched into 
 Thrace, under Cef ethrius ; and Belgius led the 
 third into lllyrium and Macedonia. 
 
 All the nations near whose territories this 
 people approached, were struck with so much 
 terror, that instead of waiting till they were 
 subdued, they despatched ambassadors to the 
 Gauls, and thought themselves exceedingly hap- 
 py in purchasing a peace with money. Ptolemy 
 Ceraunus,' king of Macedonia, was the only 
 prince who was undismayed at the tidings of 
 this formidable irruption ; and running head- 
 long of himself on the punishment the divine 
 vengeance was preparing to inflict upon him for 
 the murders he had perpetrated, he advanced to 
 meet the Gauls with a small body of undisci- 
 plined troops, as if it had been as easy for him 
 to fight battles as it was to commit crimes. He 
 
 2 Justin. I. xxiv. et xxv, Pausan. 1. x. p. 643—64;). 
 Mpmi). Exc. apud Photium. Eclogffi Diod. Sic 1. xxn 
 Callim. hymn, in Delum, et schol. ad eundem. Suidas ui 
 
 ^'s'^ SoUi's rex Macedoniae Ptolemseus adventum GaUcrui. 
 intrepidus audivit, hisque cum paucis et incomposn.. 
 quasi bcUa non difficiliils quam scelera patrarentur, paj 
 rk-idiorum furiis agiUlus, occurrit. Justin. 
 
ALEXANDERS SUCCESSORS. 
 
 had even the imprudence to refuse a supply of 
 20,000 men, which the Dardanians, a neigh- 
 bouring people to Macedonia, offered him ; and 
 answered with an insulting air, that Macedonia 
 would he much to be pitied, if, after it had con- 
 quered all the East by itself alone, it could need 
 the aid of the Dardanians to defend its frontiers ; 
 to which he added, with a haughty tone of tri- 
 umph, that he would face the enemy with the 
 children of those who, under the ensigns of 
 Alexander, had subdued the universe. 
 
 He expressed himself in the same imperious 
 strain to the Gauls, who first offered him peace 
 by a deputation, in case he would purchase it ; 
 but, conceiving this offer the result of fear, he 
 replied, that he would never enter into any 
 treaty of peace with them, unless they would 
 deliver up some or" the principal persons of their 
 nation to him as hostages; and that they must 
 likewise send him their arms, before he would 
 place any confidence in their promises. This 
 answer was received Avith contempt by the 
 Gauls ; and we may from hence observe the 
 methods usually employed by the Deity, in 
 chastising the pride and injustice of princes ; he 
 first deprives them of reason and counsel, and 
 then abandons them to their vain imagina- 
 tions. 
 
 A few days after this event, a battle was 
 fought, wherein the Macedonians were entirely 
 defeated and cut to pieces : Ptolemy, covered 
 with wounds, was taken prisoner by the Gauls ; 
 who, after they had cut off his head", fixed it on 
 a lance, and showed it to the enemy in derision. 
 A very inconsiderable number of Macedonians 
 1 saved themselves by flight, but all the rest were 
 either slain or made prisoners. The Gauls dis- 
 persed themselves, after this victory, in order to 
 pillage the adjacent country ; upon which Sos- 
 thenes, one of the principal persons among the 
 Macedonians, collected some few troops, and 
 taking advantage of the disorder in which they 
 then were, destroyed a great number of their 
 men, and obliged the rest to quit the coiin- 
 try 
 
 Brtnnus then advanced into Macedonia with 
 his troop ; but this leader is not to be confounded 
 with that other Brennus who took the city of 
 Rome, about a century before. Upon the* in- 
 telligence he had received of the first success of 
 Belgius, and the great booty he had acquired, 
 he envied him the spoils of so rich a country, 
 and immediately formed a resolution to have a 
 part. When he received the news of that gen- 
 eral's defeat, it only served as a new motive to 
 hasten his march ; his impatience to revenge his 
 countrymen uniting with his desire to enrich 
 himself. Authors have not informed us what 
 became of Belgius and his troop; but in all 
 probability he was killed in the second engage- 
 ment, after which the remaijjs of his army were 
 incorporated into that of Brennus. However 
 that may be, Brennus and Acichorius quitted 
 Pannonia, with an army of 130,000 foot and 
 15,000 horse, and entered Illyrium, in order to 
 pass into Macedonia and Greece. 
 
 During a sedition which happened in their 
 march, a body of 20,000 men drew off from the 
 main army, and marched, under Leonor and 
 Lutarius, whom they chose for their command- 
 ers, into Thrace, where they joined those whom 
 Cerethrius had already led into that country ; 
 after which they made themselves masters of 
 Byzantium, and the western coasts of the Pro- 
 pontis, and then laid the adjacent country under 
 contribution. 
 
 313 
 
 This desertion did not pre- 
 
 A. M. 3726. vent Brennus and Acicho- 
 Ant. J. C. 278. rius from continuing their 
 march ; and they drew, either 
 from Illyrium or their countrymen the Gauls, 
 such numerous leinforcements, as increased 
 their army to 152,000 foot, and 61,200 horse. 
 The hopes of booty, and some advantageous set- 
 tlement, caused a vast number of soldiers to 
 join them in this expedition, and with this army 
 they marched directly to Macedonia, where they 
 overpowered Sosthenes with their multitudes, 
 and ravaged all the country. It will soon ap- | 
 pear by the sequel, that Antigonus reigned in ! 
 Macedonia after the death of Sosthenes. ! 
 
 The Gauls next advanced to the straits of | 
 Thermopylae, with an intention to enter Greece; 
 but were stopped for some time by the troops 
 who had been posted there, to defend that im- 
 portant pass : till at last they discovered the 
 circuitous path which the army of Xerxes had 
 formerly taken in their passage over these moun- \ 
 tains; and the Greeks, to avoid being surrounded 
 bj the troops detached against them by the 
 Gauls for that pui'pose, were obliged to retire 
 and leave them a free passage. 
 
 Brennus advanced with the main body of the 
 army towards Delphi, in order to pillage the 
 immense riches of the temple of Apollo, and 
 ordered Acichorius to follow him with the 
 troops under his command ; saying, at the same j 
 time, Avith an air of raillery, "that the gods j 
 ought in reason to impart some of their riches ! 
 to men, who had more occasion for them than j 
 themselves, and employed them in a better man- i 
 ner." Authors have here taken an opportu 
 nity to relate very astonishing and marvellous 
 events:* for they tell us, that when Brennus j 
 approached th^ temple of Delphi, the skies were | 
 blackened with a dreadful tempest, and that j 
 great numbers of his men were destroyed by i 
 hail and thunder. To which they add, that ! 
 this storm was attended by an earthquake, that 
 rent the mountains, and threw down vast frag- 
 ments of the rocks, which crushed the Gauls by 
 hundreds at a time ; and that the remaining 
 troops were seized with such a panic the ensu- 
 ing night,^ as caused them to mistake their own 
 men for the enemies, in consequence of which 
 they destroyed one another in such a manner, 
 that before the day grew light enough for them 
 to distinguish each other, above half of the army 
 perished by that means. 
 
 The Greeks, whom the danger of a temple so 
 revered among them had drawn from all parts 
 to preserve it from being plundered, were ani- 
 mated by an event in which heaven itself seemed 
 to declare in their favour, and charged the Gauls 
 with so much impetuosity, that though Aci- 
 chorius had joined Brennus, they were unable 
 to sustain the shock, and were slaughtered in 
 vast numbers. Though Brennus had received 
 many wounds in several parts of his body, yet 
 none of them were mortal : but when he saw 
 that all was lost, and that the grand design he 
 had formed ended only in the destruction of his 
 army, he was seized with such despair, as made 
 him resolve not to survive his losses. He ac- 
 cordingly sent for all the officers that could be 
 assembled, amidst the confusion which reigned 
 
 4 Justin. 1. xxiv. c. 6—8. Pausan. I. x p. 6.i'2— 6.54. 
 5 The ancients thought these kinds of terrors were in. 
 fused .'Jto llie mind by the god Pan. Other reasons ar« 
 likewise assigned for that name. 
 
.3U 
 
 iiistohy of 
 
 among them, and advised tliem to kill all the 
 wounded men, and make the best retreat in their 
 power. After this he drank as much Avine as 
 he could, plunged his dagger into bis bosom, 
 and expired upon the spot. 
 
 Acichorius took the command in chief upon 
 himself, and endeavoured to regain the straits 
 of Thermopylae, in order to march out of Greece, 
 and conduct the sad remains of the army into 
 their own country. But as he was obliged to 
 pass through a large extent of the enemy's ter- 
 ritories, and to hazard a battle every time he 
 wanted provisions for his troops ; and as these 
 were reduced to the necessity of almost always 
 lying on the ground, though it was then the 
 winter season ; in a word, as they were con- 
 stantly harassed from every quarter, by the in- 
 habitants of the countries through which they 
 marched, they were all destroyed, either by 
 famine, cold, distempers, «»r the sword ; and of 
 all that prodigious number of men who en- 
 gaged in this expedition, not one escaped with 
 life. 
 
 Some fabulous exaggerations may possibly be 
 blended with the other circumstances of this 
 event; and chiefly with relation to the sudden 
 tempest that ai'ose when the Gauls approached 
 Delphi, and the immense masses of rock miracu- 
 lously detached from the mountains to crush the 
 sacrilegious troops. Perhaps the whole might 
 be no more than a thick flight of arrows shot by 
 the enemies, who might likewise roll down upon 
 the Gauls huge stones from the tops of the 
 mountains. Such events are entirely natural 
 and customary in attacks like this, which the 
 priests, whose interests it was to magnify the 
 I power of their god, might represent as a prodigy, 
 I and as a miraculous interposition; and which 
 I the credulity of the people, who are always fond 
 ' of the marvellous, would readily have credited, 
 ! without a scrupulous examination into the truth 
 j of the account. 
 
 i On the other hand, we have no sufficient rea- 
 son to disbelieve any thing which history relates 
 I of this event. The enterprise of Brennus vv^as 
 undoubtedly a sacrilegious impiety, and inju- 
 i rious to religion, as well as to the Deity him- 
 self; for he spoke and acted in the manner 
 i already represented, not from any conviction 
 ; that those gods were the mere oiFspring of fable 
 i (for he did not think better on that subject than 
 I the Greeks themselves), but from an absolute 
 i contempt of a divinity in general. The idea of 
 ' a God is impressed on the hearts of all men, 
 and they have, through all ages and in all coun- 
 tries, believed it to be their duty to render cer- 
 tain honours to him. The Pagans were de- 
 ceived in their application of this principle, but 
 all acknowledged the necessity of it. The Deity, 
 therefore, in mere goodness to mankind, may 
 have caused his vengeance to be displayed from 
 time to time against those, even among the hea- 
 thens, who testified an open contempt of a Su- 
 preme Being, in order to preserve the traces 
 and principles of religion in their minds, by 
 I some extraordinary indications of his anger, till 
 it pleased him to afford them clearer lights by 
 I the ministration of the Mediator, at the ap- 
 j pointed time, to whom was reserved the in- 
 struction of mankind in that pure worship 
 ! which the only true God required from them. 
 I We likewise see that the Divine Being, in or- 
 I der to preserve among men a due respect for 
 I his providence, and a belief of his peculiar at- 
 I tention to all their actions, has been careful, 
 ] from time to time, to punish peijuries and otlier 
 I 
 
 heinous offences in a singular manner, even 
 among the Pagans themselves. By which means 
 the belief of that capital article, the first tie 
 which connects man with God, was maintained 
 amidst all the darkness of Paganism, and the 
 profligacy of manners which then prevailed. 
 But it is now time to return to the Gauls.' 
 
 1 I see no more impiety in the conduct of Brennus and 
 his countrymen llie GauU, than in the conduct of a Xer. 
 xes and a Sylla ; or in that of the Phocians, the former 
 guardians of the temple ; and there is no reason to believe 
 that there was any miraculous interposition made by the 
 Deity in behalf of this shrine of superstition and impos- 
 ture, any more than in the cases before-mentioned. The 
 opinion of our author respecting the irreligion of the 
 Gauls, that they plundered the temple of Delphi out oi 
 a principle of mere impiety, and out ot their hatred to re. 
 ligion in general, is borrowed from Cicero ; v. ho could 
 never forgive them for besieging the capitol, and, as he 
 adds, to aggravate their guilt the more, " the great Jupitei 
 in it." Orat. pro M. Fonteio. 
 
 It is clear that the Gauls, previous to their conquest by 
 the Romans, had no temples ; but professed the Druidical 
 system of religion, and worshipped the Supreme Deity | 
 under the name of Hesus, and the symbol of the oak 
 I'acitus. speaking of the Senones, a Gaulish tribe, says, 
 " They have no other temples but a wood, or grove, where 
 tliey perform all their religious rites." De Morib. German. 
 Though they admitted the oak tree to be a symbol of the 
 Deity, and held it sacred, and believed their deity to dwell 
 amidst groves, vet they had not arrived the length of 
 making images of him under human and animal forms, noj 
 had they hitherto erected grand and magnificent temples 
 to a multiplicity of gods. We have no other account ot 
 their religious creed and mode of worship than what has 
 been given us by Roman and Greek writers, themselves 
 professed polytheists. It is plain, however, that then 
 religion differed considerably from that of their more re- 
 fined neighbours; was comparatively rude and simple; 
 and that the object, or obje.cts, of their religious homage, 
 and modes of paying it, were quite diflerent from those of 
 the Greeks and Romans. Now, these things considered, 
 it would be quite ridiculous to imagine that the Gauls 
 could possibly have the same veneration and respect for 
 the Greek and Roman gods, temples, and oracles, that 
 these latter had. It is evidently impossible that it could 
 be so ; and therefore the destroying those temples and 
 idols, or even plundering them of their treasures, as they 
 attempted to do by this of Delphi, was perfectly con.^istent 
 with their notions, and, in the eye of a protestant Chris- 
 tian, would stand justified and rather deserve commenda. 
 tion than reproof No consistent protestant would ever 
 condemn a French army for plundering the shrine of our 
 lady of Loretto, or denominate it a sacrilegious act. 
 
 In the days in which we live, indeed, when liberality of 
 religious opinions, and a decent deference for those of 
 others even the most opposite to our own, seems to be the 
 prevailing sentiment; such a deed would not be viewed 
 as impious, but as intolerant, as a want of respect for the 
 religious f^ith of others ; as in Hindoostan, where our 
 countrymen are anxious (from political motive.s no doubt) 
 to show a becoming respect for the polytheistic notions and 
 practices of a nation sunk in the gro.ssest idolatry, and 
 who (proh dolor) even go the length of making offerings 
 at the shrine of a Hindoo deity. ^ ^ ^ , 
 
 But our author does not view the conduct of the Gauls 
 at all in this light, but as impious and deserving the veii. 
 geance of heaven. But really if the Gauls deserved the 
 vengeance vf an offended deity for attempting to plunder 
 a pag.^n temple— the temple of one whom they, in accord, 
 ance" with their own creed, considered as no deity— why 
 was not that vengeance inflicted on the Persian Xerxes, 
 who destroyed so many Greek temples ? 
 
 It is true, indeed, that Xerxes was not an idolater in 
 the sense we usuallv attach to that term, though a wor- 
 shipper of fire as a symbol of the Deity, and therefore did 
 it out of religious principle : yet his conduct was no more 
 excusable than that of the Gauls. They both agreed in 
 thinking it an absurdity to confine God in temples, or to re. 
 present him under human or animal firms, and therefore, 
 why was not Xerxes punished as well as they ? To this 
 it may very possibly be replied, that the unfortunate 
 issue of his ext>editibn against Greece, was the effect 
 of the divine anger, for destroying the pagan temples 
 in that countrv This answer might very consistently 
 come from the mouth or the pen of a pagan pol\thei>i, 
 (as from Cicero above-mentioned,) but it would be very 
 strange reasoning to come from a Christian, or a Christiat 
 
315 
 
 Leonor and Lutarius,^ who had formed a 
 separate body, and had established themselves 
 on the Propontis, advanced to the Hellespont, 
 and surprised Lysimachia, after vt^hich they 
 
 2 Llv. 1. xxxviii. n. 16. 
 
 monotheist ; and yet it would be just as plausible reason, 
 ing from ihe mouth of KoUin, to say that Xerxes was 
 defeated in his designs against Greece, because he plun- 
 dered the temple of Delphi, as that the Gauis were de- 
 feated because they attempted to do the same thiiig ; or, 
 in other words, that the divine displeasure was as much 
 manifested upon Xerxes by his subsequent defeat, as upon 
 the Gauls and their leader Biennus, by their sudden 
 disaster and discomfiture. 
 
 It is true, indeed, that Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus 
 affirm, that no sooner was the Persian detachment arrived 
 in sight of Delphi, to plunder and destroy the temple, by 
 the orders of Xerxes, than a violent storm of thunder and 
 lightning, accompanied with impetuous winds, arose, and 
 that two rocks rolled down from mount Parnassus, which 
 jrushed the greatest part of the Persian detachment. If 
 we are to believe this, it was as much, and as real, a dj. 
 vine interposition, on our author's principles, as m the 
 case of Brennus j and yet, by our author's own account 
 of the Magian prniciples, the Persians were no idolaters- 
 did this act out of hatred to idolatry — did it upon religious 
 principles— principles the very reverse of those which ac- 
 tuated the infidel Brennus and his profane followers— 
 and yet they suffered the same calamity with the Gauls, 
 and from the very same cause— a miraculous interposition 
 of the Deity in behalf of an idolatrous shrine. Our author 
 must either admit this to be a miracle or not a miracle. 
 If the former be admitted, then two miracles were 
 wrought in behalf of this temple; the one to punish a 
 I pious act, the other to punish an impious act: both acts 
 ) were attempted from opposite principles : the one from a 
 j J principle of pure theism, and hatred of idolatry, the other 
 j from a contempt of all religion, and a belief in none ; and 
 yet the actors in both cases met with the very same fate : 
 and yet Rollin says, that the Gauls were punished for 
 their impiety, in attempting to pillage and destroy the 
 vemple; and if so, then the Persians were punished for 
 attempting to do the same thing, not for their impiety, 
 but for the very reverse— a principle of piety. Now, if 
 this be not to make God contradict himself, to punish the 
 Persians for the very same thing he commanded his own 
 people to do, I leave the reader to judge. 
 
 If he do not admit it to be a miracle, or extraordinary 
 divine interposition, in the case of the Persian detach, 
 ment ; then I say, neither was it so in the case of the 
 Gauls. Both must stand or fall together. If the one was 
 a miracle, so was the other ; and if the one was not a 
 miracle, neither was the other; and if both were miracles, 
 we have the Deity working contradictions. But what is 
 there in either case that might not be wrought by natural 
 means Thunder, and lightning, and rain, and the fail 
 ot rocks, are not miracles, nor extraordinary interpositions 
 of divine providence, unless combined with other circum- 
 Btaiices that evidence them to be so, as in the case of the 
 law given from mount Sinai. Every thing that is extra, 
 ordinary is not, therefore, miraculous ; as in the case of 
 meteoric stones. The defeat of the Philistines by thun. 
 der, obtained by the prayer of .Samuel, the prophet, from 
 heaven, though it cannot, in the strict sense of the term, 
 be called miraculous, as it did not surpass what is deno. 
 minated the powers of natural causes, vet that must be 
 I owned to have been an extraordinary act of providence, 
 and well deserves a place in the lower form of miracles, 
 because it was preternatural, and not done by the ordi- 
 nary concurrence of physical causes, but by the immediate 
 hand of God, as Samuel expressly testifies. And when 
 as good vouchers can be brought for the defeat of the 
 Gauls, that it was wrought in the same manner, we 
 will allow it to be preternatural. But till this be done, it 
 j must be considered as one of those extraordinary acci- 
 I dents which Pliny (Epist. xiii.) calls " fortuita sed non 
 tanquam fortuita," that were mere chance, but did not 
 I look like chance. There are numberless examples of such 
 i apparently casual events in all history, which, because 
 ! they were a little surprising and uncommon, and fell out 
 j in nice and seasonable junctures of time, have been styled 
 miracles by the ignorance and superstition of the vulgar— 
 I such as that miraculous storm which Dionysius Halicar. 
 I nassus relates, lib. vii. which helped the Curafeans to ruin 
 : the Tuscan army, the storm that drove Hannibal from 
 I the gates of Rome. Livy, lib. xxvi. cap 11. Sil Ital lib. 
 I xii. The escape of the Roman army in the deserts of 
 
 made themselves masters of all the Thraciau 
 Chersonesus ; but a difference arising between 
 the two chiefs, they separated from each other. 
 Lutarius continued his march along the Hel- 
 
 Africa, related by Dio Cassius, lib. ix. p. 671. when in 
 great distress for want of water, was as extraordinary as i 
 any of the above wonderful events The storm of wind i i 
 which gave the orthodox emperor, Theodosius, the victory | 
 over Eugenius, has been held up as a miracle by all fho 
 ecclesiastical writers of that age, and by Claudian the 
 poet, though a pagan. These facts are as well attested as 
 the miracle at Delphi, and have just the same right to 
 pass for miraculous as it. Both Pausanias, lib. x. p. 653. 
 and Livy, lib. xi. c. 58. mention a miraculous storm of I 
 thunder, lightning, and hail, tlial assailed the Bastarna 
 (a Scythian tribe, whom Philip had invited to his domi. 
 nions, from the banks of the Danube,) in their battle with i 
 the Thracians : " Fulmina etiam sic undique micabant, i 
 utpeti viderentur corpora:" just as if the lightning had 
 been pointed at them ; and this wonderful storm is com. 
 pared to the storm of Delphi by one of these writers: 
 " Quali tempestate Gallos, spoliantes Delphos, fama est 
 peremptos esse, talis turn Bastarnas oppressit." Such is 
 the comparison of Livy. Ihese words clearly show that 
 both these tempests were alike ; and, consequently, that 
 every circumstance of the one belonged to the other. 
 Now, upon our author s logic, this storm was just as really 
 a divine interposition, in behalf of the Thracians against 
 the Bastarnffi, as the one at Delphi in behalf of it against 
 the Gauls. 
 
 The hypothesis of our author, that the Divine Being, ! 
 the only object of all adoration, should interpose, either 
 by miraculous agency, to prevent the destruction of an 
 idol temple, or make use of human agency for the same 
 purpose, is evidently irration:il and absurd. 
 
 The reason he assigns for such interposition, in the case 
 of the Gauls, namely, because they had an absolute con- 
 tempt for deity in general, is not valid. Brennus, in say. I 
 ing that the gods ought, in reason, to impart some of their I 
 riches to men, who had more occasion for them than 
 themselves, and employed them in a better manner, spoke 
 entirely with reference to the Greek gods, whom he did 
 not believe to be deities, but not with relation to the Su- 
 preme Being. 1 hat such keen raillery would be thought j! 
 impious, in the highest degree, by the idolatrous and ! 
 superstitious Greeks, is undoubtedly true ; but it does not ' 
 follow that therefore it was so, because the Greeks thought j 
 so. A Koman Catholic would judge similar language, if | 
 used respecting the immense wealth locked up in the 
 chapel of our lady of Loretto, to bo equally impious, 
 whilst no such feelings would be excited in the mind of 
 the protestant. He would, in fact, be of the very same 
 opinion with Brennus, that she really ought to 'imparl 
 some of her wealth to men who would make a better use 
 of it. It does not follow, that because Brennus despised ! 
 the Greek deities, he was therefore an impious man, and j 
 had ail utter contera[)t for all religion and providence. | 
 He farther says, that the idea of a God is impressed ou [ i 
 the hearts of all men, and that therefore they have, in j i 
 every age and in every clime, believed it to be their duty i i 
 to render certain honours to him, and that the pagans j I 
 erred only in making a wrong application of this universal | I 
 impression. All this doctrine is founded on the doctrine ; 
 of innate ideas, a doctrine completely exploded long since 
 by Mr. Locke, and embraced by no philosopher of the 
 present day. Men can have neither ideas nor notions till 
 they have sensations ; and these latter they cannot have I 
 without an external world, or objects of sense; and the.se 
 last they cannot have either previous to birth or confem- \ 
 poraneous with it. Sensation and reflec tion furnish man. ! 
 kind with the first materials of al! their knowledge. Innate 
 knowledge they can have none. The mind must not only 
 have faculties, but it must also have materials of know- 
 ledge. Without the.se the faculties cannot operate, and 
 these they cannot have but by means of the senses eni. 
 ployed upon external objects. Knowledge derived from 
 sensible objects, or, what may be termed sensible know- | 
 ledge, is long prior to that which we derive from attending I 
 to the operations of our own minds, or what may be de- 
 nominated reflective knowledge. Thtrcfore observation 
 and experience are the sole sources of all our knowledge, 
 and therefore there can be no innate knowledge. Ideas 
 and notions are knowledge, and therefore, if men have ! 
 universally, as our author says, the idea (notion would i 
 have been a more correct term) of a God impressed on their 
 minds, and therefore prior to observation and experience, ' 
 and therefore innate, it will then follow that we are born 
 with a most essential part of human knowledge, the most 
 important of all knowledge, that of God. If the notion of 
 a God bs thus natural to man, impressed on liim at his i 
 
310 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 iHspont, and Leonor returned to Byzantium 
 with the greatest part of the army. 
 
 The latter having afterwards passed the Bos- 
 phorus, and the other the Hellespont, they met 
 
 again in Asia, where a reconciliation heing 
 etfected between them, they rejoined their for- 
 ces, and entered into the service of Nicomedcs 
 king of Bithynia. This prince, alter be had 
 
 creation by tlie author of his being, it must be a coraplete 
 and just notion of him ; for it would be absurd to say that 
 the Deity would imprint on him a dark, obscure, and im- 
 perfect notion of his being and attributes. As he gives a 
 perfect body and a sound mind, so, if he also imprints on 
 man a notion of his existence and attributes, then, by 
 analogy, the notion thus concreated with the human 
 frame, must also be sound and rational ; and, of conse- 
 quence, the new-born infant would have as sound and 
 just a notion of God, as the man of advanced years, 
 or, as the philosopher, or the theologian. The Hotten- 
 tot and the Indian, the Hindoo and the Chinese, would 
 be on a level, so far as the idea of a God is concerned, 
 with the most enlightened Christian, and be able to 
 write as good a system of natural religion as a Clarke, a 
 Woollaston, or a Paley. On this system, speculative 
 atheism would be utterly impossible. Men could no more 
 doubt of the existence of (iod, and that religious worship 
 was to be paid him, than they could doubt or deny their 
 own existence, though possessed of the principle ot con. 
 sciousness. On the same principle idolatry would have 
 been impossible, as with such a notion impressed upon 
 them, and inherent in them, they could never have 
 imagined inanimate substances, as stocks and stones, to be 
 1 gods, and worshipped them as such ; they never could 
 have changed the glorv of the incorruptible God into an 
 1 image made like to corruptible man, and to birds and 
 i four-footed beasts, and creeping things. 
 I This notion of our author seems to be the same with 
 i that of the famous Des Cartes, that the idea (notion) of an 
 I infinitely perfect being, including that of necessary exis- 
 ! tence, is impressed on the human mind. His argument 
 i for it is the following : " We can frame in our minds an 
 i idea of an infinitely perfect being, having the attribute of 
 necessary existence ; therefore, such an idea is interwoven 
 i with the human constitution." His ground for the in- 
 ference is this, that unless such an idea were impressed 
 on the human mind at its creation, the human mind 
 ■ could not frame such an idea. On this groui.d all possible 
 ' ideas, or all such as the human mind can form, or may 
 have formed in time past, are, or were, impressed on the 
 human mind, or connate with its existence. Three mis- 
 takes are committed in this pretended demonstration ot 
 the being of God. He first draws an absolute conclusion 
 from a mere possibilitv— that because we can frame, or 
 form, an idea, or notion, that such a being, or event, or 
 I thing may be, therefore it is— the certainty of its actual 
 1 existence follows from its possible existence in our minds, 
 I or that because we can conceive such a thing to be, there- 
 ! fore, that thing exists. Now, we have no right to torm or 
 ! draw any such conclusion. I may form an idea 
 
 I " of Centaurs and Griffins, 
 
 j Gorgons, and Hydras, and Chimeras dire," 
 
 I may imagine a gigantic Polypheme, cr some such crea. 
 ' ture as a 
 
 " Monstrum horrendum, informe, 
 ademptum," 
 
 ingens, cui lumen 
 
 but it would not follow from this, that such fantastic crea- 
 tures ever did or do exist. The idea of the existence of 
 such beings is not contradictious, is not self-destructive, 
 involves no absurdity. It is a mere act of the mind, com. 
 bining such animal forms, or materials, as were originally 
 supplied by the organ of sight, and moulding them into 
 the above forms, and then giving them names. But no 
 exemplar, or prototype, of such imaginary animals has 
 ever been found in nature. Now, all that we can draw 
 from the hypothesis of Des Cartes— that we can frame an 
 idea of an infinitely perfect and necessarily existent being 
 —is, that such a being mat/ exist, not that he docs. 
 
 The idea, though ii involves incomprehensibilities, does 
 not imply contradictions; such as that the same thing 
 may be both black and while at the same time, or that a 
 body may be extended and unextended, or be in a thou- 
 s ind places at once, or that the same angle can be at once 
 acute, obtuse, and right. All that we can infer from the 
 above reasoning of Des Cartes, is the possible existence ot 
 God, not his actual being. 
 
 Secondly, betakes it for granted that all our ideas are 
 innate ; that all the ideas which we have formed, or may 
 hereafter form, are concreated with us. Ihe new-born 
 infant, consequently, has just the same ideas, m kind and 
 number, as when a man ; the infant Newton had as many. 
 
 as sublime and profound ideas, as the philosopher Newton. 
 This is so evidently absurd as to require no confutation 
 Thirdly, he confounds powers and ideas. Now, these 
 are different things. We can no more conceive mind to 
 be without powers than to conceive matter to be without 
 solidity and extension. These may either be suspended 
 or impaired, in their exercise, through some physical de. 
 feet in the material system with which the Deity has been 
 pleased to connect the human mind, or from some injury 
 which that material frame has suffered, or from some 
 disease with which it may be aflected ; but still these 
 powers, ill whatever degree the mind possesses them, 
 must still exi.st. Destroyed or annihilated they cannot 
 be, without the annihilation of the mind itself. As there 
 is a difference between acting and that which acts, so 
 there is a similar difference between the mind and its 
 actings. 'I hougL necessarily connected, they are still dis- 
 tiiict There are four things which must be carefully 
 distinguished when speaking of the human mind; namely, 
 that mind itself, its energies, its notions, and its ideas and 
 the sources of ideas. Without powers peculiar to itself 
 the mind could not act; its energies are its actings. In 
 every mental energy the whole mind acts. But it must 
 have materials whereupon to act, or objects of thought. 
 As the workings of the mind are distinct from the mind 
 itself, so are the objects, cr materials, of thinking different 
 from thinking itself; as much so as the stone and the 
 energies of the being by whom it is cast. 'I hese mate, 
 rials, whether they be notions or ideas, are primarily ob. 
 tained from without, or from the objects of sense, by 
 means of sensation. Ideas are not notions ; but the for. 
 mer, constituted as we are, we never could have had 
 without the latter. Now, Des Cartes never distinguished 
 between the human mind and its energies. As he took 
 extension to be the essence of matter, so he made thought 
 the essence of mind. But we are ignorant of the essence 
 of either. Thought and extension, though the peculiar 
 properties of totally different essences, are as distinct from 
 these as action is from the agent that acts, or extension 
 from the body extended. But it is possible that we may 
 exist without thinking, as in the case of very sound sleep, 
 or suspended animation ; and were we not possessed of 
 the senses of sight and touch we could- have no idea of 
 extension. 1 he moment the soul began to be it began tc 
 think, according to Des Cartes ; it could not but do so, 
 as thought was its essence ; it could as soon cease to be 
 as cease to think ; and yet all its ideas and notions, which 
 we take to be productions of thought, were, according to 
 him, impressed upon the soul; and therefore, unless it 
 were the contemplation of its own concreated idea, and 
 the enjoyment thence arising, 1 do not see the use of it* 
 thinking, or what it had to think upon, or acquire by 
 mental exercise. The celebrated cogito ergo mm, is only 
 one of the many petitiones principii to be found in the 
 writings of that celebrated philosopher. 
 
 All our knowledge consists in ideas and notions. The 
 more just and expanded these are, just proportionally has 
 the man more aa urate and extensive knowledge. But, 
 according to this system, tbe philosopher Newton knew as 
 much when an infant as when in the full blaze of his 
 fame, and vigour of his mighty intellect. He knew a 
 triangle quite well before ever he saw it ; was as well ac- 
 quaint with the theory of gravitation when born, as when 
 he saw the apple drop from the branch to the ground ; 
 and was then as much possessed of the knowledge of the 
 fluxionary calculus, as when the palm of that bright 
 discovery was contested with him by his renowned rival, 
 the celebrated Leibnitz. According to this system, we 
 do not grow in knowledge as in years ; we merely grow 
 in a capacity of unfolding to each other our original stock. 
 The Slock is never increased, but merely evolved. 
 
 The apostle Paul does not teach that we have the idea 
 of a God impressed on our hearts, or that we have an 
 innate knowledge of God. No. He says that we have | 
 such knowledge either fiom gracious communication, or 
 from a contemplation of the works of nature. Writing 
 to the converts at Rome, he gives a deplorable account f.l 
 the state of the pagan world, who held the truth in un- 
 righteousnets. " Ihe wrath of God," says he, "is revealed 
 against them." Why? "Because that which may be 
 known," not, which is known of God, " is manifest to 
 them " How so ? " Because God hath shown it unto 
 them." How did he show it to them ? By the page of 
 creation :— ' for the invisible things of God from the 
 creation of the world are clearly seen, being understood 
 , by the things which are made, even his eternal pi»wet an« 
 
ALEXANDER'S 
 
 SUCCESSORS. 
 
 reduced his brother Zypetes by their assistance, 
 and regained the possession of all his father's 
 dominions, assigned to them, for their settle- 
 ment, that part of Asia Minor which took from 
 
 godhead." Here he teaches that the visible frame of na- 
 ture, if examined and contemplated, was a clear evidence 
 of almighty power and wise design, and therefore of the 
 existenceof an omnipotent, though invisible God. I donot 
 lieru infer that the phenomena of nature suggested to 
 weak and fallible man a creation ex nikilo, that he as 
 expressly says in another epistle, is, or can be, known 
 only by revelation, namely, in the writings of Moses. 
 None of the pagan world, dejslitute of the page of revela- 
 tion, ever did, or could, believe a creation ex nihilo; as we 
 have attempted to show in the note upon the philosophy 
 of Socrates. But he says that so much could be read in 
 the page of creation as to convince them that the world 
 was framed by omnipotence ; that it did not frame itself ; 
 was not the production of created and limited power ; 
 I and, therefore, that such phenomena clearly evinced his 
 I eternal power and Godhead. Men who saw that page, and 
 were made capable of reading it, were without excuse j 
 "in that, when they knew God," from reading this page, 
 "they glorified him not as God;" as the omnipotent 
 creator, and infinitely wise designer of all that they saw, 
 legibly, as it were, written there : " neither were thank- 
 ful ; but became vain in their imaginations, and their 
 foolish heart was darkened." They refused to read and 
 contemplate the bright volume of creation ; turned un- 
 grateful, like the Israelites in the wilderness, who were 
 fed with angels' food, turned vain and proud. " Profess- 
 ing themselves to be wise they became fools." They 
 deified creation, both animate and inanimate ; worshipped 
 the creature, and not the ever blessed Creator ; contrived 
 worlds of their own making, and called them the work of 
 God; or else ascribed their existence to almighty fate, 
 and made deities suited to their corrupted imaginations 
 and passions. "We are farther told, that " they did not 
 like to retain God in their knowledge, and therefore he, 
 in just judgment, gave them up to a reprobate mind." 
 
 NoW} it is impossible to reconcile this with the innate 
 idea of Des Cartes, above discussed ; for how was it pos- 
 sible, in this case, to get rid of this iiuiate idea of an in- 
 finitely perfect and necessarily existent being ? They 
 could no more get rid of this than other innate ideas ; and 
 if they could get rid of one innate idea, they could by the 
 same means get rid of them all ; and then have no ideas 
 at all. And than, what would be the use of innate ideas, 
 if men at their pleasure could throw them off? 
 
 The very fact adduced by the apostle, shows that such 
 knowledge was not innate. Men have reasoned them- 
 selves into doubts concerning the very first principles of 
 religion and philosophy, and have finally become sceptics. 
 By the daily hal)it of ingeniously contriving objections and 
 encouraging doubts; of looking more at objections than 
 proofs ; of merely cultivating and exercising the intellect, 
 while the moral principles of our nature are utterly ne- 
 glected, and suffered to lie waste, like an uncultivated 
 field ; men may in time get rid of all those principles of 
 religion and morality which they acquired in early life by 
 education and example. 
 
 If we were to believe some philosopliers, such as Shaftes- 
 bury, Hutcheson, and Dr. Reid, the facultv of conscience 
 would answer the purpose as well as the innate idea of 
 Des Cartes. This is called the moral sense by the two 
 former, and, by the latter, the testimony of our moral 
 faculty ; is said to be like the testimony of nature, 
 and that we have the same reason to rely upon it. 
 —Active Powers, page 2+2. He considers conscience 
 as an original faculty of our nature, deciding clearly, 
 authoritatively, and instantaneously, on every object that 
 falls within its province. " As we rely," says he, " upon 
 the clear and distinct testimony of our eyes, concerning 
 the colours and figures of the bodies about us, we have 
 the same reason to rely, with security, upon the clear and 
 unbiassed testimony of our conscience, with regard to 
 ■u hat we ought and ought not to do." If this were really 
 true, conscience might deservedly be called the divine 
 vicegerent that dwells in everv human heart; as in that 
 case it would always act agreeably to the will of him 
 whose vicegerent, or deputy it is, and the sentence of the 
 omniscient judge would be merely the ratification of what 
 had been passed by his own deputy in foro conscientice. 
 This however neither is, nor can be the case; and Dr 
 Keid's illustration of the power of the testimony of con. 
 science by the analogy of the external senses, is singularly 
 and clearly unfortunate, and is one evidence amongst 
 many, of the fallacy of analogical reasoning. There can 
 be no doubt wi'h any human being, whose organ of vision 
 it soinid, of the intimations received through the medium 
 
 them the denomination of Gallo-Grsecia, or 
 Galatia. The canonical Epistle of St. Paul to 
 the Galatians was written to the descendants 
 of this people ; and St. Jerom, about 600 years 
 
 of these organs, and there can be no room for dispute. 
 We receive correct information at once Irom them, which 
 no reasoning can either invalidate or confirm. But it ia 
 absolutely impossible to say as much for the voice of con. 
 science; which speaks the most opposite language regard- 
 ing the simplest moral facts, and which requires to be 
 corrected by an accurate attention to the established order 
 of nature, or to the revealed will of God, before we can 
 safely rely on its decisions. 
 
 According to Dr. Reid's own analogy between the 
 power of conscience and the testimony of eyesight, the 
 former could no more judge without reference to a known 
 standard, respecting right and wrong, than the eye with- 
 out the medium of light. Without it that organ would be 
 of no use, as it could discern nothing. Now, conscience 
 must have a fixed regulating standard before it can give I 
 a decision, just as the eye must have a medium through 
 which to see before it can determine the figure of the 
 object. The object seen is instantaneously determined to 
 be a tree or a house, a mountain or a river. The impres- 
 sion is irresistibly made on the organ of sight, nd re- 
 ceived at once by the sentient being. But this is not the 
 case with regard to the establi.shed order of nature, or the 
 kiiown will of God. Men behold the former every day, 
 without its making the smallest impression on the mind, | 
 in a moral point of view ; and the latter is either neglected, 
 or, when read, it is read frequently without attention. 
 Now, supi)osing, on Dr. Keid's illustration from analogy, 
 thdt the phenomena of nature, and the known will o( 
 God, are the media of moral vision to the eye of con- 
 science ; then, in either dr in both cases, conscience would 
 know its duty at once, at once pronounce an unerring 
 decision ; every human conscience would see alike, and 
 pronounce an identical judgment; and if, in any case, 
 there should be a difference of decision, that decision 
 would be instantly referred to some natural defect in the 
 faculty, just as in the case of obscure or distorted vision. 
 In this case, all men in their sound senses would see the 
 truths of revelation alike, and there would be no heresies, 
 and there would be no need of councils, or fathers, or , 
 popes, or presbyteries, to settle disputed points in theology, 
 as there would be none to settle. But we know all this to 
 be false, and, therefore, that Dr. Keid's analogical illus- 
 tration is entirely wrong. 
 
 It is cuiious to observe the different representations j 
 that have been made of conscience. Sometimes it is ex. 
 alted to the rank of an umpire in all religious matters, 
 and hence the cant phrase of attending to its decisions. 
 Sometimes it is invested with arbitrary powers, powers 
 uncontrollable by any law, and hence the oft-repeated 
 phrase of the rights of conscience. Sometimes it is repre- 
 sented as a jury, bringing in a verdict of guilt, or acquit- 
 tal ; and sometimes as a prosecutor at the bar, or the 
 attorney general, lodging an ex officio information against 
 the offender. 
 
 Conscience is, in fact, nothing else but the general prin- 
 ciple of moral approbation, or disapprobation, applied to 
 our own feelings or conduct, acting with increased energy 
 from the knowledge which we alone have of our motives 
 and actions, and from the deep interest which we take in 
 whatever concerns ouvselies. We have a power, or 
 faculty, of pronouncing on the general merit or demerit 
 of moral actions, proportioned to the degree of light and 
 information we possess. In passing judgment on the con- 
 duct of others we merely consider it as a subject of reason- 
 ing, and this judgment is often qualified, sometimes siis. 
 pended, by our ignorance of the niotives from which these 
 persons have acted. But, in reference to ourselves, the 
 case is altered. It is not a matter of mere reasoning, or 
 abstract moral judgment, as it concerns others ; but is 
 attended with a degree of intensity proportioned to the 
 importance which we always assign to our own i i teres! s 
 and feelings. In our own case, the motives and the actions 
 are both before us, and when found not to correspond to ' 
 the known standard of right and wrong, we feel the same I 
 disgust with ourselves that we would feel towards another ' 
 whose motives we knew to be vicious whilst his actions 
 were specious and plausible. In our own case, the pain- 
 ful emotion is increased tenfold, because self-contempt, ab. 
 horrence, and disgust, are then brought into competition 
 with the warmest self-love, and the strongest desire of 
 approbation. It is wrong to deduce all our notions of i 
 right and wrong from any 07ie principle. In every moral i 
 conclusion, whether on the conduct of others or of our- 
 selves, whether in speculative or practical morality, both 
 the intellect and the will are concerned, 'J'he decision of 
 
31 S 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 after the time of which we are now speaking, 
 flef.lared, that they continued to speak in the 
 same language he had heard at Treves. 
 
 rhe remainder of those who continued in 
 Thrace engaged afterwards in a war with An- 
 
 tigonus Gonatas, who reigned in Macedonia, 
 and most of them were then destroyed. Thosti 
 few who escaped, either passed into Asia, arid 
 rejoined their countrymen in Galatia, or dis- 
 persed themselves into other regions, where no 
 
 conscience is just that of the man sitting in judgment on 
 his own actions ; and when it is said that c()nsc\ence con- 
 demns a man, it evidently means that the man is self, 
 condemned, or condemns himself. 
 
 The habit we have acquired of ascribing a great many 
 powers to the mind, from the various objpcts of mental 
 energy, has led to a great deal of confusion and inaccuracy 
 in our speaking of mind. We talk of the powers of will- 
 ing, thinking, seeing, remembering, 8^c. as if they were so 
 many distinct powers, specifically different, whereas it is 
 just the same power variously exercised about different 
 objects. They are just various acts and exercises of the 
 mind, in all of which power is implied ; and if we are to 
 denominate these varied energies distinct powers, because 
 exercised on different objects, we might create as m.any 
 powers as there are d.fferent objects on which, or about 
 which, these are exercised. Dr. Brown has substimted 
 the term states of mind, instead of the phrase mental 
 faculties ; has rejected the word faculty altogether in his 
 philosophy, and uses the various phrases of the mind in 
 a state of willing, in a state of remembering, &c. From 
 the poverty and ambiguity of language it is impossible, in 
 many cases, to obtain correct phraseology, esi^ecially when 
 speaking of mind, our language being borrowed from the 
 material world. 
 
 There can be no doubt that the author of our nature has 
 given us some infallible principles of judging of what is 
 right and wrong, in mauy cases, by endowing us witii 
 certain instincts and feelings, and in establishing a certain 
 order and course of nature, adapted to these instincts and 
 feelings A man knows such things as love and hatred, 
 gratitude and revenge, selfinhness and benevolence. He 
 knows them to be opposites, and that if the one be right, 
 the other is wrong. He knows the motives of his own 
 actions, and why he loves one person and hates another, 
 and feels emotions of pleasure, or pain, consequent on the 
 approbation, or disapprobation, of his own actions. When 
 we see a person acting in direct opposition to the princi- 
 ples and feelings implanted in our common nature, or 
 violating that order of things which God has evidently ap- 
 pointed, we are compelled to pronounce that he is acting 
 wrong; and, were all our feelings as simple as instincts, 
 and our knowledge of the established course of nature and 
 order of things complete, we would need no other rule of 
 duty ; but would be led, with unerring certainty, to that 
 line of conduct most conducive to our own felicity and 
 that of others. Had we no evil propensities to counteract 
 these feelings and instincts, combined with a complete 
 knowledge of the course, or appointed order of things, our 
 knowledge and our inclinations, and our duty, would 
 meet together in harmony, and all would be well. But 
 
 Mr. Rollin having, like his famous countryman the 
 philosopher above-mentioned, advanced the doctrine of 
 the idea of a tied being impressed on the hearts of all 
 men, proceeds to remark that the pagans saw the necessity 
 of this principle, but were deceivea in the application of 
 it. Of course, the pagans thought right but acted wrong. 
 But what deceived them he has not told us. If they were 
 deceived, they either deceived themselves, or were de- 
 ceived by the god of this world. The apostle .says, that 
 they changed the truth of God into a lie, and worshipped 
 tlie creature more than the ever blessed Creator. When 
 did they do this ? The apostle tells us, that it was when 
 they became vain in their imaginations, and their foolish 
 heart was darkened, that then, professing themselves to 
 be wise, they became fools, and then they became idola- 
 ters. Now the reader is left to his own judgment, to de. 
 termine between the testimony of an inspired apostle and 
 the opinion advanced by our author, that the pagans acted 
 wrong from a right i)riiiciple, being somehow or other 
 deceived in the application of it. 
 
 He next proceeds to observe, that the Deity may have 
 caused his vengeance, (such as that of the destruction of , 
 the Gauls before the temple,) to be displayed, occasionally, 
 against those, even among the heathen, who testified an 
 open contempt of a Supreme Being ; and that such inter, 
 positions were done out of mere goodness to man, in order 
 to preserve the traces and principles of religion in their 
 minds, till clearer light should be afforded them by the 
 coming of Christ, &c. This is a most extraordinary opi- 
 nion. If the belief of a Supreme Being and providence 
 were impressed on all men, or were innate, it could not 
 be lost, and there was no need to interpose, either miracu. 
 lously or by means of human agency, to preserve what 
 could not be lost ; and the manifest efffect of such inter, 
 positions, as that in the case of the Gauls, would be to 
 confirm the deludert votaries of the Delphic Apollo m the 
 belief of the divinity of that object of their stupid adora- 
 
 '" we are sure that this would be the infallible result of 
 such interposition. What says he himself ? The Greeks 
 "were animated by an event in which heaven itself 
 seemed to declare in their favour." We surely cannot 
 think that a God, who declared himself a jealous God to 
 the many thousands of Israel— who declared that he was 
 provoked to jealousy with that which is not God, that he 
 was provoked to ai.ger with their vanities, and that on 
 this account he abhorred his own people, his chosen 
 Israel— who declared that Jehovah was his name, and 
 that he would not give his glory to another, nor his 
 praise to graven images— would interpose in behalf of 
 an idol temple, or of a pagan oracle, huch a notion 
 this is not the case: our fVelings are often irregular and is monstrous, .t^-*" J.^/^Jjf^'^h^SoDle of Julh and 
 complex ; the designs of providence are often not readily monstrated jo frequenUy^with^^^^^^^^ of^ Judah and 
 seen, and a long induction of particulars is often neces. 
 sarv to lead us to the knowledge of the merit, or demerit, 
 of certain actions. With regard to many things, the light 
 of mere nature can never bring us to a satisfactory conclu- 
 sion. Conscience, therefore, cannot be called the voice of 
 God, till it has been enlightened by a knowledge of the 
 constitution of our common nature, by that of the economy 
 of providence, and finally by the light of revelaiion. 
 
 An ill-informed conscience, or one that is misguided by 
 a wrong standard, is the most powerful instrument of mis. 
 chief and persecution. The conscience of the infatuated 
 Hindoo leads him to throw himself under ihe wheels of 
 the car of the Indian Moloch, or his widow to burn her- 
 self on her husband's funeral pile. Our blessed Lord told 
 his disciples that when men should persecute them they 
 would think that in thus doing they did God service : and 
 what says the seraphic apostle of the Gentiles about liis 
 conscience before his remarkable conversion ? " I verily 
 thought with myself that I ought to do many things con- 
 trary to the name of Jesus of Nazareth "— '• I compelled 
 them to blaspheme, and being exceedingly mod against 
 them, I persecuted them even unto strange cities." 
 
 Thus, an ignorant, an ill-informed, and misguided con. 
 science, will as infallibly lead its deplorable possessor to 
 acts of mischief and malice, as a well-informed conscience 
 will lead a man to acts of benevolence and mercy. There- 
 fore it is every man's duty to inform his own conscience 
 well before he presumes to talk of obeying its voice ; and 
 let no man presume to affirm, in the language of Dr. 
 Keid, that the testimony of conscience is as sure as that 
 of eyesight. So far from this it has often proved to be an 
 ignis fatuus. 
 
 Israel, by the mouth of his prophets, and who sent sue 
 cessive judgments, both of famine and sword, to punish 
 them for their natural proneness to idolatry, that he 
 would thus display his judgments on the Gauls in behalf 
 of a nation of idolaters ? Can we believe that He who 
 had tried his people with line upon line, precept upon pre. 
 cent, to wean them off the sin of idolatry, and wh.. havirg 
 told them that in spite of all his judicial visitations on 
 them for idolatry, yet still they were not cured ; sUll they 
 returned not to him ; at last told them, that since all these 
 judgments had proved of no avail, that he would do his 
 strange work, and bring to pass his strange act ? What 
 strange work, what strange act, this opus insolens et ter- 
 ribile ? Why, " He would bring the Chaldeans upon 
 them, that bitter and furious nation, who should go upon 
 the breadth of the land to possess the dwelling places that 
 were not theirs." It would be such a strange, wonderful, 
 and unusual judgment, that they sliould not believe it 
 though it were told them. In other words, he would send 
 them to Babylon, since nothing else would do; and we 
 accordingly find, that this strange work had the eflect of 
 curing them of their itch after idolatry. 
 
 Now, can it be believed that God, who inflicted so many 
 successive judgments on his own people for their idolatry, 
 and at last sent them captives to Babylon, would di>|)l<iy 
 his vengeance against the plunderers of a pagan temple, 
 and thereby lead the votaries of paganism to interpret it 
 as a signal act of his favour, and thus confirm them in 
 their multiplied idolatries ? Na It is impossible to be- 
 lieve that ever God Almighty wrought a m>racle, or 
 would do so, in order to preserve the temple of Delphi, 
 , the centre of the I'agan idolatry, and the headquar. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 farther mention is made of them. In this man- 
 ner ended that terrible inundation of barbarians, 
 which had threatened Macedonia and all Greece 
 with entire destruction. 
 
 After the death of Sosthenes, ' who had 
 
 defeated the Gauls, and 
 A. M. 3728. reigned for some time in 
 Ant. J. C. 276. Macedonia, Antiochus, tho ( 
 son of Seleucus Nicator, and j 
 Antigonus Gonatas, the son of Demetrius Po- i 
 
 1 Memnon. apud Phot. c. 19. 
 
 tars of heatlienisni. It is impossible, as thereby God 
 would contradict himself ; his work would beat variance 
 with his word; he would protect one nation in their idola- 
 trous worship, and that by miracle too, and punish his 
 own people, his chosen Israel, for doing the same thing, 
 j Several theologians who have, like our author, believed 
 ' this to be a miraculous interposition, have been thereby 
 thrown between the horns of a dilemma, and, in endea- 
 vouring to avoid the one horn, have run upon the other ; 
 thus verifying the poetical adage, 
 
 " Incidit in Scyllam, qui vult vitare Charybdim," 
 
 by attributing it to the devil. There is not the least 
 ground for doubting that the arch.demon would, if he 
 could, work miracles, to support his cause and his interest. 
 Were he, or his subject demons, able at pleasure to sus- 
 pend, alter, or violate, those laws of nature which the 
 Omnipotent established at the commencement of the crea- 
 tion, what mischief, what havock would they not work 
 throughout the universe of God ! and it would imply a 
 power equal to omnipotence itself ; for who can suspend, 
 alter, or transgress those laws but he who appointed them ? 
 Who can believe that finite beings, however exalted our 
 imaginations may conceive them to be, can perform acts 
 only competent to omnipotence ? So far as power is con- 
 cerned, there would be no difference between the miracles 
 performed by the agency of Satan and his infernal spirits, 
 and those done by God, but merely this : that the one 
 sort are done from malignity, and the other from benevo- 
 lence. This would be the only criterion left to determine 
 whether the miracle were done by infernal or celestial 
 agency : and to say that this is the only criterion by 
 which to judge of a satanical or divine miracle, leads to 
 very dangerous consequences, as many of the divine mira- 
 cles recorded in scripture were apparently, or to human 
 view, of a destructive nature ; as in the destruction of the 
 sntediluvian world, the destruction of the cities of the 
 plain, and the ten plagues of Egypt ; all of which, though 
 not inconsistent with benevolence, were not acts of bene- 
 volence, but of judgment, awful judgments, in the ex- 
 treme. They could not indicate to human observation 
 the benevolent agency of omnipotence. 
 
 That spirits, fallen as they are, have a much greater 
 knowledge of the laws of nature than we possess, must he 
 undoubted ; and that, therefore, from their far greater 
 knowledge of these laws, they may perform many things 
 which to human beings ap|)ear strange, wonderful, and 
 portentous, is also true ; but then such acts are not mira- 
 cles, they are not transgressions, or alterations, or suspen- 
 sions, of any known law of nature whatever. They may 
 do things beyond human agency, but it does not follow 
 therefore that they can perform acts competent to divine 
 agency. Every miracle, therefore, is an act of infinite 
 power; and therefore, as such, cannot be done by finite 
 power, and therefore not by the devil, or any of his in- 
 fernal agents. 
 
 Benevolence alone, in my opinion, is not the sole crite. 
 rion of miracles, but infinite power. He alone who estab- 
 lished the laws of nature can alter, suspend, or counteract 
 them. The Fathers, indeed, believed that the devils could 
 work miracles, but their authority is of no weight with 
 me. Tiiere is not a dogma, however puerile, absurd, or 
 sven heretical, but what can plead a Father, or Fathers, 
 tuT It. No Father, nor Fathers, are to be believed but in 
 81) far as they are consistent with sound judgment, or 
 with the oracles of inspired trutfj. 
 
 But our author has an argument in defence of this 
 anomalous providential interference, and it is this : that 
 unless God did so, the Greeks and other pagans would turn 
 atheists, would just turn so, like the atheistic Brennus, 
 and his irreligious followers. This is very strange and 
 by no means convincing logic. What, to speak 'with 
 reverence, had God no other alternative left, to prevent 
 the atheism of the pagans, but to interpose in behalf of 
 their idols and oracles ? Did not our author say before, 
 that the idea of a God and a providence was impressed on 
 Oie hearts of all men ; and how, therefore, could they 
 turn atheists ? According to our author, idolatry, of the 
 two evils, however absurd, irrational, and brutish it might 
 be, was better than atheism. He should have first proved 
 
 that Brennus and the Gauls were atheists, before he 
 afluirmed it. It was a very common thing with the Greek 
 pagans to denominate those who would not worship their 
 idol gods, atheists ; and those philosophers who dared to 
 dissent from the vulgar creed, and did not believe in the 
 rabble of pagan deities, were also called atheists. The 
 same charge was brought against the Christians, because 
 they did not worship the gods of the empire. J^.ven the 
 charge of atheism is often proclaimed in the church of 
 Rome against such, in their communion, who dare to 
 speak freely, and to dissent from, the vulgar creed. He 
 cannot mean practical atheism, for that was quite com. 
 mon amongst the Greeks as well as the Gauls. Paganism, 
 indeed, was a system of practical atheism ; being a denial 
 of the worship that is due to God only : and it may be 
 said that the bulk of mankind are practical atheists— all 
 those who are still in a natural state But I have never 
 read of a nation of speculative atheists. Such a nation 
 never did exist, and it is not at all probable ever will. 
 Surely an infinitely wise God must have had many other 
 ways of preventing mankind from becoming speculative 
 atheists, than by interposing in behalf of heathen temples 
 and oracles, 
 
 Rollin says further, that all this was done out of merry 
 to mankind. How this can be said to proceed from mercy, 
 which had a direct tendency to confirm the pagans in their 
 idolatry, I cannot see. The apostle says that these very 
 pagans had changed the truth of God into a lie ; and he 
 speaks in anotherepistleof some who received not the know, 
 ledge of the truth, and that for this God should send them 
 strong delusions, that they should believe a lie— because 
 they believed not the truth, but had pleasure in unrighte- 
 ousness. Now, since the pagans held the truth in un- 
 righteousnes-s changed the truth of God into a lie, by 
 worshipping the creature instead of the Creator, refused 
 to retain God in their knowledge, and were, therefore, 
 given up to a reprobate mind, is it any wonder if the same 
 God should, in righteous judgment, give them up to strong 
 delusion to believe a lie. God punishes one sin with an. | 
 other; and since they had chosen a lie and believed a lie, 
 God gave them up to continue in the belief of a lie, to ' 
 live under the delusions of a fooli.sh heart and darkened i 
 imagination. God said of these pagans as he said of 
 Ephraim, " they are joined to their idols, let them j 
 alone," Now, this is a work of just and righteous judg. ' 
 ment, not of mercy ; and is a much more probable ac- 
 count of the matter than that of our author, wiio says, 
 that such extraordinary indications of his anger, as in the 
 case of Delphi, were done out of mercy to mankind. 
 
 The doctrine of the divine judgments is very myste. 
 rious, and should be cautjouslv handled. The apostle ex- 
 claims, in lofty language, " How unsearchable are his 
 judgments, and his ways past finding out !" 
 
 Allowing that the Gauls were scared from their attempt 
 by a storm and a tempest which came upon them, and 
 threw them into such a panic as made the Greeks easily 
 to overcome them, it will not follow, by necessary and 
 just consequence, that these disasters befell them as a just 
 judgment for their sacrilegious design against that temUe 
 and treasure. It is entirely founded on a wrong, though 
 common notion, that such disasters always argued some 
 atrocious crime. 
 
 It is quite common to sav, that when any calamity, or 
 uncommon visitation of God's providence, befalls a person, 
 or a family, who were hitherto in prosperous circum. 
 stances, whether of health or riches, that these were judg. 
 ments; and all the evil actions that ever they did are 
 raked up to prove that such visitations were judgments 
 inflicted on them for these sins. " Vain man would fain 
 be wise," and be thought a clear expounder of the ways 
 of providence. Job's friends charged him with some un- 
 known and secret sins, as the meritorious cau.-^es of his 
 uncommon calamities, and though the holy and patient 
 sufferer asserted, in the strongest term.«, that he was no 
 hypocrite, yet still his friends reiterated the charge, till the ^ 
 Lord himself appeared in behalf of his servant, and told ' 
 them that they had not spoken of him the thing thrit was ' 
 right, as did his servant Job. What was it that they had ' 
 spoken amiss ? They affirmed that the righteous always ' 
 enjoyed external prosperity, and that external calamities 
 fell exclusively on the wicked; that the outward dispen. 
 sations of providence were sure and infallible tests of the 
 favour or wrath of heaven, and clear evidences that such 
 and such persons were wicked and others righteous. I 
 The doctrine of Job's friends, however reprobated bj him j 
 
320 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 liorcetes, formed pretensions to that crown, 
 which their fathers had enjoyed, one after the 
 other. Antigonus, who after tM fatal expe- 
 dition of his "father into Asia, hud reigned ten 
 
 who causeth his s .n to shine, and his rnin to descend, upon 
 U.e Kood and the t ad, has always been lashu,nable and 
 popular. The Jews thought that those on ^^ ho™ ^ J,*: ^^^^^ 
 of Siloam fell were greater annersthan any, and that it was 
 a just judgment on these unhappy uidiv .duals lor their 
 crimes, anM they thought, or were apt to think, the same 
 of the G .hleans, who.e blood I'llate muigled wuh their 
 
 What* says our blessed Lord respecting the objects of 
 the-e remarkable calamities? " Do ye think they were 
 sinners above all men who dwell at Jerusale ii ,» Nay ; 
 but except ye repent ye shall all likewise l>en=h Our 
 Lord does not deny that they were smners, but he says 
 thev were not greater sinners than others. _ 
 
 These facts and sayings, adduced from scnptnre, ought 
 to make us aware of the impropriety of determining upon 
 the conduct of persons, from God's external conduct to 
 them, as if the dispensations of providence were a sure 
 criterion of the moral character of individuals and so- 
 cieties 'J'he error is common, both amongst those who 
 
 years in Greece, finduis^ the state of his affaM-« 
 more favourable than those of his competitor, 
 was the first who ascended the throne; but 
 each of them raised great armies, and contracted 
 
 profess a high regard to religion and to those who are 
 )mp£ ' " 
 
 Yet, 
 
 comparatively indifferent concerning It. 
 
 ■ after all. the wonderful story is vouched by tbe 
 
 sole contemporary authority of the poet Calhmachus a 
 votary of the Delian god, (Hymn in Dehnn, v. 1/1, &c.) 
 to wliich may be added his Scholiast, but who was not 
 contemporaneous with the event. The other authorities 
 as those of Justin, (I. xxiv. c. 8. 1. xxxu. c. o.) Cicero (De 
 Divinat. 1. i. c. 37.) Livy, (I. xl. c. 58 ) Propertius, ( in. 
 ( 13. V. 53 ) and Pausanias, (1. x. p. 6-.2, fa5o.) all rest on 
 this : three of whom Uved about 5^50 years postei.or to the 
 event, and Justin and Pausanias upwards of four centu- 
 ries after it: and as Gibbon himself lays a mighty stress 
 on the want of sufficient evidence in any thing m which 
 our common faith is concerned, so may we where 1 agan- 
 
 Thts''°same' Cailimachus, on whose authority so much 
 stress has been laid, was l.br.rian to '^••^"'y ' h'^^ci^'- 
 i)hus and Ptolemy Evergetes ; to flatter which latter 
 , prince, for the loss of his wife Berenice's hair, he in con - 
 i iunclion with Conou the astronomer, affirmed that tier 
 I hHir was taken up to heaven, and that the seven stars 
 1 near the tail of the lion, which till then, as it were by 
 Koodluck, had not belonged to any constellation, were her 
 hair; ar.dw.ote a poem onset puriiose to celebrate this 
 1 new knd hitherto unheard of apotheosis Now. the whole 
 Btory of the miracle at Delphi, as related by him, may 
 ^ have as litilo foundation for its truth as his poem on 
 Berenice's hair. Polybius, indeed, who is farther Irom 
 being a credulous or superstitious writer than most ot his 
 day, reckons this deliverance of Greece from the Gauls to 
 have been very extraordinary, though he mentions none 
 of the particulars, because he only towclied upon it en 
 passant, as Athenaeus has done. Hist. lib. ii. p. 1/1. and 
 Deipnos, lib. vi. p '234. But still he livetl a century and 
 a half posterior to that event, not cotemi.orary with it 
 But still, though we should grant the story to be tree, it 
 was not miraculous, as we have shown in a former part ol 
 
 These writers were declared enemies to the Gauls, and 
 could exaggerate the story at ihcir plea.Mire ; for who was 
 to contradict them at 'JOO or 400 years after the event had 
 happened ? Cicero and Justin accuse tliem ot navmg plun- 
 dered the treasures of Delphi, though others say that this 
 was not accomplished ; and C icero tells lis that they car- 
 ried it home too, but, being grievously plagued for their 
 
 the Gauls and their leader Brennus, in as much as they 
 believed the divinity of Apollo, and revered his oracle 
 which Brennus did not ; and they were the appointed 
 guardians of the temple, and were therefore g^"lty» ""^ 
 only of sacrilege, (which Brei.nus could not be, as Pro- 
 fessing a different faith,) but also of a. breach of trust 
 When Svlla besieged Athens he was in great want of 
 money to carry on his military operations He had r.- 
 ru sJ, therefore, to the sacred and inviolable treasures of 
 the Greek temples ; and wrote a letter to the Amph c 
 tyons assembled' at Delphi, desiring them to send hm. the 
 treasures of the god, prounsmg most solemnly that he 
 Sd return to Ipoho, whom he l^'cnself revered he 
 value of whatever should be sent him. O-^^ Caphis a 
 Phocian wArrior, and his confident, was deputed to de. 
 liver this letter to the Amphictyons. and excuse, to he 
 assembly, the step whi< h S>lla was forced to take When 
 arrived at Delphi, Caphis wept in presence ot the Am. 
 phictyons, and to'ld them the mournful niessage, and 
 ^hich no'thing short of the greatest d.stre^ could have 
 ndu.ed Sylla to send, the oracle indeed, made no 
 reply; but the sound of the lyre of Apollo was heard 
 from the interior of the sanctuary ; and Caphis, wheth r 
 he was really terrified at the pretended prodigy, or wilhng 
 to save the treasure by filling Sylla with ^fligiotis fear, 
 would not meddle with the consecrated wealth of t e g^ 
 11 he had told Sylla what had happened. But Sylla was 
 not a man to be touched with religious f tuples or tilled 
 with religious fear; money was what ''c wanted . and 
 whether It were private or public property -wliether it 
 belonged to a man or to a god-gave h,m litt e concern 
 provided he got it. But. knowing the.superst.tmn of he 
 - hocian, he told him that he was surprised that he .hould 
 not comprehend that music was a sign of joy, and not ai 
 
 sacrilege, they wore 
 
 sed to throw their ill gotten spoil 
 
 a. that {^f anger";;;^ ^^^^mm^t; ^d the^ desired 
 him to take the treasures, as. in domg so, he was acting 
 agreeably to the will of the god Pursuant to thu. order 
 all the gold, silver, and brass ; all the yases, I'fsents and 
 offerings; which the superstition of the mo^t distant as 
 well as neighbouring nations, had brought or sent hither 
 were loaded on carts, and, am'^^t the lamen ations a d 
 outcries of the Amphictyons and Delphians. sent to the 
 Roman camp, where the gold, silver, and brass were 
 coined by Sylia's orders. The person employed by him to 
 superintend the coinage was Lucullus, one of the qua^s 
 ors vvho made so beautiful a coin that it was ever after 
 hijhly valued, and known by the name of the Lucullian 
 money. The treasures ..f the god iEsculapius, at Ep.dau. 
 rus, not much inferior in value to those of the IJe - 
 i.hi m <^od, were at the same time, by Sylla s orders, 
 lirought to the camp, and, by his quaestor, turned mto 
 
 ""syUa, thus furnished with money, was enabled to pay 
 his men, and all the other necessary expenses attending 
 Ihe rie'e of Athens. Now, what sort ot god, or gods 
 'were these, who could not protect t >eir own pro,jeay ? 
 Why was not a providential ^nteyjosition made in behalf 
 of the Delphian temple, against Sylla, as well as against 
 the Gauls ? Was not tlie crime of Sylla much greater 
 San thai of Biem.us ? Did ""t S)^!-',/^!^ Too' o 
 Greeks, beheve in the divinity of the Delphian Apo.lo ? 
 and was not his god^hip most scurvily used, and rascal y 
 treated by his professed votary, who, as it on set purpose to 
 nsu t the professed object of his religious homage, pre- 
 ended his |od.h.p's leave to strip him of all his prope, ty, 
 and made use of that very property to depn ,e his pro 
 fes^ed votaries of their political freedom? II we were 
 
 into 1 he lake of Thoulou-e. Ihe "a'ural course, one 
 \v. idd think, would have been to send it back to the tcm- 
 le of that deity, whose wrath they had felt in like manner 
 U the Philistines were compelled to send home the ark 
 But the story is a complete fiction of Cicero. 1 he rea- 
 sure which was consecrated and deposited in Ihoulouse, 
 was no fetched from Delphi .t all. but was ^ ug J^rom 
 Tome rich mines in the vicinity ; as btrabo and Alhen^us 
 inform us. from the authority of Posidonius. It was thi> 
 mmeTi.se trea.n.re, consisting of 100,01)0 lbs. of gold, and 
 as many of silver, which the proconsul, the infamous 
 Coepio, took out of Thoulouse. . ^n^i^c U 
 
 Now, if this story of Cicero, and of Justin who copies it, 
 be a notorious fi.^tion, what ground have we to -elieve in 
 the pretended miraculous storm ot thunder, hght"" 
 hail, and the fall of rocks? The ten.ple of Delphi had 
 lK>en plundered before, not only by Xerxes l3Ut by the 
 - ' • • whose territory Delphi lay ; and 
 
 disposed to moralize, like our author, we might sa^ that 
 it was a just punishment on the infatuated votaries of the 
 Delphian god. that all the treasure which for age> had 
 bceii accumulated there. as proofs of the gratitude anc. 
 veneration of the worshippers were, in the course ct 
 events, seized and taken by a foreign ff "^-IVks unde^ 
 ployed for the very purpose of reducing the Greeks under 
 
 in uleTeir 66-. the emperor Nero, having consulted the 
 IMhonesi of De phi, was by her reviled as an Orestes and 
 Li AlciLon, (palricides who had --^-e^ .heir res^^c- 
 five mothers, as we are told by Lucian of ^"^"f f • /X 
 mi«iius the orator, and Julian the apostate,) and that she 
 ?ever condescended to give him any f"«her cm^ca^ 
 tions. Provoked at this contemptuous and coi umehous 
 trea ment the tyrant caused all the is-^ues from the temple 
 to bc^shiit up ; commanded several persons to be mur 
 dered in it in order that it might be profaned ; stripped 
 
 Phocians themselves, in whose territory auoIIo ' or rather, his priests, of the lands he possessed at 
 the amount of the plunder was estimated at 10 000 tal^ents_ Apollo, or r^tn j . i^^ . ^^^y ^,t„ 
 Now. the crime of the Phocians was greater than that of I cirina. u : ^ — 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 i pnvertul alliances, the one to support himself 
 I m his new conquests, and the other to dispos- 
 i sess him. Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, hav- 
 { mg espoused the party of Antigonus on this 
 
 him 500 statues of brass, whidi no pillager before him had 
 dared to remove. 
 
 After the introduction of Christianity, the oracular 
 powers of his godship gradually waned, till they became 
 hnally extmct, in the time of Constantine the Great; 
 who issued an edict addressed to all his subjects, exhort- 
 ing them to renounce their ancient superstition— to adore 
 but one God, the Creator of the universe— and to place 
 all their hopes in Jesus Christ. This edict is given at 
 large by Eusebius in his Life of Constantine, lib. ii. ch&u. 
 xhy, xlv. p. 484, 465. ' 
 I 'I'hat emperor, not thinking it yet advisable to null 
 J down the pagan temples, ordered them to be shut up, 
 ; where that could be done without bloodshed : to be 
 I stripped of their riches and ornaments, and even of their 
 i Idols ; and all the lands, houses, and revenaes belonging 
 to them, to be applied to pious uses. Gibbon, however 
 : restricts this order to the abominable acts, or parts, of 
 I Idolatry, particularly the occult and impious rites of divi. 
 ; nation, which excited the vain hopes, and sometimes the 
 I criminal attempts, of discontented individuals. An igno- 
 I miinous silence was imposed on the oracles which had 
 I so long deluded the pagan world, and which had been re- 
 {)eatedly convicted of fraud and falsehood. In conse- 
 quence of this, the Pythian and Sminthian Apollo, the 
 Iripod ot Delphos, the Muses of Helicon, the famous 
 . i'an, (whom all the cities of Greece consecrated after the 
 Persian war,) and whatever misled antiquity had for 
 tnany ages revered and worshipped, were publicly dragged 
 through the streets, and dashed in pieces, or made use of 
 to adorn the squares, villas, palaces, public galleries, &c 
 as masterpieces of architecture and sculpture. The efffemi- 
 j nate priests of the Nile were also ab<*lished. He also 
 ordered several temples in Phoenicia,- in which every mode 
 ; of pro.'.titution was devoutly practised in the face of open 
 j fjg^'gj^"*^ ^° honour of Venus, to be utterly demo. 
 
 j Towards the south side of the Hippodrome at Constan- 
 I tniople, IS the famous serpentine pillar— a singular frag- 
 j Mient of classic antiquity— which is confidently said to 
 ! have once supported the golden J "ripod which was conse- 
 ' "rf ^^J°.^^.^ Pythian Apollo, by the victorious Greek.s, 
 I after the defeat of Xerxes, in the temple of Delphos. Jt 
 IS of wreathed brass, about 12 feet high, and formerly ter. 
 mmated at the top with figures of three serpents rising from 
 j Uie pi lar, and with necks and heads, forming a beautiful 
 I tnangle. Ihe lower jaw of one of the serpents was shat- 
 tered by Mohammed II. with a stroke of his battle-axe, 
 and the other two heads are said by De la Mottraye, to 
 have been stolen by some unknown persons, whilst he was 
 there m A. D. 1700, but who were generally suspected to 
 be servants of the imperial ambassador. It is said, how- 
 ever, by Chishull, that they were broken oflf by some of 
 the attendants of the I'olish ambassador, who lodged in 
 the neighbourhood. Such was the final fate of the famed 
 Iripod of Delphi. 
 
 As our author has referred in p. 565 of vol. i. to the 
 famed oracle of that place, it is not necessary to repeat 
 what he has said respecting it. But, as he there attacks 
 the opinions of Anthony Van Dalen, in his book, De 
 uraculis, and Fontenelle's History of Oracles, both of 
 whom maintained that these pagan oracles were a series 
 of artful imposition.s, practised on the credulity of their 
 Winded votaries, and not the effect of the agency of spirits 
 and refers to Father Baltus, the Jesuit, for a coinplete 
 confutation of the opinions of these Gentlemen, it is but 
 tair to refer the readers to later writers, who have wrote 
 in opposition both to his own opinion and that of Father 
 Baltus. Ihese are : Dr. Middleton's Free and Impartial 
 liiquiry into the Miraculous Powers of the Christian 
 Church, Dr. Douglas's Criterion of Miracles, Farmer on 
 ^'"^T^ ^^i,^"^ Campbell on Miracles, in answer to Hume, 
 and Dr Brown's celebrated Treatise on Cause and Lffect 
 in the Appendix. ' 
 
 After attentively perusing these authors, especially the 
 first, the reader will see what measure of credit is due to 
 our author's assertion, quoted from Lactantius, that every 
 Christian could silence the oracles, or the devil speakinc 
 in them, by only making the sign of the cross, p. 566 
 and the quoted challenge of TertuUian to the pagans! 
 wherein he consents that a Christian should be put to 
 death if he did not oblige these givers of oracles to con. 
 fess themselves devils. Like the rest of the Catholics Rol- 
 iin was a firm stickler for the authority of the Fathers— a 
 staunch believer in tlie legendary tales of the saints— and 
 of course believed, with all his heart, that the bones of St. 
 
 321 
 
 occasion, Antiochus, when he was preparing to 
 enter Macedonia, was unwilling to leave go 
 powerful an enemy in his rear. Instead, there- 
 fore, of passing the Hellespont, he suddenlv 
 poured his troops into Bithynia, which then 
 becaire the theatre of the war. The forces 
 were at first so equal, that neither party would 
 presume to attack the other, and continued for 
 some time in that state of inaction; during 
 which a treaty was concerted, in consequence 
 of which Antigonus espoused Phila, the daugh- 
 ter of Stratonice and Seleucus, and Antiochus 
 resigned to him his pretensions to the throne of 
 Macedonia. In this manner he remained in 
 peaceable possession of it, and transmitted it to 
 his posterity, who enjoyed it for several genera- 
 tions, to the time of Perseus, the last of this 
 race, who was defeated by Paulus Emilius, 
 and divested of his dominions, which the Ro- 
 mans, a few years after, formed into a province 
 of the empire, 
 
 ^ _^ Antiochus, having thus 
 
 A. M. 3729. disengaged himself from this 
 Ant. J. C. 275. war, marched against the 
 Gauls, who, after settling 
 in the land granted them by Nicomedes, were 
 continually making incursions on all sides, by 
 which they extremely incommoded their neigh- 
 bours. Antiochus defeated them with great 
 slaughter, and delivered the country from their 
 oppression. This action acquired him the title 
 ot Soter, which signifies a deliverer. 
 
 SECT. VI. 
 
 Ptolemy Philadelphus causes the books of the Holy Scrip 
 ture, preserved by the Jews with the utmost care, to be 
 translated into the Greek language, as an ornament to 
 his hbrary. This is called the Version of the Sen. 
 tuagmt. * 
 
 , _^ 1'he tumult of the wars, 
 
 A. M. S727. which a diversity of inte- 
 Ant. J. C. 277. rests had kindled among 
 the successors of Alexander 
 throughout the whole extent of their tei-rito- 
 ries, did not prevent Ptolemy Philadelphus 
 from devoting his utmost attention to the noble 
 library which he had founded in Alexandria, 
 wherein he deposited the most valuable and 
 curious books he was capable of collecting from 
 all parts of the world. This prince being in- 
 formed, that the Jews possessed a work which 
 contained the laws of Moses and the history of 
 that people, formed the design of having it 
 translated out of the Hebrew language into the 
 Greek, in order to enrich his library with that 
 performance. To accomplish this design it be- 
 came necessary for him to address himself to 
 the high-priest of the Jewish nation; but the 
 affair happened to be attended with great diffi- 
 culty. There was at that time a very consider- 
 able number of Jews in Egypt, who had been 
 reduced to a state of slavery by Ptolemy Soter, 
 during the invasions of Judsea in his time ; and 
 it was represented to the king, that there would 
 be no probability of obtaining from that people 
 either a copy, or a faithful translation of their 
 
 Babylas silenced the oracle of Daphne. A person, like 
 him, who believed in the pretcience of devils, and that the 
 Deity at times interposed miraculously in the pagan 
 world, and in behalf of a ppgan temple, could feel no 
 difficulty in the belief of continued and frequently-re 
 peated interpositions of the same miraculous power in the 
 Christian church, down to the preseiU time.— £d. 
 
 X 
 
222 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 law, while he suffered such a number of their 
 countrymen to continue in their present servi- 
 tude. Ptolemy, who always acted with the 
 utmost generosity, and was extremely solicitous 
 to enlarge his library, did not hesitate a mo- 
 ment, but issued a decree for restoring all the 
 Jewish slaves in his dominions to their hberty ; 
 with orders to his treasurer to pay twenty 
 drachmas' a head to their masters for their 
 ransom. The sum expended on this occasion 
 amounted to 400 talents whence it appears, 
 that 120,000 Jews recovered their freedom. 
 The king then gave orders for discharging the 
 children born in slavery, with their mothers ; 
 and the sum employed for that purpose amount- 
 ed to above half the former. 
 
 These advantageous preliminaries gave I'tole- 
 my hopes that he should easily obtain his re- 
 quest from the high-priest, whose name was 
 Eleazar. He had sent ambassadors to that 
 pontiff, Avith a very obliging letter on his part, 
 accompanied with magnificent presents. Ihe 
 ambassadors were received at Jerusalem with 
 all imaginable honours, and the king s request 
 was granted with the greatest joy. Upon 
 which they returned to Alexandria with an 
 authentic copy of the Mosaic law, written in 
 letters of gold, given them by the high-pnest 
 himself, with six elders of each tribe, that is to 
 say, seventy-two in the whole ; and they were 
 authorized *to translate that copy into the Orreek 
 language. „ . , j 
 
 The king was desirous of seeing these depu- 
 ties, and proposed to each of them a different 
 question, in order to make a trial of their capa- 
 city. He was satisfied with their answers, in 
 which great wisdom appeared, and loaded them 
 with presents, and other marks of his friend- 
 ship. The elders were then conducted to the 
 isle of Pharos, and lodged in a house pi epared 
 for their reception, where they were plentitully 
 supplied with all necessary accommodations. 
 They applied themselves to their work without 
 losing time, and in seventy-two days completed 
 the volume which is commonly called the bep- 
 tuagint Version. The whole was afterwards 
 read and approved in the presence of the king, 
 who particularly admired the wisdom ot the 
 laws of Moses, and dismissed the seventy-two 
 deputies with extremely magnificent presents ; 
 part of which were for themselves, others tor 
 the high-priest, and the remainder for the tem- 
 ple. Expenses of this nature, though very 
 considerable, never ruin a state, and do a prince 
 great honour. 
 
 The author from whom these facts are ex- 
 tracted is Arist^as, who represents himselt as 
 one of the officers of the guard to Ptolemy Phi- 
 ladelphus. He adds a number of other circum 
 stances, which 1 have omitted, because they 
 seem more improbable than those I have in- 
 serted. It is pretended that the writers, whether 
 Jews, as Aristobulus, Philo, and Josephus; or 
 Christians, as Justin, Irenseus, Clement ot 
 Alexandria, Hilary, Austin, and some others, 
 who have employed their pens on tje subjexjt of 
 the Septuagint version, have founded all then- 
 relations on the mere veracity of Aristseas 
 when the work that bears his name is thought 
 to be a spurious piece. Some ot these author- 
 
 have added circumstances which are generally 
 disbelieved, because they have too much ot the 
 marvellous in them. Philo declares, that 
 though their translations were made in separate 
 apartments, yet not the least difference either 
 in the sense, or in the mode of expression which 
 they used, was to be found, but that, on the 
 contrary, they every where coincided even to a 
 single word ; from whence he concludes, that 
 these persons were not mere translators, but 
 men inspired by the Spirit of God, who guided 
 them on that occasion, and dictated the whole 
 to them, even to the mhiutest word. Justin, 
 and, after him, the other fathers already men- 
 tioned, suppose that each of the seventy-two 
 interpreters performed his version in a separate 
 cell, without the least correspondence with each 
 other, and yet that all their translations were 
 perfectly conformable to each other in every 
 particular. 
 
 I have frequently declared my resolution not 
 to enter into any historical disquisitions of this 
 nature, which require much time and learning; 
 and would, therefore, call off my attention too 
 long from my principal object. The reader 
 may consult the learned Prideaux, who has 
 treated this subject at large. All that can be 
 depended upon, and which no one has thought 
 fit to contest, is, that a translation of the sacred 
 books from the Hebrew into the Greek was 
 made in Egypt in the time of the Ptolemies; 
 that we have this translation still extant, and 
 that it is the same that was used in the time ot 
 our blessed Saviour, as most of the passages in 
 the original Greek, cited by the sacred writers 
 in the New Testament from the Old, are to be 
 found, word for word, in this version. It still 
 subsists, and continues to be used in the Orien- 
 tal churches ; as it also was by those ot the 
 primitive ages, among whom it passed tor a 
 canonical translation. 
 
 This version, therefore, which rendered the : 
 Scriptures of the Old Testament intelligible to 
 a vast number of people, became one of the most 
 considerable fruits of the Grecian conquests ; ^ 
 and was evidently comprehended in the design ; 
 which God had in view, when he delivered up 
 all the East to the Greeks, and supported them i 
 in those regions, notwithstanding their divisions 
 and jealousies, their wars, and the frequent re- 
 volutions that happened among them. In this ^ 
 manner did God prepare the way for the preach- i 
 ing of the Gospel, which was then approaching, \ 
 and facilitate the union of so many nations oS ] 
 different languages and manners into one so- 
 ciety, and the same worship and doctrines, by 
 the instrumentality of one language, the finest, 
 most copious, and most correct that was ever 
 spoken in the world, and which became com- 
 mon to all the countries that were conquered 
 by Alexander. 
 
 SECT. VII. 
 
 The various expeditions Pyrrhus : First, into Italy ; 
 where he fights two battles with the Romans, the 
 character and conduct of Cineas. Secondly, into Sicily , 
 and then into Italy again. His thira engagement vith 
 the Romans, wherein he is defeated. H . expedition 
 into Macedonia, of which he makes himself master for 
 some time, after having overthrown Antigonus. His 
 Sedition into Peloponnesus. He forms the siege of 
 SpirU. but without success. Is slain at that of Argos. 
 
 1 About 105 2 About 60,000/. 
 
 S It is called the Septuagint for the sake of the round 
 number 70, but the sacred books were translated by 
 Ecventy-two persons. 
 
 4 Philo de vitA Mosis. 1. ii. P- 658. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 82; 
 
 The deputation from Philadelphns to the Romans, and 
 trom the Romans to I^hiladelphus. 
 
 Pyrrhiis,'* vvhen he leturned into Epirus, 
 I he had entirely abandoned Macedonia 
 
 might have passed his days in tranquillity 
 among h.s subjects, and enjoyed the sweets of 
 peace, by governing his pe<*ple agreeably to the 
 i ules of justice. But a disposition so active 
 and impetuous as his own, in conjunction with 
 a restless and ardent ambition, was incapable of 
 being at rest itself, or suffering others to be so. 
 Ihis indisposition of mind was, in reality, a 
 real disease, a raging fever, Avhich knew no in- 
 termission. In a word, he grew insupportable 
 to himself, and v/as continually Ayina- from 
 himself in pursuit of foreign objects, and in 
 following from country to country, a felicity no 
 where to be found. He therefore seized, with 
 ^oy, the first opportunity that offered for plunff- 
 tng himself into new engagements. 
 
 A M Q'-of ^''^ inhabitants of Ta- 
 
 A M. 3721 rentum were then at war 
 Ant. J. C. 280. with the Romans, and their 
 , ^. . , own country not furnish- 
 
 j ing them with generals of sufficient abili- 
 j ties to oppose such formidable enemies, they 
 1 .^^^'"^ ^y^^ towards Epirus, and de- 
 
 j spatched ambassadors thither, not only from 
 ! themselves, but from all the Greeks in Italy 
 j with magnificent presents for Pyrrhus. They 
 I had orders to tell him, that they only want- 
 j ed a leader of experience and reputation : 
 i that they had a competent number of ^ood 
 i troops, and by only assembling the forces of the 
 j -L^ucanians, Messapians, Samnites, and Taren- 
 i 20 SnT''*' a;'«»dition to bring an army of 
 { 20 000 horse and 350,000 foot into the field, 
 ) 1 he joy with which Pyrrhus received a pro- 
 posal so agreeable to his disposition, and so con- 
 tI"* ';^^^h^^\«te^^ «^aybe easily ima- 
 gined. The Epirots, by his example, conceived 
 ^arm desire and violent passion for this war. 
 co.n-f nf ? V "^^^dCineas, was then at the 
 court of Pyrrhus. He was a man of great 
 judgment, and having been the disciple of De- 
 mosthenes, vyas distinguished from all the ora- 
 Z^f^ It^ «"Jy coming the near- 
 
 ! u /r''^ ^""^ eloquence of that great 
 master, but for having been most successful in 
 ;^!y'"f' ^'''•T excellent a school, the solid 
 principles and truest maxims of sound policy. 
 1 his person was much attached to Pyrrhus 
 -.r^^.^^'l^''" embassies to several 
 act rin?.''^.r negotiations to trans- 
 
 act. Cineas, through the whole course of these 
 tr^teb-f' '^-fiV^^d' by his conduct, the 
 truth of this expression of Euripides. « that the 
 eloquence of an enemy is no less powerful than 
 hatTb r F^''^''' accordfngly declared" 
 that he had gained more cities by the eloquence 
 
 tL^r:"'' ^« ^J'^^^lf had^onque?ed by 
 
 afn/S li? tb'« reason he enter! 
 
 tamed the greatest esteem for him, conferred 
 many honours upon him, and emplo;ed h m i n 
 the most important affairs. A man of this 
 character is always an inestimable treasure and 
 would constitute the happiness of a prince and 
 h.s people, were his counsels attended ti 
 ^ Cineas perceiving that Pyrrhus was prepar- 
 ing to pass into Italy, and finding him one ^day 
 
 disengaged from business, and in a temper not 
 to be offended with innocent liberties, entered 
 into a free conversation with that prince- 
 Your majesty intends," said he, " to march 
 against the Romans ; should the gods vouchsafe 
 to render you victorious, what advantage shall 
 you derive from your conquest ?"_" ^^ere the 
 Romans once subdued," replied Pyrrhus "all 
 Italy would then be ours."— " Supposing our- 
 selves masters of that country," continued Ci- 
 neas, " how should we proceed next ?" Pyrrhus 
 uit-f'^ -H^r* his drift, continued.' 
 
 bicily will then present itself to us, and you 
 know the importance of that island."—" But 
 will our expeditions," added Cineas, "end with 
 the conquest of Sicily?"-" No, cei'tainly,'^;e- 
 plied Pyrrhus, with emotion ; " should stop 
 shoit in so glorious a career? If the gods are 
 pleased to crown us with success, these would 
 be only pi^ludes to more glorious enterprises? 
 Carthage, with all Africa, Macedonia, my an- 
 cient domain, every province in Greece, shall 
 De part ot our future coHquests."— " And when 
 we have conquered all we can, how shall we 
 dispose of ourselves !"-" Dispose of ourselves ! 
 We vyill live at our ease. We will pass whole 
 days in feasts and agreeable convei-sation, and 
 h.nk of nothing but enjoying ourselves. "- 
 Ah! my lord,^' interrupted Cineas, "and 
 what prevents us now from living at our ease 
 maJiing entertainments, celebrating festivals' 
 and enjoying ourselves to the utmost? Whv 
 should we go so far in search of a happiness 
 already m our power, and pay so dear for what 
 we may now enjoy without the least trouble?" 
 
 1 his discourse of Cineas affected Pyrrhus 
 but did not reform him. He could make no 
 reasonable objection to what he had heard : but 
 his natural ardour, more predominant, more 
 
 ot glory, that was always presenting a delusive 
 and glittering outside to his view,%nd would 
 
 MTor brda;.'^"^^^*'" 
 
 Monsieur Paschal has considered the refiec- 
 Th u.^'"^^^' chapter of his 
 
 Though s; wherein he has explained, in an 
 admirable manner, the origin of all the tumul- 
 tuous employments of mankind, and of all 
 which the world calls diversion' or past me 
 "Ihe soul says that great man, "discovers 
 nothing ,n herself that caS furnish her w th con 
 tentm/nt. Whatever she beholds there afflTct^ 
 
 hZ To '""'^^'"^ ''^^'^^y- This obliges 
 
 fZ, u ^ recourse to external employments, 
 W rP 5 remembrance of 
 
 her real state. In this oblivion consists her 
 joy ; and, to render her miserable, no more is 
 wanting than to oblige her to enter into, and 
 converse with herself." ' 
 
 He then proceeds to justify the truth of this 
 rf^^5*^«» by ^/an«ty of examples ; after which 
 he adds the following remarks: " When Cineas 
 told 1 yrrhus, who proposed to live at ease when 
 he had conquered a large part of the world, that 
 It would be better for him to hasten his intended 
 happiness, by enjoying that repose which was 
 then in his power, without going in quest of it 
 through such a number of fatigues ; he save 
 him advice that was attended with many diffi 
 culties, and which seemed almost as irrational 
 as the design of that ambitious youth. Each of 
 theni supposed, that man was capable of being 
 satisfied with himself and his present enioy? 
 ments, without filling up the void in his heart 
 with imaginary hopes, which is certainly falsa. 
 
324 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 Pyrrhus could not be happy, ^^^""^^fZ 
 after he had conquered the world ; and perhaps 
 ihe life of ease recommended to him by his 
 minister would have proved less satisfactory to 
 him, than the hurry of all the wars and expedi- 
 tions which he meditated." 
 
 It is certain, however, that neither the phi- 
 losopher nor the conqueror were capable ot 
 knowing thus thoroughly the heart of man. 
 Pvrrhus, therefore, immediately despatched Ci- 
 neas to the Tarentines with a detachment of 
 3000 foot ; soon after which a large number ot 
 flat-bottomed vessels, galleys, and all sorts ot 
 transport-ships, arriving ftom Tareutum, he 
 embarked on board them twenty elephants, 
 SOOO horse, 20,000 heavy- armed foot, 2000 arch- 
 ers, and 500 slingers. 
 
 All being ready, he set sail ; but as soon as 
 he had advanced into the open sea, a violent 
 i tempest arose from the north, and drove him 
 out of his course.— The vessel in which he was, 
 yielded at first to the fury of the storm ; but the 
 ' exertions of the pilot and mariners were eni- 
 ployed so effectually, that he at last gamed the 
 coast of Italy, after a voyage of infinite fatigue 
 and danger. The other ships were incapable of 
 holding the same course. At last a stroiig gale 
 sprung up from the land, and the waves beat so 
 violently against the head of the king s ship, 
 that they expected it to founder immediately. 
 Pvrrhus did not hesitate a moment in this ex- 
 tremity, but threw himself into the sea, and 
 was immediately followed by his friends and 
 guards, who vied with each other to save him 
 at the hazard of their own lives ; but the night, 
 which happened to be extremely dark, and the | 
 Impetuous bursting of the waves upon the 
 coast, from whence they were repelled with a 
 loud roar, made it very difficult for them to 
 assist him, till at last the king, after he had 
 struggled with the winds and waves for a con- 
 siderable part of the night, was cast the next 
 morning on the shore, the wind being then con- 
 siderably abated. The long fatigue he had sus- 
 tained, weakened him to such a degree, that 
 nothing but his courage, always great and m- 
 vincible, prevented him from sinking under it. 
 
 In the meantime the Messapians, on whose 
 coast the waves had cast him, hastened to nim 
 with the utmost speed, to tender him all the 
 assistance in their power. They also went to 
 1 meet some of his ships that had escaped the 
 storm ; but the cavalry they found on board 
 were very inconsiderable in number, and the 
 infantry amounted to no more than 2000 men, 
 with two elephants. Pyrrhus, after he had 
 drawn them up in a body, led them directly to 
 Tarentum. . , . „• c 
 
 Cineas, as soon as he received intelligence ot 
 his approach, advanced to him with his troops. 
 Pyrrhus, when he arrived at Tarentum, was 
 extremely surprised to find the inhabitants solely 
 engaged in pleasures, in which it was their 
 usual custom to indulge, without the least mo- 
 deration or intermission. And they now took 
 it for granted, that whilst Pyrrhus fought for 
 them, they might quietly continue in their own 
 houses, solely employed in bathing, using exqui- i 
 site perfumes, feasting, and recreations. 1 yr- 
 rhus was unwilling to lay them under any 
 constraint, till he had received intelligence that 
 his ships were safe, and till the greatest part ot 
 his army had joined him. He treated thein 
 like one determined to be their master, tie 
 began with shutting up all the public gardens 
 and places of exercise, where the inhabitants 
 
 usually entertained themselves with news, and 
 regulated all the management of the war as they 
 walked together. He also suspended their feasts 
 and public shows, and was altogether as severe 
 upon the assemblies of newsmongers. In a 
 word, he compelled them to take arms, and be- 
 haved at all musters and reviews with inexor- 
 able severity to those who had failed m their 
 duty. In consequence of which, several who 
 had never been accustomed to so rigorous a 
 discipline, withdrew from the city : thinking it 
 an insupportable servitude, to be debarred from 
 the full enjoyment of their effeminate plea- 
 sures. . , . /. 
 
 Pyrrhus, about this time, received miorma- 
 tion that Levin us the consul was advancing 
 against him with a powerful army, and that he 
 was then in Lucania, where he burnt and de- 
 stroyed all the countiy around him. Though 
 the kllies of Pyrrhus had not yet sent him any 
 i succours, nevertheless as he thought it very dis- 
 I honourable to permit the enemy to approach 
 nearer him, and commit their ravages m his 
 si"ht, he took the field with the few troops he 
 had. But before he engaged in any hostihties, 
 he despatched a herald to demand of the Ro- 
 mans, whether they would consent, before the 
 commencement of the war, to an amicable ac- 
 commodation of the differences between them 
 and the Greeks of Italy, by referring the whole 
 affair to his judgment and decision ? lo which 
 Levinus the consul made this reply, " that the 
 Romans neither took Pyrrhus for an arbiter, 
 nor feared him as an enemy." 
 
 Pyrrhus, upon receiving this answer, ad- 
 vanced with his troops, and encamped in a 
 plain between the cities of Pandosia and Jiera- 
 clea; and when he heard that the Romans 
 were very near him, and were encamped on the 
 other side of the river Siris, he mounted his 
 horse, and approached the bank, to take a view 
 of their situation. When he saw the appear- 
 ance of their troops, their advanced guards, the 
 fine order which was every where maintained, 
 and the judicious disposition of their camp, he 
 was astonished at what he saw ; and addressing 
 himself to one of his friends who was then near 
 him—" Megacles," said he, " the array of these 
 Barbarians is by no means barbarous ; we shall 
 see whether other circumstances will correspond 
 with this appearance."' And already under 
 apprehension for the success of the future, he 
 resolved to wait the arrival of the allies ; think- 
 ing it sufficient, at that time, to post a body ot 
 troops on the bank of the river, to oppose the 
 Romans, if they should attempt to P^ss ; but 
 this precaution was then too late, for the Ro- 
 man infantry had already ♦o^ded the stream, 
 and the cav/lry passed it where they found it 
 practicable. The advanced troops of P^rhus, 
 therefore, not finding themselves sufficiently 
 strong, and fearing to be surrounded by their 
 enemies, were obliged to _.io,n the main ai^^^^^ 
 
 enemies, weie uuiig^^" .i—- -- 
 
 with great precipitation ; so that Pyrrhus, who 
 had arrived there a few moments before, with 
 the rest of his troops, had not time to dispute 
 the passage with the enemy. R«„,-,n 
 As soon as he saw a great number of Roman 
 bucklers glittering on this side of the river, and 
 their cavalry advancing towards h.m m fane 
 order, he closed his ranks, and began the «t- 
 
 1 The Greeks considered all other nation* as barbarians, 
 and treated them accordingly. 
 
ALEXANDER S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 325 
 
 tack. The lustre and beauty of his arms, which 
 were very inaguiticent, distinguished him in a 
 conspicuous manner; and his actions made it 
 
 other 
 sides. 
 
 historians make tlie loss less on both 
 
 Pyrrhus immediately made himself master of 
 
 evident, that the reputation he had acquired did the enemies' camp, which they had abandoned, I 
 
 not exceed his mei'it. For while he engaged in 
 the battle, without sparing his own person, and 
 bore down all before him, he did not lose sight 
 of the duties of a general ; and amidst the great- 
 est dangers was perfectly cool, despatched his 
 
 brought over several cities from their alliance, 
 ravaged all the country around him, and ad- 
 vanced within fifteen leagues of Rome. 
 
 The Lucanians and Samnites having joined 
 him after the battle, he severely reproached them 
 
 commands with as much tranquillity as if he ! for their delay. But his air and aspect made it 
 had been in his palace ; and sprung from place i evident, that he was exeeedi ' 
 
 to place, to reinstate what was amiss, and sus 
 tain those who suffered most. 
 
 During the heat of the engagement, one of 
 the Italian horse, with a lance in his hand, 
 singled out Pyrrhus from all the rest of his 
 troops, and followed him with the utmost ar- 
 dour wherever he went, directing all his own 
 motions by those of the king. And having at 
 last found a favourable opportunity, he aimed a 
 furious stroke at him, but wounded only his 
 horse. At the same time Leonatus of Macedon 
 killed the Italian's horse. Both horses being 
 down, Pyrrhus was immediately surrounded 
 by a troop of his friends, who carried him off, 
 
 ngly delighted at 
 bottom, that his troops, in conjunction with the 
 Tarentines alone, had defeated so well disci- 
 plined and numerous an army of the Romans, 
 without the assistance of his allies. 
 
 The Romans, however, were not dejected at 
 the great loss they had sustained ; and instead 
 of recalling Levinus, were solely intent on pre- 
 parations for a second battle. This greatness of 
 soul, which manifested so much steadiness and 
 intrepidity, surprised and even terrified Pyr- 
 rhus. He, therefore, thought it prudent to 
 despatch a second embassy, in order to sound 
 their dispositions, and to see if they would not 
 incline to some expedient for an amicable ac- 
 
 and killed the Italian, who fought with great commodation ; and in the mean time returned 
 
 bravery 
 
 This adventure taught Pyrrhus to use more 
 precaution than he had practised before, and 
 obliged him to be more careful of himself ; which 
 is an indispensable duty in a general, on whose, 
 welfare that of a whole army depends. When 
 he beheld his cavalry give way, he ordered hi 
 
 to Tarentum. Cineas, therefore, being sent to 
 Rome, had several conferences with the princi- 
 pal citizens, and sent presents in the name of 
 the king to them and their wives : but not one 
 would receive them. They all replied, and even 
 their wives, that when Rome should have made 
 a public treaty with the king, it would be time 
 
 infantry to advance, and immediately drew it ' enough to express his satisfaction with regard 
 up. Then giving his mantle and arms to Me- jtothem. 
 
 gacles, one of his friends, he put on those of the | When Cineas was introduced to the senate, 
 latter, and vigorously charged the Romans, who he acquainted them with the proposals of his 
 received him with great intrepidity. The battle master, who offered to deliver up his prisoners 
 was obstinately disputed on both sides, and the to the Romans without any ransom, and to aid 
 victory long continued doubtful. Authors sav, them in the conquest of all Italy ; requiring at 
 
 that each army gave way seven times, and 
 often returned to the charge. 
 
 Pyrrhus, by changing his arms, took a proper 
 method for the preservation of his life ; though, 
 in the event, it almost proved fatal to him, and 
 vvas on the point of wresting the victory out of 
 his hands. The enemies threw themselves in 
 throngs about Megacles, whom they took to be 
 the king ; and he was at last wounded by a 
 horseman, who hurled him to the ground, after 
 he had torn off his helmet and mantle which he 
 carried full speed to Levinus the consul ; and as 
 he showed them to him, cried out aloud, that 
 he had slain Pyrrhus. These spoils being borne 
 in triumph through all the ranks, filled the 
 whole Roman army with inexpressible joy. 
 AH the field resounded with acclamations of 
 victory, while the Grecian troops were struck 
 with consternation and dismay. 
 
 Pyrrhus, who perceived the terrible effect of 
 this mistake, flew bareheaded through all the 
 lines, holding out at the same time his hand to 
 the soldiers, and making himself known to 
 them by his voice and gestures. The battle 
 was then renewed, and the elephants were 
 chiefly instrumental in deciding the victory 
 
 the same time, no other return but their friend- 
 ship, and a sufficient security for the Taren- 
 tines. Several of the senators seemed inclinable 
 to a peace : and this was no unreasonable dis- 
 position. They had lately been defeated in a 
 great battle, and were on the point of hazarding 
 another of much more importance. They had 
 likewise every thing to dread ; the forces of 
 Pyrrhus having been considerably augmented 
 by the junction of several of the states of Italy 
 bis allies. 
 
 The Roman courage, in this conjuncture, 
 seemed to stand in need of the animated spirit 
 of the celebrated Appius Claudius, an illustri- 
 ous senator, whose great age and loss of sight 
 had obliged him to confine himself to his family, 
 and retire from public affairs. When he under- 
 stood, by the confused report which was then 
 dispersed through the city, that the senators 
 were disposed to accept the offers of Pyrrhus 
 he caused himself to be carried into the assem- 
 bly, which kept a profound silence the moment 
 he appeared. There the venerable old man, 
 whose zeal for the honour of his country seemed 
 to have inspired him with all his ancient vigour, 
 made it evident, by reasons equally solid and 
 
 l^or when Pyrrhus saw the Romans broken by | affecting, that they were on the point of de- 
 those animals and that the horses, instead of stroying, by an infamous treaty, all the glor^■ 
 approachmg them, were so terrified that they which Rome had hitherto acquired. " Whire,*^" 
 
 ran away with their riders, he immediately led 
 up the Thessalian cavalry against them, while 
 they were in confusion, and put them to flight, 
 after having made a great slaughter of them. 
 
 Dionysius of Halicarnassus writes, that near 
 15,000 Romans were killed in this battle, and 
 that Pyrrhus lost 13,000 of . his men. But 
 
 said he, with the warmth of a noble indigna- 
 tion, " where is the spirit that suggested the 
 bold language you once uttered, and whose ac- 
 cents rung through all the world, when you 
 declared, that if the great Alexander himself 
 had invaded Italy, when we were young, and 
 our fathers in the vigour of their age, he nevir 
 
would have gained the reputation of being in- 
 vincible, but would have added new lustre to 
 the glory of Rome, either by his flight or death ! 
 Is it possible, then, that you now tremble at the 
 mere name of a Pyrrhus, who has passed his 
 days in cringing to one of the guards of that 
 very Alexander, and who now wanders, like a 
 wretched adventurer, from country to country 
 to avoid the enemies he has at home ; and who 
 has the insolence to promise you the conquest of 
 Italy, with those very troops who have not been 
 able* to secure to him a small tract of Macedo- 
 nia!" He added many other things of the 
 same nature, which rekindled the Roman 
 bravery, and dispelled the apprehensions of the 
 senators; who unanimously returned this an- 
 swer to Cineas :— " That Pyrrhus should first 
 retire from Italy ; after which, if he should find 
 himself disposed for peace, he might send an 
 embassy to solicit it : but that, as long as he 
 continued in arms in their country, the Ro- 
 mans would maintain the war against him with 
 all their forces, though he should even vanquish 
 ten thousand such leaders as Levinus." 
 
 It is said, that Cineas, during his continu- 
 ance at Rome in order to negotiate a peace, took 
 every method, as might be expected from a man 
 of wisdom and address, to inform himself of the 
 inanners and customs of the Romans ; to scru- 
 tinize their public as well as private conduct ; 
 to study the form and constitution of their 
 government ; and to obtain as exact an account 
 as possible of the forces and revenues of the re- 
 public. When he returned to Tarentum, he 
 gave the king a faithful relation of all the dis- 
 coveries be bad made in his conferences with 
 the principal men of Rome, and told him, 
 among other particulars, " That the senate 
 seemed to him an assembly of kings." A just 
 and noble idea of that august body ! And with 
 respect to the numerous inhabitants who filled 
 the streets, and all parts of the country, he ad- 
 ded, " I greatly fear we are fighting with a 
 hydra." Cineas, indeed, had some reason for 
 this remark, for the consul Levinus had at that 
 time an army in the field twice as numerous as 
 the first, and there were left in Rome an in- 
 finite number of men, capable of bearing arms, 
 and forming many armies as powerful as that 
 which had been newly levied. 
 
 The return of Cineas to Tarentum was im- 
 mediately succeeded by the aiTival of ambassa- 
 dors sent to Pyrrhus from the Romans, among 
 whom was Fabricius, who, as Cineas informed 
 the king, was highly esteemed at Rome as a 
 very virtuous man, and one well experienced in 
 military affairs, but that his fortune was ex- 
 tremely low. Pyrrhus received them with ex- 
 traordinary marks of distinction, and treated 
 them with all possible honours. The ambassa- 
 dors, at their audience, said every thing suitable 
 to the present conjuncture ; and as they ima- 
 gined he might be elated by the victory he had 
 obtained over their troops, they represented to 
 him the vicissitudes and inconstancy of fortune, 
 which no prudence of man could foresee ; that 
 the greatest overthrows in the field were in- 
 capable of depressing the Roman fortitude, and 
 consequently it could never be alarmed at any 
 little disadvantage; that the examples of so 
 many enemies as they had defeated, should 
 teach Pyrrhus to reflect on the enterprise he 
 was forming ; that he would find, at all events, 
 enemies prepared to receive him, and in a capa- 
 city to defend themselves. They concluded their 
 remonstrances with leaving it to his choice, 
 
 either to receive a ransom for their soldiers who | 
 were then his prisonei-s of war, or to exchange j 
 them for such of his troops as the Romans had I 
 taken from him. . j 
 
 Pp-rhus,' after a consultation with his friends, i 
 answered the ambassadors to this efl^ect : " Ro- | 
 mans, it is with an ill grace you demand the I 
 prisoners I have taken from you, to employ ; 
 them against me, after your refusal of the peace ! 
 I proposed. If you have only in view your ] 
 own real interest and mine, it is not necessary | 
 to have recourse to such evasions. Be it your 1 
 care to end, by an amicable treaty, the war you i 
 are maintaining against me and my allies, and : j 
 I promise to restore you all my prisoners, as | 
 well your citizens as your confederates, without ' 
 the ransom you offer me. If you reject this 
 condition, it is in vain for you to imagine that | 
 Pyrrhus will ever be prevailed upon to release , | 
 so great a number of soldiers." || 
 When be had returned this answer to the | j 
 ambassadors, he took Fabricius aside, and ad- i | 
 dressed him in the following manner ; " As for j 1 
 you, Fabricius, I am sensible of your merit : 1 [\ 
 am likewise informed that you are an excellent 
 general, and perfectly qualified for the command 
 of an army; that justice and temperance are 
 united in your character, and that you pass for 
 a person of consummate virtue. But I am 
 likewise acquainted with your poverty; and 
 must confess, that fortune, in this particular 
 alone, has treated you with injustice, by mis- 
 placing you in the class of indigent senators. 
 In order, therefore, to supply that sole defi- 
 ciency, I am ready to give you as much gold 
 and silver as will raise you above the richest 
 citizen of Rome ; being fully persuaded, ' that 
 no expense can be more honourable to a prince \ 
 than that which is employed in the relief of 
 great men, who are compelled by their povei-ty 
 to lead a life unworthy of their virtue ; and that 
 this is the noblest purpose to which a king can 
 possibly devote his treasures.' At the same t 
 time, I must desire you to believe, that I have - 
 no intention to exact any unjust or dishonour- j 
 able service from you as a return of gratitude. | 
 I expect nothing from you but what is perfectly 
 consistent with your honour, and what will j 
 add to your authority and importance in your [ 
 own country. Let me, therefore, conjure you j 
 to assist me with your influence in the Roman 
 senate, which has hitherto assumed an air of too , 
 much inflexibility with relation to the treaty I 
 proposed, and has never consulted the rules of ; 
 moderation in any respect. Make them sensi- ! 
 ble, I entreat you, that 1 have given my solemn I 
 word to assist the Tarentines and other Greeks j 
 who are settled in this part of Italy ; and that | 
 I cannot in honour abandon them, especially as 
 I am now at the head of a powerful army that 
 has already gained me a battle. I must how- 
 ever acquaint you, that I am called, by some 
 pressing aff"airsj to my own dominions ; and this 
 is the circumstance which makes me more ear- 
 nestly wish for peace. As to any other particu- 
 lars, if my quality as a king causes me to be 
 suspected by the senate, because a number of 
 other princes have openly violated the faith of 
 treaties and alliances, without the least hesita- 
 tion ; become my surety yourself on this occa- 
 sion ; assist me with your counsels in all my 
 proceedings, and command my armies under 
 
 1 DJon. Ilalicarn. lixcerpt. Lcgat. p. 744—748. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 ^527 
 
 me. 1 want a virtuous man and a faithful 
 friend ; and you as much need a prince, whose 
 liberalities may enable you to be more useful, 
 and to do more good to mankind. Let us, 
 therefore, consent to render mutual assistance 
 to each other, in all the future events of our 
 lives." 
 
 Pyrrhus having expressed himself in this 
 manner, Fabricius, after a few moments' si- 
 lence, replied to him in these terms : " It i 
 needless for me to make any mention of the ex 
 perience I may possibly have in the conduct of 
 public or private atfairs, since you have been 
 informed of that from others. With respect 
 also to my poverty, you seem to be so well ac- 
 quainted with it, that it would be unnecessary 
 for me to assure you 1 have no money to turn 
 to advantage, nor any slaves from whom I de- 
 rive the least revenue : that my whole fortune 
 consists in a house of no considerable appear- 
 ance ; and in a little spot of ground that fur- 
 nishes me with my support. But if you be- 
 lieve my poverty renders my condition inferior 
 to that of every other Roman, and that, while 1 
 am discharging the duties of an honest man, I 
 am the less considered, because 1 happen not to 
 be of the number of the rich ; permit me to ac- 
 quaint you, that the idea you conceive of me, is 
 not just, and that whether any other may have 
 inspired you with that opinion, or whether you 
 only suppose so yourself, you are deceived. 
 Though I do not possess riches, I never did 
 imagine my indigence a prejudice to me, whe- 
 ther 1 consider myself as a public or private 
 person. Did my necessitous circumstances ever 
 induce my country to exclude me from those 
 glorious employments, that are the noble objects 
 of the emulation of great souls ? I am invested 
 with the highest dignities, and see myself placed 
 at the head of the most illustrious embassies. 
 I assist also at the most august ceremonies, and 
 even the most sacred functions of divine wor- 
 ship are confided to my care. Whenever the 
 most important affairs are the subject of de- 
 liberation, I hold my rank in councils, and offer 
 my opinion with as much freedom as another. 
 1 am upon an equal footing with the richest 
 and most powerful persons in the republic ; and 
 if any circumstance causes me to complain, it is 
 my receiving too much honour and applause 
 from my fellow- citizens. The employments I 
 discharge cost me nothing of my own, no more 
 than any other Roman. Rome never reduces 
 her citizens to a ruinous condition, by raising 
 them to the magistracy. She gives all necessary 
 supplies to those whom she employs in public 
 stations, and bestows them with liberality and 
 magnificence. Rome, in this particular, differs 
 from many other cities, where the public is ex- 
 tremely poor, and private persons immensely 
 rich. We are all in a state of affluence as long 
 as the republic is so, because we consider her 
 treasures as our own. As the rich and the poor 
 are equally admitted to her employments, ac- 
 cording as she judges them worthy of confi- 
 dence, she places all her citizens upon an equal- 
 ity, and knows no distinction between them 
 but that of merit and virtue. As to my own 
 private affairs, I am so far from repining at my 
 fortune, that I think I am the happiest of men 
 when I compare myself with the rich, and find 
 a certain satisfaction, and even pride, in that 
 fortune. My little field, poor and unfertile as 
 it is, supplies me with whatever I want, when 
 1 am careful to cultivate it as I ought, and to 
 tay up the fruits it produces. What can I 
 
 want more? Every kind of food is agreeable 
 to my palate, when seasoned by hunger : 1 
 drink with delight when I thirst, and 1 enjoy 
 all the sweetness of sleep when fatigued with 
 toil. 1 content myself with a habit that covers 
 me from the rigours of winter ; and of all the 
 various kinds of furniture necessary for the 
 same uses, the meanest is, in my opinion, the 
 most commodious. I should be unreasonable, 
 and unjust, were I to complain of fortune, 
 whilst she supplies me with all that nature re- 
 quires. As to superfluitiies, I confess she has 
 not furnished me with any; but then she has 
 not inspired me with the least desire to enjoy 
 them. Why should 1 then complain? It is 
 true, the want of this abundance renders me 
 incapable of relieving the necessitous, which is 
 the only advantage the rich may be envied for 
 enjoying. But when I impart to the republic, 
 and my friends, some portion of the little 1 
 possess, and render my fellow-citizens all the 
 services I am capable of performing ; in a word, 
 when I discharge all the duties incumbent on 
 me, to the best of hay ability, wherein can my 
 conscience condemn me? If riches had ever 
 been the least part of my ambition, 1 have so 
 long been employed in the administration of the 
 republic, that I have had a thousand opportuni- 
 ties of amassing great sums, and even by irre- 
 proachable methods. Could any man desire 
 one more favourable than that which occurred 
 to me a few years ago? The consular dignity 
 was conferred upon me, and I was sent against 
 the Samnites, the Brutii, and the Lucanians, at 
 the head of a numerous army. We ravaged a 
 large tract of land, and defeated the enemy in 
 several battles: we took many flourishing and 
 opulent cities by assault ; I enriched the whole 
 army with their spoils ; I returned every citizen 
 the money which he had contributed to the ex- 
 pense of the war ; and after I had received the 
 honours of a triumph, I still brought 400 talents 
 into the public treasury. After having neglected 
 so considerable a booty, of which 1 had full 
 power to appropriate any part to myself ; after 
 having despised such immense riches so justly 
 acquired, and sacrificed the spoils of the enemy 
 to the love of glory, in imitation of Valerius 
 Publicola, and many other great men, whose 
 disinterested generosity of mind has raised the 
 glory of Rome to so illustrious a height ; would 
 it now become me to accept of the gold and sil- 
 ver you offer me ? What idea Avould the world 
 entertain of me ? And what an example should 
 I set to my fellow citizens ? How could I bear 
 their reproaches? how even their looks, at my 
 return? 'I'hose awful magistrates, our censors, 
 who are appointed to inspect our discipline and 
 manners with a vigilant eye, would they not 
 compel me to be accountable before all the 
 world, for the pi'esents you solicit me to accept? 
 You shall keep then, if you please, your riches 
 to yourself, and I my poverty and my reputa^ 
 tion." 
 
 I take it for granted, that the historian 
 furnished Pyrrhus and Fabricius with these 
 speeches, but he has only painted their senti- 
 ments, especially those of the latter, in strong 
 colours. For such was the character of the 
 Romans in those glorious ages of the republic. 
 Fabricius^ was really persuaded, that there was 
 
 i! Fabricius Pyrrhi regis aurum repulit, majusque reg- 
 no judicavit regias opes posse contemnere. Senec. Epist. 
 129. 
 
328 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 more glorv and grandeur in being able to despise 
 all the gold of a king, than there was in reign- 
 ing over an empire. , , ^ 
 
 Fyrrhus being desirous the next day to sur- 
 prise the Roman ambassador,' who had never 
 seen an elephant, ordered the captam of those 
 animals to arm the largest of them, and lead 
 him to the place where he would be in conver- 
 sation with Fabricius ; the officer was then to 
 place him behind a hanging of tapestry, that he 
 might be ready to make his appearance at a cer- 
 tain signal. This was accordingly executed; 
 and the sign being given, the tapestry was 
 drawn aside, and presented to view the enor- 
 mous animal, who stretched out his trunk over 
 the head of Fabricius, and shook the apartment 
 with a most terrible cry. Fabricius, instead of 
 discovering the least surprise or consternation, 
 turned very calmly to Fyrrhus, and said to 
 him with a smile, " Neither your gold yester- 
 day, nor your elephant to-day, can move me. 
 
 Whilst they were sitting at table in the even- 
 ing, the conversation turned upon a variety of 
 subjects; and after some conference on the 
 affairs of Greece, and the several philosophers 
 of note, Cineas introduced the doctrines of Epi- 
 curus, and related the particular opinions of his 
 disciples, with reference to the gods, and the 
 government of the world ; declaring, that they 
 represented pleasure as the end and sovereign 
 good of man, and declined all dignities and em- 
 ployments, as destructive to happiness. To this 
 he added, that they never ascribed to the Diyi 
 nity either love, or hatred, or wrath ; but mam 
 tained, that he was entirely regardless of man 
 kind ; and that they consigned him to a life or 
 tranquillity, in which he passed all ages void of 
 occupation, and plunged in an endless variety 
 of delights and pleasures. The soft and volup- 
 tuous lives of the Tarentum might probably 
 occasion this discourse. Whilst Cineas was 
 going on with this subject, Fabricius, to whom 
 such a doctrine was altogether new, cried out 
 us loud as he was able, " Great Hercules, may 
 
 Pyrrhus and the Samnites follow this doc- 
 trine, as long as they shall make war with the 
 
 Romans." 
 
 Who of us moderns, were we to judge ot the 
 manners of the ancients by those which prevail 
 in our age, would expect to hear the conversa- 
 tion between great warriors, at table, turn, not 
 
 his friends and captains. " I would not advise 
 you to persist in that request," replied Fabri- 
 cius, whispering in bis ear, and smiling ; " and 
 you seem to be but little acquainted with your 
 own interest ; for if those who now honour and 
 admire you, should once happen to know me, | 
 perhaps they might be more desh-ous of having j 
 me for their king than yourself." ' 
 The prince, instead of being offended at this 
 reply, esteemed him the more for making it; 
 and would intrust the prisoners to none 1 ut 
 him, that he might be certain they would be 
 sent back to him, after they had embraced their 
 relations and friends, and celebrated the Satur- 
 nalia, in case the senate should continue averse 
 to a peace. They were accordingly sent to him , 
 at the expiration of the festival, the senate hav- ; 
 ing ordered every prisoner to return to Pyrrhus, I 
 upon pain of death. i 
 The command of the army being conferred | 
 on Fabricius the following year, an unknown 
 person came into his camp, with a letter from 
 the king's physician, who offered to take Pyr- 
 rhus off by poison, if the Romans would pro- 
 mise him a recomx>ense proportionable to the 
 great service he should render them, by putting 
 an end to so destructive a war without any dan- 
 ger to themselves. Fabricius, who always re- 
 tained the same probity and justice,^ even in 
 time of war, which furnishes so many pretexts 
 for departing from them ; and who knew there 
 were some rights, which ought to be preserved 
 inviolable even with enemies themselves, was 
 struck with a just horror at such a proposal : 
 and as he would not suffer the king to conquer | 
 him with gold, he thought it would be infamous ] 
 in himself to conquer the king by poison. After | 
 some ' confevence therefore with his colleague | 
 Emilius, he wrote a letter to Pyrrhus, to cau- | 
 tion him against that black treachery. His 
 letter was conceived in these terms : 
 
 CAIUS FABRICIUS AND QITINTUS EMILIUS, CONSULS; 
 
 TO KING PYRRHUS, HEALTH. j 
 
 " You seem to form a wrong judgment both 
 of friends and enemies ; and this will be your 
 own opinion, when you have read the letter 
 which has been written to us. For you will 
 then be sensible, that you are carrying on a war 
 against people of virtue and honour, at the same 
 
 only on political systems, but points of erudi- j time that you repose confidence in traitors and 
 tion; for at that time, philosophical inquiries the worst of inen. 1 he information we now 
 were considered as the principal part of learn- send you, results more from our affection fox 
 
 ing? Are not such discourses as these, sea- 
 soned with improving reflections, and enlivened 
 with sprightly replies, equal at least to those 
 conversations, which frequently continue from 
 the beginning to the end of the entertainment, 
 and are passed without much expense of genius, 
 in exclamations, worthy of Epicureans, on the 
 delicacy of the provisions, and the admirable 
 flavour of the wines and other liquors ? 
 
 Pyrrhus, struck with admiration at the great- 
 ness of soul which he discovered in the Roman 
 ambassador, and charmed with his manners and 
 his wisdom, became more impatient than ever 
 to contract an alliance with his city. He there- 
 fore took him apart, and conjured him a second 
 time, to mediate an accommodation between the 
 two states, and consent to reside at his court, 
 where he should hold the first rank among all 
 
 ourselves than for you ; for we were unwilling 
 that your death should give the world occasion 
 to defame us ; and to imagine that we had re- 
 course to treachery, through despair of termi- 
 nating this war happily by our valour." 
 
 Pyrrhus having received this letter, and ascer- 
 tained the truth of the information it contained, 
 caused his physician to be punished, and sent 
 back all his prisoners to the consul without ran- 
 som, as a testimonial of his gratitude to Fabri- 
 cius and the Romans. He likewise again de- 
 puted Cineas to attempt to negotiate a peace; 
 but the Romans, who would not nocept either a 
 
 2 Eiusdem animi fuit, auro non viiici, veneno non vm. 
 cere Admirati sumus ingentem virum, queni non regis, 
 non contra regem promissa flexissent ; bom exempli tena. 
 
 J i:i3K«:ii: — ^*.#- in Kollrt innoppntpmr mil 
 
 cem ; quod difRcillimum est, in bello innocentem ; qui 
 aliquod esse crederet etiam in hoste nefas ; qui in siimma 
 paupertate quaiti sibi decus fecerat, non aliter niugii 
 divitias qiiam vencnum. Scncc. Epist. 120. 
 
ALEXANDER'S 
 
 favour from their enemy, or a recompense for 
 not committing the most execrable piece of in- 
 justice, though they did not refuse to accept the 
 prisoners, yet returned an equal number of 
 Tarentines and Samnites, as an equivalent ; but 
 as to the treaty of pacification, they would not 
 permit Cineas to mention it, till Pyrrhus had 
 returned to Epirus in the same fleet that landed 
 him and his troops in Italy. But as his affaii-s 
 made a second battle necessary, he assembled 
 his army, and attacked the Romans near the 
 city of Asculum. 
 
 The troops fought with great obstinacy on 
 both sides, and the victory continued doubtful 
 till the close of the battle. Pyrrhus, at the be- 
 ginning of the action, having been driven into 
 places where cavalry could not act, and against 
 a river very difficult, as well in I'egard to its 
 banks as to marshes on the sides of it, was 
 treated very rudely by the enemy, and lost a 
 great number of his men. But having at last 
 disengaged himself from that disadvantageous 
 situation, and regained the plain, where he 
 could make use of his elephants, he advanced 
 against the Romans with the greatest impetu- 
 osity, his ranks being all in good order and well 
 closed ; and as he met with a vigorous resist- 
 ance, the slaughter became very great, and he 
 himself was wounded. He, however, brought 
 forward his elephants so judiciously, that they 
 broke through the Roman infantry in several 
 quarters, notwithstanding which they still main - 
 1 tained their ground. The two armies, fired 
 j with implacable rage, exerted the utmost efforts 
 I that bravery could inspire, and did not cease 
 I fighting till night parted, them. The loss was 
 1 almost equal on both sides, and amounted to 
 ! 15,000 men in the whole. The Romans were 
 I the first who retreated, and gained their camp, 
 I which was near the field of battle. The advan- 
 ' tage therefore seemed to remain with Pyrrhus, 
 j who continued longest in the field ; but when 
 I one of his officers came to congratulate him on 
 I his victory, " if we gain such another," replied 
 j he, "we are inevitably ruined." And as he 
 had really lost his best troops and bravest offi- 
 cers, he was very sensible of his inability to 
 bring another army into the field against the. 
 Romans, whose very defeat inspired them with 
 new vigour and ardour to continue the war.^ 
 
 Whilst he was revolving these melancholy 
 thoughts in his mind,* and had the mortification 
 to see himself in a manner destitute of all re- 
 source, and incapable of recurring to any hon- 
 ourable expedient to disengage himself from an 
 enterprise which he had too inconsiderately 
 undertaken, a dawn of hope and good fortune 
 inspired him with new re- 
 A. M. 3726. solution. A deputation was 
 Ant. J. C. 278. sent to him, at that critical 
 juncture, from Sicily, with 
 a commission to deliver Syracuse, Agrigentum, 
 and the city of the Leontines, into his posses- 
 sion ; and to implore the assistance of his arms 
 to drive the Carthaginians from their island, 
 and deliver them from their tyrants. Several 
 couriers from Greece also arrived at his camp 
 at the same time, to inform him that Ceraunus 
 had been killed in a battle with the Gauls, in 
 
 3 Per damna, per csedes, ab ipso 
 
 Ducit opes animumque ferro. Herat. 
 4 Plut. in Pyrrh. p. 397, 398. Pausan. 1. i. p. 22. Justin, 
 t. xviii. c. 2. and 1. xxiii, ,t. S. 
 
 SUCCESSORS. 329 
 
 Macedonia, and that this kingdom seemed to 
 invite him to ascend the throne. 
 
 Pyrrhua then found himself in a new per- 
 plexity. A moment before he was destitute of 
 all hope, and now it flowed so fast upon him, 
 that he was at a loss to determine which offer 
 he ought to prefer. But after a long delibera- 
 tion, and when he had maturely weighed the j 
 reasons that offered themselves on both sides, he j I 
 resolved for Sicily, which would open him a I i 
 passage into Africa, and conduct him to a more | j 
 ample harvest of glory. In consequence of this \ j 
 resolution, he immediately despatched Cinea.**, \ i 
 to treat with the cities, and to give them assur- ; j 
 ances of his speedy arrival ; he then embarked j | 
 for Sicily, after he had left a strong garrison in ! | 
 Tarentum, notwithstanding the repugnance of i 
 the inhabitants, who had the mortification to i 
 see themselves abandoned by Pyrrhus. and re- ; 
 duced at the same time to a state of slavery by 
 his troops. 
 
 When he arrived in Sicily, he immediately 
 became master of Syracuse, which was delivered 
 up to him by Sostratus,* who then governed 
 that city, and by Thenon, who commanded in 
 the citadel. He also received from them money i 
 out of the public treasury, and about 200 ships, j j 
 which f acilitated his conquest of all Sicily. His 'i \ 
 insinuating and affable behaviour at his first ! ! 
 arrival, gained him the hearts of all the people ; 1 1 
 and as he had then an army of 30,000 foot and : j 
 2,600 horse, with a fleet of 200 sail, he dispos- j j 
 sessed tlie Carthaginians of their settlements in i | 
 that island, and obliged them to evacuate the 1 1 
 city of Eryx, which was the strongest of all | i 
 their places there, and the best furnished with 1 1 
 people for its defence : he also defeated, in a j • 
 great battle, the inhabitants of Messina, who ! | 
 were called Mamertines,^ whose frequent erup- | j 
 tions infested all Sicily, and he entirely de- j 
 molished all their fortresses. ! 
 
 The rapid progress of his arms terrified the | 
 Carthaginians, who were now divested of all i 
 their acquisitions in Sicily, except the single j 
 city of Lilybseum ; and they sent to purchase [ i 
 peace and his friendship with money and ships. | \ 
 But as he aspired to much gi'eater things, he i 
 answered them, that the only method to obtain 
 what they desired, would be to abandon Sicily, 
 and consent to let the Libyan sea be the boun- 
 dary between them and the Greeks. He now 
 thought of nothing but great projects for him - 
 self and his family. He intended to bestow 
 Sicily on his son Helen us, as a kingdom to ; 
 which he had a right by birth, this prince being ; 
 his son by the daughter of Agathocles ; and he i 
 proposed to give his son Alexander the kingdom i 
 of Italy, which he looked upon as a certain con- t 
 quest. i 
 
 A continued series of prosperity, and the nu- j 
 merous forces under his command, had raised i 
 his hopes so high at that time, that he thought 
 of nothing but accomplishing the great views 
 that had drawn him into Sicily ; the first and 
 principal of which was the conquest of Africa. 
 He had a sufficient number of vessels for that 
 great expedition, but wanted mariners ; in or- 
 
 5 He is called Sosistratus, by Dionysius of Halicar- 
 nassus. 
 
 6 The word signifies martial, because they were a very | 
 warlike people. Ihey originally came from Italy, and j 
 having made themselves masters of Messina, into which 
 they had been received, they retained their own name I 
 there, though that of the city was not changed. I I 
 
330 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 I der, therefore, to obtain tbem, he obliged the 
 j cities to furnish him with men, and severely 
 punished those who neglected to obey his or- 
 I ders. 
 
 1 In consequence of these proceedings, his power 
 I was soon changed into an insolent and tyranni- 
 i cal sway, which first drew upon him the hatred 
 I of the family and friends of Agathocles, whom 
 I he deprived of all the wealth they had received 
 from that prince, and bestowed it upon his own 
 creatures. In the contempt of the customs of 
 that country,' he also conferi'ed the first digni- 
 ties, and the government of cities, on his guards 
 and centurions, whom he continued in the 
 magistracy as long as he thought proper, and 
 without any regard to the time prescribed by 
 the laws. And so to all judicial proceedings, 
 with respect to private property, and other 
 affairs of that nature, he either decided them by 
 his own arbitrary sentence, or left them to the 
 determination of his courtiers, whose sole views 
 were to enrich themselves by sordid gain, and 
 live in all manner of luxury, profusion, and de- 
 bauchery. 
 
 A conduct so oppressive and different from 
 that by which he at first had so well succeeded, 
 could not fail to alienate the affections of the 
 people from him ; and when he became sensible 
 that he was universally hated, and that the Sici- 
 lians, exasperated at" his odious government, 
 were solicitous to shake off the yoke, he placed 
 in most of the cities such garrisons as he knew 
 were at his devotion, under pretext that the 
 Carthaginians were preparing to invade him. 
 He also seized the most illustrious citizens of 
 each city, and caused them to be put to death, 
 after he'had charged them with treasonable con- 
 spiracies against him. Of this number was 
 Thenon, the commander of the citadel ; and all 
 the important services he had rendered the king 
 of Epirus, did not suffice to exempt him from 
 so cruel a policy ; though it was allowed that 
 he had contributed more than any other person 
 to reduce Sicily under Pyrrhus. He also in- 
 tended to have Sostratus seized, but as he had 
 some suspicion of what was designed against 
 him, he found means to quit the city. A prince 
 hazards all things when he loses the affection of 
 his people, which is the strongest tie that unites 
 j them to their sovereign. This barbarous and 
 i unjust treatment of the two principal citizens of 
 Syracuse, who had conduced most to the pro- 
 ' gress of his power in that island, rendered him 
 entii-ely odious and insupportable to the Sici- 
 lians. Such was the character of Tyrrhus : the 
 vigour and impetuosity of his conduct in the 
 enterprises he undertook,^ facilitated his con- 
 quest of kingdoms and provinces, but he wanted 
 the art of preserving them. The aversion which 
 the cities conceived against him was so great, 
 : that some of them entered into a league with 
 j the Carthaginians, and others with the Mamer- 
 1 tines, in order to destroy him. 
 i At this juncture, when he beheld nothing 
 ' but new insurrections and revolts kindling all 
 j around, he received letters from the Samnites 
 I and Tarentines, which informed him that they 
 had been dispossessed of all their lands, and 
 were then shut up in their cities, where it 
 
 would be impossible for them to sustain th" 
 war, unless he would hasten to their assistance. 
 These letters arrived at a proper time for afford- 
 ing him an honourable pretext for his departure, 
 and preventing it from appearing a flight from 
 Sicily, as if he despaired of succeeding any longer 
 in that island. 
 
 As he was embarking at Syracuse,^ the Car- 
 thaginians attacked him in such a manner, as 
 obliged him to fight, in the very port, against 
 those barbarians, where he lost several of his 
 ships. This, however, did not prevent him 
 from sailing to Italy with those that remained ; 
 but upon his arrival there he found a great body 
 of Mamertines, who had passed over thither 
 before him, to the number of near 10,000 men, 
 and greatly incommoded his march, by fre- 
 quently harassing his troops, and making re- 
 peated attacks upon his rear-guard. 
 
 Livy* and Dionysius of Halicarnassus tell 
 us one circumstance" not very much to the hon- 
 our of Pyrrhus's memory. In Locris was a 
 celebrated' temple, consecrated to Proserpine, 
 and held in the greatest veneration by all the 
 inhabitants of that country, as well as by stran- 
 gers, and no one had ever presumed to violate 
 it, though it was certain that immense treasures 
 were deposited within it. Pyrrhus, who then 
 wanted money exti'emely, was not so scrupu- 
 lous, but carried off all the riches of the goddess, 
 and lodged them in his ship. The next day, if 
 the story may be credited, his fleet was shattered 
 by a violent tempest, and all the vessels that 
 were laden with these rich and sacred spoils, 
 were cast upon the coast of Locris. This proud 
 prince, says Livy, being convinced, by this cruel 
 disaster, that the gods were not imaginary be- 
 ings, caused all the treasures to be replaced in 
 the temple with the utmost devotion. The god- 
 dess, however, was not appeased by this invo- 
 luntary restitution ; and the author who relates 
 this event, represents this impious sacrilege as 
 the cause of all the future calamities which 
 happened to Pyrrhus, and particularly of the 
 unfortunate death which put an end to his en- 
 terprises. 
 
 Pyrrhus, after he had suf- 
 A. M. 3730. fered bv this tempest, arrived 
 Ant. J. C. 274. at Tarentum with 20,000 foot 
 and 3000 horse ; and when 
 he had reinforced them with the best troops he 
 could find in that city, he advanced, by long 
 marches, against the Romans, who were en- 
 camped in the country of the Samnites. 
 
 These people retained a secret resentment 
 against Pvrrhus, for deserting them when he 
 undertookhis expedition into Sicily; for which 
 reason he was joined by very few of their troops. 
 This, however, did not prevent him from divid- 
 ing his army into two bodies : one of which he 
 sent into Lucania, to oppose the consul who was 
 there at that time, and to render him incapable 
 of assisting his colleague ; the other he led him- 
 self against Manius Curius, the other consul, 
 who had intrenched himself in a very advanta- 
 geous post near the city of Beneventum, where 
 he waited for the succours that were advancing 
 to him from Lucania. 
 
 Pyrrhus hastened to attack this last, before 
 the "other had joined him ; and with this view 
 
 1 Dioiivs. Halic. in Excerpt, p. 541. 
 2 Ut ad devincenda regna invictus habebatur, ita de- 
 victis acquisitisque celeriter carebat : tantd meliDs stu- 
 debat acquirere imperia quam retinere, Justin. 1. xxv. 
 
 3 Plut. in Pyrrh p 399. Pausin. I i. p 22- Justin. 
 1. xxiii. c. 3. .. • r- . 
 
 4 Liv. 1. xxix. u 18. Dionys. Halicarn in Excerpt 
 p. 542. ' 
 
331 
 
 he selected hi« best troops, with such of the ele- 
 phants as were strongest, and of the most ser- 
 vice in the fi«ld ; after which he began his 
 march about the close of the evening, in order 
 to surprise the consul in his camp. The enemy, 
 however, discovered him the next morning as 
 he was descending the mountains, and Manius 
 having marched out of his intrenchments with 
 a body of troops, fell upon the first he met. 
 These he soon put into confusion, and obliged 
 them to have recourse to flight, which spread a 
 universal terror among the rest, great numbers 
 of whom were slain, and even some of the ele- 
 phants taken. 
 
 This success emboldened Manius to draw all 
 his troops out of their intrenchments, in order 
 to combat in the open plain. One of his wings 
 had the advantage, at the beginning of the bat- 
 tle, and pushed the enemies with great vigour ; 
 but the other was overthrown by the elephants, 
 and driven back to their camp. In this emer- 
 gency, he sent for the troops he had left behind 
 him, to guard the intrenchments, and who were 
 all fresh and under arms. These forces ad- 
 vanced in the critical moment, and with their 
 pikes and darts compelled the elephants to turn 
 their backs, and fall upon their own battalions ; 
 which created such confusion and disordei", that 
 the Romans at last obtained a complete victory, 
 which, in some sense, was of no less value to 
 them than the conquest of all nations. For the 
 intrepidity they discovered in this engagement, 
 and the gallant actions they performed in all 
 the battles they fought with such an enemy as 
 Pyrrhus, inci-eased their reputation, as well as 
 I their fortitude and confidence in their own bra- 
 very, and caused them to be considered as in- 
 vincible. This victory over Pyrrhus rendered 
 them indisputable masters of all Italy between 
 the two seas ; and this acquisition was soon 
 succeeded by the wars with Carthage, in which, 
 having at last subdued that potent rival, they 
 no longer beheld any power capable of opposing 
 them. 
 
 I In this manner did Pyrrhus find himself 
 fallen from all the high hopes he had conceived, 
 with relation to Italy and Sicily, after he had 
 consumed six whole years in those wars, and 
 entirely ruined his own affairs. It must be 
 acknowledged, however, that he preserved an 
 invincible fortitude of mind, amidst all these 
 disgraces; and his experience in military affairs, 
 with his valour and intrepidity, caused him al- 
 ways to pass for the first of all the kings and 
 generals of his time. But whatever he acquired 
 by his great exploits, he soon lost by his vain 
 hopes : for his impatience to pursue what he 
 had not yet attained, rendered him incapable of 
 preserving and securing what was already in 
 his possession. This disposition of his made 
 Antigonus compare him to a man who had 
 lucky throws on the dice, but played his men 
 very ill. 
 
 He at length returned to Epirus,* with 8000 
 foot and 500 horse ; but as his revenues were 
 not sufficient for the subsistence of these troops, 
 he was industrious to find out some new war 
 for their support ; and having received a rein- 
 I forcement of some Gauls who joined him, he 
 threw himself into Macedonia, where Antigo- 
 nus, the son of Demetrius, then reigned. His 
 
 6 Plut. in Pyrrh, p. 400. Pausan. 1. i. c. 23. Justin, 
 xxr. c. 3. 
 
 intention was only to ravage the country, and j 
 carry off a great booty ; but when he had once | 
 made himself master of several cities without i i 
 any difficulty, and had also seduced 2000 of An- | i 
 tigonus's soldiers over to his party, he indulged i \ 
 the most exalted hopes ; marched against Anti- j i 
 gonus himself; attacked him in the defiles, and j j 
 put his whole army into disorder. A large ! ! 
 body of other Gauls, who formed the rear- ! | 
 guard of Antigonus, courageously sustained his '! 
 efforts for some time, and the encounter became 
 very warm, but most of them were at Ijist cut 
 to pieces ; and those who commanded the ele- ■ 
 phants, being surrounded by his troops, surren- ' ■ 
 dered themselves prisoners, and delivered up the j 
 elephants. The Macedonian phalanx was all ■ | 
 that now remained ; but the troops who com- I ! 
 posed this corps were struck with terror and \ \ 
 confusion at the defeat of their rear-guard. | 
 Pyrrhus perceiving that they seemed to refuse j 
 fighting him, stretched out his hand to the com- 
 manders and other officers, calling them each by 
 their name, and by this expedient drew over to 
 himself all the infantry of Antigonus, who was 
 obliged to have recourse to flight, in order to 
 preserve some of the maritime places in their 
 obedience to him. j 
 
 ^ Pyrrhus was exceedingly animated by this | 
 victory, as may be judged by the following in- j 
 scription on the spoils which he consecrated to j 
 the Itonian Minerva.® " Pyrrhus, king of the 
 Molossians, consecrates to the Itonian Minerva 
 these bucklers of the fierce Gauls, after he had 
 defeated the whole army of Antigonus. Let no 
 one be surprised at this event. The descendants \ 
 of -^acus are still as they originally were, per- i 
 fectly brave and valiant." j 
 Pyrrhus, after this victory, made himself ' 
 master of all the cities of Macedonia, and hav- | 
 ing taken possession of JEgss,'' he treated the j 
 inhabitants with great severity, and garrisoned | 
 the city with part of his Gauls, a people the | 
 most insatiable and rapacious after money of | 
 any. The moment they took possession of the I 
 city, they began with plundering the tombs of j 
 the Macedonian kings, whose remains were de- j 
 posited there, carried off all their riches enclosed 
 in those monuments, and with sacrilegious in- 
 solence scattered the ashes of those princes in 
 the air. Pyrrhus lightly passed over this in- { 
 famous action, either because the important 
 affairs he then had upon his hands engaged his 
 whole attention ; or that his pressing occasion 
 for the service of these barbarians, rendered him j 
 unwilling to alienate their affection from him, | 
 by too strict an inquiry into this proceeding; 1 
 which would make it necessary for him to pun- j 
 ish the delinquents; and so criminal a conni- | 
 vance lowered him very much in the esteem of 
 the Macedonians. 
 
 Though his affairs were 
 A. M. S732. not established on so secure 
 Ant. J. C. 272. a foundation as to give him 
 just reasons to be void of 
 apprehension, he conceived new hopes, and en- 
 gaged in new enterprises.** Cleonymus the 
 
 6 Minerva was called Itonia, from Itonu?, the son of 
 Amphictyon, and she had two temples dedicated to her 
 under this name ; one in Thessaly, near Larissa, which 
 was the same with that in the passage before us : the 
 other was in Bceotia, near Coronasa. 
 
 7 A city of Macedonia, on the river Haliacmon. 
 
 8 Plut. in Pyrrh. p, 400—403. Pausan. 1. i. p. 23, 24 
 & 1- iii. p. 168. Justin. 1. xxv. c. 4. 
 
032 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 Spartan came to solicit him to tnarcli his arrny 
 against Lacedsemonia, and Pyrrhus lent a will- 
 ing ear to that proposal. This Cleonymus was 
 of the royal race. Cleomenes, his father, who 
 was king of Sparta, had two sons ; Acrotatus 
 and Cleonymus. The former, who was the 
 eldest, died hefore his father, and left a son 
 ' named Areas. After the death of Cleomenes, 
 I a dispute, with relation to the sovereignty, arose 
 ' between Areus and Cleonymus ; and as this 
 I latter seemed to be a man of a violent and de- 
 spotic disposition, the contest was decided in 
 I favour of Areus. Cleonymus, when he was 
 far advanced in years, espoused a very beautiful 
 1 woman, whose name was Chelidonis, the daugh- 
 ^ ter of Leotychidas. This young lady conceived 
 i a violent passion for Acrotatus, the son of king 
 j Areus, who was very amiable, finely shaped, 
 I and in the flower of his youth. This circum- 
 i stance rendered her marriage not only a very 
 j melancholy, but dishonourable affair to her hus- 
 band Cleonymus, who was equally transported 
 with love and jealousy ; for his disgrace was 
 I public, and every Spartan was acquainted with 
 the contempt which his wife entertained for 
 him. Animated, therefore, with a burning im- 
 patience to avenge himself at once on his partial 
 citizens and his faithless wife, he prevailed on 
 Pyrrhus to march against Sparta, with an army 
 of 25,000 foot, 2000 horse, and twenty-four ele- 
 phants. 
 
 I These great preparations for war made it im- 
 1 mediately evident, that Pyrrhus was more in- 
 ! tent to conquer Peloponnesus for himself, than 
 I to make Cleonymus master of Sparta. This, 
 ! indeed, he strongly disavowed in all his dis- 
 j course ; for when the I-,aced8emonians sent am- 
 I bassadors to him, during his residence at Me- 
 1 galopolis, he assured them that no hostilities 
 ( were intended by him against Sparta, and that 
 i he only came to restore liberty to those cities 
 I which Antigonus possessed in that country. He 
 even declared to him that he designed to send 
 ! his youngest children to Sparta, if they would 
 I permit him so to do, that they might be edu- 
 ! cated in the manners and discipline of that city, 
 and have the advantage above all other kings 
 and princes, of being trained up in so excellent 
 I a school. 
 
 With these flattering promises he amused all 
 such as presented themselves to him in his 
 march ; but those persons must be very thought- 
 I less and imprudent who place any confidence in 
 i the language of politicians, with whom artifice 
 ! and deceit pass for wisdom, and sincerity for 
 I weakness and want of judgment. Pyrrhus had 
 I no sooner advanced into the territories of Spar- 
 ! ta, than he began to ravage and plunder all the 
 I country around him. 
 
 i He arrived, in the evening, before Lacedae- 
 mon ; Cleonymus desired him to attack the city 
 I without a moment's delay, that they might take 
 I advantage of the confusion of the inhabitants, 
 who bad no suspicion of a siege, and of the ab- 
 ! sence of king Areus, who was gone to Crete to 
 I assist the Gortynians. The helots and friends 
 ot Cleonymus were so confident of success, that 
 they were then actually preparing his house for 
 his reception ; firmly persuaded he would sup 
 there that very night with Pyrrhus. But this 
 prince, who looked upon the conquest of the 
 city as inevitable, deferred the assault till the 
 next morning. That delay saved Sparta, and 
 showed that there are favourable and decisive 
 moments which must be seized immediately, 
 and which, once neglected, never return. 
 
 When night came, the Lacedaemonians de 
 liberated on the expediency of sending theii 
 wives to Crete, but were opposed by them in 
 that point : one among them, in particular, 
 whose name was Archidamia, rushed into the 
 senate with a drawn sword, and after she had 
 uttered her complaints, in the name of the rest, 
 demanded of the men who were there assem- 
 bled, " What could be their inducement to enter- 
 tain so bad an opinion of them, as to imagine 
 they could consent to live after the destruction 
 of Sparta." 
 
 The same council gave direction for opening 
 a trench parallel to the enemy's camp, in order 
 to oppose their approaches to the city, by plac- i 
 ing troops along that work; but as the absence j 
 of their king, and the surprise with which they ; 
 were then seized, prevented them from raising | 
 a sufficient number of men to form a front equal | 
 to that of the enemy, and engage them in the 
 open field, they resolved to shut themselves up 
 as securely as' possible, by adding to each ex- 
 tremity of the ditch another kind of intrench- 
 raent, formed by a barricade of can-iages sunk 
 in the earth up to the axle-trees of the wheels, 
 that by being thus firmly fixed they might 
 check the impetuosity of the elephants, and 
 prevent the cavalry from assaulting them in 
 flank. 
 
 While the men were employed in this work, 
 their wives and daughters came to join them, 
 and after they had exhorted those who were 
 appointed for the encounter to take some repose, 
 while the night lasted, they proceeded to mea- 
 sure the length of the trench, and took the 
 third part of it for their own share in the work, 
 which they completed before day. The trencli 
 was nine feet in breadth, six in depth, and 900 
 in length. 
 
 When day appeared, and the enemies began 
 to be in motion, those women presented arms to 
 all the young men, and as they were retiring 
 from the trench they had made, they exhorted 
 them to behave in a gallant manner ; entreating 
 them, at the same time, to consider how glori- 
 ous it would be for them to conquer in the sight 
 of their country, or to breathe their last in the 
 arms of their mothei's and wives, after they had 
 proved themselves worthy of Sparta by their 
 valour. As for Chelidonis, she withdrew to her 
 chamber, and prepared a cord, which she in- 
 tended should be the fatal instrument of her j 
 death, to prevent her from falling into the hands 
 of her husband, if the city should happen to be 
 taken. 
 
 Pyrrhus, in the meantime, advanced at the i 
 head of his infantry, to attack the Spartans in j 
 front, who waited for him on the otlier side of : 
 the trench, with their bucklers closely joined 
 together. The trench was not only very diffi j 
 cult to be passed, but the soldiers of Pyrrhus 
 could not even approach the edge of it, nor 
 maintain a good footing, because the earth, 
 which had been newly thrown up, easily gave 
 way under them. When his son Ptolemy saw 
 this inconvenience, he drew out 2000 Gauls, 
 with a select band of Chaonians, and filed off 
 along the trench to the place where the car- 
 riages were disposed, in order to open a passage ; 
 but these were ranged so thick, and sunk to 
 such a depth in the earth, as rendered his design i 
 impracticable. The Gauls endeavoured to sur- j 
 mount this difficulty by disengaging the wheels, j 
 in order to draw the carriages into the adjoin- | 
 ing river. [ 
 'J he young Acrotatus was the first who saw ] 
 
ALEXANDER'S 
 
 SUCCESSORS. 
 
 the danger, and immediately hurried through 
 the city with 300 soldiers. Having taken a 
 large compass, he poured upon the rear of Ptole- 
 my's troops, without being discovered in his ap- 
 proach, because he advanced through hollow 
 ways. Upon this sudden attack, as their ranks 
 were broken, and their troops thrown into dis- 
 order, they crowded and pressed upon each 
 other, and most of them I'oUed into the ditch, 
 and fell around the chariots. In a word, after 
 a long encounter, which cost them a vast quan- 
 tity of blood, they were repulsed, and obliged to 
 have recourse to flight. The old men, and most 
 of the women, stood on the other side of the 
 trench, and beheld with admiration the un- 
 daunted bravery of Acrotatus. As for him, 
 covered with blood, and exulting in his victory, 
 he returned to his post amidst the universal ap- 
 plause of the Spartan women, who extolled his 
 valour, and envied, at the same time, the glory 
 and happiness of Chelidonis : an evident proof 
 that the Spartan ladies were not extremely deli- 
 cate on the subject of conjugal chastity. 
 
 The battle was still hotter along the edge of 
 the ditch, where Pyrrhus commanded, and 
 which was defended by the Lacedaemonian in- 
 fantry : the Spartans fought with great intre- 
 pidity, and several among them distinguished 
 themselves very much : particularly Phyllius, 
 who after having opposed the enemy for a con- 
 siderable time, and killed, with his own hand, 
 all those who attempted to force a passage where 
 he fought ; finding himself, at last, faint with 
 the many wounds he had received, and the large 
 quantity of blood he had lost, called to one of 
 the officers who commanded at the post, and 
 after having resigned his place to him, he re- 
 tired a few paces, and fell down dead amidst his 
 countrymen, that the enemies might not be 
 masters of his body. 
 
 Night obliged both parties to discontinue the 
 engagement ; but the next morning it was re- 
 newed by break of day. The Lacedaemonians 
 defended themselves with new efforts of ardour 
 and bravery, and the women would not forsake 
 them, but were always at hand to furnish arms 
 and refreshments to such as wanted them, and 
 also to assist in carrying off the wounded. The 
 Macedonians were indefatigable in their endea- 
 vours to fill up the ditch with vast quantities of 
 wood, and other materials, which they threw 
 upon the ai'ms and dead bodies ; and the Lace- 
 daemonians redoubled their efforts to prevent 
 their effecting that design. 
 
 But all on a sudden, Pyrrhus, who had forced 
 himself a passage at the place where the chariots 
 had been disposed, was seen pushing forwards 
 full speed to the city. Those who defended this 
 post uttered loud cries, which were answered 
 by dismal shrieks from the women, who ran 
 from place to place in the utmost consternation. 
 Pyrrhus still advanced, and bore down all who 
 opposed him. He was now within a small dis- 
 tance of the city, when a shaft from a Cretan 
 bow pierced his hoi'se, and made him so furious, 
 that he ran with his master into the very midst 
 of the enemies, and fell dead with him to the 
 ground. Whilst his friends crowded about him 
 to extricate him from the danger he was in, the 
 Spartans advanced in great numbers, and with 
 their arrows repulsed the Macedonians beyond 
 the trench. 
 
 Pyrrhus then caused a general retreat to be 
 sounded, in expectation that the Lacedaemo- 
 nians, who had lost a great number of men, 
 and were most of them wounded, would be in- 
 
 clined to surrender the city, which was then ! 
 reduced to the last extremity, and seemed in- J 
 capable of sustaining a new attack. But at the | 
 very instant when every thing seemed desperate, 
 one of the generals of Antigonus arrived from 
 Corinth, with a very considerable body of fo- 
 reign troops ; which had scarce entered the city 
 before king Areus appeared with 2000 foot, 
 which he had brought from Crete. 
 
 These two reinforcements, which the Lace- 
 daemonians received the same day, did but ani- [ 
 mate Pyrrhus the more, and add new ardour to ; 
 his ambition. He was sensible that it would ! 
 be more glorious for him to take the city in 
 spite of its new defenders, and in the very sight ; 
 of its king; but, after he had made some at- j 
 tempts, and was convinced that he should gain i 
 nothing but wounds, he desisted from his enter- j 
 prise, and began to ravage the country, with i 
 an intention to pass the winter there ; but he i 
 was diverted from his design by a new ray of 
 hope, which soon drew him off to another quar- 
 ter. 
 
 Aristeas and Aristippus,' 
 A. M. 3733. two of the principal citizens 
 Ant. J. C. 271. of Argos, had excited a great 
 
 sedition in that city. The j 
 latter of these was desirous of supporting him- 
 self by the favour and protection of Antigonus ; 
 and Aristeas, in order to frustrate his design, 
 immediately invited Pyrrhus to espouse his 
 party. The king of Epirus, always fond of 
 new pursuits, considered his victories as so 
 many steps to greater advantages ; and thought 
 his defeats furnished him with indispensable 
 reasons for entering upon a new war, to repair 
 his losses. Neither good nor ill success^ there- 
 fore, could inspire him with a disposition for 
 tranquillity; for which reason he had no sooner 
 given audience to the courier of Aristeas, than 
 he began his march to Argos. King Areus 
 formed several ambuscades to destroy him by j 
 the way, and having possessed himself of the | 
 most difficult passes, cut to pieces the Gauls and j 
 Molossians who formed his rear-guard. Ptole- 
 my, who had been detached by Pyn'hus, his 
 father, to succour that guard, was killed in the 
 erigagement, upon which his troops disbanded 
 and fled. The Lacedaemonian cavalry, com- ! 
 manded by Evalcus, an officer of great reputa- 
 tion, pursued them with so much ardour, that 
 he insensibly advanced to a great distance from 
 his infantry, who were incapable of keeping up 
 with him. 
 
 Pyrrhus being informed of his son's death, 
 which affected him with the keenest sorrow, 
 immediately led up the Molossian cavalry 
 against the pursuers ; and throwing himself 
 among their thickest troops, made such a slaugh- 
 ter of the Lacedaemonians, as in a moment co- 
 vered him with blood. He was always intrepid 
 and terrible in battles ; but on this occasion, 
 when grief and revenge gave a new edge to his 
 courage, he even surpassed himself, and effaced 
 the lustre of his conduct in all former battles, 
 by the superior valour and intrepidity which he 
 now displayed. He continually sought Eval- | 
 cus in the throng, and having at last singled ! 
 him out, he spurred his horse against him, and 
 struck him through with his javelin, after hav- 
 ing been in great danger himself. He then 
 
 1 Plut. in Pyrrh. p. 403—406. P. liSJ)!!. I. i. p. 54 
 Justin. 1. XXV. c. 5. 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 sprung from his horse, and made a terrible 
 slaughter of the Lacedaemonians, whom he over- 
 threw in heaps upon the dead body of Evalcus. 
 This loss of the bravest officers and troops of 
 Sparta, proceeded altogether from the temerity 
 of those who after they had gained a complete 
 victory, suffered it to be wrested out of their 
 hands, by pursuing those that fled with a blind 
 and imprudent eagerness. 
 
 Pyrrhus having thus celebrated as it were the 
 funeral solemnities of Ptolemy by this great 
 battle, and mitigated his affliction in some mea- 
 sure by satiating his rage and vengeance in the 
 blood of those who had slain his son, continued 
 his march to Argos, and upon his arrival there, 
 I was informed that Antigonus possessed the 
 ; heights upon the borders of the plain. He 
 formed his camp near the city of Nauplia, and 
 sent a herald the next morning to Antigonus, 
 with an offer to decide their quarrel by a single 
 combat ; but Antigonus contented himself with 
 replying, " That if Pyrrhus was grown weary 
 of life, there were abundance of methods for 
 putting an end to it." 
 
 The inhabitants of Argos despatched ambas- 
 sadors at the same time to both these princes, to 
 entreat them to withdraw their troops, and not 
 reduce their city into subjection to either of 
 them, but allow it to continue in a state of 
 friendship with both. Antigonus readily con- 
 sented to this proposal, and sent his son as a hos- 
 tage to the Argives. Pyrrhus also promised to 
 retire ; but as he offered no security for the pei^- 
 formance of his word, they began to suspect his 
 sincerity, and indeed with sufficient reason. 
 
 As soon as night appeared he advanced to the 
 walls, and having found a gate left open by 
 Aristeas, he had time to pour his Gauls into the 
 I city, and to seize it without being perceived, 
 i But when he would have introduced his ele- 
 phants, he found the gate too low ; which obliged 
 him to cause the towers to be taken down Irom 
 their backs, and to be replaced, when those ani- 
 mals had entered the city. All this could not 
 be effected, amidst the darkness, without much 
 trouble, noise, and confusion, and without a 
 considerable loss of time, which caused them to 
 be discovered. The Argives, when they beheld 
 the enemy in the city, fled to the citadel, and to 
 those places that were best calculated for their 
 defence, and sent a deputation to Antigonus to 
 urge him to advance with speed to their assist- 
 ance. He accordingly marched that moment, 
 and caused his son, with the other officers, to 
 enter the city at the head of his best troops. 
 
 In this very juncture of time, king Ai-eus 
 also arrived at Argos, with 1000 Cretans, and 
 as many Spartans as had made most haste. 
 These troops, when they had all joined each 
 other, charged the Gauls with the utmost fury, 
 and put them into disorder. Pyrrhus hastened 
 to sustain them, but in the tumult and confu- 
 sion which were occasioned by the darkness of 
 the night, it was impossible for him to make 
 himself either heard or obeyed. When day ap- 
 peared he was not a little surprised to see the 
 citadel filled with enemies; and as be then 
 imagined all was lost, he thought of nothing but 
 a timely retreat. But as he had some appre- 
 hension with respect to the city gates, which 
 were much too narrow, he sent orders to his 
 son Helenus, whom he had left without, with 
 the greatest part of the army, to demolish part 
 of the wall, that his troops might have a free 
 passage out of the city. The person to whom 
 ryrrhus gave this order in great haste, having 
 
 misunderstood his meaning, delivered a quite 
 contrary message, in consequence of which He- 
 lenus immediately drew out his best infantry, 
 with all the elephants he had left, and then ad- 
 vanced into the city to assist his father, who 
 was preparing to retire the moment the other 
 entered the place. 
 
 Pyrrhus, as long as the place afforded him a 
 sufficient extent of ground, appeared wish a re- 
 solute mien, and frequently faced about and re- 
 pulsed those who pursued him ; but when he 
 found himself engaged in the narrow street 
 which led to the gate, the confusion, which al- 
 ready was very great, became infinitely in- 
 creased by the arrival of the troops whom his 
 son brought to his assistance. He frequently 
 called aloud to them to withdraw, in order to 
 clear the street, but in vain, for as it was im- 
 possible for his voice to be heard, they still con- 
 tinued to advance. And to complete the ca- 
 lamity in which they were involved, one of the 
 largest elephants sunk down across the middle 
 of the gate, and filled up the whole extent in 
 such a manner, that they could neither advance 
 nor retire. The confusion occasioned by this 
 accident became then inexpressible. ^ | 
 Pyrrhus observing the disorder of his men, j 
 who broke forward, and were driven back like 
 the waves of the sea, took off the glittering crest 
 which distinguished his helmet, and caused him 
 to be known, and then, confiding in the good- 
 ness of his horse, he sprung into the throng of 
 the enemies who pursued him ; and while he 
 was fighting with an air of desperation, one of 
 the adverse party advanced up to him, and 
 pierced his cuirass with a javelin. The wound i 
 however was neither great nor dangerous, and j 
 Pyrrhus immediately turned upon the man 1 
 from whom he received it, and who happened 
 to be only a private soldier, the son of a pool 
 woman of Argos. The mother beheld the com- 
 bat from the top of a house, as did also the rest 
 of the women. 
 
 The moment she saw her son engaged with 
 Pyrrhus, she almost lost her senses, and was 
 chilled with horror at the danger to which she 
 beheld him exposed. Amidst the impressions 
 of her agony, she caught up with both hands a 
 large tile, and threw it down upon Pyrrhus. 
 The mass fell directly upon his head, and his 
 helmet being too weak to ward off the blow, his 
 eyes were immediately covered with darkness, 
 his hands dropped the reins, and he sunk down 
 from his horse without being then observed. 
 But he was soon discovered by a soldier, who - 
 put an end to his life by cutting off his head. 
 
 The noise of this accident was immediately 
 spread in all parts. Alcyoneus, the son of An- 
 tigonus, took the head from the soldier, and 
 rode away with it full speed to his father, at 
 whose feet he threw it ; but met with a very ill 
 reception for having acted in a manner so un- 
 becoming his rank. Antigonus, recollecting the 
 fate of his grand-father Aiitigonus, and that of 
 Demetrius his father, could not refrain from 
 tears at so mournful a spectacle, and caused 
 magnificent honours to be i-endered to the re- 
 mains of Pyrrhus. After having made himselt 
 master of his camp and army, he treated his 
 son Helenus, and the rest of his friends, with 
 great generosity, and sent them back to Epirus. 
 
 One cannot refuse the title of a great captain 
 to Pyrrhus, as he was so particularly esteemed 
 by the Roman ambassadors ; and especially if 
 we consider the glorious testimony given m his 
 favour by a person the most worthy of belief 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 335 
 
 with regard to the merit of a warrior, and the 
 nest qualified to form a competent judgment on 
 that head. iJvy reports,' from an historian 
 whom he cites, without, however, pretending 
 to vouch for its authenticity, that Hannibal, 
 when he was asked by Scipio, whom he thought 
 to be the most able and consummate general, 
 placed Alexander in the first rank, Pyrrhus in 
 the second, and himself only in the third. 
 
 The same general also characterized Pyrrhus, 
 by adding, " That he was the first who taught 
 the art of encamping; that no one was more 
 skilful in choosing his posts, and drawing up his 
 troops; that he had a peculiar art of conciliating 
 affection, and attaching people to his interest ; 
 j and this to such a degree, that the people of 
 Italy were more desirous of having him for 
 their master, though a stranger, than to be 
 governed by the Romans themselves, who for 
 so many years had held the first rank in that 
 country." 
 
 Pyrrhus might possibly be master of all these 
 great qualities ; but I cannot comprehend why 
 Hannibal should represent him as the first who 
 taught the art of encamping. Were not several 
 Grecian kings and generals masters of this art 
 before him? The Romans, indeed, learned it 
 from him, and Hannibal's evidence must ex 
 tend no farther. However, these extraordinary 
 qualities alone are not sufficient to constitute a 
 great commander; he even did not display them 
 on several occasions. He was defeated by the 
 Romans near Asculum, merely from having 
 chosen his ground ill. He failed in his attempt 
 on Sparta, by deferring the attack for a few 
 hours. Pie lost Sicily, by not conciliating the 
 people ; and was himself killed at Argos, for 
 venturing too rashly into an enemy's city. We 
 might also enumerate a variety of other errors 
 committed by him, with reference even to mili- 
 tary affairs. 
 
 Is it not entirely inconsistent with the rank 
 and duty of a great general, and especially of a 
 king, to be always exposing his person, without 
 the least precaution, like a private soldier; to 
 charge in the foremost ranks, like a common 
 adventurer ; to be more vain of a personal ac- 
 tion, which only shows strength and intrepidity, 
 than of that wise and attentive conduct, so es- 
 sential to a general vigilant for the safety of all, 
 and who never confounds his own merit and 
 functions with those of a private soldier? We 
 may even observe the same defects to have been 
 very apparent in the kings and generals of this 
 age, who undoubtedly were led into it by the 
 false lustre of Alexander's successful temerity. 
 
 May it not also be said, that Pyrrhus was de- 
 ficient in not observing any rule in his military 
 enterprises, and in plunging blindly into wars, 
 without reflection, without cause, through na- 
 tural constitution, passion, habit, and mere in- 
 capacity to continue in a state of tranquillity, 
 or pass any part of his time to his satisfaction, 
 unless he was tilting with all the world ? The 
 reader will, I hope, forgive my making use of 
 that expression, since a character of this nature 
 seems, in my opinion, very much to resemble 
 that of the heroes and knights errant of ro- 
 mances. 
 
 But no fault is more obvious in Pyrrhus's 
 character, nor must have shocked my readers 
 more, than his forming his enterprises without 
 
 the least thought, and abandoning himself, with- 
 out examination, to the least appearances of suc- 
 cess ; frequently changing his views, on such 
 slight grounds, as discover no consistency of de- 
 sign, and even little judgment ; in a word, be- 
 ginning every thing, and ending nothing. His 
 whole life was a continued series of uncertainty 
 and variation ; and while he suffered his restless 
 and impetuous ambition to hurry him, at dif- 
 ferent times, into Sicily, Italy, Macedonia, and 
 •Greece, he was no where so little as in JEpirus, 
 the land of his nativity and his hereditary do- 
 minions. Let us then allow him the title of a 
 great captain, if valour and intrepidity alone 
 are sufficient to deserve it; for in these qualities 
 ho man was ever his superior. When we be- 
 hold him in his battles, we think ourselves spec- 
 tators of the vivacity, intrepidity, and martial 
 ardour, of Alexander ; but he certainly had not 
 the qualities of a good king, who, when he really 
 loves his people, makes his A^alour consist in de- 
 fending them, his happiness in making them 
 happy, and his glory in procuring them peace 
 and security. 
 
 The reputation of the 
 A. M. S730. Romans beginning now to 
 Ant. J. C. 274. spread through foreign na- 
 tions, by the war they had 
 maintained for six years against Pyrrhus, whom 
 at length they compelled to retire from Italy, 
 and return ignominiously to Epirus : Ptolemy 
 Philadelphus sent ambassadors to desire their 
 friendship f and the Romans were charmed to 
 find it solicited by so great a king. 
 
 An embassy was also sent 
 A. M. 3731. from Rome to Egypt the 
 Ant. J. C. 273. following year,^ in return to 
 the civilities of Ptolemy. 
 The ambassadors were Q. Fabius Gurges, Cn. 
 Fabius Pictor, with Numerius, his brother, and 
 Q,. Ogulnius. The disinterestedness which they 
 displayed, sufficiently indicated the greatness of 
 their souls. Ptolemy gave them a splendid 
 entertainment, and took that opportunity to 
 present each of them with a crown of gold ; 
 which they received, because they were unwil- 
 ling to disoblige him by declining the honour he 
 intended them ; but they went the next morn- 
 ing, and placed them on the head of the king's 
 statues erected in the public squares of the city. 
 The king having likewise tendered them very 
 considerable presents, at their audience of leave, 
 they received them as they before accepted of 
 the crowns ; but before they went to the senate, 
 to give an account of their embassy, after their 
 arrival at Rome, they deposited all these pre- 
 sents in the public treasury, and made it evi- 
 dent, by so noble a conduct, that persons of 
 honour ought, when they serve the public,* to 
 propose no other advantage to themselves, than 
 the credit of acquitting themselves well of their 
 duty. The republic, however, would not suffer 
 itself to be exceeded in generosity of sentiments. 
 The senate and people came to a resolution that 
 the ambassadors, in consideration of the services 
 they had rendered the state, should receive a 
 sum of money equivalent to that they had de- 
 posited in the public treasury. This, indeed, 
 was an amiable contest between genei'osity and 
 
 1 Liv. 1. XXXV. n. 14. 
 
 2 Liv. Epit. 1. iv. Eutrop. 1. ii. 
 3 Ibid. Val. Max. 1. iv. c. 3. Dion, in Excerpt. 
 4 De publico scilicet n)inisterio nihil cuiquam prEetci 
 iaudein bene adminisitrati officii accedere debere judi- 
 cantes. Val. Max. 
 
i33C 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 glory ; and one is at a loss to know, to which 
 of the antagonists to ascribe the victory. Where 
 shall we now find men who devote themselves 
 in such a manner to the public good, without 
 any interested expectations of a return; and 
 who enter upon employments in the state, with- 
 out the least view of enriching themselves? But 
 let me add too, where shall we find states and 
 princes, who know how to esteem and recom- 
 pense merit in this manner ? We may observe 
 here, says an historian,' three fine models set 
 before us, in the noble liberality of Ptolemy, 
 the disinterested spirit of the ambassadors, and 
 the grateful equity of the Romans. 
 
 SECT. VIII. 
 
 \thens besieged and taken by Antigonus. The just pun- 
 ishment inflicted on Sotades, a satiric poet. Ihe revolt 
 of Magas from Philadelphus. Tlie death of Philetasrus, 
 founder of the kingdom of Pergamus. The deaUi ot 
 Antiochus Soter. He is succeeded by his son Anti- 
 ochus, surnamed Theos. The wise measures taken by 
 Ptolemy for the improvement of commerce. An ac- 
 commodation effected between Magas and Philadelphus. 
 The death of the former. The war between Antiochus 
 and Ptolemy. The revolt of the East against Anti- 
 ochus. Peace restored between the two kings. Ihe 
 death of Ptolemy Philadelphus. 
 
 The Greeks, after they had been subjected by 
 the Macedonians, and rendered dependent on 
 their authority, seem, by losing their liberty, to 
 have also lost that courage and greatness of soul, 
 bv which they had been till then so emmently 
 distinguished from other people. They appear 
 entirely changed, and to have lost all similitude 
 to their ancient character. Sparta, that was 
 once so bold and imperious, and in a manner 
 possessed of the sovereignty of all Greece, pa- 
 tiently bowed down her neck, at last, beneath 
 a foreign yoke ; and we shall soon behold her 
 subiected to domestic tyrants, who will treat 
 her with the utmost cruelty. We shall see 
 i Athens, once so jealous of her liberty, and so 
 formidable to the most powerful kings, running 
 headlong into slavery, and, as she changes her 
 masters, successively paying them the homage 
 of the basest and most abject adulation. Each 
 of these cities will, from time to time, make 
 some efforts to reinstate themselves in their 
 ancient liberties, but all feeble, and without 
 
 Antigonus Gonatas,^ king 
 of Macedonia, became very 
 powerful, some^ years after 
 
 A. M. 3736. 
 Ant. J. C. 268. . ^ . 
 
 the death of Pyrrhus, and 
 thereby formidable to the states of Greece : the 
 Laceda>monians, therefore, entered into a league 
 with the Athenians against him, and engaged 
 Ptolemy Philadelphus to accede to it. Anti- 
 gonus, in order to frustrate the confederacy 
 which these two states had formed against him, 
 and to prevent the consequences that might re- 
 sult from it, immediately began hostilities with 
 the siege of Athens; but Ptolemy soon sent a 
 fleet thither, under the command of Patroclus, 
 one of his generals ; while Areus, king of Lace- 
 daemon, put himself at the head of an army, to 
 succour that city by land. Patroclus, as soon 
 as he arrived before the place, advised Areus to 
 attack the enemy, and promised to make a de- 
 
 scent, at the same time, in order to assault thens 
 in the rear. This counsel was very judicious, 
 and could not have failed of success, had it been 
 carried into execution ; but Areus, who wanted 
 provisions for his troops, thought it more ad- 
 visable to return to Sparta. The fleet, there- 
 fore, being incapable of acting alone, sailed back 
 to Egypt, without doing any thing. This is 
 the usual inconvenience to which troops of dif- 
 ferent nations are exposed, when they are com- 
 manded by chiefs who have neither any subor- 
 dination nor good intelligence between them. 
 Athens, thus abandoned by her allies, became 
 a prey to Antigonus, who put a garrison in it. 
 
 Patroclus happened,^ in 
 A. M. 3737. his return, to stop at Cau- 
 Ant. J. C. 267. nus, a maritime city of Ca- 
 ria, where he met with So- 
 tades, a poet universally decried for the un- 
 bounded licentiousness both of his verse* and 
 his manners. His satiric poetry never spared 
 either his best friends, or the most worthy per- 
 sons ; and even the sacred characters of kings 
 Avere not exempted from his malignity. When 
 he was at the court of Lysimachus, he affected 
 to blacken the reputation of Ptolemy by atro- 
 cious calumnies ; and when he was entertained 
 by the latter, he traduced Lysimachus in the 
 same manner. He had composed a virulent j 
 satire against Ptolemy, wherein he inserted 
 many catting reflections on his marriage with 
 Arsinoe, his own sister ; and he had fled from 
 Alexandria to save himself from the resentment 
 of that prince. Patroclus thought it his duty 
 to make an example of a wretch who had 
 affronted his master in such an insolent man- 
 ner. He accordingly caused a weight of lead 
 to be fastened to his body, and then ordered him 
 to be thrown into the sea. The generality of 
 poets who profess satire, are a dangerous and 
 detestable race of men, who have renounced all 
 probity and sense of shame, and whose quili, 
 dipped in the bitterest gall, respects neither rank 
 nor virtue. 
 
 The affairs of Ptolemy 
 A. M. 3739. were greatly perplexed by a 
 Ant. J. C. 265. revolt excited in Egypt," by 
 a prince from whom he 
 never suspected having any thing of that nature 
 to fear. Magas, governor of Cyrenaica, and 
 Libya, having set up the standard of rebellion 
 against Ptolemy his master and benefactor, 
 caused himself to be proclaimed king of those 
 provinces. Ptolemy and he were brothers by 
 the same mother ; for the latter was the son ot 
 Berenice and Philip, a Macedonian officer, who 
 was her husband before she was espoused by 
 Ptolemy Soter. Her solicitations, therefore, 
 obtained for him this government when she 
 was advanced to the honours of a crown, uj»on 
 the death of Ophelias, as I have formerly ob- 
 served. Magas had so well established himself 
 in his government by long possession, and by 
 his marriage with Apame, the daughter of An- 
 tiochus Soter, king of Syria, that he endeavoured 
 to render himself independent ; and as ambition 
 knows no bounds, his pretensions rose still 
 higher. He was not contented with wresting 
 from his brother the two provinces he governed, 
 but formed a resolution to dethrone him. With 
 this view he advanced into Egypt, at the hean 
 
 1 Valerius Maximus. 
 '2 .lustin. I. xxvi. c. 2. I'ausan. in Liicon. p. 168, et in 
 Attic p. i. 
 
 3 Athen. 1 xiv. p. 620, 621. 
 
 4 I'ausan. in Att. p. 12, 13. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 of a great array, and, in his march towards 
 Alexandria, made himself master of Farjeto- 
 niiim, a city of Marmarica. 
 
 The intelligence he received of the revolt of 
 the Marmaridae in Libya, prevented him from 
 proceeding any farther in this expedition ; and 
 he immediately returned to regulate the dis- 
 orders in his provinces. Ptolemy, who had 
 marched an army to the frontiers, had now a 
 favourable opportunity of attacking him in his 
 retreat, and entirely defeating his troops ; but a 
 new danger called him likewise to another quar- 
 ter. He detected a conspiracy which had been 
 formed against him, by 4000 Gauls, whom he 
 had taken into his pay, and who intended no 
 less than to drive him out of Egypt, and seize it 
 for themselves. In order, therefore, to frustrate 
 their design, he found himself obliged to return 
 to Egypt, where he drew the conspirators into 
 an island in the Nile, and shut them up so effec- 
 tually there, that they all perished by famine, 
 except those who chose rather to destroy one 
 another, than languish out their lives in that 
 miserable manner. 
 
 , Magas, as soon as he had 
 
 A. M. 3740. calmed the troubles which 
 Ant. J. C. 264. occasioned his return, re- 
 newed his designs on Egypt, 
 and, in order to succeed more effectually, en- 
 gaged his father-in-law, Antiochus Soter to 
 enter into his plan. It was then resolved, that 
 Antiochus should attack Ptolemy on one side, 
 vvhile Magas invaded him on the other; but 
 Ptolemy, who had secret intelligence of this 
 treaty, anticipated Antiochus in his design, and 
 gave him so much employment in all his mari- 
 time provinces, by repeated descents, and the 
 I devastations made by the troops he sent into 
 those parts, that this prince was obliged to con- 
 tinue in his own dominions, to concert mea- 
 sures for their defence; and Magas, who had 
 relied upon a diversion to be made in his favour 
 by Antiochus, thought it not advisable to enter 
 upon any action, when he perceived his ally had 
 not made the effort on which he depended. 
 
 Philetserus,^ who founded 
 A. M. 3741. the kingdom of Pergamus, 
 Ant. J. C. 263. died the following year, at 
 the age of fourscore. He 
 was a eunuch, and had been originally a servant 
 of Docimus, an officer in the army of Antigo- 
 nus ; who having quitted that prince to enter 
 into the service of Lysimachus, was followed by 
 Philetserus. Lysimachus, finding him a person 
 of gi-eat capacity, made him his treasurer, and 
 intrusted him with the government of the city 
 of Pergamus, in which his treasures were de- 
 posited. He served Lysimachus very faithfully 
 in this post for several years ; but his attach- 
 ment to the interests of Agathocles, the eldest 
 son of Lysimachus, who was destroyed by the 
 intrigues of Arsinoe the younger, daughter of 
 Ptolemy Soter, as I have formerly related ; and 
 the affliction he testified at the tragical death of 
 that prince, caused him to be suspected by the 
 young queen ; and she accordingly took mea- 
 sures to destroy him. Philet^rus, who was 
 sensible of her intentions, resolved upon a re- 
 volt, and succeeded in his design, by the protec- 
 tion of Seieucus; after which he supported him- 
 self in the possession of the city and treasures of 
 
 335 
 
 Lysimachus; being favoured in his views by 
 the troubles which arose upon the death of that 
 F»iince, and that of Seieucus, which happened 
 seven months after. He conducted her affairs 
 with so much art and capacity, amidst all the 
 divisions of the successors of those two princes, 
 that he preserved the city, with all the country 
 around it, for the space of twenty years, and 
 formed it into a state, which subsisted for seve- 
 ral generations in his family, and became one 
 of the most potent states of Asia. He had two 
 brothers, Eumenes and Attalus, the former of 
 whom, Avho Avas the eldest, had a son named 
 also Eumenes, who succeeded his uncle, and 
 reigned twenty- two years. 
 
 In this year began the first Punic war, which 
 continued for the space of twenty-four years 
 between the Romans and the Carthaginians. ' 
 
 Nicomedes," king of Bi- 
 
 A, M. 3742. thynia,^ having built a city 
 Ant. J. C. 262. near the place where Asta- 
 cus, which Lysimachus had 
 
 ^5 Strabo 1. xiii. p. 623, 624. Pausan. in au p. 13 
 11 
 
 6 Pausan Eliac. 1. i. p. 310. Euseb. in Chron. Trebell 
 1 olho in Oallien. Ammian. Marcell. 1. xii. c. •). Memn 
 c. XXI. Strab. 1. xii. p. 624. 
 
 7 When this kingdom of Bithynia commenced, Rollin 
 does not inform us here, nor indeed could he, ancient 
 authors being quite m tiie dark about that matter. JDio. 
 vfn"f 3*;^'"' '"'^^^ pretends that the Bithynians had 
 kmgs of their own m the days of Ninus, the Assyrian 
 monarch, who, according to him. subdued Bithynia. 
 'rne/ecydes (as quoted by the scholiast of Apollonius Kho. 
 
 Ln^V" mentions Amycus 
 
 Vvn re.gmng there in the times of that famed 
 
 expedition, and Appian tells us, that not less than forty, 
 nine kings had ruled Bithynia before the Romans were 
 acquainted with Asia. If what these authors say be trLe 
 i Bithynia must have been one of the most ancient monar. 
 chies in the world-must have existed before the Trojan 
 'of Jr.'".^/^' ^-"Tr' n^inutein his catalogue 
 
 Honi fh" ' ■ I'^^^'-'^y «f 'I'^o^S' never once men- 
 
 Uons the Bithynians, though he speaks of the Heneti and 
 Paphlagonians, and of the river Sangarius 
 
 Bithynia was inhabited, in ancient times, by a number 
 r^,yl'i°"^^."''l^T?^ Bebryces, the Mariandyni, the 
 Caucones. the DoUiones, the Cimmerii, &c.-.mutually in. 
 dependent, and governed by their respective chiefs ; for 
 Plutarch, Poly^nus, and Stephanus, mention Mandron 
 and Bysnus as chiefs of the Bebryces, and Hyginus men. 
 tions one Lycus as king of the Mariandyni. But all we 
 know of these petty principalities, and their no less petty 
 rulers, js, that in process of time they were reduced by 
 
 mentions one Prusias, reigning in Bithynia, in the days 
 Fr.^"'tr%?""^-°'^ '^e was conquered 
 
 tSfIn til' V™*" '* continued subject to the Lydians. and 
 then to the Persians, till the days of Alexander the Great ; 
 as they are found enumerated by Herodotus among tha 
 many na ions that attended Xerxes in his Grecian exoe 
 .£n<";f ^i'^'^^. the Bithynians are denominated the K 
 ■cians of Asia, to distinguish them from their neighbours 
 on the opposite side of the Bosphorus. According to hirn 
 they were so called because they were originalfy Thr" 
 cians, who had migrated from the banks of^the Strymon 
 to the east of the Thracian Bosphorus. They belonged to 
 t om^STf"''^^^ the Persian empire, which relSed 
 trom the Bosphorus on the west to the Thermodon on the 
 east where It met tiie district of the Tibareni, and south! 
 I ward, from the Euxine to mount Taurus ; so that Bithv 
 ma formed but a snaall portion of that extensive satrapv. 
 ^nV^i? 'p^ Mariandynians between it and Paphlagonik 
 and the 1 roade on the south. Under the Persians, it wa 
 
 ,?= r^T^ ^1 \^ ""^o" P'^'"^^" > ^""^ Memnon and Strabo 
 I tell us that Dasdalsus, Boteras, and Bas, ruled in Bithynia 
 ' rhv P"'^^'' the time of the Persian monarJ 
 
 chy. Bas, the grandson of Dadalsus, who having over 
 come Calantus, one of Alexander's generals, pelceabW 
 I enjoyed the kingdom of Bithynia for fifty years, was 
 
 ^rmv nf^^'^T^'H^'^" 'r'"^ the whoTe of the 
 
 •army of Patroclus despatched against him by Antiochus 
 Soter, was so overjoyed at his victory, that he died soon 
 hfter in the 48th year of his reign, ..nd was succeeded 
 rJ^n.nllf^ Nicomedes I. who, by the help of the Gaul 
 repulsed Antiochus Soter; overcame his brother and corn 
 petitor, Zipoetes. and acquir^ possession of all his father*; 
 
838 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 destroyed, formerly stood, called it Nicomedia, 
 from his own name. Great mention is made of 
 it in the history of the Lower Empire, because 
 several of the Roman emperoi'S resided there. 
 
 dominions ; bestowed on the Gauls that part of Phrygia 
 which was called from them Gallogrzecia, and Galatia; 
 though others say, with perhaps more truth, that the 
 Gauls kept it to themselves in spite of Nicomedes. It was 
 then that, having no enemies to contend with, Nicome- 
 des applied himself to the enlarging and adorning the city 
 of Astacus, which he called Nicomedia, after his own 
 name. 
 
 There is certainly some great mistake committed in the 
 chronology of the Bithynian kings ; for, if Bas reigned 
 fifty years after his victory over Calantus, one of Alexan- 
 der's generals, and Zipcetes forty-eight years after him, 
 and allowing two years more, for the reign of Nicomedes 
 previous to his building Nicomedia, this will bring down 
 the erection of that city as low as the commencement of 
 the reign of Antiochus the Great, or 225 years before 
 Christ ; and Nicomedes, instead of being cotemporary 
 with Antiochus Soter, would have been so with Antic, 
 chus the Great. Kollin fixes the building of Nicomedia 
 tlie year succeeding the death of Philetaerus, the founder 
 of the Pergamenian monarchy, and in the year 262 before 
 Christ, or the fiftieth year of the era of the Seleucides ; 
 wherein he is certainly correct: so that forty years and 
 upwards, must be deducted from the reigns of Bas and 
 Zipcetes. The authors of the Ancient Universal History, 
 take no notice of the discrepancy, neither in their history 
 of the Seleucides, nor in that of the kings of Bithynia. 
 
 The dominions of Nicomedes must certainly have in- 
 cluded more than merely Bithynia, if he assigned to his 
 Gaulish allies the country from them called Galatia, 
 which lay south of Paphlagonia, west of Cappadocia, and 
 which anciently formed part of Phrygia ; for in strictness 
 of speech Bithynia extended along the coast of the Eux- 
 ine, east to the Parthenius, (now called Bartin Su,) which 
 separated it from Paphlagonia ; on the west to the river 
 Rhyndacus, which divided it from the Troade; and on 
 the south to the chain of Olympus, which parted it from 
 Phrygia. Ptolemy indeed extends it as far east as Cyto- 
 rum on the coast, between Amastris and the promontory 
 of Carambis, now Kerempe Burun, arid inland to Julio- 
 polis, thereby comprehending in it some districts which 
 other geographers assign to Galatia and Paphlagonia. 
 
 Bithynia was anciently denominated Mysia, Mygdonia, 
 and Bebrycia, as well as Bithynia. It enjoyed its own 
 kings for more than 200 years, when the last of them left 
 it as a legacy to the Romans. It was then re-conquered 
 by Mithridates, king of Pontus; reduced to its former 
 subjection by Lucullus and Cotta ; and, after the defeat of 
 Domitius Calvinus, again conquered by Pharnaces, son of 
 Mithridates, who kept it till his overthrow at Zela by 
 1 CEBsar ; and from that time it remained a Roman pro- 
 vince, and was included by Constantine in the diocese of 
 ! Pontus, when he made a new division of the empire. 
 Under Valentinian, Bithynia was divided into two pro- 
 vinces, of which Nice and Nicomedia were the respective 
 capitals, and so continued till it became subject to the 
 Turkish princes of the house of Seljook, from whom it 
 was recovered in the 12th century, but finally lost to the 
 Greek empire in the reign of the younger Andronicus. 
 It is now included in the great province of Anatolia, or 
 Anadoli, and governed by a Pasha of three tails, who re- 
 sides at Nicomedia. 
 
 Bithynia is a romantic and beautiful country, inter- 
 sected with lofty mountains and fertile valleys, abounding 
 in fine forests, and well watered by the two large streams 
 of the Sangarius and Parthenius, with their numberless 
 tributary streams. The former still flows, as in the days 
 of Strabo, between flowery meadows and smiling slopes, 
 in general 100 yards wide, very deep and rapid. 
 
 Nicomedia is now called Isnicmid, and was the ancient 
 Astacus. All the ancients speak of it as a city of great note. 
 Pliny calls it a famous and beautiful city ; Ammianus 
 Marcellinus styles it the mother of all the cities of Bithy- 
 nia ; Pausanias denominates it the greatest and first city 
 of Bithynia ; and the orator Libanius, the friend of Ju- 
 lian, compares it to Rome, Byzantium, Alexandria, and 
 Antioch, then the four largest cities of the Roman em- 
 pire; and says, that though it was perhaps inferior to 
 them in size, it equalled them all in beauty. Thevenot 
 says, that, next to Constantinople, it has the most pleasant 
 situation in the world ; standing at the bottom of the Sinus 
 Astacenus, or Olbianus, (now the gulf of Nicomedia,) and 
 running up the side of a hill, which abounds with foun- 
 tains, vineyards, gardens, and corn-fields. Their garden 
 fruits are extraordinary, and their melons are not to be 
 surpassed by any elsewhere." Stephen of Byzantium will 
 
 Antiochus Soter was desirous to improve the 
 death of Philetserus to his own advantage, and 
 take that opportunity to seize his dominions : 
 but Eumenes, his nephew and successor, raised 
 
 have its ancient name to have been Olbia ; but Ptolemy 
 makes Nicomedia, Olbia, and Astacus, three distinct but 
 neighbouring cities: whilst Strabo says, that Nicomedes 
 destroyed Astacus, and transferred its inhabitants to his 
 new city ; and the ruins of Olbia are placed, by Cellarius, 
 between those of Nicomedia and Astacus. 
 
 In the reign of Dioclesian it v/as raised to the dignity of 
 the Roman capital, and maintained it till Constantinople 
 was built by Constantino. Here, that emperor resided 
 whilst his new capital was building, and here he received 
 baptism from the hands of Eusebius, the Arian bishop of 
 the place, and here he died. 
 
 Nicomedia owed its chief grandeur to Dioclesian, who 
 spared no cost in order to render it a place worthy of the 
 residence of a Roman emperor. He built there a circus, 
 several palaces, a mint, an arsenal, an imperial dome foi 
 his consort, and another for his daughter. 
 
 In the year 358, on the morning of the 2'lth of August, 
 Nicomedia was utterly ruined by an earthquake, so sudden 
 and violent that all the houses were at once overturned, 
 and the inhabitants to a man buried in the ruins. This 
 calamity is largely described by Ammianus Marcellinus, 
 Gregory Nyssen, and Ephrem of Edessa, who composed 
 an elegy on that calamitous event. Libanius bemoaned, 
 in an oration, the destruction of a city, the fifth in tJie 
 empire. When Julian passed that way, in his route to 
 the Persian war, in 362, he could not refrain weeping at 
 the remem-brance of what it once was, compared with its 
 then ruined state. The elegant church, built by Constan- 
 tine nigh 30 years before, underwent the same fate. Julian 
 ordered the city to be rebuilt. 
 
 Nicomedia also suffered from frequent conflagrations, 
 the most remarkable of which was that caused by the 
 earthqwake above-mentioned, which lasted fifty days and 
 nights, successivelv, as described by Ammianus in his 
 xviith book ; and'which must have consumed all that 
 was imm.ediately perishable, quid quid consumi poterat. 
 No vestiges now remain of the aqueduct, amphitheatre, 
 £ind temple, mentioned by Pliny, nor of the buildings of 
 Dioclesian ; and an old church is all that is now left of an 
 imperial city. Isnicmid, which, in the days of Thevenot, 
 contained 30,000 souls, now contains only 700 families, 
 says Kinnier ; of which 150 are Greeks, 50 are Jews, and 
 the remainder Turks. Sir William Ousely, who passed 
 through it on his return from Persia, says, that it seemed 
 a large and very populous place ; that the inhabitants were 
 generally a remarkably handsome race, the faces of some 
 young men and women resembling more strongly, in their 
 style of beauty, the antique Grecian countenance than any 
 he had yet seen. Here bakers' boys recommended, by an 
 extraordinary cry, fine white wheaten bread, made in the 
 form of rings, so large, in the open space, that a man 
 might put his hand through them, but not much thicker, 
 in substance, than his thumb. 
 
 Near the village of Sabanjeh, the ancient Sophon, 25 
 miles east of Nicomedia, Ousely discovered a remarka. 
 ble monument of antiquity, the tomb of the celebrated 
 Arrian The monumental stone is nearly opposite the 
 post-house of Sabanjeh. It does not much exceed two 
 feet in height, and serves at present as a kind of step, 
 ping-stone for the peasants when they mount their mules 
 and horses. The inscribed face lies so close to the wall 
 of a barn, or stable, that travellers might easily pass it 
 without observing it; the three faces exposed to the 
 road being perfectly plain. The inscription expresses in 
 Greek that Arrian, the son of Djedalsus, died in the 
 48th year of his age. Ousely acknowledges that he was 
 assisted in examining the tomb of Arrian, by two well, 
 dressed and very polite Turks, who, being seated in the 
 coffee-room nearly opposite the monument, perceiving that 
 it was bespattered with mud, sent a servant to wash and 
 clean it. and seemed very well pleased with his copy of 
 the inscription. As Arrian, like his illustrious prototype, 
 Xenophnn, was a philosopher, an historian, and a gene, 
 ral, and likewise a Roman governor, it is impossible not 
 to feel some interest in every circumstance, however 
 trifling, that concerns such a character. He was a 
 native of Nicomedia, and therefore a Bithynian by birth. 
 It has been above stated that Nicomedes himself, the 
 founder of Nicomedia, was descended, in the fourth de- 
 gree, from a prince called Dffidalsus. Arrian was one ol 
 the most learned men of his age ; and, on account of his 
 eloquence and knowledge, styled the second Xenophon. 
 He lived under the reigns of Hadrian, Antoniiie, and M. 
 Aurelius. He was governor of Cappadocia under Ha. 
 drian, and in that capacity defeated the Alani, who had 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 339 
 
 a fine army for his defence, and obtained such a 
 complete victory over him near Sardis, as not 
 only secured him the possession of what he al 
 ready enjoyed, but enabled him to enlarge his 
 dominions considerably. 
 
 mvaded his province. He also wrote a Periplus of the 
 Eiixine sea, translated and published by the late learned 
 Dr. Vincent. He commenced his voyage at Trebisond, 
 and ended it at Sebastopolis, the most distant city on the 
 coast of that sea garrisoned by the Romans. He also de- 
 scribed, in seven books, the expeditions of Alexander the 
 Great, which are still extant, and which, in the opinion of 
 all competent judges, compose the best account of the life 
 and actions ol that conqueror we yet possess from the 
 writmgs of the ancients. He also wrote an account of 
 india, which is now reckoned the eighth book of the His- 
 tory of Alexander. He wrote, in ten other books, the 
 lives of Alexander's successors. The Periplus of the Ery- 
 thraean sea is also ascribed to him, though that work is 
 thought by Salmasius and Vossius to have been the pro- 
 duction of one who flourished before Hadrian, and who 
 was cotemporary with the elder Pliny. He composed 
 also, the history of his native country, Bithynia : the his- 
 tory of the Alani and that of the Parthians, in seventeen 
 books ; which he brought down to Uie time of Traran. 
 He also published, in eight books, the familiar discourses 
 of the stoic philosopher, Epictetus ; four of which only 
 have reached us; and also, in twelve books more, the 
 speeches of Epictetus, and also wrote his life. These last 
 with the histories of the Bithynians, Alani, and Parthians' 
 are irrecoverably lost. Besides these works, we have his' 
 book of military tactics, whereof the beginning has been 
 long lost ; and to this book are added the military instruc 
 tions sent to Xenophon, the Roman commander, how to 
 conduct himself and his army in the march and battle with 
 the Alani. 
 
 The lake of Sabanjeb, described by Pliny the younger 
 governor of Bithynia, under Trajan, as locus amplissimus, 
 extends in length, according to Ousely, as well as he could 
 1 In eyesight, from east to west, betweeen 20 and 
 
 30 miles, and somewhat less than half that in breadth • 
 whilst according to Kinnier, it is only 14 miles long by 
 5 broad ; who describes the village of Sabanjeh as situated 
 seven miles east of its western extremity. This lake is 
 bordered, on the south-east, by a profusion of trees and 
 evergreens, the thick foliage of which overhang the water, 
 whilst the Mdesof the hills on the opposite shores are 
 covered with flocks, cultivation, and villages. From Ni 
 oemedia to Sabanjdi the country is flat and fertile : almost" 
 says Ousely, a continued grove, abounding especially with 
 magnificent oaks. A canal was proposed to be cut bv the 
 younger Phny, in a letter to the emperor Trajan, from 
 this lake through the plain to the gulf of Nicomedia ; and 
 no ground, as Kinnier remarks, could be better calculated 
 for such an undertaking, although it was never carried 
 into effect. As the level of the lake was said to be 40 
 cubits above that of the gulf, fears were consequently en 
 tertained lest the lake should be drained of its waters bv 
 such a canal. Pliny, therefore, proposes several remedies 
 to obviate this danger, and, amongst others, to conduct 
 the canal within a few yards of the river, now called Ki. 
 vas, instead of carrying it directly to the sea. It is 63 
 miles distant from Constantinople, and 219 from BoUi 
 the ancient Hadrianopolis. •'om r>oui, 
 
 Isnicmid is formed of the Greek name N/««^eS/<it, and 
 the preposition ; thus, Sarene from us Aenrnv. Cell's 
 Itinerary of the Morea, p. 40. Isnic is a similar corrup- 
 tion from u; J^iy.cuctv. The famed and venerable Athens 
 is, in like manner, metamorphosed into Setines, {us A3-«j- 
 
 t'he' Tn'rJ^.tJ^''™ nT Clark. Istambul, or Istanbul, 
 the Turkisk appellation for Constantinople, is, in like 
 manner, a corruption of the phrases;? t-^v ir»A/v; an answer 
 common y given to strangers inquiring the road towaTdl 
 S srpn"°^-^' ""Vt'^^h is a corruption of he Ro! 
 maic Stenpolin, which is itself a corruption of the above, 
 mentioned Greek phrase u; tvv t«X/v. Istambul has been 
 changed into Islambul by some of the zealous Mohamme- 
 dans, as if Constantinople were the head-quarters of thp 
 
 A. M. 374a 
 Ant. J. C. 261. 
 
 coins of Achmet III. who was dethroned in 1730. Oufelv 
 vol. ,11 p 573, Appendix. Yet on gold and silver coins' 
 
 t ion' in '?hi^'^^' T ""^"'"^ T^* denoS 
 tion, m the word Konstantiniah. 
 
 It may not be improper to mention here, that the trea- 
 
 wi^h'tht^rr^f^'S"'' ^'^^'^^ Philetasrus possessed, along 
 
 «Ti .1 °f. Pergamus, amounted to 90,000 talents of 
 
 suver; a prodigious sum, which, allowing 60 minje to 
 
 Antiochus • returned to 
 Antioch after this defeat, 
 where he ordered** one of 
 his sons to be put to death 
 for raising a commotion in his absence, and 
 caused the other, whose namie was the same as 
 his own, to be proclaimed king; shortly after 
 which he died, and left him all his dominions. 
 This young prince was his son by Stratonice, 
 the daughter of Demetrius, who, from his mo- 
 ther-in-law, became his consort, in the manner 
 I have before mentioned. 
 
 Antiochus the son,^ whea 
 A. M. 3744 he came to the crown, was 
 Ant. J. C. 260. espoused to Laodice, his sis- 
 ter, by the father's side. He 
 afterwards assumed the surname of Theos, which 
 signifies God, and distinguishes him, at this day, 
 fi-om the other kings of Syria who were called 
 by the name of Antiochus. The Milesians were 
 the first who conferred it upon him to testify 
 their gratitude for delivering them from the 
 tyranny of Timarchus, governor of Caria under 
 Ptolemy Phiiadelphus, who was not only mas- 
 ter of Egypt, but of Ccele-syria, and Palestine, 
 with the provinces of Ciiicia, Pamphylia, Lycia, 
 and Caria in Asia Minor. Timarchus revolted 
 from his sovereign, and chose Miletus for the 
 seat . of his residence. The Milesians, in order 
 to free themselves from this tyrant, had recourse 
 to Antiochus, who defeated and killed him. In 
 acknowledgment for which they rendered him 
 divine honours, and even conferred upon him 
 title of God. With such impious flattery 
 It usual to treat the reigning princes o( 
 those ages?* The Lemnians had likewise be- 
 stowed the same title on his father and grand- 
 father, and did not scruple to erect temples to 
 their honour ; and the people of Smyrna were 
 altogether as obsequious to his mother Strato- 
 nice. 
 
 Berosus,= the famous historian of Babylon, 
 flourished in the beginning of this prince's reign, 
 and dedicated his history to him. Pliny in- 
 forms us, that it contained the astronomical ob- 
 servations of 480 years. When the Macedo- 
 mans were masters of Babylon, Berosus made 
 himself acquainted with their language, and 
 went first to Cos, which had been rendered fa- 
 mous as the birth-place of Hippocrates, and 
 there established a school, in which he taught 
 astronomy and astrology. From Cos he pro- 
 ceeded to Athens, where, notwithstanding the 
 f utility of his art, he acquired so much reputa- 
 tion by his astrological predictions, that the citi- 
 zens erected a statue to him, with a tongue of 
 gold,*- in the Gymnasium, where the youths 
 performed all their exercises. Josephus and 
 Eusebius have transmitted to us some excellent 
 fragments of this history, that illustrate several 
 in the Old Testament, and without 
 
 th( 
 
 was 
 
 each talent, or 193^. 15s. Od. according to Arbuthnot'« 
 calculation of Grecian monies, was equal in value to 
 17,375,000/. sterling, British ; a tolerable capital this, with 
 which to set up a kingdom l—Ed. 
 n . , Prologo, 1. xxvi, 
 
 M. de la Nauze affirms, that there is an error in thi» 
 abridgment of I'rogus Pompeius. The reader may con- 
 tions*°™' Memoirs of the Academy of Inscrip. 
 
 1 J ^o'y«:"- Slratag 1. viii. c. 50. Appian. in Syriac. p. 
 130. Justin. 1. xxvii. c. 1. j f 
 
 4 Athen. 1. vi. p. 255. 
 5 Tatian. in Orat. con. Grxc. p. 471. Plin. 1 vii 
 Vitruv. 9, 7. 
 
 6 Plin. I. vii. 0. 37. 
 
 Y2 
 
 C 56. 
 
340 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 which it would be impossible to trace any exact 
 succession of the kings of Babylon. 
 
 Ptolemy being solicitous 
 A. M. 3745. to enrich his kingdom, con- 
 Ant. J. C. 259. ceived an expedient to draw 
 into it all the maritime com- 
 merce of the East ; which, till then, had been 
 in the possession of the Tyrians, who transacted 
 it by sea, as far as Elath ; and from thence by 
 land to Rhinocorura, and from this last place 
 by sea again, to the city of Tyre. Elath and 
 Khinocorura wei-e two sea-ports 
 the eastern shore of the Red Sea, and the second 
 at the extremity of the Mediterranean, between 
 Egypt and Palestine, and near the mouths of 
 the river of Egypt. i 
 Ptolemy,' in order to draw this commerce 
 into his own kingdom, thought it necessary to 
 found a city on the western shore of the Red 
 Sea, from whence the ships were to set out. 
 He accordingly built it almost on the frontiers 
 of Ethiopia, and gave it the name of his mother 
 Berenice ; but the port not being very commo- 
 dious, that of Myos-Hornos was preferred as 
 being very near, and much better ; and all the 
 commodities of Arabia, India, Persia, and Ethi- 
 opia, were landed here. From thence they 
 were conveyed on camels to Coptus, where they 
 were again shipped, and brought down the Nile 
 to Alexandria, which transmitted them to all 
 the West, in exchange for its merchandise, 
 which was afterwards exported to the East. 
 But as the passage from Coptus to the Red Sea 
 lay across the deserts, where no water could be 
 procured, and which had neither cities nor 
 houses to lodge the caravans ; Ptolemy, in order 
 to remedy this inconvenience, caused a canal to 
 be opened along the great road, and to commu- 
 nicate with the Nile that supplied it with water. 
 On the edge of this canal houses were erected, 
 at proper distances, for the reception of passen- 
 gers, and to supply all necessary accommoda- 
 tions for them and their beasts of burden. 
 
 Useful as all these labours were, Ptolemy did 
 not think them sufl&cient ; for, as he intended 
 to engross all the traffic between the East and 
 West into his dominions, he thought his plan 
 would be imperfect, unless he could protect what 
 he had facilitated in other respects. With this 
 view, he caused two fleets to be fitted out, one 
 for the Red Sea, and the other for the Mediter- 
 ranean. This last was extremely fine,^ and 
 Rome of the vessels which composed it much 
 exceeded the common size. Two of them, in 
 particular, had thirty benches of oars; one 
 twenty ; four rowed with fourteen ; two with 
 twelve; fourteen with eleven ; thirty with nine ; 
 1 thirty-seven with seven ; five with six, and seven- 
 teen with five. The number of the whole 
 amounted to 112 vessels. He had as many 
 more, with four and three benches of oars, be- 
 side a prodigious number of small vessels. With 
 this formidable fleet he not only protected his 
 commerce from all insults ; but kept in subjec- 
 tion, as long as he lived, most of the maritime 
 provinces of Asia Minor, as Cilicia, for instance, 
 with Pamphylia, Lycia, and Caria, as far as the 
 Cyclades. ^ ^ 
 
 Magas, king of Cyrene 
 A. M. 3746. and Libya, growing very 
 Ant. J. C. 258. aged and infirm, caused over- 
 tures of accommodation to 
 
 1 Strab. xvii. p. 815. Plin. 1. vi. c. 23. 
 2 Theocrit. Idyll xviL Athen. 1. v. p. 203. 
 
 be tendered to his brother Ptolemy, with the 
 proposal of a marriage between Berenice, bia 
 only daughter, and the eldest son of the king of 
 Egypt, and a promise to g^ive her all his domi- 
 nions for her dowry. The negotiation suc- 
 ceeded, and a peace was concluded on those 
 terms. 
 
 Magas,' however, died be- 
 A. M. 3747. fore the execution of the 
 Ant. J. C. 257. treaty, having continued in 
 the government of Liby 
 
 the first on and Cyrenaica, for tiie space of fifty years 
 
 JUiDya, 
 . To'. 
 
 wards the close of his days he abandoned him- 
 self to pleasure, and particularly to excess at his 
 table, which greatly impaired his health. His 
 widow Apame, whom Justin calls Arsinoe, re- 
 solved, after his death, to break off her daugh- 
 ter's marriage with the son of Ptolemy, as it 
 had been concluded without her consent. With 
 this view, she employed persons in Macedonia 
 to invite Demetrius, the uncle of king Anti- 
 gonus Gonatas, to come to her court, assuring 
 him, at the same time, that her daughter and 
 crown should be his. Demetrius arrived there 
 in a short time ; but as soon as Apame beheld 
 him, she contracted a violent passion for him, 
 and resolved to espouse him herself. From that 
 moment he neglected the daughter to attach 
 himself to the mother ; and as he imagined that 
 her favour raised him above all things, he began 
 to treat the young princess, as weU as the minis- 
 ters and officers of the army, in such an insolent 
 and imperious manner, that they formed a reso- 
 lution to destroy him. Berenice herself con- 
 ducted the conspirators to the door of her mo- 
 ther's apartment, where they stabbed him in his 
 bed, though Apame employed all her efforts to 
 save him, and even covered him with her own 
 body. Berenice, after this, went to Egypt, , 
 where her marriage with Ptolemy was consum- j 
 mated, and Apame was sent to her brother An- 
 tiochus Theos, in Syria. 
 
 This princess had the art j 
 A. M. 3718. to exasperate her brother so j 
 Ant. J. C. 256. effectually against Ptolemy,^ 
 that she at last spirited him 
 up to a war, which continued for a long space 
 of time, and was productive of fatal conse- 
 quences to Antiochus, as will be evident in the 
 sequel. 
 
 Ptolemy did not place 
 A. M. 3749. himself at the head of his 
 Ant. J. C. 255. armv,^ his declining state of 
 health not permitting him 
 to expose himself to the fatigues of a campaign 
 and the inconveniences of a camp ; for which 
 reason he left the war to the conduct of his 
 generals. Antiochus, who was then in the 
 flower of his age, took the field at the liead of 
 all the forces of Babylon and the East, with a 
 resolution to carry on the war with the utmost 
 vigour. History has not preserved the particu- 
 lars of what passed in that campaign, or perhaps 
 the advantages obtained on either side were not 
 very considerable, and the event not worthy of 
 much notice. 
 
 Ptolemy did not forget to 
 improve his library;^ not- 
 withstanding the war, and 
 eontinually enriched it with 
 
 A. M. 3750. 
 Ant. J. C. 254. 
 
 S Atlien. 1. xii. p. 550. Justin. 1. xxvi. c. 3. 
 
 4 Hieron. in Daniel. 
 0 Strab. 1. xvii. p. 7^i9. Hieron in Daniel. 
 6 Flut.in Ar, t. p. 1031. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 341 
 
 new books. He was exceedingly cuiloiis in 
 pictures and designs by great masters. Aratus, 
 the famous Sicyonian, was one of those who 
 collected for him in Greece ; and he had the 
 good fortune to gratify the taste of that prince 
 for those woi"ks of art to such a degree, that 
 Ptolemy entertained a friendship for him, and 
 presented him with twenty-five talents, which 
 he expended in the relief of the necessitous Sicy- 
 onians, and the redemption of such of them as 
 were detained in captivitj'. 
 
 While Antiochus was em- 
 A. M. 3754. ployed in his war with E- 
 Ant. J. C. 230. gypt, a great insurrection 
 was fomented in the East, 
 and his distance at that time rendered him in- 
 capable of taking the necessary steps to check it 
 with suflScient expedition. The revolt, there- 
 fore, daily gathered strength, till it at last be- 
 came incapable of remedy. These troubles gave 
 birth to the Parthian empire,^ 
 
 7 It has been much disputed amongst the learned who 
 the Parthians were, and what country they originally in. 
 habited. The name Parthia is unknown to Asiatic histo. 
 rians, and, of consequence, that of Parthians. The wes- 
 tern, or European writers, generally consider them as 
 Scythian exiles ; and that the term, in the ancient Scy- 
 thian language means so, and as such, it is given as a proof 
 of their Scythian descent. Amongst these, are the great 
 i;;inies ot a Forster, the learned authors of the Ancient 
 Universal History, Sir Adam Ferguson, a Kennel, a Pin. 
 kerton, and a Gibbon, not to mention the erudite Samuel 
 Bochart. Their whole authority for such an opinion de- 
 pends on the assertions of Trogus Pompeius, and his epi. 
 tomiser Justin, along with Dio Cassius ; writers so miser- 
 ably credulous, that their most positive testimony, on such 
 subjects, is not worth the smallest notice, were it not that 
 in this they have been followed by so many illustrious 
 names, both in ancient as well as modern times, as 
 Strabo, Mela, Pliny, Curtius, Jornandes, and others. But 
 none have been able to trace this etymology ; and though 
 tliey had, it would still be asked, whether that appellation 
 was assumed by the Parthians, or given them, as a term 
 of reproach, by their Scythian neighbours. 
 
 It is not at all probable tliat the term Parthian, if it 
 really signified an exile, would be assumed by themselves, 
 but much more probable, that they would retain the name 
 of the tribe to which they originally belonged, or that of 
 the country from which they were exiled, and if the latter, 
 then from what country were they so ? It might as well 
 be from some other country as from Scythia; and, in this 
 rase, even the term Parthian, or exile, would be no decisive 
 proof of their Scythian descent. It is a very improbable 
 circumstance that they should denominate themselves by 
 the reproachful epithet of exiles, as Justin will have it, 
 who makes their language a mixture of Scythic and Me- 
 dish. 
 
 The authors of the Ancient Universal History, who 
 are quite dogmatic as to their Scythian origin, tell us, that 
 they were called Parthians, or banished men, by the 
 JMedes, because they had forced themselves into their 
 country; which is a complete reversal of the matter, as it 
 makes the appellation neither Scythian nor Celtic, but 
 JVledisn, and therefore a term of reproach, vol vi p 80 
 note. They will have them to be Gomerians', or Celts' 
 driven out by the Scythians, and that the name signifies, 
 m the Scythic and Celtic tongues, separated ; and thus it 
 seems, according to them, the term Parthian is at once a 
 iicythic and a Celtic word, and at the same time a Medish 
 or Pehlivi word. In vol. v. p 63, of the same work, we 
 have the following extract from the Origines of Isidorus, 
 lib IX. c. 2. "The Parthians are also derived from the 
 Scythians ; for they were exiles of that country, as their 
 very name testifies, for, in the Scythian language, banished 
 men are called Parthians. These, in like manner with 
 the Bactrians, being driven out of Scythia by civil wars, 
 first fixed themselves by stealth in the country adjoining 
 Hyrcania, and afterwards by force obtained more ex- 
 tended dominions," So it seems, from this extract, the 
 Bactnans were Scythians also, and, in like manner driven 
 out of Scythia. They should, therefore, have been also 
 called Parthians. 
 
 Others will have them to have been originally Dahee • 
 and Strabo says, that Arsaces, the first Parthian king who 
 revolted from Antiochus 1 beos, was a Scythian of the 
 tribe of the Parni Dahae, who dwelt on the south-east 
 
 The cause of these commotions proceeded 
 from Agathocles,^ governor of the Parthian do- 
 minions for Antiochus. This officer attempted 
 to offer violence to a youth of the country, 
 
 Arrian. in Parth. apud Phot. Cod. 58. Syncell. p. 
 Justin. 1. xli. c. 4. Strab. 1. xi. p. 515. 
 
 angle of the Caspian sea, adjacent to Hyrcania. Other? 
 will have them to have been originally Getas, or Ma«saget», 
 who were not European Scythians, as the authors of the 
 Ancient Universal History by mistake call them, vol. xi. 
 p. 5. but Eastern, or Asiatic Scythians ; and, therefore, if 
 the Parthians were of oriental Scythian descent, they 
 could neither be Goths, as Jornandes will have it, nor 
 European Scythians, as Curtius afiSrms ; and we may be 
 pretty sure they were not Ceits, nor spoke any such lan- 
 guage. Yet Strabo, who, as above-mentioned, says that 
 Arsaces was a Dahan, and king of that Scytliian tribe, 
 says, in another place of his geography, lib. xvi. that tho 
 Parthians who dwelt upon the banks of the Tigris were 
 formerly called Carduchi. This is a very improbable 
 hypothesis. It is probable that at the decisive battle of 
 Carrhffi, where they made such havoc ol the Roman 
 army, that some detachments from those hardy mountain, 
 ears, who gave Xenophon and the Greeks so much trou- 
 ble, might be among the Parthian soldier.', as they were 
 then numbered among their subjects ; but the bulk of the 
 Parthian army came from Persia at large, or the country 
 to the east of the Zagros. "Whoever considers the slight 
 subjection in which the Carduchi were held, during the 
 vigorous sway of the first Persian emperors, will not ex- 
 pect that the Parthians had many recruits from that 
 region. 
 
 The very supposition, indeed, that the Parthians were 
 Carduchians, or descended from them, is utterly impro- 
 bable i as in that case the Carduchians, or a colony of 
 them, must have migrated to the province of Parthia at 
 some remote and unknown period, and either expelled 
 the original natives, or conquered them, and kept them 
 in vassalage : and if so, why did they not retain their 
 original name of Carduchi ? or, why were they not re. 
 cognized under that name by their neighbours ? No such 
 migration of the Carduchi is mentioned by any author 
 whether European or Asiatic. The province of Parthia 
 IS several hundred miles eastward of Carduchi, or Cor. 
 duene ; and this latter, at the time of the Parthian revolt 
 was nominally under the successors of Seleucus, and but 
 a short time before the defeat of Crassus, Carduchia was 
 a province of the Armenian empire of Tigranes, and con. 
 tained his newly founded city of Tigranocerta. 
 
 " It is an error," says the judicious Rennel, in his Geo. 
 graphical Memoir of the Retreat of the Ten Thousand, p. 
 200, « to suppose that the posterity of these Carduchians 
 (those who harassed the Greeks in their retreat,) were 
 the Parthians who subverted the throne of the Seleucides 
 and who defeated Crassus. The Parthians came from the 
 province of that name beyond the Caspian sea, and esta- 
 bhshea a dynasty in Persia at large ; and those who de. 
 teated Crassus were Persians under the government of 
 that Parthian dynasty." Dr. Forster deems the practice 
 ot the Parthian horsemen, shooting their arrows back, 
 wards with unerring aim, while in full flight from a pur. 
 suing foe, a decisive evidence that they were descended 
 from the warriors of Scythia. But this practice, as Ren- 
 nel observes, after the passage quoted above, was as much 
 Persian as Parthian, as may be learned from the Anabasis 
 of Xenophon, lib. iii. c. 15. although it be very commonly 
 referred to the Parthians alone ; perhaps because it was so 
 fatally experienced by the Roman army under Cras.sus. 
 " Neither," says Xenophon, speaking of the passage of the 
 Zabatus, (Great Zab,) where they were harassed bv the 
 Persian cavalry, " did their cavalry, who could shoot 
 backwards from their horses, suffer the Greeks to separate 
 too far from the main army, as it had wounded many of 
 those who were ardent in the pursuit." The Roman 
 poets, who could never forget the fatal consequences of 
 this mode of discharging their arrows backward, when at 
 full flight from the pursuing Romans, in the expeditions 
 of a Crassus and an Antony, are very full and frequent in 
 their allusions to this practice : 
 
 " Fidentemque fuga Parthum, versisque sagittis." 
 
 Virg. Georg. lib. iii. 1. 33. 
 
 Et versis animosum equis 
 Parthum dicere." 
 
 norat. lib. i. Ode 1 
 
S42 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 whose name was Tiridates; upon which Ar- 
 saces, the brother of the boy, a person of low 
 extraction but of gi'eat courage and honour, as- 
 sembled some of his friends, in order to deliver 
 
 " Ut celer aversis utere Parthus equis." 
 
 Oirid de Arte Amoris, lib. iii. 
 
 " Quid tibi nunc mitti solits post terga sagittae. 
 Quid loca, quid rapidi profuit usus equi ?" 
 
 Idem. Fasti, v. 
 
 " Nil opus est equis, 
 Nil armis et inertibus 
 Telis, quce procul ingerit 
 
 I'arthus, cum simulat fugas." In Thyestcm. 
 
 " Vidit, et versas equitis sagittas 
 Terga fallacis metuenda Parthi." In Qidipum. 
 
 " Rupis Achcemeniffi scopulis, ubi versa sequentum 
 Pectoribus figit spicula pugna fugax." 
 
 " Pugna levis, bellumque fugax, turmeeque fugaces 
 Et melior cessisse loco, quam pellere miles 
 lllita terra dolis, nec martem cominus unquam 
 Ausa pati virtus, sed longe tendere nervos." 
 
 Lucan PharsaL 
 
 *' Miles sagittas, ct celerem fugara 
 Parthi." 
 
 Hor. Od. lib. ii. Od. xiii, 
 
 " Jam bis Moneeses, et Pacori manus 
 Non auspicates contudit impetus 
 Nostros, et adjecisse prsedam 
 Torquibus exiguis renidet." 
 
 Idem, lib. iii. Od. vi. 
 
 To this skill in archery the consul Crassus alluded, 
 *-hen, being told by an astrologer that his expedition 
 against the Parthians would prove unsuccessful by reason 
 of the ominous aspect of the constellation Scorpio, he re- 
 turned for answer that he feared not Scorpio, but Sa- 
 gittarius, or the Archer. There is nothing, in fact, 
 whether it be concerning the manners, customs, religion, 
 military discipline, or titles of the Parthian sovereigns, 
 that can lead us to judge that they were of Scythian 
 descent; nothing, but what they possessed in common [ 
 with the Medish and Persian tribes, who previously to 
 them had the ruling power in Eeran, or Persia largely i 
 taken. The Parthians were just one of those numerous 
 tribes, which had from time immemorial dwelt in that 
 extensive region ; and a little attention to the words of 
 Strabo's fifteenth book, will show that he gives the name 
 of Parthians to the Carduchi in the same way in which, in 
 modern times, the Scotch, Welch, and Irish, are often 
 called English, after the ruling nation ; and that Strabo 
 himself places Parthia, and the people so called, in the 
 very same place where Herodotus had placed them four 
 centuries before. 
 
 A learned orientalist, who signs himself Gulchin, in the 
 Asiatic Journal for August 1818, thinks that he has found 
 out the etymon of the word Parthia and Parthians: a 
 word, he says, which has puzzled all our oriental histo- 
 rians. He affirms it to be a Roman appellation, as desig- 
 nating the monarchy and people of Persia ; or, more pro- 
 perly, Armenia and Media during the Arsacidan dynasty. 
 He finds the root of the name Parthia in the great river 
 Euphrates, which was the western boundary of Persia. 
 The name Euphrates, says he, when divested of its first 
 and final syllables, gives us its real appellation Farat, or 
 Parat, and from Parat he makes out Paratia, {ia being the 
 Greek and Latin termination added to it,) just as Persia , 
 is known to a native by the name Pers {ia being the j 
 Greek termination added to it). Paratia, or Parthia, 
 therefore means the country of the Parat, or Euphrates. 
 This singular derivation of the word Parthia, is one in- 
 stance, among innumerable others, of the ingenuity of 
 word-coining, and of the fallacy of etymology. If the 
 term means the country of the Euphrates, it must mean 
 also the country on its western as well as on its eastern 
 bank, and is as applicable to Syria, Palestine, and Arabia ; 
 Deserta, as to Mesopotamia and Armenia ; and Media is | 
 quite out of the question, having no connection with the 
 Eupn rates. 
 
 In the reign of Vespasian, the small kingdom of Coma- 
 gene, in Syria, was reduced to a Roman province, and de- 
 nominated Provincia Euphratesiana, because it lay along 
 the Euphrates— an appellation which would exactly cor- 
 resi>oud to Gulchin's Paratia, on the supposition that 
 
 his brother from the brutality intended him. 
 They accordingly fell upon the governor, killed 
 him on the spot, and then fled for safety with 
 several persons whom they had di'awn together 
 
 either Greeks or Romans ever used the oriental appella- 
 tion of Parat, which we know they never did. 
 
 The fact is, the Romans di<l not create the name Par- 
 thia, or Parthians, but received it from the Greek subjects 
 of the successors of Seleucus ; and we know that they 
 never applied it to the country on the Euphrates, but to 
 a distant province of the Persian empire, too far re. 
 moved from the Euphrates to have any connection 
 with it. But, as the Parthians extended their empire 
 as far west as that river, the term Parthia was, in pro. 
 ress of time, applied to the whole of the territory sub- 
 dued by the Parthians, instead of being limited to the 
 original abode of that tribe, just as the French term AUe- 
 magne was gradually extended over all Germany, though 
 originally it belonged to tiie small tract, to the east of the 
 Khine, possessed by the German tribe of the Alcmanni. 
 At the time this appellation became common to the Per- 
 sian empire, it must have included, as Sir John Malcolm 
 in his history of Persia well remarks, at least a hundred 
 races, besides those to whom authors have laboured to 
 trace it. No Roman authors, that 1 know of, ever called 
 Armenia Parthia, nor did ever the Armenians call their 
 country or themselves so ; and when a division of the 
 Armenian kingdom was afterwards made between the 
 Persians and the Romans, consequent on the deposition of 
 the last prince of the Arsacidan race, by Baharam, or 
 Varanes, nigh the middle of the fifth century, the eastern 
 and larger division was called Persarmenia by the Byzan- 
 tine historians of that and the succeeding periods, till 
 Armenia became a province of the Saracen empire. 
 
 There is one remarkable fact, noticed by the Roman 
 historians, respecting the Parthian armies — the use of 
 drums. They did not use trumpets like other nations, but 
 large hollow vessels of brass, covered with skins, such as 
 our kettle drums, which, being beat with hammers, yield- 
 ed a very warlike sound. The poet Lucretius, however, 
 tells us a very absurd and ridiculous story, that the Par- 
 thians carried lions about with them in war, which, in the 
 beginning of the engagement, they used to let loose against 
 the enemy : 
 
 " Et validas Parthi pras se misere leones 
 Cum auctoribus armatis, saevisque magistris ; 
 Qui moderarier hos possent, vinclisque tenere j 
 Nequicquam ; quoniam permista C£ede calentes 
 Turbabant SEBvi nuUo discrimine turmas, 
 Terrifices capitum quatientes undique cristas." 
 
 De Isatura Rer. lib. v. 
 
 Other historians, mentioned by Lucian, in his treatise 
 of the proper manner of writing histories, mistaking the 
 dragons which the Parthians carried in their colours, 
 wrote that the Parthian king was always attended in war 
 with a great number of dragons, which made a dreadful 
 havoc among the enemy's troops. 
 
 Their sovereigns are represented by the Roman writers, 
 as exceeding proud and haughty, assuming the title of | 
 king of kings. In this they merely imitated the conduct 
 of the successors of Cyrus, as he d'id that of the Assyrian 
 and Babylonian monarchs. The same title w.as assumed 
 by the Sassanian monarchs ; and, in fact, that title has 
 been always used by the sovereigns of Persia, of whatever 
 dynasty, and at this day, (1825) the title of Shahinshah, or 
 king of kings, is assumed by the present sovereign of Per- 
 sia, Futteh Ali Shah, the nephew and successor of that in- 
 famous tyrant Aga Mohammed Khan. They are also 
 charged with demanding, and receiving, divme honours. 
 To such base flatteries Martial alludes in bis epigrams, 
 lib. X. epigr. 72. 
 
 «« Frustra, blanditi^, venitis ad me— 
 Ad Parthos, procul ite pileatos 
 Et turpes, humilesque, supplicesque 
 Pictorura sola basiate regum ;" 
 
 and "Virgil, 
 
 " Prseterea regem non sic .a:gyptus et ingens 
 India, nec populi Parthorum, aut Medus Hydaspes 
 
 Observant." 
 
 Georg. lib. iv. 1. 210, 211. 
 
 Virgil also hints that the Parthians used poisoned ar- 
 rows to ensure a deadly wound : 
 
ALEXANDER" 
 
 for theii' defence against the pursuit to which 
 such a bold proceeding would inevitably expose 
 them. Their party grew so numerous, by the 
 negligence of Antiochus, tliat Arsaces soon 
 
 " Nori secus ac nervo per nubem impulsa sagitta, 
 Armatam saevi Parthiis qiiam telle veneiii 
 Parthiis sive Cydon, telunri immedicabile torsit ; 
 Stridens, et celeres incognita transilit umbras." 
 
 Maeid, lib. xii. 1. 856, 859. 
 
 But these authors forget that their own sovereigns some- 
 times claimed similar honours, and that they were gener- 
 ally admitted into the celestial college as soon as dead, 
 and ranked among the gods. We have a witty saying of 
 Antigonus, the father of Demetrius l^cliorcetes, which 
 showed him to have been wiser than his master, Alexan- 
 der the Great, who affected to be both a god and the son 
 of one, namely, Jupiter Hammon. When Hermodotus, 
 a Greek poet, not contented with making Antigonus a 
 god, styled him also the offspring of the sun, " 1 cannot 
 tell how that is," said Antigonus, " but he that empties 
 my close-stool never said any thing about my celestial 
 origin !" 
 
 In the Anabasis of Xenophon that author mentions a 
 very unmilitary practice of the Persian cavalry, in that 
 they always retired to the distance of about six miles, to 
 prevent a surprise in the night ; and that the Greeks took 
 the advantage of this custom to steal a march during the 
 night of about the same length, which not only made up 
 for the loss of distance during the day, but left their pur. 
 suers so far behind, 12 miles of course, that they did 
 not appear during the next two marches. He remarks, 
 that from this practice the Persian cavalry are subject to 
 great inconveniences j for their horses are tied, and gen- 
 erally shackled, to prevent their running away, and if an 
 alarm happens, a Persian has the housing to fit, his horse 
 j to bridle, and his corslet to put on, before he can mount. 
 I All these things cannot be done in the night without great 
 j difficulty ; particularl}', if there is an alarm. For this rea- 
 son they always encamped at a distance from the Greeks. 
 It was this unmilitary custom that in all probability was 
 the cause of that total and decisive defeat which Narses, 
 the Persian monarch, received from the emperor Gale- 
 rius, colleague of Dioclesian in 297. The previous year 
 Narses had utterly defeated Galerius ; but he, grown wise 
 by experience and ashamed of his defeat, acted with great 
 caution. He went in person, attended by two horsemen 
 alone, and reconnoitered the Persian camp, passing him- 
 I self upon those who stop[)ed him as a deputy sent by the 
 j Roman emperor to the Persian monarch. Having thus 
 I privately viewed the Persian camp and works, he attacked 
 j them so seasonably, and conducted the whole action with 
 j such prudence and address, that, with only i!5,0U0 men, 
 j lie forced their camp, though defended by an innumerable 
 multitude, cut above 5^0,000 of them in pieces, took an 
 j immense booty and an incredible number of prisoners, 
 j among whom were the king's wives, sisters, and children, 
 and a great many persons of the first rank. Now, this 
 defeac was, in all probability, received in the night 
 time, when all their horses were tied and shackled, 
 and when the attack was made the Persians would have 
 their housings to fix, their horses to bridle, and their 
 j corslets to put on, before they could mount and defend 
 ] themselves. Galerius was aware of the custom, and chose 
 the season of night for the attack, knowing that, in such 
 circumstances, they would be quite unprepared for resis- 
 tance, and that victory was certain. It must be remem- 
 bered that, in every age, the armies of the east, whether 
 j composed of Parihians or Persians, were almost all ca- 
 valry ; and so they are even at this day. 
 I The Parthians are called Medes by Horace, in one of 
 I his Odes, and Persians in another : 
 
 " Neusinas JVledos equitare inultos 
 
 Pe duce Caesar." Od. ii. lib. 1. 
 
 " Hie bellum lacrymosum, hie miseram famera 
 estemque, a populo et principe Csesare, in 
 Persas atque Britannos 
 
 Vestra motus aget prece." 
 
 Od. xxi. lib. 1. 
 
 In the one the Medes are said, equitare, to ride, because 
 the Parthian armies were generally composed of horse- 
 men, and in the other, the Persians are joined with the 
 Britons, as the enemies of the Roman name, and as placed 
 at opposite extremities of the Roman empire. 
 
 In the account of the 20 satrapies of Darius Hystaspes, 
 the Parthians are mentioned by Herodotus, and are 
 classed in the 16th satrapy, along with the Chorasroians, 
 
 S SUCCESSOHS. 343 
 
 found himself strong enough to drive the Mace- 
 donians out of that province, and assume the 
 govei-nment himself. The Macedonians had al- 
 ways continued masters of it, from the death oi 
 
 Sogdians, and Arians ; that is, the people of Khowarazm, 
 Samarcand, and Herat. But still he does not mention the 
 particular province which these Parthians inhabited; but 
 it appears that they occupied the tract between Chorasmia, 
 Margiana, Aria, and the Caspian provinces ; that is, they 
 possessed the hilly tract to the north of Naisabour. Justin 
 places them between Hyrcania, the Dahce, (Dahestan,) 
 Aria, (Herat,) and Apaiytae, and Margianians, (the coun. 
 try watered by the Morgaub,) lib. xli. c. 1. Strabo places 
 them between Margiana and Aria, and says that Parthia 
 being originally of no great extent, was subsequently in- 
 creased by the addition of Comisene. Chorene, and other 
 districts, formerly belonging to Media, as far west as 
 the Caspian gates, and that the river Ochus (Tedjeud) 
 fjows near Parthia : this is the river that passes by Nesa and 
 Bawerd. Pliny, lib. vi. c. 25. places Parthia between Me- 
 dia and Aria, (that is, east of the former and west of the 
 latter,) and between Carmania and Hyrcania, (that is, 
 north of the former and south of the latter,) and as hi 
 extends Hyrcania eastward to Margiana, his Parthit 
 agrees with that of Ptolemy. — Asiie Tab. v. He says 
 further, that Hecatompylos, the capital of Parthia, lay in 
 the middle of it, and was only 133 Roman miles east ol 
 the Caspian gates. Ptolemy places Parthia between Me- 
 dia on the we.st and Aria on the east — mount Masdoramus 
 (the modern Kanahoody,) being its ea.^tern boui dary — 
 and between Hyrcania on the north, (from which it is 
 separated by mount Coronus,) and Carmania Deserta, or 
 the Desert of Kerman, on the south, the mountain Para- 
 choatras being its southern limit. 
 
 The original Parthia of Herodotus, however, was much 
 less than the Parthia describexl by Pliny and Ptolemy ; 
 and contained nothing more than the mountainous tract 
 that lay south of Chorasmia and Margiana, east of Hyr. 
 cania, and north of the districts of Meschid and Nai.sabour. 
 Afterwards it included the district of Comisene mentioned 
 by Ptolemy, and the same as the Camisene of Strabo, cor- 
 responding to the modern Cumish — as that district was 
 called Parthia in the days of Alexander the Great, who 
 crossed it in the line between Hyrcania, or Mazanderan, 
 and Aria — and Hecatompylos, supposed to be the mo- 
 dern Damghan, was the capital of Parthia visited by 
 Alexander. We are told, by Nasr-oddin-al-Toosi, and 
 Yacout-al-Hamawi, and Ulugh Begh, as cited by Golius, 
 in his notes on Al Fargani, that Damghan is situated 
 in a vast plain, encompassed by mountains, and wa- 
 tered by a multitude of brooks of clear, salubrious 
 water, which issue from these mountains. These 
 streams, on account of their excellent water, were 
 called the waters of Khosru, because that Persian so- 
 vereign caused them to be conveyed, by fine aqueducts, 
 into the place, and would always drink of them, in 
 whatsoever part of his empire he resided. In the 
 orchards and gardens of Damghan are produced those 
 apples, which, from their beauty, fragrance, size and taste, 
 were thought worthy of a place at the tables of the Par 
 thian sovereigns, and at those of the wealthiest of their 
 subjects. The plain of Damghan is in the ancient Comi. 
 sene, once a district of Media, but then a district of the 
 province of Parthia. 
 
 The Parthians, at the time of Strabo, must have possess- 
 ed both Cumish and the district of Naisabur, as that latter 
 district lay between their original possessions and Cumish. 
 Therefore the province of Parthia, largely taken, must, 
 according to Pliny and Ptolemy, have extended from the 
 CaspijB Pyla, on the south-west, to the desert of Choras- 
 mia on the north-east, and from the desert of Kerman to 
 the borders of the Ochus, and from mount Coronus east 
 to Aria. Ptolemy, in his fifth table of Asia, divides it 
 into five districts : Comisene, Parthyene, Choroane, Para- 
 tauticene, and Tabiene. Comisene he places next to 
 Hyrcania, or Mazanderan, Next to this lies Parthyene. 
 Choroane, I take to be the district nigh mount Coronus. 
 The fourth I cannot fix ; but suppose it to be what is 
 called Atticene in the Ancient Universal History, (and 
 which I take to be a press error for Artacene,) and, if so, 
 it lay to the south-east of Comisene ; and Tabiene seems 
 to correepofid to the modem Tubbus, south of Turshuz. 
 
 It is a great mistake to affirm that the ancient Parthia 
 corresponds tp the modem Irac-Adjem. Sir John Char- 
 din, the famed Persian traveller, is guilty of this blunder, 
 and has led a multitude of others into the same error with 
 himself, and STiiongst these the learned authors of the 
 Universal History. — Ancient Hist. vol. v. & xi. Irac 
 A jem corresponds to the ancient Media- Magna, and is a' 
 present the most western province of the Persian empire 
 
844 
 
 HISTOllY OF 
 
 Alexander ; first under Eumenes, then under 
 Antigonus, next under Seleucus Nicator, and 
 lastly under Antiochus. 
 
 Much about the same time,' Theodotus also 
 
 1 Justin. & Strab. ibid. 
 
 Aderbijan and Persian Armenia excepted ; and is a much 
 larger province than the ancient Parthia, occupying the 
 middle space between the two seas, the Caspian and the 
 Persian gulf. Orosius and ^thicus declare, that the Me- 
 dia of scripture was that country generally called Parthia : 
 *' Generaliter Parthia dicitur, quamris scripiura; sacrae 
 universam sffipe Mediam vocant." — Oros. lib. i. cap. 2. 
 The whole of the cities enumerated in the description of 
 Parthia, vol. xi. p. 4. of the Ancient Universal History, 
 are cities cf the ancient Media, or modem Irac- Adjem ; as 
 Kora, Kashan, Hamadan, Ispahan, Casbin, and Sawa. 
 
 These authors take Casbin to be the ancient Arsacia, 
 cr a city founded on its ruins, and Ispahan to be the 
 ancient Hecatompylos, whereas the latter is the an- 
 cient Aspadana, in the south-east corner of Media, and 
 placed by Ptolemy in Persia. Holstenius thinks the 
 Aspa of Ptolemy, placed by him among the Parthian 
 cities, to be the modern Ispahan. This cannot be, 
 as Ptolemy has placed Aspa nine degrees farther east 
 than Aspadana, A great difficulty however occurs, in 
 the position of Rages, and whether it be the same with 
 »he Rhaga of Ptolemy, placed by him in Media, and with 
 Rhagea, placed by him in Parthia, and with Europos, 
 placed by him in Media, and with Arsacia, in the same 
 region; or, in other words, whether Rages, Ragjei, Rhaga, 
 Rhagea, Europos, and Arsacia, are all names of one city, 
 or of different cities, and, if of one city, whether it were 
 a Parthian or Median city. 
 
 There can be no doubt that Hhag.i, or Rhageta, as it is 
 denominated by the Greek writers, and Rages by Arrian, 
 may be easily discovered in the modern softened pronun- 
 ciation of Rai ; and Rhaghan appears to have been an an- 
 cient Persic name for Rai. See the Zendavesta of An- 
 quetil du Perron, torn. i. p. 2. p. 269. In the apocryphal 
 book of Tobit it is called Rages in Media, and which' was, 
 therefore, contemporaneous with Nineveh and Ecbatana. 
 Whether or not it be the same place with Ragau, men- 
 tioned in the apocryphal book of Judith, may perhaps be 
 doubted, although it has generally, if not universally, been 
 taken as the same city with Rhaga and Rhages, the resem- 
 blance of name favouring the identity. The text of Judith 
 does not say that Ragau was in Media ; and it is plainly 
 stated, that after Nabuchodonosor, or Saosduchinus, the 
 king of Assyria, had defeated Arphaxad, king of the 
 Medes, in the great plain of Ragan, and put him to death 
 in the mountains of Ragau, that he entered Media, took 
 many strongholds, and, pushing on his conquests stormed 
 Ecbatana, and levelled it with the ground. 
 
 Now, if the great plain of Ragau be identical with that 
 of the modern Rey, or Rai, and if the mountains of Ra-. 
 gau be the same as those to the north of Rai, how could 
 he be said to have entered Media after that battle, since 
 he must already have traversed the whole of Media, to 
 near its eastern extremity, or within two days' journey of 
 the Caspian straits ? and, in that case, the mountains of 
 Ragau, where the unfortunate Median sovereign was 
 taken and put to death, must have been the mountains of 
 Hyrcania, or Mazanderan. 
 
 If the Ragau of Judith be Rai, the story, as it is there 
 told, is inexplicable. It is said that Arphaxad, or Phra- 
 ortes, (if indeed they be the same persons,) invaded As- 
 syria, that its monarch was in great distress, and knew 
 not well what to do, but at length, summoning courage 
 from despair, he met and defeated him. Now, if Phra- 
 ortes was the invader, how came it that the battle was 
 fought, not on the western frontier of Media, or on the 
 borders of Assyria, but at the eastern extremity of Media, 
 at Rai, a city more than 200 British miles east of Ecbatana ? 
 If Phraortes was the invader, how came it that he either 
 waited for his Assyrian foe, at a distance of more than 
 300 miles from his western frontier, abandoning his new 
 and strongly-fortified capital, or allowed himself to be 
 pursued so far before he ventured an engagement. In 
 this account of the affair, not the Median king, but the 
 Assyrian sovereif^n was the invader, and successful one 
 too, and then the strange circumstance of his entering 
 Media after the battle, when he had been there the whole 
 of the campaign, after crossing the Zagros. For these 
 reasons, I cannot believe the Ragau of Judith to be Rey, 
 or Kai. It will then be asked, where was Ragau, if Ra- 
 gau was not Rai ? 1 fear it will not be easy satisfactorily 
 to settle this point. I think it, however, to have 
 been without the Median frontier, or somewhere to 
 
 revolted in Bactriana, and from a governor, be- 
 came king of that province; he subjected tho 
 thousand cities it contained, while Antiochus 
 was amusing himself with the Egyptian war ; 
 
 the we.«t of it, as that frontier was constituted In those 
 days, else it could not have been said that Nabuchodonosor 
 entered it after the engagement. 
 
 The Syriac version of Judith, in Walton's Poly- 
 glott vol. iv. has Lhira irretead of Ragau, in the 5th 
 verse of the first chapter, and reads it thus : " Even in 
 'hose days king Nabuchodonosor made war with king 
 Arphaxad in the great plain, which is the plain in the 
 borders of Dura;" so that, according to this version, 
 the monarchs first engaged in the plain of Dura, and 
 Arphaxad was afterwards taken and slain in the moun. 
 tains of Ragau ; for so we read in the 12th verse of 
 the same chapter. Now, there are two places called 
 Dura; one on the Euphrates, and another on the 
 eastern bank of the Tigris, now called Imaum-Dour, 
 where there is a pass over that river, not far below 
 the modern Tecrit. The banks of the Tigris exhibit 
 no plains in the vicinity of Dura, but, on the con- 
 trary, the country, particularly on the east side, is 
 extremely hilly, wild, and rough. The track 30 miles 
 or more inland, is level and well-inhabited, indeed, 
 but there is no great plain in that vicinity as far as 1 
 know. There is a plain of Dura mentioned in the book 
 of Daniel, but it seems to have been close in the vici- 
 nity of Babylon, and cannot, therefore, be the plain in- 
 tended. 
 
 Ludovicus Capellus charges, in his Comm. in Vet. 
 Test. p. 577, Amst. 1689, the author of the book of Ju- 
 dith as a trifler and a stor3'.teller, as a person of a stupid 
 and infantile judgment, and accuses him of a geographical 
 error, in placing the plain of Ragau as situate near the 
 Euphrates and Tigris. But the same error is found in 
 the Latin vulgate, translated from the Chaldee at the re- 
 quest of Paula and Eustochius, by Jerom : " Nabucho. 
 donosor rex Assyriorum qui regnabat in Nineve civitate 
 magna, pugnavit contra Arphaxad et obtinuit eurn in 
 campo magno qui appellatur Kagau, circa Euphraten et 
 Tigrim." The Greek, Septuagint, and our English ver. 
 sion, are free from this error. The Greek version, how. 
 ever, in another point contradicts itself; for, after telling 
 us that this great battle was fought in the great plain of 
 Ragau, by these two royal personages, in the 12th year of 
 the reign of Nabuchodonosor, it tells us, in the same chap- 
 ter, that this war was waged, the victory obtained, and Ar- 
 phaxad slain by Nabuchodonosor, in the 17th year of his 
 reign ; and the same mistake is in our English version. 
 Ptolemy, in his Table of Babylonia, lib. vi. cap. 20. has a 
 city in that region, denominated Ragia, near the mouth 
 of the Euphrates, and west of Toredon. 
 
 In a case where certainty cannot be obtained conjecture 
 may be indulged, and, therefore, I am of opinion that the 
 great plain of Ragau is the modern plain of Kermanshah, 
 at the eastern foot of mount Zagros, that separates Assyria 
 from Media, and that the mountains of Ragau, whither 
 Arphaxad fled after his defeat, are those that skirt tlie 
 plain, and make a part of the Zagrian range. 
 
 Sir Robert Kerr Porter supposed the sculptured rock of 
 Bessitoon, to represent the triumph of Shalraaneser, the 
 Assyrian king, that the personage trodden under the feet 
 of the royal conqueror was Hoshea, the la>t king of Is- 
 rael, and that the nine captives there sculptured, repre- 
 sent the nine tribes, whilst the prostrate Hoshea repre- 
 sents the tenth tribe. In a former note, I showed that 
 Sir Robert was in error in supposing one of the cap- 
 tives to represent the tribe of Levi, as that tribe did 
 not join in the general defection to idolatry, that Jero- 
 boam, on that account, was forced to make priests of 
 the lowest of the people, and, therefore, that that tril>Q 
 was not carried away captive by Shalmaneser, but by 
 Nebuchadnezzer, along with those of Judah and Ben. 
 jamin, and that, on his hypothesis, there should have 
 been eleven tribes instead of ten. I am rather in- 
 clined to think that this piece of sculpture repre- 
 sents the triumph of Nabuchodonosor over the Meaes; 
 that the prostrate monarch is not therefore Ho. 
 shea, but Arphaxad ; but who are exactly represented by 
 the nine captives in bonds, whether generals of his army, 
 or governors of his kingdom, is impossible to determine. 
 The conquest of the Medes wa^ certainly a much more 
 glorious event for the Assyrian arms than that of the ten 
 tribes, and much more worthy of being commemorated on 
 a sculptured rock, and that, in the very vicinity of the spot, 
 where such a signal triumph was obtained. The sculp, 
 tured rocks of Shapoor, Darabgherd, and Nakshi Roostum, 
 reprc.-ent the defeat and capture of tho Roman Valerian, 
 and why may not the sculptured rock of Bessitoon repre. i 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 345 
 
 and strengthened himself so effectually in his 
 new acquisitions, that it became impossible to 
 reduce him afterwards. This example was fol- 
 lowed by all the other nations in those parts, 
 
 sent the defeat, capture, and death, of the Median Ar- 
 phaxad. The situation of the pUce in respect of Ecba- 
 tana, its being a great and extensive plain, a plain in the 
 vicinity of, and bordered on different sides by the different 
 ranges of, the Zagros, induce me to think that here was 
 the plain of Ragau, that here was the battle fought and 
 the victory achieved, and that here were the very moun- 
 tains to which the unfortunate monarch in vain fled for 
 refuge, and that the rock was sculptured, and tablets en- 
 graved, on or near the very spot where the event took 
 place, there to be left as a during monument of Assyrian 
 triumph over the formidable, but conquered Medes. 
 
 The eastern slope of the pass of Korrund is about 100 
 British miles in direct distance, south-west of Hamadan, 
 or Ecbatana, and the city of Kermanshah, which stands 
 in the middle of the plain, is upwards of 80 British miles 
 south-west of the same city, and the sculptured rock stands 
 in the range that skirts the north-east side of the plain. 
 This plain extends all the way from Senna, on the north, 
 to the junction of the rivers Mori and Kara-Su, on the 
 south, whose ample streams water its delicious expanse. 
 Now this is just the place where one would expect the 
 battle to be fought, and not above 300 miles east, and at 
 the extremity of Media. The battle being fought at the 
 foot of the dividing range, Nabuchodonosor would of 
 course enter farther into Media without resistance, and 
 push his way to Ecbatana, wliereas, if we suppose Ragau 
 to be Rai, instead of pushing forward to Ecbatana he had 
 passed by it long before, or we must adopt the Irish style, 
 and say that he advanced backwards to that city. 
 
 Bochart, in his Phaleg. lib. ii. c. 14, p. 106, folio, Cadom. 
 164fi, takes the plain of Ragau to be the Nistean plains, so 
 famed for breeding horses. But where, it may be again 
 asked, are these plains ? Rennel places them at the foot 
 of mount Zagros, in the beautiful country between Ghila- 
 nee and Kermanshah. So of course, if, in the judgment 
 of the learned Bochart, the plain of Ragau be the Nisseau 
 )lains, and if, in the opinion of the celebrated Rennel, 
 ihese are identical with the plains between Ghilanee and 
 Kermanshah, the conjecture 1 have hazarded, that the 
 plain of Ragau is the plain of Kermanshah, is corroborated 
 by the suffrages of two respectable names. 
 
 This, after all, it must be confessed, is but conjecture ; 
 but it is just as probable as that of Sir Robert, and by means 
 of it we get rid of the difficulty incurred by supposing Ra- 
 gau to be Rai, and of a warlike Median king, abandoning 
 his frontier, and even his capital, and retreating all the 
 way to the eastern limit of his kingdom, before he ven- 
 tured an engagement with that very sovereign whose do- 
 minions, all agree in stating liim to have invaded. If the 
 cuneiform inscriptions on that rock could be accurately 
 copied, and decyphered by means of an alphabetical key, 
 (as has been lately done by St. Martin, respecting three 
 of the Persepolitan inscriptions,) the matter would be set 
 at rest. In the meantime we can only conjecture where 
 we cannot explain. 
 
 The Median Rhages is memorable for the halt of Alex- 
 ander for five days, when he desisted from the pursuit. 
 After finding that Rhages existed as a city at v/hich the 
 Macedonian halted, it is surprising to find the construc- 
 tion of this city, ascribed by Strabo, lib. xi. c. 18. and 
 Stephen of Byzantium, on the word Rhaga, to Seleucus 
 Nicator. This seeming anachronism has induced Bochart, 
 Phaleg. lib. ii. c. 14, p. 107, Vaillant, (Arsacid. Imp, 
 Arsaces ii.) and other ingenious writers, to offer an 
 emendation of the Greek geographers' words, in their re- 
 spective versions of the passages above-mentioned, and 
 for founded, they would read repaired, restored, or re- 
 built. Hhages was one of the Heptarchies, or prefectures, 
 of Media, in Diodorus Siculus, who mentions it as the 
 principal winter-quarters to the army of Antigonus. This 
 3ity, whoever was its founder, was denominated Europos, 
 according to Strabo, lib. xi. c. 18. who adds, that the Par- 
 thians called ii Arsakia. Stephanus says just the same; 
 and that it was so called from Arsaces their king, or Ar- 
 sace II. or Tiridates, entitled the Great, who died, after 
 a long and honourable reign, in ai7 Ante Chr. So of 
 course Rhages had three names ; its original name Rhages, 
 Europos, and Arsacia. Still, however, the ancient name 
 jrevailed, and we are informed by Atlienseus, lib. xii. 
 that the Parthian kings made Rhages their abode during 
 the vernal season, and Isidore of Charax describes Rhaga 
 us the greatest of the Median cities; f^iyio-T'/i ruv xotrec 
 ylri?,i(x.v'/! Tctyoi ; (Mansiones ParthictD,) among which he 
 ilso enumerates Charax. This latter, however, and Rhi. 
 
 each of whom threw off the yoke at the same 
 time; by which means Antiochus lost all the 
 eastern provinces of his empire beyond the Ti- 
 gris. This event happened, according to Justin, 
 
 gia, are placed by Ptolemy in Parthia, whilst Europos 
 and Arsacia are by him assigned to Media. Pliny also, 
 lib. vi. c. 25. places Europos and Arsacia in Parthia, and 
 Ammianus Marcellinus assigns them to Media. Ptolemy 
 not only places these two as above staled, but assigns them 
 different longitudes and latitudes from each other. Both 
 Bochart and Saumaise, (Salmasius,) in his Plinian exer- 
 citations, c. 55. have observed this separation, distinction, 
 or confusion ; and the latter has pronounced Ragse, Ar- 
 sacia, and Europus, to be the same city : that the ancients 
 were wrong in dividing them, or supposing them to be 
 different cities, and that this city, with these different 
 names, was in Media, not in Parthia. 
 
 It is strange, that, whilst Ptolemy places Rhagiane, or 
 the district of Hhages, in Media, he should place the city 
 itself in Parthia. ITiis Ragiana is called Ratiana in Isi- 
 dore of Charax, and foolishly altered to Matiana, by his 
 translator, in Hudson's Minor Geographers, vol. ii. p. 6 
 Ratiana, in Isidore, is the inferior Media, and therefore it 
 was wrong in the translator to alter it to Matiana, which 
 belonged to the Upper Media, and which should be called 
 Mardiana, (as we have shown in a former note,) and 
 which corresponds to the modern Al-Jebal, or the moun. 
 tainous Irak. Salmasius corrects the false reading much 
 better, by changing Ratiana into Ragiana : " Du£e Me- 
 dije, superior et inferior quse et Tocyioiv/i dicta ab oppido 
 Rhagis, Plinian."— Exercit. cap, 55. The ruins of Rages, 
 or Rey, reach to within four miles of Teheran, the pre. 
 sent Persian capital. Teheran is not mentioned by any 
 of the ancient geographers ; but, in the Theodosian table, 
 a town, called Tahora, is there described to be in the same 
 situation in respect of Rhages, that Teheran is with re- 
 spect to Rey. — Morier's Travels, vol. i. p. 400. 
 
 Ptolemy enumerates twenty-five cities in his Table of 
 Parthia ; but from these Charax and Rhageia must be de- 
 ducted, as belonging to Media ; and it must, at one time, 
 have been very populous, since many cities, and about 
 2000 villages, are reckoned to have been destroyed by earth- 
 quakes, as we are informed by Strabo, out of Posidonius ; 
 and he says farther, that Rhaga obtained its name from 
 the frequent earthquakes that happen there. 
 
 Hecatompylos was the provincial capital, and so called 
 from its having a hundred gates ; or as Polybius, lib. x. 
 cap. 25. affirms, because all the roads through the Par. 
 thian dominions centred here. It is evident that the 
 name is Greek, and perhaps a translation of the Persipin 
 name ; but what that name was it is impossible to say ; but 
 it is supposed to correspond to the modern Dameghaun 
 situated in an elevated plain. The road from the Caspian 
 gates to Aria, or Herat, led through Hecatompylos, which 
 was situate, according to Strabo, 1960 stades east of these 
 gates, but only 1064 according to Pliny ; which indeed 
 agrees to the actual distance, supposing Dameghaun to be 
 Hecatompylos; and its actual direct distance from Rey is 
 upwards of 160 British miles. Strabo, lib. xi. p 127. torn, 
 ii. says that Parthia was a poor, woody, and mountainous 
 country ; so much so, that the kings passed by it in their 
 course, since it could not support even the smallest part 
 of their army. Upon the death of Alexander the Great, 
 it was almos-t entirely neglected, and left as an appendage 
 to Media, none of his commanders caring for the govern, 
 ment of so poor and barren a province. The revolution 
 that first rendered Parthia a province of consequence is 
 told in the text. Agathocles was not merely governor of 
 Parthia, but of all the countries beyond the Euphrates, 
 for Antiochus. Arrian calls him Pherecles. Arsaces 
 fixed his regal residence at Hecatompylos, after his suc- 
 cessful revolt. According to our author, this revolution 
 took place about 250 years before Christ, others fix it at 
 248 years before the same epoch But it is fixed by others 
 six years earlier than our author's date, or in the 256th 
 year before Christ, in the commencement of the reign of 
 Antiochus Theos, which I take to be the statement most 
 correct. Oriental historians give little or no light as to 
 the beginning, or duration, of the Parthian dynasty, and 
 to quote their fables would be wasting the time and abus- 
 ing the patience of the reader. 
 
 The Bactrian kingdom comprehended what is now called 
 Eastern Persia, or Khorassan, in addition to the country 
 beyond the Paropamisus. This eastern part was then 
 called Ariana, as we have shown in a former note on the 
 marches of Alexander : it also comprehended several of 
 the Indian provinces bordering on the Indus. We have, 
 however, a very meagre and unsatisfactory account of this 
 remnant of Grecian power and neither Bayer nor Mwj 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 when L. Manlius Vulso, and M. Atilius Re- 
 gulus,^ were consuls at Kome; that is to say, 
 the fourteenth year of the first punic war. 
 
 The troubles and revolts 
 A. M. 3765. in the East made Antiochus 
 
 Ant. J. C. 249. at last desirous to disengage 
 himself from the war with 
 Ptolemy.* A treaty of peace was according- 
 ly concluded between them ; and the condi- 
 tions of it were, that Antiochus should divorce 
 Laodice, and espouse Berenice, the daughter of 
 
 Ptolemy ; that he should also disinherit his issue 
 by the first marriage, and secure the crown to 
 his children by the secoiid. Antiochus, after 
 the ratification of the ti-eaty, repudiated Laodice, 
 though she was his sister by the father's side, 
 and had brought him two sons : Ptolemy then 
 embarked at Pelusium, and conducted his 
 daughter to Seleucia, a maritime city, near the 
 
 rice have been able to fill up the void. It is strange that 
 no Greek writers flourished at the courts of the Bactriaii 
 sovereigns : one would have expected that utider a dynasty 
 of Greek sovereigns which lasted for more than a century, 
 some writers of that nation would have appeared to give 
 us some account of this famed kingdom so much extolled 
 by the moderns, and for no other reason that I can see, 
 but because it was ruled by Greeks. This empire was 
 overthrown by the Scythian tribes of the Asii, Pasiani, 
 Tochari, and Sacarauli, about 150 years before Christ, and 
 which has been confirmed by the elder Deo Gnigues in his 
 elaborate history of the Huns and Turks, chiefly extracted 
 from the Chinese annals, who shows that a great Tartar 
 irruption took place at that very time. These barbarians 
 successively crossed the Jaxartesand Ox us, and advancing 
 like an overwhelming torrent, annihilated the Greek 
 kingdom of Bactria. 
 
 The learned authors of the Ancient Universal History 
 are grievously mistaken in athrming that the Scythians 
 held the kingdom of Bactria till the invasion of the Huns. 
 Bactria became, soon after the invasion of the Scythians, 
 a Parthian province, and then a Persian province, during 
 the reigns of the Sassanian princes ; and did not in fact 
 become a Tartar province till the irruption of the tsbec 
 Tartars in the 15th century. They mention several kings 
 of Scythian descent, as reigning in Bactria in the times of 
 the emperors Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Valerian. 
 This is taken from the Homan historians, who are notori- 
 ously addicted to fal-ehood, and mention embassies from 
 kings that never existed. We are told by them, that the 
 kings of Hyrcania and India, as well as Bactria, sent am- 
 bassadors to Antoninus Pius ;— now Hyrcania, as all 
 know, was not an independent kingdom, but a province of 
 the Parthian empire at that very time. We give the 
 reader a sample of Roman vanity and veracity in the case 
 of the emperor Aurelian, the conqueror of Zenobia. " The 
 fame of his victory soon reached the most distant nations, 
 who all strove with solemn embassies and rich presents to 
 gain his friendship. Among these were the Blemmyes, 
 the Auxumites, the inhabitants of Arabia Felix, the 
 Bactrians, Iberians, Albanians, Saracens, Armenians, 
 Ethiopians, Indians, Persians, and even the Chinese." 
 From this specimen it may be judged of the rest. 
 
 " Ex uno, disce omnis." 
 
 These authors also make the Ochus the chief river of 
 Bactria, when in fai t it is not a river of Bactria at all, but 
 one which separates Hyrcania and Farthia from the desert 
 of Chorasmia. Ptolemy led them into this mistake, who 
 makes the Ochus a Bactrian river. Either Ptolemy has 
 committed an error, or his text has been corrupted, in 
 making that river a Bactrian stream,— there is in fact a 
 complete transposition of the ri'ers Ochus and the Margus 
 in his Tables of Margiana and Bactria. In the table of Mar- 
 giana the river which should be called the Ochus is made 
 the Margus, and vice versa in the table of Bactria ;— the 
 river which is there called the Ochus should be denomi- 
 nated the Margus, and then all would be right, 't he Mar- 
 gus is a river of Bactria as well as Margiana, and falls into 
 the Oxus, whilst the (Jehus runs by Nesa and Bawerd, 
 
 nd enters the Caspian to the N. E. of Hyrcania, or rather 
 of the Parnce and Datras. — t d. 
 
 1 In the Fasti he is called C. Atilius. 
 2 Hieron. in Dan. xi. Polysn. btrat. 1. viii, c. 50. 
 Athen. ii. p 45. 
 
 mouth of the Orontes, a rivei of Syria. Anti 
 ochus came thither to receive his bride, and the 
 nuptials were solemnized with great magnifi- 
 cence. Ptolemy had a tender affection for his 
 daughter, and gave orders to have regular sup- 
 plies of water from the Nile transmitted to her ; 
 believing it better for her health than any othei 
 water whatever, and therefore he was desirous 
 she should drink none but that. When mar- 
 riag s are contracted from no other motives than 
 political views, and are founded on such unjust 
 conditions, they are generally attended with ca- 
 lamitous and fatal events. 
 
 These particulars of the marriage of Anti- 
 ochus with the daughter of Ptolemy had been 
 foretold by the prophet Daniel. I shall here 
 repeat the beginning of this prophecy, which has 
 already been explained elsewhere, that the 
 reader may at once behold and admire the pre- 
 diction of the greatest events in our history, 
 and their literal accomplishment at the ap- 
 pointed time. 
 
 " I will now show thee the truth. These 
 words were spoken to Daniel, on the part of 
 God, by the man clothed in linen. " Behold, 
 there shall stand up yet three kings in Persia ;" 
 namely, Cyrus, who was then upon the throne; 
 his son Cambyses ; and Darius, the son of Hy- 
 staspes. " And the fourth shall be far richer 
 than they all : And by his strength through his 
 riches he shall stir up all against the realm of 
 Greece." The monarch here meant was Xer- 
 xes, who invaded Greece with a very formida- 
 ble army. 
 
 " And a mighty king shall stand up,* that 
 shall rule with great dominion, and do accord- 
 ing to his will." In this part of the prophecy 
 we may easily trace Alexander the Great. 
 
 " And when he shall stand up,^ his kingdom 
 shall be broken (by his death), and shall be di- 
 vided towards the four winds of heaven ; and 
 not to his posterity, nor according to his domin- 
 ion which he ruled : for his kingdom shall be 
 plucked up, even for others beside those:" 
 namely, beside the four gi-eater princes. We 
 have already seen the vast empire of Alexander 
 parcelled out into four great kingdoms f with- 
 out including those foreign princes who founded 
 other kingdoms in Cappadocia, Armenia, Bithy- 
 nia, Heraclea, and on the Bosphorus. All this 
 was present to Daniel I 
 
 This prophet then proceeds to the treaty of ; 
 peace, and the marriage we have already men- j 
 tioned. i 
 
 " The king of the South shall be strong,' and ; 
 one of his princes ; and he shall be strong above 
 him, and have dominion; his dominion shall 
 be a great dominion. And in the end of years 
 they shall join themselves together; for the 
 king's daughter of the South shall come to the ; 
 king of the North to make an agreement : but | 
 he shall not retain the power of the arm, nei- 
 ther shall he stand, nor his arm : but she shall ' 
 be given up, and they that brought her, and he 
 that begat her, and he that strengthened her in 
 these times. ^ j 
 
 it will be necessary to observe, that Daniel, ; 
 in this passage, and throughout all the remain- 
 
 3 Dan. xi. 2. 4 Ver. 3. 5 Ver. 4. j 
 
 6 Turn maximum in terris Macedonum regnumnomen- ! 
 
 que, inde morte Alexandri distractum in mulla legna, \ 
 
 dum ad se quisque opas rapiunt lacerantes viribus. Liv. j 
 
ALEXANDER S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 'ner part of the chapter before us, confines him- 
 self to the kings of Egypt and Syria, because 
 they were the only princes who engaged in 
 wars against the people of God. 
 
 " The king of the South shall be strong."^ 
 This ki7ig^ of the South was Ptolemy, the son of 
 Lagus, king of Egypt ; and the Hng of the North 
 WAS Seleucus Nicator, king of Syria. And, in- 
 deed, such was their exact situation with respect 
 to Juda;a, which has Syria to the north, and 
 Egypt to the south. 
 
 According to Daniel, the king of Egypt, who 
 first reigned in that country after the death of 
 Alexander, was Ptolemy Soter, whom he calls 
 the king of the Soicth, and declares, that he shall 
 be strong. The exactness of this character is 
 fully justified by what we have seen in his his- 
 tory : for he was master of Egypt, Libya, Cy- 
 renaica, Arabia, Palestine, Coele- Syria, and 
 most of the maritime provinces of Asia Minor ; 
 with the island of Cyprus : as also of several 
 isles in the ^gean sea, which is now called the 
 Archipelago; and even some cities of Greece, 
 as Sicyon and Corinth. 
 
 The prophet,^ after this, mentions another of 
 the four successors to this empire, whom he 
 calls Princes or Governors. This was Seleucus 
 Nicator, the king of the North ; of whom he 
 declares, that he "should be more povrerful 
 than the king of the South, and his dominion 
 more extensive;" for this is the import of the 
 prophet's expression, " he shall be strong above 
 him, and have dominion." It is easy to prove, 
 that his territories were of greater extent than 
 those of the king of Egypt ; for he was master 
 of all the East, from mount Taurus to the river 
 Indus ; and also of several provinces in Asia 
 Minor, between mount Taurus and the ^Egean 
 sea; to which he added Thrace and Macedonia, 
 a little before his death. 
 
 Daniel then informs us, " of the coming of 
 the daughter of the king of the South, to the 
 king of the North, and mentions the treaty of 
 peace, which was concluded on this occasion be- 
 tween the two kings."'" This evidently points 
 out the marriage of Berenice, the daughter of 
 Ptolemy king of Egypt, with Antiochus Theos, 
 king of Syi-ia, and the peace concluded between 
 them in consideration of this alliance ; every 
 circumstance of which exactly happened ac- 
 cording to the prediction before us. The se- 
 quel of this history will show us the fatal events 
 of this marriage, which was also foretold by the 
 prophet. 
 
 In the remaining part of the chapter he re- 
 lates the most remarkable events of future times, 
 under these two races of kings, to the death of 
 Antiochus Epiphanes, the great persecutor of 
 the Jewish nation. I shall be careful, as these 
 events occur in the series of this history, to 
 apply the prophecy of Daniel to them, that the 
 reader may observe the exact accomplishment 
 of each prediction. 
 
 In the meantime, I cannot but recognize in 
 this place, with admiration, the divine origin of 
 the Scriptures, which relate in so particular and 
 circumstantial a manner, a variety of singular 
 and extraordinary facts, above 300 years before 
 they were transacted. What an immense chain 
 of events extends from the prophecy to the time 
 of its accomplishment ; by the breaking of any 
 single link, the whole would be disconcerted ! 
 
 8 Dan. xi. 5. 9 Ver. 5. 10 Ver. 6. 
 
 With respect to the marriage alone, what hand, 
 but that of the Almighty, could have conducted 
 so many different views, intrigues, and passions, 
 to the same point? What knowledge but this 
 could, with so much certainty, have foreseen 
 such a number of distinct circumstances, sub- 
 ject not only to the freedom of will, but even tf 
 the irregular impressions of caprice? And what 
 man but must adore that sovereign power which 
 God exercises, in a secret bat certain manner, 
 over kings and princes, whose very crimes he 
 renders subservient to the execution of his sa- 
 cred will and the accomplishment of his eternal 
 decrees ; in which all events, both general and 
 particular, have their appointed time and place 
 fixed beyond the possibility of failing, even those 
 which depend the most on the choice and liberty 
 of mankind ? 
 
 As Ptolemy was curious," 
 A. M. S756. to an uncommon degree, in 
 Ant. J. C. 248. the statues, designs, and pic- 
 tures, of excellent masters, 
 as well as in books ; he saw, during the time he 
 continued in Syria, a statue of Diana, in one of 
 the temples, with which he was highly pleased. 
 Antigonus made him a present of it, at his re- 
 quest, and he carried it into Egypt. Some time 
 after his return, Arsinoe was seized with an 
 indisposition, and dreamed that Diana appeared 
 to her, and acquainted her, that Ptolemy wa? 
 the occasion of her illness, by his having taken 
 her statue out in the temple where it was con- 
 secrated to her aivinity. Upon this the statue 
 was sent back, as soon as possible, to SyTia, in 
 order to be replaced in the proper temple. It 
 was also accompanied with rich presents to the 
 goddess, and a variety of sacrifices were offered 
 up to appease her displeasure ; but they were 
 not succeeded by any favourable effect. The 
 queen's distemper was so far from abating, that 
 she died in a short time, and left Ptolemy in- 
 consolable at her loss ; and more so, because he 
 imputed her death to his own indiscretion, in 
 having removed the statue of Diana out of the 
 temple. 
 
 This taste for statues, pictures, and other rare 
 curiosities of art, may be very commendable in 
 a prince, and other great men, when indulged 
 to a certain degree ; but when a person aban- 
 dons himself to it entirely, it degenerates into 
 a dangerous temptation, and frequently prompts 
 him to notorious injustice and violence. This 
 is evident by what Cicero relates of Verres, who 
 practised a kind of piracy in Sicily, where he 
 was praetor, by stripping private houses, and 
 ev^en the temples, of all their finest and most 
 valuable curiosities. But though a person should 
 have no recourse to such heinous methods, it is 
 still very shocking and offensive, says Cicero, to 
 say to a person of distinction, worth, and for- 
 tune, " Sell me this picture, or that statue,"'^ 
 since it is, in effect, declaring, " You are un- 
 worthy to have such an admirable piece in your 
 possession, which suits only a person of my 
 rank and taste." I mention nothing of the 
 enormous expenses into which a man is drawn 
 by this passion; for these exquisite pieces have 
 no price but what the desire of possessing 
 
 11 Liban. Orat. xi. 
 12 Superbum est et non ferendum, dicere prstorem in 
 provincia homini honesto, locupleti, splendido ; Vende 
 mihi vasa coelata. Hoc est enim diceve; Non es dignus 
 tu, qui habeas quse tam bene facta sunt. Mess dignitatis 
 ista sunt. Cic. Orat. de signis. n. 45. 
 
348 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 them sets upon them, and that we know has no 
 bounds.' 
 
 Though Arsinoe was older than Ptolemy, 
 and too far advanced in years to have any chil- 
 dren when he espoused her ; he however re- 
 tained a constant and tender passion for her to 
 the last, and rendered all imaginable honours to 
 her memory after her death. He gave her 
 name to several cities, which he caused to be 
 built, and performed a number of other re- 
 markable things, to testify how well he loved 
 her. 
 
 Nothing could be more extraordinary than 
 the design he formed of erecting a temple to 
 her,^ at Alexandria, with a dome rising above 
 it, the concave pai't of which was to be lined 
 with adamant, in order to keep an iron statue 
 of the queen suspended in the air. This design 
 was the invention of Dinocrates, a famous ar- 
 chitect in those times ; and the moment he pro- 
 posed it to Ptolemy, that prince gave orders for 
 beginning the work without delay. The ex- 
 periment, however, remained imperfect, for 
 want of sufficient time ; for Ptolemy and the 
 architect dying within a very short time after 
 this resolution, the project was entirely discon- 
 tinued. It has long been said, and even be- 
 lieved, that the body of Mahomet was sus- 
 1 pended in this manner, in an iron coffin, by a 
 loadstone fixed in the vaulted roof of the cham- 
 ber where his corpse was deposited after his 
 death ; but this is a mere vulgar eiTor, without 
 the least foundation. 
 
 Ptolemy Philadelphus sur- 
 A. M. S727. vived his beloved Arsinoe but 
 Ant. J. C. 217. a short time.^ He was natu- 
 rally of a tender constitu- 
 tion, and the luxurious manner of life he led 
 contributed to the decay of his health. The in- 
 j firmities of old age, and his affliction for the 
 loss of a consort whom he loved to adoration, 
 brought upon him a languishing disorder, which 
 ended his days, in the sixty-third year of his 
 age, and the thirty-eighth of his reign. He left 
 j two sons and a daughter,* whom he had by his 
 I first wife Arsinoe, the daughter of Lysimachus, 
 a different person from the last-mentioned queen 
 of that name. His eldest son, Ptolemy Euer- 
 getes, succeeded him in the throne ; the second 
 bore the name of Lysimachus, his grandfather 
 by the mother's side, and was put to death by 
 his brother for engaging in a rebellion against 
 him. The name of the daughter was Berenice, 
 whose marriage with Antiochus Theos, king of 
 Syria, has already been related. 
 
 SECT. IX. 
 
 Character and qualities of Ptolemy Philadelphus. 
 
 I Ptolemy Philadelphus had certainly great and 
 I excellent qualities ; and yet we cannot propose 
 him as a perfect model of a good king, because 
 those qualities were counterpoised hy defects al- 
 1 together as considerable. He dishonoured the 
 I eai'ly part of his reign, by his resentment against 
 I a man of uncommon merit, I mean Demetrius 
 Phalereus, because he had given some advice to 
 his father, contrary to the interest of Philadel- 
 
 1 Etenim, qui modus est cupiditatis, idem est astima- 
 lionis. Difficile est enim finem facere pretio, nisi libidini 
 feceris. Cic. Oral, de signis. n. 14. 
 
 2 Plin. 1. xxxiv. c. 14. 3 Athen. 1. xii. p. 549. 
 
 4 Canon. Ptolem. Astron. 
 
 phus, but entirely confoi-mable to equity mid 
 natural right. His immense riches soon drew 
 after them a train of luxury and effeminate 
 pleasures, the usual concomitants of such high 
 fortunes, which contributed not a little to ener- 
 vate his mind. He was not very industrious 
 in cultivating the military virtues ; but we 
 must acknowledge at the same time, that a re- 
 missness of this nature is not always a misfoi"- 
 tune to a people. 
 
 He, however, made an ample compensation 
 for this neglect, by his love of the arts and 
 sciences, and his generosity to learned men. 
 The fame of his liberalities invited several illus- 
 trious poets to his court, particularly Calli- 
 machus, Lycophron, and Theocritus ; the last 
 of whom gives him a very high character in 
 some of his Idyllia. We have already seen his 
 extraordinary taste foi- books ; and that he 
 spared no expense in the augmentation and em- 
 bellishment of the library founded by his father, 
 from whence both those princes have derived as 
 much glory as could have redounded to them 
 from the greatest conquests. As Philadelphus 
 had abundance of wit, and his happy natural 
 disposition had been carefully cultivated by able 
 masters, he always retained a peculiar taste for 
 the sciences, but in such a manner as suited the 
 dignity of a prince; since he never suffered them 
 to engross his whole attention, but regulated 
 his propensity to those grateful amusements by 
 prudence and moderation. In order to per- 
 petuate this taste in his dominions, he erected 
 public schools and academies at Alexandria, 
 where they long flourished in great reputation. 
 He loved to converse with men of learning, and 
 as the greatest masters in every kind of science j 
 were emulous to obtain his favoui", he extracted | 
 from each of them (in I may use that expres- } 
 sion) the flower and quintessence of the sciences 
 in which they excelled. This is the inestimable 
 advantage which princes and great men possess; 
 and happy are they when they know how to 
 use the opportunity of acquiring, in agreeable 
 conversations, a thousand things, not only cu- 
 rious, but useful and important, with respect to 
 government. | 
 
 This intercourse of Philadelphus with learned i 
 men, and his care to give due honour to the ! 
 arts, may be considered as the source of those 
 measures he pursued, through the course of his | 
 long reign, to make commerce flourish in his ' 
 dominions ; in which attempt no prince ever ' 
 succeeded more effectually than himself. The ; 
 greatest expenses, in this particular, could never : 
 discourage him from persisting in what he pro- 
 posed to accomplish. We have already observed, 
 that he built whole cities in order to protect 
 and facilitate his intended traffic ; that he opened | 
 a very long canal through deserts destitute of j 
 water; and maintained a very numerous and I 
 complete navy in each of the two seas, merely I 
 for the defence of his merchants. His principal I 
 point in view was to secure to strangers all j 
 imaginable safety, convenience, and freedom, in | 
 his ports, without fettering trade in any degree, j 
 or endeavouring to turn it from its proper chan- j 
 nel, in order to make it subservient to his own i 
 particular interest ; as he was persuaded, that I 
 commerce w?s like some springs that soon 
 cease to flow, when diverted from their natural 
 course. I 
 
 These were views worthy of a great prince, 
 and a consummate politician, and their lasting 
 effects were infinitely beneficial to his kingdom. , 
 They have even continued to our days, strength- 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 34:[) 
 
 ened by the principles of the first establishment, 
 after a duration of above 2000 years; opening a 
 perpetual flow of new riches, and new commo- 
 dities of every kind, into all nations; drawing 
 continually from them a return of voluntary 
 contributions; uniting the East and West by 
 the mutual supply of their respective wants; 
 and establishing on this basis a commerce that 
 has constantly supported itself from age to age 
 without interruption. Those great conquerors 
 and celebrated heroes, whose merit has been so 
 highly extolled, not to mention the ravages and 
 desolation they have occasioned to mankind, 
 have scarce left behind them any traces of the 
 conquests and acquisitions they have made for 
 aggrandizing their empires; or at least those 
 traces have not been durable, and the revolutions 
 j to which the most potent states are obnoxious, 
 I divest them of their conquests in a short time, 
 I and transfer them to others. On the contrary, 
 the commerce of Egypt, established thus by 
 Philadelphus, instead of being shaken by time, 
 has rather increased through a long succession 
 of ages, and become daily more useful and indis- 
 pensable to all nations. So that, when we trace 
 it up to its source, we shall be sensible that this 
 prince ought to be considered not only as the 
 benefactor of Egypt, but of all mankind in gen- 
 eral, to the latest posterity. 
 
 What we have already observed, in the his- 
 tory of Philadelphus, with respect to the incli- 
 nation of the neighbouring people to transplant 
 themselves in crowds into Egypt, preferring a 
 residence in a foreign land to the natural affec- 
 tion of mankind for their native soil, is another 
 glorious panegyric on this prince ; as the most 
 essential duty of kings, and the most grateful 
 pleasure they can possibly enjoy, amidst the 
 splendours of a throne, is to gain the love of 
 mankind, and to make their government desira- 
 ble. Ptolemy was sensible, as an able politician, 
 that the only sure expedient for extending his 
 dominions without any act of violence, was to 
 multiply his subjects, and attach them to his 
 government, by their interest and inclination; 
 to cause the land to be cultivated in a better 
 manner; to make arts and manufactures flour- 
 ish ; and to augment by a thousand judicious 
 measures, the power of a prince and his king- 
 dom, whose real strength consists in the multi- 
 tude of his subjects. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 Sect. I. 
 
 Antiochus Tlieos is poisoned by his queen Laodice, who 
 causes Seleucus Callinicus to be declared king. She also 
 destroys Berenice and her son. Ptolemy Euergetes 
 avenges their death, by that of Laodice, and seizes part 
 ot Asia. Antiochus Hierax, and Seleucus his brother, 
 unite against Ptolemy, The death of Antigonus Gonal 
 tas, king of Macedonia. He is succeeded by his son De. 
 metrius. The war between the two brothers, Antiochus 
 and Seleucus. The death of Eumenes, king of Perga- 
 mus. Attalus succeeds him. The establishment of the 
 Parthian empire by Arsaces. Antiochus is slain by 
 robbers. Seleucus is taken prisoner by the Parthians 
 Credit of Joseph the nephew of Onias, with Ptolemy. 
 Ihe death of Demetrius, king of Macedonia. Antiffo- 
 nus seizes the throne of that prince. The death of Seleu. 
 cus. 
 
 As soon as Antiochus Theos had received in- 
 
 A. M. 3758. teJligence of the death of Pto- 
 
 Ant. J. C. 246. lemy Philadelphu&,5 his fa- 
 ther-in-law, he divorced Be- 
 renice, and recalled Laodice and her childi-en. 
 Laodice, who knew the variable disposition and 
 inconstancy of Antiochus, and was apprehen- 
 sive that the same levity of mind would induce 
 him to return to Berenice again, resolved to im- 
 prove the present opportunity to secure the 
 crown for her son. Her own children were 
 disinherited by the treaty made with Ptolemy ; 
 by which it was also stipulated, that the issue 
 Berenice might have by Antiochus should suc- 
 ceed to the throne, and she then had a son. La- 
 odice, therefore, caused Antiochus to be poison- 
 ed, and when she saw that he was dead, she 
 placed in his bed a person named Artemon, who 
 very much i-esembled him both in his features 
 and the tone of his voice, to act the part she had 
 occasion for. He acquitted himself with great 
 dexterity ; taking great care, in the few visits 
 that were paid him, to recommend his dear La- 
 odice and her children to the lords and people. 
 In his name were issued orders, by which his 
 eldest son Seleucus Callinicus was appointed his 
 successor. His death was then declared, upon 
 which Seleucus peaceably ascended the throne, 
 and enjoyed it for the space of twenty years. It 
 appears by the sequel, that his brother Anti- 
 ochus, surnamed Hierax, had the government of 
 the provinces of Asia Minor, where he com- 
 manded a very considerable body of troops. 
 
 Laodice, not believing herself safe as long as 
 Berenice and her son lived, concerted measures 
 with Seleucus to destroy them also : but Bere- 
 nice being informed of their design, escaped 
 with her son to Daphne, where she shut herself 
 up in the asylum built by Seleucus Nicator. 
 But being at last betrayed by the perfidy of 
 those who besieged her there by the order of 
 Laodice, first her son and then herself, with all 
 the Egyptians who had accompanied her to that 
 retreat, were murdered in the blackest and most 
 inhuman manner. 
 
 This event was an exact accomplishment of 
 what the prophet Daniel had foretold with l e- 
 lation to this marriage. " The king's daughter 
 of the South shall come to the king of the North 
 to make an agreement :^ but he shall not retain 
 the power of the arm, neither shall he stand, nor 
 his arm ; but she shall be given up, and they 
 that brought her, and he that begat her. and he 
 that strengthened her in those times." I am 
 not surprised that Porphyry, who was a pro- 
 fessed enemy to Christianity, should represent 
 those prophecies of Daniel as predictions made 
 after the several events to which they refer ; for 
 could they possibly be clearer if he had even been 
 a spectator of the acts he foretold ? 
 
 What probability was there that Egypt and 
 Syria, which, in the time of Daniel constituted 
 part of the Babylonian empire, as tributary pro- 
 vinces, should each of them be governed by kings 
 who originally sprung from Greece? Yet the 
 prophet saw them established in those do- 
 minions above 800 years before. He beheld 
 these two kings in a state of war, and saw 
 them afterwards reconciled by a treaty of peace 
 ratified by a marriage. He also observed, that it 
 was the king of Egypt, and not the king of 
 
 5 Hieron. in Daniel. Plin. 1. vii. c. 12. Val. Max. ] i 
 ix. c. 14. Solin. c. i. Justin. 1. xxvii. c. i. 
 
 6 Dan. xi. 6. 
 
850 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 Syria, who cemented the union between them 
 by the gift of his daughter. He saw her con- 
 ducted from Egypt to Syria, in a pompous and 
 magnificent manner ; but was sensible that this 
 event would be succeeded by a strange catas- 
 trophe. In a word, he discovered that the issue 
 of this princess, notwithstanding all the express 
 precautions in the treaty for securing their suc- 
 cession to the crown, in exclusion of the chil- 
 dren by a former marriage, wei'e so far from 
 ascending the throne, that they were entirely 
 exterminated ; and that the new queen herself 
 was delivered up to her rival, who caused her 
 to be destroyed, with all the officers who con- 
 ducted her out of Egypt into Syi-ia, and who, 
 till then, had been her strength and support. 
 ' Great God ! how worthy are thy oracles to be 
 believed and reverenced.' Testimonia tua credi- 
 bilia facta sunt nimts. 
 
 While Berenice was besieged and blocked up 
 
 in Daphne, the cities of Asia Minor, who had 
 received intelligence of her treatment, Avere 
 touched with compassion at her misfortune : in 
 consequence of which they formed a confeder- 
 acy, and sent a body of troops to Antioch for 
 her relief. Her brother Ptolemy Euergetes was 
 also as expeditious as possible to advance thither 
 with a formidable army ; but the unhappy Be- 
 renice and her children were dead before any of 
 these auxiliary troops could arrive. When they 
 therefore saw that all their endeavours to save 
 the queen and her children were rendered in- 
 effectual, they immediately determined to re- 
 venge her death in a remarkable manner. The 
 troops of Asia joined those of Egypt, and Ptole- 
 my, who commanded them, was as successful as 
 he could desire in the satisfaction of his just re- 
 sentment. The criminal proceeding of Laodice, 
 and of the king her son, who had made himself 
 an accomplice in her barbarity, soon alienated 
 the affection of the people from them ; and 
 Ptolemy not only caused Laodice to suffer death, 
 but made himself master of all Syria and Cilicia ; 
 after which he passed the Euphrates, and con- 
 quered all the country as far as Babylon and 
 the Tigris; and if the progress of his arms had 
 not been interrupted by a sedition which obliged 
 him to return to Egypt, he would certainly have 
 subdued all the provinces of the Syrian empire. 
 He, however, left Antiochus, one of his gener- 
 als, to govern the provinces he had gained on 
 this side of mount Taurus; and Xanthippus 
 was intrusted with those that lay beyond it ; 
 Ptolemy then marched back to Egypt, laden 
 with the spoils* he had acquired by his con- 
 quests. 
 
 This prince carried off 40,000 talents of sil- 
 ver,' with a prodigious quantity of gold and sil- 
 ver vessels, and 2,500 statues, part of which 
 were those Egyptian idols that Cambyses, after 
 his conquest of that kingdom, had sent into 
 Persia. Ptolemy gained the hearts of his sub 
 iects by replacing those idols in their ancien 
 temples, when he returned from this expedi 
 tion : for the Egyptians, who were more de 
 roted to their superstitious idolatry than all the 
 rest of mankind, thought they could not suffi- 
 ciently express their veneration and gratitude to 
 a king, who had restored their gods to them in 
 such a manner. Ptolemy derived from this ac^ 
 tion the title of Euergetes, which signifies a 
 benefactor, a title infinitely preferable to all ap- 
 
 1 About six millions sterling. 
 
 pellations which conquei'ors liave assumed from 
 a false idea of glory. An epithet of this nature 
 is the true characteristic of kings, whose solid 
 greatness consists in the inclination and ability 
 to improve the welfare of their subjects ; and it 
 were to be wished, that Ptolemy had merited 
 this title by actions more worthy of it. 
 
 All this was also accomplished exactly as the 
 prophet Daniel had foretold, and we need only 
 cite the text, to prove what we advance.^ " But 
 out of a branch of her root (intimating the king 
 of the South, who was Ptolemy Euergetes, the 
 son of Ptolemy Philadelphus) shall one stand 
 up in his estate, who shall come with an army, 
 and shall enter into the fortress of the king of 
 the North (Seleucus Callinicus), and shall deal 
 against them, and shall prevail. And shall also 
 carry captives into Egypt, their gods, with their 
 princes, and with their precious vessels of silver, 
 and of gold, and he shall continue more years 
 than the king of the North. So the king of the 
 South shall come into his kingdom (that is, the 
 kingdom of Seleucus), and shall return into his 
 own land :" namely, into Egypt. 
 
 When Ptolemy Euergetes set out on this ex- 
 pedition,^ his queen Berenice, who tenderly 
 loved him, being apprehensive of the dangers to 
 which he would be exposed in the war, made a 
 vow to consecrate her hair, if he should return 
 in safety. This was most probably a saci-ifice 
 of the ornament she most esteemed ; and when 
 she at last saw him return with so much glory, 
 , the accomplishment of her promise was her im- 
 The i mediate care ; in order to which she caused her 
 hair to be cut off, and then dedicated it to the 
 gods in the temple which Ptolemy Philadelphus 
 had founded in honour of his beloved Arsinoe 
 on Zephyrion, a promontory in Cyprus, under 
 the name of the Zephyrian Venus. This con- 
 secrated hair being lost soon after by some un- 
 known accident, Ptolemy was extremely of- 
 fended with the priests for their negligence; 
 upon which Conon of Samos, an artful courtier, 
 and also a mathematician, being then at Alex- 
 andria, took upon him to affirm, that the locks 
 of the queen's hair had been conveyed to hea- 
 ven ; and he pointed out seven stars near the 
 lion's tail, Avhich till then had never been part 
 of any constellation ; declaring, at the same time, 
 that those were the hair of Berenice. Several 
 other astronomers, either to make their court as 
 well as Conon, or that they might not draw 
 upon themselves the displeasure of Ptolemy, 
 gave those stars the same name, which is still 
 used to this day. Callimachus, who had been 
 at the court of Philadelphus, composed a short 
 poem on the hair of Berenice, which Catullus 
 afterwards translated into Latin, which version 
 is come down to us. 
 
 Ptolemy,* in his return from this expedition, 
 passed through Jerusalem, where he offered a 
 great number of sacrifices to the God of Israel, 
 in order to render homage to him, for the victo- 
 ries he had obtained over the king of Syria ; by 
 which action he evidently discovered his pre- 
 ference of the true God to all the idols of Egypt. 
 Perhaps the prophecies of Daniel were shown 
 to that prince, and he might conclude, from 
 what they' contained, that all his conquests and 
 successes were owing to that God who had 
 
 2 Dan. xi. 7—9. 
 3 Hygini Poet. Astron. 1. ii. Nonnus in Hist. S-yrwg 
 Catullus de coma Bcren. 
 
 4 Joseph, coiitr. Appion. 1. n. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 351 
 
 catised them to be foretold so exactly by his pro- 
 phets. 
 
 Seleucus had been detained 
 A. M. 3759. for some time in his king- 
 Ant. J. C. 245. dom,^ by the apprehension 
 of domestic troubles ; but 
 when he received intelligence that Ptolemy was 
 returning to Egypt, he set sail with a consider- 
 able fleet to reduce the revolted cities. His en- 
 terprise was, however, ineffectual ; for, as soon 
 as he advanced into the open sea, his whole 
 navy was destroyed by a violent tempest; as if 
 Heaven itself, says Justin,** had made the winds 
 and waves the ministers of his vengeance on 
 this parricide. Seleucus, and some of his at- 
 tendants, were almost the only persons who 
 were saved, and it was with great difficulty 
 that they escaped naked from the general wreck. 
 But this dreadful stroke, which seemed intend- 
 ed to overwhelm him, contributed, on the con- 
 trary, to the re- establishment of his affairs. The 
 cities of Asia which had revolted, through the 
 horror they conceived against him, after the 
 murder of Berenice and her children, no sooner 
 received intelligence of the great loss he had 
 now sustained, than they imagined him suffi- 
 ciently punished; and as their hatred was then 
 changed into compassion, they all declared for 
 him anew. 
 
 This unexpected change 
 A. M. 3760. having reinstated him in 
 Ant. J. C. 244. the greatest part of his do- 
 minions, he was industrious 
 to raise another army to recover the rest. This 
 effort, however, proved as unsuccessful as the 
 former ; his army was defeated by the forces of 
 Ptolemy, who cut off the greatest part of his 
 troops. He fled to Antioch, with as small a 
 number of men as had been left him when he 
 rfscaped from the shipwreck at sea : as if, says a 
 certain historian, he had recovered his former 
 power only to lose it a second time with the 
 greater mortification, by a fatal vicissitude of 
 fortune.^ 
 
 After this second blow, the cities of Smyrna 
 and Magnesia, in Asia Minor, were induced, 
 by mere affection for Seleucus, to form a con- 
 federacy in his favour, by which they mutually 
 stipulated to support him with all their forces*. 
 They were greatly attached to his family, from 
 whom they probably had received many extra- 
 ordinary favours: they had even rendered divine 
 honours to his father, Antiochus Theos, and 
 also to Stratonice, the mother of this latter. 
 Callinicus retained a grateful remembrance of 
 the regard these cities had testified for his inte- 
 rest, and afterwards granted them several ad- 
 vantageous privileges. They caused the treaty 
 we have mentioned to be engraven on a large 
 column of marble, which still subsists, and is 
 now in the area before the theatre at Oxford. 
 This column was brought out of Asia, by 
 Thomas Earl of Arundel, at the beginning of 
 the reign of Charles the First, and, with several 
 other antique marbles, presented to the univer- 
 sity of Oxford by his grandson, Henry Duke of 
 Norfolk, in the reign of Charles the Second. 
 All the learned world ought to think themselves 
 
 5 Justin. 1. xxvii. c. 2. 
 6 Velut diis ipsis parricidium vindicantibus. 
 7 Quasi ad ludibrium tantOm fortune uatus esset, nec 
 propter aliud opes regni recepisset, qu^m ut amitteret 
 Justin, 
 
 indebted to noblemen who are emulous to adorn 
 and enrich universities in such a generous man- 
 ner ; and I wish that in this respect the same 
 zeal had been testified for that of Paris, the mo- 
 ther of all the rest, and whose antiquity and 
 reputation, in conjunction with the abilities of 
 her professors, and her attachment to the sacred 
 persons of kings, have rendered her worthy of 
 being favoured in a peculiar manner by princes 
 and great men. The establishment of a library 
 in this illustrious seminary would be an im- 
 mortal honour to the person who should lay the 
 foundation of such a work. 
 
 Seleucus, in the extremities to which he was 
 reduced, had made application to his brother 
 Antiochus, whom he promised to invest with 
 the sovereignty of the provinces of Asia Minor 
 that vvere contiguous to Syria, provided he 
 would join him with his troops, and act in con- 
 cert with him. The young prince was then at 
 the head of an army in those provinces ; and 
 though he was but fourteen years of age,** yet, 
 as^ he had all the ambition and malignity of 
 mind that appear in men of an advanced age, he 
 immediately accepted the offers made him, and 
 advanced in quest of his brother, not with any 
 intention to secure to him the enjoyment of his 
 dominions, but to seize them for himself. His 
 avidity was so great, and he was always so 
 ready to seize for himself whatever came in his 
 way, without the least regard to justice, that he 
 acquired^ the surname of Hierax',** which signi- 
 fies a bird that pounces on all he finds, and 
 thinks every thing good upon which he lays his 
 talons. 
 
 When Ptolemy received 
 A. M. 3761. intelligence that Antiochus 
 Ant. J. C. 243. was preparing to act in con- 
 cert with Seleucus against 
 him, he reconciled himself with the latter, and 
 concluded a truce with him for ten years, that 
 he might not have both these princes for his 
 enemies at the same time. 
 
 Antigonus Gonatas died 
 A. M. 3762. much about this period, at 
 Ant. J. C. 242. the age of eighty or eighty- 
 three years; after he had 
 reigned thirty-four years in Macedonia, and 
 forty-four in Greece. He was succeeded by his 
 son Demetrius, who reigned ten years,* and 
 made himself master of Cyrenaica and all 
 Libya. Demetrius first married the sister of 
 Antiochus Hierax ;'" but Olympias, the daugh- 
 ter of Pyrrhus king of Epirus, engaged him, 
 after the death of her husband Alexander, who 
 was likewise her brother, to espouse her daugh- 
 ter Phthia. The first wife, being unable to 
 support this injurious proceeding, retired to her 
 brother Antiochus, and earnestly pressed him 
 to declare war against her faithless husband ; 
 but his attention was then taken up with other 
 views and employments. 
 
 In fact, Antiochus still continued his military 
 preparations, as if he designed to assist his bro- 
 ther, in pursuance of the treaty between them ; 
 
 8 Antiochus, cdm osset annos quatuordecim natuF, 
 supra ffitatem regni avidus, occasionem non tam pic ani- 
 mo, quam ofFerebatur, arripuit; sed, latronis more, totum 
 fratri eripere cupiens, puer sceleratam virilemque sumit 
 audaciam. Unde Hierax est cognominatus : quia, non 
 liominis sed accipitris ritu, in alienis eripiendis vitam sec- 
 taretur. Justin. 
 
 9 A kite 
 
 10 Polyb. lib. ii. p. 131. Just. 1. xxviii. c. I. 
 
S52 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 but his real intention was to dethrone him, 
 and he concealed the virulent disposition of an 
 enemy under the name of a brother. Seleucus 
 penetrated his scheme, and immediately passed 
 Mount Taurus, in order to check his progress. 
 \ntiochus founded his pretext on the promise 
 Arhich had been made him of the sovereignty of 
 the provinces of Asia Minor,^ as a compensa- 
 tion for assisting his brother against Ptolemy ; 
 but Seleucus, who then saw himself disengaged 
 from that war without the aid of his brother, 
 did not conceive himself obliged to perform that 
 promise. Antiochus resolving to persist in his 
 pretensions, and Seleucus refusing to a}\ow 
 them, it became necessary to decide the differ- 
 ence by arms. A battle was accordingly fought 
 near Ancyra, in Galatia, wherein Seleucus was 
 defeated, and escaped with the utmost difficulty 
 from the enemy. Antiochus was also exposed 
 to great dangers, notwithstanding his victory. 
 The troops to whose valour he was chiefly in- 
 debted for it, were a body of Gauls whom he 
 had taken into his pay, most probably some ot 
 those who had settled in Galatia. These trai- 
 tors, upon a confused report that Seleucus had 
 been killed in the action, had formed a resolu- 
 
 terity, who enjoyed it to the third genera- 
 tion. . ^ , 
 
 Whilst Eumenes, and, after him, Attalus, 
 were seizing the provinces of the Syrian empire 
 in the West, Theodotus and Arsaces were fol- 
 lowing their example in the East. The latter 
 hearing that Seleucus had been slain in the 
 battle of Ancyra,* turned his arms against Hyr- 
 cania," and annexed it to Parthia, which he had 
 
 tion to destroy Antiochus, persuading them- 
 selves that they should be absolute masters of 
 Asia, after the death of those two princes. An- 
 tiochus, therefore, was obliged, for his own pre- 
 servation, to distribute all the money of the 
 army amongst them. 
 
 Eumenes,=* prince of Pergamus, being desi- 
 rous of taking advantage of this conjuncture, ad- 
 vanced with all his forces against Antiochus 
 and the Gauls, in full expectation to rum them 
 both, in consequence of their division. The 
 imminent danger to which Antiochus was then 
 exposed, obliged him to make a new treaty with 
 the Gauls, wherein he stipulated to renounce 
 the title of their master, which he had before 
 assumed, for that of their ally : and he also en- 
 tered into a league offensive and defensive with 
 that people. This treaty, however, did not pre- 
 vent Eumenes from attacking them ; and as he 
 came upon them in such a sudden and unex- 
 pected manner as did not allow them any time 
 to recover after their fatigues, or to furnish 
 themselves with new recruits, he obtained a 
 victory over them, which cost him but little, 
 and laid all Asia Minor open to him. 
 
 Eumenes,* after this for 
 A. M. 3763. tunateevent,abandonedhim 
 Ant. J. C. 241. self to intemperance and ex 
 cess at his table, and died 
 after a reign of twenty years. As he left no 
 children, he was succeeded by Attalus, his cou- 
 sin-german, who was the son of Attalus, his 
 father's younger brother. This prince was wise 
 and valiant, and perfectly qualified to preserve 
 the conquests that he inherited. He entirely 
 reduced the Gauls, and then established himself 
 so effectually in his dominions, that he took 
 upon himself the title of king; for though his 
 predecessors had enjoyed all the power, they 
 had never hitherto ventured to assume the title 
 of sovereigns. Attalus, therefore, was the first 
 of his house who took it upon him, and trans- 
 mitted it, with his dominions, to his pos- 
 
 5 Justin. 1. xU. c. 4. 
 6 It is not easy to say what was originally the province 
 of Hvrcania, as that name has also been applied to the 
 province of Ghilan, to the west of the river Kizil-Ozan, or 
 river of Gozan, as before shown, in a former note on tne 
 captivity of the ten tribes. Hyrcania is not classed as a 
 distinct satrapy of the Persian empire by Herodotus, m 
 his account of the twenty satrapies of Danus Hystaspes. 
 The Hyrcanians, however, are classed by the same author 
 in the army of Xerxes, and their military dress was the 
 same as that of the native Persians, yet they are not 
 classed in any satrapy. But it appears that Hyrcama was 
 included in the eleventh satrapy, as we are told that the 
 Caspians, the Pausicffi, the Pantimathi, and the Daritae, 
 or Dahffi, formed that satrapy. Now, the Caspians occu. 
 pied all the tract south from the Cyrus, or Kur, along the 
 shore of the Caspian sea to the Kizil-Ozan, and therefore 
 included the eastern, or maritime part, of the modern 
 Aderbijan, and the province of Ghilan ; and we also know 
 that the Dahae inhabited the tract called from them Ua. 
 hestan, between Hyrcania and the mouth of the Ochus, 
 on the south-east shore of the Caspian sea ; and the Pau- 
 sicse are said to have been adjacent to Chorasmia, or Kho- 
 warasm, and are evidently the same people as the Pasicse 
 and Aspasiacje of Strabo, and the Pasics of Ptolemy 
 Asise Tab. vii. p. 15*. Now, since this satrapy extended 
 alongst the shore of the Caspian, from the Cyrus, or Kur 
 round about to the mouth of the Ochus and the desert of 
 Khowarazm, it must have included what was afterwards 
 called Hyrcania, between the Kizil-Ozan and the Dahae, 
 or Dahestan. The name of Caspians became obsolete be- 
 fore the time of Strabo. That name, we are told, was 
 originally a Scythian word, signifying, the inhabitants ol 
 the white, or snowy mountains ; Cas-pi denoting a white 
 mountain ; and which etymology is supported by a passage 
 of Eratosthenes, who says that the natives of mount Cau- 
 casus called it Caspios. The other names of the Gella 
 and Cadusians supplanted that appellation, and these were, 
 in after time, called Dilemites, or Dylamites, and their 
 country Deylam, called Delmi in Moses of thorene. 
 
 Hyrcania, strictly speaking, comprehended the small 
 tract denominated Gurgan in ancient Persic, signifying 
 the land of wolves, from the superabundance of these am- 
 mals ; in modern Persian called Korkang and Jorjan, tht 
 capital of which is the modern Astrabad. 
 
 1 Pro auxilio bellum, pro fratre hostem, imploratus 
 
 exhibuit. .. „ « ti,-j „ i 
 
 2 Justin. !. XX vu. c. 2. 3 Ibid. c. 3. 
 
 4 Athen. 1. x. p. 445. Strab. 1. xiii, p. 624. Valer. Ex- 
 I'erpt. ex Polyb. 
 
 ipital of which IS tne moaern AMraudu. /-^ „„ue 
 
 From this word Gurgan, D'Anville supposes the Greeks 
 to have formed the name of Hyrcania. We are told, by 
 Sir William Ousely, that, on entering Mazanderan, he 
 was informed that he would find a babr, or tiger ; a guraz, 
 or boar ; rubah, or foxes ; shegkal, or jackals ,^and f gurg, 
 or wolf • and, consequently, the very first thing that he 
 saw, on entering a village of Hyrcania was the carcase « 
 a large wolf, which had been shot just half an hour be ore 
 his frrival.'and which looked, even ^^^eath h«,nbly 
 ferocious—" grinn'd horrible a ghastly grin.' lhat Hyr- 
 cl^^ia was so infested with panthers and tigers, so fierce and 
 cruel as to have originated the proverb concerning cruel 
 men, that they had sucked an Hyrcaman tiger : 
 
 Sed duris genuit te cautibus horrens 
 
 Caucasus, Hyrcanaeque admorunt ubera tigres 
 
 Virgil Mneidy iv. v. 3b(), 367 . 
 
 there can be no room for doubt ; as Hyrcania, taken 
 n its largest extent, was, and still is, the only wooded 
 country in all the Persian empire, the "lountams of 
 Curdistan excepted. Strabo says, from Aristobulus 
 that Hyrcama was a woody region, producing oaks 
 and pines, but that it did not produce the j^tch pine 
 which abounded in India, lib. xi. torn. n. p. 118- frabo 
 extends Hvrcania as far north as the river Ochus, and 
 fhat the city Niseea, through which the Ochus runs be- 
 longed to it. Now, this is the modern Nisa, on the Ochus. 
 now called Tedjend ; though some, he says, make Nissa to 
 Ce a dltnctof itself, neither belonging to Hyrcama nor 
 Parthia. But, when he says that Aristobulus affirms the 
 Ochus to be the greatest river that he had seen, except the 
 fndus, this must be a press error, or an error of the 
 transcriber, as Aristobulus never saw the Ochus, as his 
 mister, Alexander, directed his march from Damghan tt 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 35? 
 
 already dismembered from the empire. He 
 then erected these two provinces into a kingdom, 
 which in process of time, became very formida- 
 ble to the empire of the Romans. Theodotus 
 
 (lying soon after, Arsaces made a league offensive 
 and defensive with his son, who bore the same 
 name, and succeeded his father in Bactria ; and 
 they mutually supported themselves in their 
 
 Aria, and not from Damghan to the Ochus and Mar- 
 giana. 
 
 The Hyrcania seized by Arsaces was bounded on the 
 east by Margiana, or the district watered by the JMargus, 
 or Morgaub ; on the north-east by the desert of Choras- 
 mia, or KhowaraEm ; on the north by the Caspian Sea ; on 
 the west by the Kizil-ozan ; on the south-east by Parthia, 
 from which it was parted by Mount Coronas ; and on the 
 south and south-west by Media j and comprehended the 
 modern districts of Korcang ; the original Hyrcania ; Da. 
 hestan to the north of that ; Mazanderan, to the south, 
 west of Korcang and Tabristan, west of Mazanderan. Ta. 
 bristan was inhabited by the Tapyri ; Mazanderan by the 
 Maxers of Ftoiemy ; but who were his Chrindi, Astabeni, 
 Arsitffi, 01 rather Arsi, as he calls their district Arsitis, 
 and Syracffi, I cannot divine. He says that the region of 
 Arsitis lay adjacent to Mount Coronus : now, as the pass 
 of the Caspian gates leads through Mount Coronus, north, 
 east to the modern Sari, and as that place is at the foot of 
 the mountams, may not the Arsitis of Ptolemy answer to 
 the modern district of Sari,— may not Arsi be a transposi- 
 tion of San. I must remind the reader that as Strabo 
 eontounded the Ochus with the Oxus, so does Ptolemy : it 
 IS perfectly plain that his Oxus, in the Table of Hyrcania, 
 p. 152. IS the Ochus. As the Tapyri inhabited a well 
 wooded country, their original name was perhaps Tabari ; 
 as Tabristan, or Tabaristan, according to Sir William 
 Ousely, signifies the country of wood,— so the Tabari, writ, 
 ten TK^v^oi and Tapyri by the Greeks and Romans, gave 
 rise to the appellation of Tabaristan, or district of the Ta- 
 bari. 
 
 It is a curious circumstance, that in Mazanderan an axe 
 used for cutting wood is called tabr. This instrument is 
 headed with iron, and the wooden handle is generally 3 
 feet long Throughout most parts of Mazanderan nearly 
 all the men, several women, and even little children, car. 
 ned tabrs of this kind, either in their hand, like walking 
 sticks, or resting by the curve on their shoulders. Now; 
 if Tapyri, or Tabari, be derived from tabr, an axe, then 
 the name will signify hatchet men, or wood cutters— a 
 flame very appropriate to the inhabitants of a country cov. 
 ered with forests like Hyrcania— an appellation, which 
 though restricted by the Greeks to the western inhabitants 
 of that province, is equally applicable to those of the east- 
 em part. 
 
 1 take the Maxere of Ptolemy, and the Mazeras of Pliny 
 -^he one a district, and the other a river— to have some 
 afiinity to the name Mazanderan, the modern appellation 
 of Hyrcania, or that part of it which lies north of the dis. 
 trict of Kumish, and eaat of Mount Coronus. According 
 to Morier, this name is a modern Persian phrase, signify, 
 mg, within the boundary or limit of the mountains. Thi= 
 !S confirmed by Sir William Ousely, from Hamdallah, an 
 eminent Persian geographer, who says that Mazanderan was 
 originally named Mawz-enderan, or, within the mountain 
 Mawz. " Ihe Coh Alburz,"(the ancient Persian designa- 
 tion of Al-Bordj) says he, " is an immense mountain adja- 
 cent to Bab-al.abwab, (Derbend) and many mountains are 
 connected with Alburz : so that from Turkestan to Hejas, 
 It forms a range extending in length a thousand farsangs, 
 more or less ; and on this account some regard it as the 
 mountain of Kaf (Caucasus, as observed in a former note) 
 its western side, connected with the mountains of Gurjes- 
 tan, (Georgia) is called the Coh Lagzi, (Daghestan) and 
 the Sur a lakalim relates, that in the Coh Lagzi there are 
 various races of people ; so that about seventy different 
 languages (or dialects) are used among them : and in that 
 mountain are many wonderful objects, and when it reaches 
 Shemshat and Malatiah (Samosata Melitene) it is called 
 Kah Kala. At AntaKia and Sakeliah (Antioch and Se. 
 leucia) it IS called Lekam : there it divides Sham (Syria) 
 from Room (Asia Minor). When it reaches between 
 Hems (Linesa) and Demishk (Damascus) it is called Leb- 
 nan (Lebanon), and near Mecca and Medina it is called 
 Arish. Its eastern side, connected with the mountains of 
 Arran (Eastern Armenia) and Aderbijan, (Media Atropa- 
 t\a) it IS called Keik, and when it reaches to Ghilan (the 
 Oelffi and Cadusians) and Irak (Media) it takes the name of 
 lerkel-diz-cuh : it is called Mauz when it reaches Kumish 
 and Mazanderan : and, originally, Mazanderan was named 
 Mawz-enderan : and when Alburz reaches Khorassan it is 
 named ^\.my."— Ousely' s Travels, vol. iii. p 569 
 dix, note. 
 
 Appen. 
 
 From this extract it appears that Alburz and Kaf or 
 Caucasus, are the same range— that it reaches as far east 
 ■13 1 urkestan— that it has different names in different parU 
 
 of its course— and that it has many ranges detached from 
 the main body: and finally, that it is the same with the 
 Taurus of the ancients, i)articularly of Pliny. See his 
 Nat. Hist. Lib. vi. It appears, also, that Mazanderan sig. 
 nihes all the region within the mountain Mawz, or between 
 Uiat mountain and the Caspian Sea, and which lies east of 
 Ghilan and the Kizil-ozan ; and that it is therefore proba- 
 ble tliat the Maxeres of Ptolemy meant the people within 
 the range of Mawz ; an<i the Mazeras of Pliny, the river of 
 that range running south to the Caspian Sea; but what 
 particular river is meant amongst the great multitude of 
 streams that descend from the mountain Mawz, is impossi. 
 ble to determine. 
 
 The Mardi, whom Alexander reduced, seem to have in- 
 habited the western extremity of Hyrcania, towards the 
 Kizil-ozan, and are not mentioned by Ptolemy in his 
 enumeration of the tribes that inhalsited that coiinrry, 
 though they are so by Diodorus Siculus, Plutarch, and 
 Curtius. Their mountains seem to have been of a differ, 
 ent character from the rest of the range, being bleak, 
 rugged, and barren ; whereas, the range is generally well 
 wooded, with fertile and productive vales intermixed, 
 which are sheltered from the winds that blow from the 
 Caspian ; have a dry atmosphere, a steady climate, and a 
 more regular distinction of seasons, tlian the maritime 
 parts— which, however, are still more healthy than those 
 ot Ghilan. The mountains are said to be composed of 
 primitive limestone, and are not only steep towards the sea, 
 but projecting in such a manner towards it, that the rivers, 
 or rather torrents, throw themselves into the sea, forming 
 a liquid arch, under which men can pass dry shod. 
 
 Hyrcania is one of the most fertile provinces in the Per 
 sian empire, whether we consider the mountains or the 
 plains. Travellers forcing their way through the forests of 
 Mazanderan, pass through thickets of sweetbriar and 
 honeysuckle, on the varied and picturesque sides of the 
 hills; and find themselves surrounded with acacias, oaks, 
 lindens, and chesnut trees. Above, the summits are 
 crowned with cedars, cypresses, and various species of 
 pines. For the beauty and variety of its productions, Ma- 
 zanderan, or Hyrcania, is styled, in the hyperbolical lan- 
 guage of the East, Belad.al Irem, or the l.ind of the Terres. 
 trial paradise. The soul of Kaikus, the Persian king, was 
 hred with ambition to conquer so fine a country, through 
 the influence of a minstrel who exhausted the powers of 
 music and poetry in the praise of its beauties. " Let the 
 king, sung the poet, « consider the delights of Mazand- 
 eran : and may that country flourish during all eternity; 
 tor in Its gardens roses ever blow, and even its mountains 
 are covered with hyacinths and tulips. Its land abounds 
 in all the beauties of nature— its climate is salubrious and 
 tepiperate— neither too warm nor too cold— it is a region of 
 perpetual spring : there, in shady bowers, the nightingale 
 ever sings— there the fawn and antelope incessantly wan- 
 der among the vallies ; every spot, throughout the whole 
 year, is embellished and perfumed with flowers ; the very 
 brooks of that country seem to be rivulets of rose water- 
 so much does their exquisite fragrance delight the soul, 
 uunng the winter months, as at all other seasons, the 
 ground IS enamelled, and the banks of murmuring streams 
 ^i, variegated flowers ; every where the pleasures 
 ot the chase may be enjoyed ; all places abound with mo- 
 ney, fane stuffs for garments, and every other article neces- 
 sary for comfort or luxury. There ail the attendants are 
 lovely damsels, wearing golden coronets ; and all the men 
 Illustrious warriors, whose girdles are studded with gold; 
 and nothing but a wilful perversity of mind, or corporeai 
 infirmity can hinder a person from being cheerful and 
 happy in Mazanderan » So sung the enraptured minstrel, 
 in all the extravagance of oriental hyperbole.- Owje/j/ 
 vol. ni. p. 571. note. 
 
 The warm and moist climate of Mazanderan permits the 
 growth of the sugar cane, and the production of good su. 
 gar. It ripens there four months sooner than in the West 
 Indies, and affords an abundant juice, which is expressed 
 and collected without art or care— yielding only a coarse 
 syrup or thick paste, which has an unplea.sant taste but 
 which might be prevented by better manipulation. A 
 Russian merchant once attempted, unsuccessfully how 
 to introduce into it a sugar refining manufactory 
 unlike the rest of Persia, is watered by in 
 
 ever. 
 
 Mazanderan 
 
 numerable rivers, or rather mountain torrents, all runnina 
 from the mountains to the sea— so numerous, that Gmelin 
 the German, who travelled this country in 1771 savs 
 
 tn A^i.'? ^'^"^^ road from Resht 
 
 to Amot, 250 rivers are enumerated, running into tiie sea • 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 354 
 
 dominions by this union. The two brothers, 
 notwithstanding these transactions, continued 
 the war against each other, with the most im- 
 placable warmth, not considering, that while 
 they contended with each other for the empire 
 
 which their fathers had left thena, the whole 
 would be gradually wrested from them by their 
 common enemies. „ ^ . i. • 
 
 The treasure and forces of Antiochus being 
 exhausted by the several overthrows and losses 
 
 manv exceedingly broad and deep, which render the pas- 
 sage across at some times impracticable for weeks together, 
 I'fd others almost dry in sull^mer, but Uable to e e^^^^^ 
 floods. In this respect, Mazanderan and Ohilan furnisb a 
 perfect contrast to the drear,-, waste, burnt, barren 
 y^ores of southern Persia. There. "O^hmg is to be seen 
 of vegetation except now and then a so .tax y clump of 
 dates, whose cooliAg fruit refreshes the thirsty and ex- 
 hausted traveller. Even in the mountamous country ot 
 Beloochistan, where one might expect to meet with num- 
 berless torrents, (as is almost universally the case in al. 
 mountainous districts,) there is not. according o PoU^^^^^^ 
 ger, a single body of water larger than a small r'^^l^t unless 
 when swilled, by partial floods, to an untordable and tu- 
 muUuous stream, nor one, even of that description that 
 be said to flow through a regular and ""broken chan- 
 r^l tn the sea In his whole route from Sonmeany to 
 ShirLs a journey of more than 1500 miles. (1300 of which 
 were in is dTrek a line as the paths would admit.) from 
 to west, the vicinity of Shiras was the first P>ace 
 where he had seen a running stream deep enough to teke 
 a horse above the knee— a conclusive proof of the extreme 
 
 ^^ScStt?eTirSrcania,mentione^^^ 
 
 d'Snt froml?^e Caspian gates. He also reckons Nisaea 
 among the Hyrcanian cities. ^^nc^^t -NTUspa 
 
 It it impossible to recognize any ot these except Nissa 
 which is Nisa on the Ochus. ^ape no doubt took its 
 name from the Tapyri. and is s^PPOsed by Barbie de Bo- 
 cage in his Geographical Memoir appended to bt l^roix =. 
 CriUca" Examination of Alexander's Historians, p. 819, 
 
 Critical Examination oi ftiexauuci a i^^o.,^ r- - 
 
 U. be the^rambrace of Polybius, and answering to the 
 Sodern city of Amol. Strabo. however, mentions four 
 ™U,es of the Tapyri : the one he places between Hyrcama 
 and Aria the other he conjoins with the people of Rha- 
 gLnaf or JSr^t of Rey The third tribe so called he 
 
 =^ piSes^'Jn nSerntaJ 
 Tf thit region The fourth tribe he places between the 
 Hyicaiiln! and the Derlnc., * 'IimV^ ThUrgaf 
 black garments and long hair, and the women, white gar- 
 
 "^miemfptcls'heTapuri, or Tapyri. in Media, in the 
 castern^lrt of Choromithrene. Now. as he places that 
 dtstdc" to the north of Ragiana, or the district of Rey. 
 fl ese Tapuri, and those of Pliny and Solinus, correspond 
 to the moder^ Tabristan. Ptolemy, however, has another 
 tribe of the Tapuri placed in the eastern part of Margiana 
 to the east of the desert between it and the Oxus, or, as 
 fie dinominates it, the desert of Margiana to the east of 
 the Parni and Das : " Tenent autem reg.onem quae juxta 
 <?Lm. (read O^hum.) Derbies. ^Htc™ sub us Mas 
 Set™ V post quos Parni et Da^; sub quibus ms ^es^J^ 
 If qu^ magis orientales sunt eis, Tapuri."-P^l. Geog^ 
 lib vi c. X. p. 153. art. Margiana, i.d. Mag. Ihe same 
 eeoCTai.her has also a tribe of Scythians, called lapursi, 
 iKe Tajurian mountains. These latter he places to 
 the east of the laxartae, and the former to the east of 
 Jhlsl^ » Post quos, laxartffi gens magna penes ejusdem 
 nomlnis fluvium, usque ad flelionem ad Tapuros montes. 
 sSer aulem^t'^Tapur. montibus^^^^^^^^ 
 
 Sy,1nSyS*a intra Imaum, at the foot of the n^^^^^ 
 them Imaus-how are we to account to. this diversuy oi 
 Sions occupied by, apparently the same l^o^^^^ By 
 Ctesias, the Tapyri are Jo»"cd with the Cadus.ans, and 
 both he says, were conquered by N nus. 1 ^"c^ "° 
 other way of accounting for it but this; that the name 
 Tanvri o? Tapuri, or Tapursi, is not the proper name ot 
 aSnct tribe, people, or nation, but a mere appellative 
 apS by the ancient Persians, to those who "^habit a 
 ?Son of wooded niountains-an appenative common to 
 all those who inhabited the wooded sides ot the t-rourz. 
 frim thi pTain of Mogan round about as far as the western 
 borders of Bactria. and to those tribes who inliabited the 
 wood^ slopes of tAe Belor-Taugh, or the northern Imaus 
 "" wSn the forested sides of that extensi^^e range are 
 contrasted to the woodless and naked upland plains of the 
 
 two Medias and Parthia, the appellation of Tabnstan, or 
 the wooded mountain, and of Tabari, or Tapyri, or dwell- 
 ers iu forests, is singularly appropriate. In this way, the 
 ancient geographers may be reconciled with each other 
 and witbldct. , r „ j„j 
 
 That Tabaristan, or Tabnstan, the country of wooded 
 mountains, was an appellation common to all the country 
 east from Ghilan to Margiana, is clear from the circum- 
 stance of its being divided by some Oriental authors into 
 eastern and western Tabristan, and that the western divi- 
 sion so called, was also denominated Mazanderan, so that 
 the appellation of Tabaristan is of more extensive latitude 
 than that of Mazanderan. . 
 
 Ousely once conjectured a mound, or eminence, called 
 Kara-Tape, or Tepp, the black hillock, to be the site of 
 the ancient Tapi. The misfortune is, that the appellation 
 is Turkish, and we know that the ancient Hyrcanians 
 spoke Pehlevi, not Turkish. Ptolemy's Hyrcanian metro, 
 polls is probably the modern Jorjan, or Gurgan. ban is 
 the modern capital, but it is impossible to determine its 
 ancient name. In the opinion of the ingenious D Anville 
 CGeoe Anc.^ and of Rochette, in his map of Alexander s 
 marches, the modern Sari answers to the Zadracarta and 
 ZeudracarU of Arrian, who calls it the greatest city of 
 Hyrcania, (lib. iii. p. 138—140,) though Barbie de Rocage 
 has not been able to satisfy himself on that point If the 
 correct orthography of that city be Saru, and not Sari, 
 as Pietro Delia Valle says in his Travels, p. 232. lib. iv. 
 and if Saru, as the same traveller also affirms, signifies 
 yellow, then we have a clue to find out the correspondence 
 of Zadracarta and Saru. Zerd, or Zard in Persic signifi^ 
 yellow, as the mountain at the sources of the Zenderud and 
 Karoon is denominated, Kohi-Zerd, or the yellow moun- 
 tain, so Zadracarta, there can be no reasonable doubt, 
 signifies the yellow city. Had it been ^^-^ote Zarda-Carta^ 
 instead of Zadracarta and Zeudracarta, by the Greek 
 transcribers of Arrian's text, the orthography would have 
 been correct ; and there can be no doubt but it is the 
 Carta of Strabo ; that merely signifying a city, like the 
 Latin urbs and the Greek ^okis. | 
 The appellation of Zadracarta, or Zardacarte, and baru, ■ 
 was bestowed on the capital of Hyrcania from the immense 
 number of orange, lemon, and other fruit-trees, which grow 
 Tn the environsofthat city, and clearly evince the propriety 
 of that appellation. Zadracarta and Saru, are in al pro 
 bability, the same with the Syringi^ of Polybius, taken 
 from Arsaces II. by Antiochus the Great, in his fruitless 
 att^pt to re-unite the revolted provinces of Hyrcania 
 S Parthia to the Syrian crown^ In the large map oi 
 Macdonald Kinnier. Sari is identified, also, with Zadra- 
 carta, and also by Reniiel. 
 
 Jonas Hanway visited Sari in 1743, who mentions four 
 anc?ent Magian^temples as still. standing bm^^ 
 of rotundas, each 30 feet m diameter, near 120 feet 
 in height. But Ousely, who visited the same city in 181 1, 
 declarls them to be mere masses of brick-masonry and 
 bfrio means very ancient ; for one of them, which is st.ll 
 stranding, (the other having been overturned by a late v.o. 
 lent earthquake— a calamity very frequent in that pro- 
 vinceTis evidently a building of the Mohammedan age, 
 and exhibits, in very distinct Arabian characters, an in- 
 sc,?pti^n which the heavy rains prevented him from copy- 
 ing This, and the remains of sinular buildings though 
 probably not exceeding a few centuries old, bear the 
 names of F.redoon, Salm, Toor, and other mythic per- 
 onTes; whose fab'ulous celebrity was established more 
 than^tw'enty centuries before. One of these was called the 
 tomb of Kaus, and was supposed to contain the ashes o< 
 that mon vch, the grandfather of Kay-Khusraei, or the 
 famed Cyrus. According to Ferdousee. that monarch in- | 
 vaded Mazanderan. where he was taken captive by the 
 natives, but that, being liberated through the valour of 
 ?he renowned Roostum, he returned to the south, where 
 it annears he died. 'Ihe tomb was probably as Ousely 
 Ws^?ha of KabS or Kaus, the son of W-hniak n who 
 ruled Mazanderan in the 4th century of the Hejra. It 
 was to this place that the princes and nobles ot the i-er- 
 7iTn cour were sent, after the death of Nander, who was 
 defeated, and taken captive, by the renowned Afra^iab 
 king of Tooran. It was here, also, that the ashes of the 
 vouthful hero, Sohraub, were deposited by his afflicted 
 Lther Roostum, after he had unknowingly slain him in 
 i ifnafp^ombat-which tragic tale forms one of the roost 
 intetestrnreS^^^^^^^ the^Shah-Nameh of Ferdausi. Bu. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 355 
 
 he had sustained, he was obliged to wander from 
 one retreat to another, with the shattered re- 
 mains of his party, till he was at last entirely 
 driven out of Mesopotamia. Poinding, there- 
 fore, that there waa no place in all the empire of 
 
 only thing that recommends it .„ 
 the abundance of gardens, which emit a pleasing fragrance 
 in the vernal and summer months. The Heft-Aklim de- 
 clares, in all the fulness of Oriental hyperbole, that lan- 
 guage is inadequate to the praises of Sari. The gates of 
 paradise derive sweetness from its air, and the flowers of 
 Eden their fragrance from its soil. But, when Ousely was 
 j there it was not the season of these paradisaical breeres. 
 The other cities of Mazanderan are Amol, Ashraff, As- 
 trabad, and BalfVush, which last contains about 25,000 
 I souls, and drives a great trade in silk. Ashraff, which in 
 j the days of Sir Thomas Herbert contained above 2,000 fa- 
 milies, is now reduced to a mean village. Here Shah 
 I Abbas meant to fix his residence— built palaces— and in- 
 j tended to fit out a navy which should command the navi. 
 
 gation and commerce of the Caspian,— but the design 
 I failed, and the palaces went to ruin before they were in. 
 I habited. Nadir Shah had the same design of creating a 
 I navy out of the forests of Mazanderan, but it also failed, 
 
 Mazanderan is at present supposed to contain a popula- 
 t tion of 150,000 famiUes, and 700,000 souls. As the roads 
 of Mazanderan are extremely bad, from the heavy rains 
 that fall in that wooded country, travelling is very diffi- 
 cult The magnificent causeway constructed by Shah Ab- 
 bas, is the most useful monument of the power and glory 
 of that monarch. This causey extends across the whole 
 of Mazanderan, and renders that difficult country passable 
 at all times, both for travellers and armies. It runs for 
 300 miles in length, from Kiskar on the south-west shore 
 of the Caspian Sea, to several leagues beyond Asterabad, on 
 the south-east of the same Sea. There is a good descrip. 
 tion of It m Hanway's Travels, and it is nearly in the same 
 condition as it was then— being perfert in many places, 
 although It has hardly been ever repaired. In some places 
 it is scarcely more than 20 yards wide in the middle, with 
 ditches on each sidej and there are many bridges upon it, 
 under which the water is conveyed to the rice fields.— See 
 Kmnier, p. 166. 
 
 Strabo having mentioned Nisasa among the cities of 
 Hyrcania, this city is {)laced by Ptolemy in Margiana :— 
 may not the famed Nissean horses and Nissan plains 
 nave taken their name frorn this city. These celebrated 
 plains were placed almost every where, according as the 
 fancy of the writer pleased: they have been found in the 
 plains of MoRan, in the vicinity of Tauris, in the plains of 
 Kermanshah, and in the plain of Rey. Herodotus, Lib. 
 viii. c. 40. says, that Nisaus was a district in Media, re. 
 markable for producing horses of an extraordinary size, 
 but does not say in what region of that extensive province 
 that district lay. Strabo, Lib. xi. says, that the plains lay 
 in the road from Persia and Babylon to the Caspian gates, 
 and that the meadow where the horses were fed was called 
 Hippobotos. But as this name merely signifies a large horse 
 
 park, u leads to no discovery of its precise situation, we 
 
 can only infer from him that it lay in the east of Media, 
 somewhere about the large plain of Key. In another 
 place of the same book he tells us, that Armenia was no 
 less famous for producing excellent horses than Media : 
 and the Armenian satrans sent vpariv fmm MifVio-^:.^.. 
 
 A. M. 3774. Syria, where he could possi- 
 Ant. J. C. 230. bly continue in safety, he re- 
 tired for refuge to Ariara- 
 thes, king of Cappadocia, whose daughter he 
 had espoused. Ariarathes, notwithstanding this 
 
 Mannert,in his geography of the Greeks and Romans, that 
 a distinction must be made between the ordinary Hippobo. 
 toi, where the horses were fed that mounted the whole of the 
 Persian cavalry, and that Hippobotos, or large royal Horse 
 P^!^K, that belonged exclusively to the Persian sovereign, 
 at Nisffia. Now, where was this Nisasa, among all those 
 mentioned in ancient history ? The name. Media, is of 
 very extensive latitude, and once included the provinces 
 ot Parthiene and Hyrcania, as used by Herodotus ; and in 
 that case we may consider Nisa on the Tedjin, the Niszea 
 of Strabo on the Ochus, as the district of the horses so 
 much valued by the Persian monarchs. 
 
 No country can be better adapted for rearing an excel- 
 lent breed of horses than the fine plains watered by the 
 Ochus and the Margus. So fertile are those of the latter, 
 as to produce vines of so extraordinary a size, that two men 
 can scarce fathom the trunk of one of them, bearing clus- 
 ters of grapes, some of which are two cubits long. Anti- 
 ochus Soter was so pleased with the beauty of the plain 
 watered by the Margus, or Morgab, and its confluent 
 streams, that he not only built a magnificent city, called after 
 his own name, and afterwards Maru Sliah Jihan, but also 
 enclosed the delicious plain watered by three rivers, with 
 a wall 1500 stadia in circumference, as we are informed by 
 Strabo, lib. xi. and Pliny, lib. vi. c. 16. As I'tolemy 
 places Nigaea (read Nissea) in Margiana instead of Hyrca- 
 nia, as Strabo does, so it is remarkable that he places a 
 people called Niseei, in the northern part of Aria, on the 
 borders of Margiana; and, if it be recollected that the 
 Medes, according to Herodotus, were universally called 
 Aril, and their country. Aria ; that Pausanias, in speaking 
 ot Medea, the wife of Jason, in his description of Corinth, 
 says, " When she had arrived in that region which was 
 then called Aria, she gave the inhabitants the name of 
 Medis, from herself ;"— that Apollodorus, quoted by Ste- 
 phen of Byzantium, says that Ariana is a nation ni^h the 
 Cadusians— for Ariana is the s«me as Aria ;— that Xeno- 
 phon, de reb-Graec. Lib. says that the Thamnerii, or 
 southern Arians of Media, are nigh these same Cadusian 
 ich 
 
 ... ^. .''^'■""enian satraps sent yearly from Mitharcina, or 
 the district of Mithras, 20,000 colts, to the Persian sove- 
 reign, to be fed in the Niscean plains. Artarasdes, king 
 of Armenia, besides other horses, displayed 7,000 horses 
 ^^"^^'^ he entered Media along 
 
 with Mark Antony. But none of the ancients have 
 given us the meaning of the appellation, Nissan— whether 
 the district was so called from the quality of these animals, 
 or these derived their name from it ; and modern travel, 
 lers, whenever they met with a large plain fit for pasturage, 
 were sure to fix on this as the Hippobotos of the ancients 
 It is very probable that the Nissan breed were Ssed 
 through a very large tract of country, and had many Hip. 
 pobotoi-since there is estimated in the Hippobotos, col. 
 fectively t^en not less than 1.60,000 horses, or, according 
 to o hers, 50,000 mares. But when Xerxes is found caus! 
 mg to be led in pomp, before his triumphal car, ten Nisae. 
 
 ««"Sfcrated to the sun, and magnificently 
 adorned— when this same great oriental potentate is found 
 drawn by Nisasan horses, while none of that precious breed 
 appears to have been given to his guards or to his retinue 
 —when we find Alexander the Great giving a Nisaean 
 ^^^fu'^^^^^y ^^'^^""^ the Bramin; to the funeral pile— 
 and that the Parthian king sacrificed one to Mitlij-as or 
 wie sun, when Apollonius of Tyana visited his court at 
 iseieucia— and that Masisiius rode one at the decisive bat. 
 
 the word being composed, as Bochart remarks, of Arii, and 
 the oriental word Theman. I do not say that these authors 
 above quoted, were correct in thus using the terms Media 
 and Ana, for each other, and in so extended a sense : or 
 to approve of Bocharfs fanciful meaning of the word 
 lhamnerii, as if it were composed of two Hebrew words, 
 leman, the south, and Har, a mountain, since the Medes 
 did not speak Hebrew ; but merely to show, that in their 
 extended sense of the word Media, whether that sense be 
 right or wrong, that the Nissan plains might lie far to the 
 east of the proper Media, in the vicinity of Aria and Mar- 
 giana, as included in their sense of the term Media, and 
 so therefore m their extensive meaning of that term. 
 
 Ihe Nissan plains and the Nissan people were in Me- 
 dia, and If we suppose these pastures to have stretched 
 alongst the river of Aria or the Ochus, as far as Nissa to 
 the north-west, we have the famed Nissan plains in ques- 
 tion. It must be remembered that the Ochus is the same 
 ''",M''wiy^xT°^"^''^^>^^"«^ the PoolimalanandTedjin: 
 and that the Nissi occupied the track to the north-west of 
 Herat alongst that river. The name of Margiana was un- 
 known to Herodotus, and was bestowed by the Greeks 
 from the river Margus, or rather Marg-ab, which ran 
 through that district, which lay immediately to the north- 
 west of Ana, or Herat. I take the Niss of Isidore o* 
 Charax to be identical with the Nissa of Strabo, and the 
 Nigsa of Ptolemy, and the modern Nesa ; and not with 
 Naisabour, as Rennel thinks— as that city is said to have 
 been founded during the Sassanian dynasty, by Shapoor 1 
 and called Nee Shapoor, or the Rose of Shapoor, from the 
 multitude of rose bushes in its vicinity. It is possible 
 however, that the Niss of Isidore, if really the same witli 
 Naisabour, may have been the capital citv of the Nissi of 
 Ptolemy, as it lies immediately on the north of his Aria, 
 and may have been merely rebuilt by Shapoor. 
 
 The modern Nesa has always been a city of note, and 
 lies between the mountains that bound the district of Toos, 
 or Mesched (the original seat of the Parthians) and the 
 desert of Khowarasm ; and 50 geographical miles south, 
 east of Bawerd, the birth place of the celebrated Nadir 
 Shah ; and 20 to the east of Kelat, a strong hill fort where 
 Nadir deposited his treasures. It was taken by the Tar. 
 
 70%^ ^^^"^^'' ^J?^"; i" ^22" J ^hen not less than 
 70,000 of the miserable inhabitants were butchered bv 
 these inhuman Son. of the Desert. Kelat U a strong fort. 
 £ Z 
 
356 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 alliance, was soon weary of entertaining a son- 
 in-law who beoame a burden to him ; for which 
 reason he determined to destroy him. Auti- 
 ochus, being informed of his design, avoided the 
 danger by a speedv retreat into Egypt; where 
 he rather chose to deliver himself up to Ttole- 
 my, the professed enemy of his house, than to 
 trust a brother whom he'had so highly offended. 
 He, however, had reason to repent of this pro- 
 ceeding, for immediately after his arrival in 
 Eg^'pt, Ptolemy caused' him to be seized and 
 imprisoned under a strong 
 A. M. 3778. guard, and detained him se- 
 Ant, J. C. 226. veral years in that confine- 
 ment, 'till at last he found 
 means to escape by the assistance of a courte- 
 zan ; but as he was quitting that kingdom he 
 had 'the misfortune to be assassinated by a band 
 of robbers. 
 
 Ptolemy, in the mean- 
 A. M. 3766. time, devoted the sweets of 
 Ant. J. C. 239. peace to the cultivation of 
 the sciences in his domi- 
 nions, and the enlargement of his father's 
 library at Alexandria with all sorts of books : 
 i but as a proper collection could not well be 
 ' made without an able librarian, to whose care 
 it would be likewise necessary to consigTi them, 
 Euergetes,' upon the death of Zenodotus, who 
 had held that office from the time of Ptolemy 
 Soter, the grandfather of that prince, sent to 
 Athens for Eratosthenes, the Cyrenean, who 
 was then in great reputation, and had been edu- 
 cated by Callimachus, a native of the same 
 country. He ^ was a man of universal learn- 
 ing; but none of his works have been trans- 
 mitted to us, except his catalogue of the kings 
 of Thebes in Egypt, with the years of their re- 
 spective reigns, ft om Menes or Misraim, who 
 first peopled Egypt after the deluge, to the Tro- 
 jan war. This catalogue contains a succession 
 of thirty-eight kings, and is still to be seen in 
 Syncellus. , . , 
 
 ^ When Selencus saw him- 
 
 A, M. 3768. self extricated from the trou- 
 Ant. J. C. 236. bles his brother had occa- 
 sioned, his first cares were 
 employed in the re-establishment of order and 
 tranquillity at home ; and when he had accom- 
 plished this, he turned his thoughts to the re- 
 duction of the provinces of the East which had 
 revolted from him. This last attempt, howevei% 
 was not attended with success ; for Arsaces had 
 
 been allowed too much time to strengthen him- 
 self in his usurpation. Seleucus, therefore, after 
 many ineffectual endeavours to recover those 
 territories, was obliged to discontinue his enter- 
 prise in a dishonourable manner. He, perhaps, 
 mieht have succeeded better in time, it new 
 commotions, which had been excited in his do- 
 minions during his absence, had not compelled 
 him to make a speedy return, in order to sup- 
 press them. This furnished Arsaces with a 
 new opportunity of establishing his power so 
 effectually, that "all future efforts were incapable 
 of shaking it. 
 
 Seleucus,^ however, made 
 A M. 3774. a new attempt, as soon as 
 Ant. J. C. 230. his affairs would admit : but 
 this second expedition proved 
 more unfortunate than the first ; for he was not 
 only defeated but taken prisoner by Arsaces, in 
 a great battle. The Parthians celebrated, for 
 many succeeding years, the anniversary ot this 
 victory, which they considered as the tirst day 
 of their liberty; though in reality it was the first 
 of their slavery ; for the world never produced 
 greater tyi'ants* than those Parthian kings to 
 whom they were subjected. The Macedonian 
 yoke, if they had continued to submit to it, 
 would have been much more supportable than 
 their oppressive government. Arsaces now be 
 gan to assume the tiUe of king, and firmly esta- 
 blished this empire of the East, which, m pro- 
 cess of time, counterpoised the Roman power, 
 and became a barrier which all the armies of 
 that people were incapable of forcing. All the 
 kings who succeeded Arsaces made it an indis- 
 penlable law, and counted it an honour, to be 
 called by his name ; in the same manner as the 
 
 upon a very lofty hill, accessible by only two paths nar- 
 ^ow and steep An ascent of six or seven miles termi- 
 naTes n a plafn, twelve m.les in circumference, watered 
 hv se^ral fine streams, and covered with verdure and 
 cuufvaUon. A second ascent, by a route of ten or eleven 
 miles, leads to another plain of SJ-^^te^^^^^'^V K^Ht but 
 eoual fertiUty. On this is placed the fortress of Kelat, but 
 Xch has b Jen neglected since the death of that able war, 
 
 ""L^SraboTay's that the road to the Nissan plains leads 
 from Persia to the Caspian gates, it is proper to mention 
 thaTthHosition of the defile leading from Persia into 
 Sfdircalled the CUniax-Megala or grand su^^^^^^^ 
 mentioned by Pliny, hb. vi. c. 26. Wfgala appeiiatur 
 Ztus, arduomontis'ascensuper g>^-dus''_has been d^^^ 
 covered, by Ousely, to be the pass of Ourtchiny, on the 
 rold ftom Sheera/to Ispahan. « Now mountain U^^^^ 
 rhini," says he, " of which I have noticed the chthcu t 
 Sent, derives its name from urchm, ^ ^^^1"':^!^"^ 
 in meaning to nardebmi, « jtorca^e ; flight of step. , a 
 ladder ; as we learn from the Dicti(.nary Burhan.i-K.,tea. 
 ^.-Travels, vol. ii. p. 456, and vol. in. p. b/b, note.— Art. 
 1 Suid. in voc. Zr.voloTOs. 
 2 Ibid, in voc. 'Aa-oXX^Koj et •E^aTixrCsvflf. 
 
 3 Justin. 1 xli. c. 4 & 5. 
 4 That the Parthian sovereigns were greater tyrants 
 than tho=e who preceded them, is said without proof, and 
 to say that this victory began the slavery of those whom 
 it freed from the Macedonian yoke, is still greater ab- , 
 surdity; as if the people of the East had never known [ 
 shiveiTr' before. VVhatever changes of dynasties have 
 iake.1 place in the East, none have taken place in he | 
 government. Despotism has always prevailed, and the . 
 fate of the people has been invariably the same. A set of 
 greater villains never filled a throne, than the Macedo- 
 nian kings of Syria ; and their viUany was generally asso. 
 dated with imbecility. If they had been possessed of 
 talents, like Philip or Alexander, they might perhaps , 
 have preserved their dominion. But, weak as well as 
 wicked, it was impossible they could preserve the domi. 
 nkms acquired by Seleucus, the first of the race ; and 
 there is no probability in the assertion, that if the people 
 of the East had submitted to live peaceably under the 
 Macedonian sovereigns, that these would have proved 
 better than their own. ^ . 
 
 What is the history of these very Macedonian sove- 
 reigns, but that of a succession of crimes, with hardly one 
 redeeming virtue? whereas, the Parthian sovereigns, 
 though despots, were generally a race of able monarchs 
 compared with them. If the Seleucides had been a race 
 of able and enlighteired princes, they might have diffused 
 the lights of literature, science, and art, over the regions 
 of the East, and dispelled the gloom of ignorance, with 
 which it has been peqietually covertd. It was the most 
 disgusting complication of crimes, in the conduct of a 
 Macedonian governor, that produced the revolt, and they 
 could not certainly change from better to worse in choo^ 
 incr Arsaces for their sovereign, in preference to the sw ay 
 of a brutal deputy. We have the facts before us, which 
 preclude all hypothetical reasoning re.specting the future 
 condition of the Orientals, if they I'^t^^^"'"^"^/^ '"J^:;!,"^ 
 subjection to the Syro.Macedon.an kings^ The Macedo- 
 nian sovereigns of Bactna, ruled eastern Persia for a cen. 
 tury after the revolt of the Parthians, but there ,s not the 
 smallest proof from history that the condition of the peo. 
 pie n that region was materially benefited by the change, 
 Kom a nativltoa foreign yoke, or that these sovereigns 
 ameliorated the condition of their subjects.— 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 357 
 
 kings of Egypt retained that of Ptolemy, as 
 long as the race of Ptolemy Soter governed that 
 kingdom. Arsaces raised himself to a throne, 
 from the lowest condition of life, and became as 
 memorable among the Farthians, as Cyrus had 
 been among the Persians, or Alexander among 
 the Macedonians, or Romulus among the Ro- 
 mans.^ This verifies that passage in holy Scrip- 
 ture, which declares,® " That the Most High 
 I ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to 
 I whomsoever he will, and setteth up over it the 
 basest of men.' 
 
 Onias,^ the high-priest of 
 A. M. 3771. the Jews, had neglected to 
 Ant. J. C. 233. send to Ptolemy the usual 
 tribute of twenty talents, 
 which his predecessors had always paid to the 
 kings of Egypt, as a testimonial of the homage 
 they rendered to that crown. The king sent 
 Athenion, one of his courtiers, to Jerusalem, to 
 demand the payment of the arrears, which then 
 amounted to a great sum ; and to threaten the 
 Jews, in case of refusal, with a body of troops, 
 who should be commissioned to expel them from 
 their country, and divide it among themselves. 
 The alarm was very great at Jerusalem on this 
 occasion, and it was thought necessary to send a 
 deputation to the king, in the person of Joseph, 
 the nephew of Onias, who, though in the prime 
 of his youth, was universally esteemed for his 
 prudence, probity, and justice. Athenion, dur- 
 ing his continuance at Jerusalem, had conceived 
 a great regard for his character, and as he set 
 out for Egypt before him, he promised to render 
 him all the good offices in his power with the 
 king. Joseph followed him in a short time, and 
 on his way met with seveml of the most consid- 
 erable persons of Coele-syria and Palestine, who 
 were also going to Egypt, with an intention to 
 offer terms for farming the great revenues of 
 those provinces. As the equipage of Joseph was 
 tar from being so magnificent as theirs, they 
 treated him with little respect, and considered 
 him as a person of no great capacity. Joseph 
 concealed his dissatisfaction at their behaviour, 
 but drew from the conversation that passed be- 
 tween them, all the information he could desire, 
 ^vith relation to the affair that brought them to 
 court, without seeming to have any particular 
 view in the curiosity which he expressed. 
 
 "When they arrived at Alexandria, they were 
 informed that the king had taken a progress to 
 Memphis, and Joseph was the only person 
 among them who set out to wait upon that 
 I monarch, without losing a moment's time. He 
 I had the good fortune to meet him as he was 
 [ returning from Memphis, with the queen and 
 ! Athenion in his chariot. The king, who had 
 been highly prepossessed in his favour by Athe- 
 i nion, was extremely delighted to see him, and 
 I invited him into his chariot. Joseph, to excuse 
 1 his uncle, represented the infirmities of his great 
 Rge, and the natural tardiness of his disposition, 
 : in such an engaging manner, as satisfied Ptole- 
 i my, and created in him an extraordinary esteem 
 j for the advocate who had so effectually pleaded 
 the cause of that pontiff. He ordered him an 
 : apartment in the royal palace of Alexandria, and 
 allowed him a place at his table. 
 
 5 Arsaces, quaesito simul constitutoque regno, non mi. 
 nus memorabilis Parlhis [fuit] quam Persis Cyrus, Mace- 
 donibus Alexander, Komanis Romulus. Justin. 
 
 6 Dan iv. 17. 7 Joseph. Antiq. 1. xii, c. 3. & 4. 
 
 When the appointed day came for purchasing, 
 by auction, the privilege of farming the revenues 
 of the provinces, the companions of Joseph in 
 his journey to Egypt, offered no more than 8000 
 talents for the provinces of Ceele-syria, Phoeni- 
 cia, Judaea, and Samaria. Joseph, who had dis- 
 covered, in the conversation that passed between 
 them in his presence, that this purchase was 
 worth double the sum they offered, reproached 
 them for depreciating the king's revenues in that 
 manner, and offered twice as much as they had 
 done. Ptolemy was well satisfied to see his 
 revenues so considerably increased ; but being 
 apprehensive that the person who proffered so 
 large a sum, would be in no condition to pay it, 
 he asked Joseph what security he would give 
 him for the performance of his agreement ? The 
 Jewish deputy calmly replied, that he had such 
 persons to offer for his security on that occasion, 
 as he was certain his majesty could have no ob- 
 jections to. Upon being ordered to mention 
 them, he named the king and queen themselves; 
 and added, that they would be his securities to 
 each other. The king could not avoid smiling 
 at this little pleasantry, which put him into so 
 good a humour, that he allowed him to farm the 
 revenues without any other security than his 
 verbal promise for payment. Joseph acted in 
 that station for the space of ten years, to the 
 mutual satisfaction of the court and provinces. 
 His rich competitors, who had farmed those 
 revenues before, returned home in the utmost 
 confusion, and had reason to be sensible, that a 
 magnificent equipage is a very inconsiderable in- 
 dication of merit. 
 
 King Demetrius died,* 
 A. M. 3772. about this time, in Macedo- 
 Aut. J. C. 232. nia, and left a son, named 
 Philip, in an early state oi 
 minority; for which reason his guardianship 
 was consigned to Antigonus, who, having es- 
 poused the mother of his pupil, ascended the 
 throne, and reigned for the space of twelve years. 
 He was magnificent in promises, but extremely 
 frugal in performance, which occasioned his 
 being surnamed Doson.^ 
 
 Five or six years after this 
 A. M. 3778. period,'" Seleucus Callinicus, 
 Ant. J. C. 226. who for some time had con- 
 tinued in a state of captivity 
 in Parthia, died in that country by a fall from 
 his horse. Arsaces had always treated him as a 
 king during his confinement. His wife was 
 Laodice, the sister of Andromachus, one of his 
 generals, and he had two sons and a daughter 
 by that marriage. He espoused his daughter to 
 Mithridates, king of Pontus, and consigned 
 Phrygia to her for her dowry. His sons were 
 Seleucus and Antiochus ; the former of whom, 
 surnamed Ceraunus, succeeded him in the 
 throne. 
 
 We are now arrived at the period wherein the 
 republic of the Achseans begins to appear with 
 lustre in history, and is in a condition to sustain 
 wars, particularly against that of the Lacedaemon- 
 ians. It will, therefore, be necessary for me to 
 represent the present state of those two republics ; 
 and I shall begin with that of the Achsens. 
 
 8 Justin. 1. xxviii. c. 3. Dexipp. Porplir. Euseb. 
 9 This name signifies in the Greek language, One who 
 will gtve, that is to say, a person who promises to eive, but 
 never gives what he promises. 
 
 10 Justin. 1. vii. c. 3. Athen. p 153. 
 
S58 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 The establishment of the republic of the Achseans. Ara- 
 tus delivers Sicyon from tyranny. The character of 
 that young Grecian. He is enabled, by the liberalities 
 of Ptolemy Euergetes, to check a sedition ready to 
 break out in Sicyon. Takes Corinth from Antigonus, 
 king of Macedonia. Prevails on the cities of Megara, 
 Traezene, Epidaurus, and Megalapolis, to accede to 
 the Achaean leag«e ; but is not successful with respect 
 to Argos. 
 
 I'he republic of the Achseans was not con- 
 siderable at first, either for the number of its 
 troops,' the inimensity of its riches, or the ex- 
 tent of its territory, but derived its power from 
 the great reputation it acquired for the virtues 
 of probity, justice, love of liberty ; and this re- 
 putation was very ancient. — The Crotonians 
 and Sybarites adopted the laws and customs of 
 the Achseans, for the re-establishment of good 
 order in their cities. The Lacedaemonians and 
 Thebans had such an esteem for their virtue, 
 that they chose them, after the celebrated battle 
 &f Leuctra, as umpires of the differences which 
 subsisted between them. 
 
 The government of this republic was demo- 
 cratical, that is to say, in the hands of the peo- 
 ple. It preserved its liberty to the times of 
 Philip and Alexander ; but under those princes, 
 and in the reigns of those who succeeded them, 
 it was either in subjection to the Macedonians, 
 who had made themselves masters of Greece, or 
 else was oppressed by cruel tyrants. 
 
 It was composed of twelve cities,'^ in Pelo- 
 ponnesus, but all together not equal to a single 
 one of considerable rank. This republic did 
 not signalize herself immediately by any thing 
 great and remarkable, because, amongst all her 
 citizens, she produced none of any distinguished 
 merit. The sequel will discover the extraordi- 
 nary change which a single man was capable of 
 introducing among them by his great qualities. 
 After the death of Alexander, this little state 
 was involved in all the calamities inseparable 
 from discord. The spiiit of patriotism no longer 
 prevailed among them, and each city was solely 
 attentive to its particular interest. Their state 
 had lost its former solidity, because they changed 
 their master as often as Macedonia became sub- 
 ject to new sovereigns. They first submitted 
 to Demetrius ; after which to Cassander ; and 
 last of all to Antigonus Gonatas, who left them 
 in subjection to tyrants of his own establishing, 
 that they might not withdraw themselves from 
 his authority. 
 
 Towards the beginning of 
 A. M. 3724. the cxxivth Olympiad, about 
 Ant. J. C. 280. the time of the .death of 
 Ptolemy Soter, the father of 
 Philadelphus, and the expedition of Pyrrhus 
 into Italy, the republic of the Achseans resumed 
 their former customs, and renewed their ancient 
 foncord. The inhabitants of Patrse and Dyme 
 laid the foundations of this happy change. The 
 tyrants were expelled from the cities, which 
 then united as in former times, and constituted 
 no more than one body of a republic : all affairs 
 were decided by a public council : the registers 
 were committed to a common secretary ; the 
 
 1 Polyb. 1. ii. p. 125—130. 
 ■2 These twelve cities were Patras, Dyme, Pharae, Tri- 
 teea, Leontium, ^gira, Pellene, .ffigium, Bura, Ceraunia, 
 Olenus, and Helice. 
 
 assembly had two presidents, who were nomi- 
 nated by the cities in their respective turns ; 
 but it was soon thought advisable to reduce 
 them to one. 
 
 The good order which reigned in this little 
 republic, where freedom and equality, with a 
 love of justice and the public good, were the 
 fundamental principles of their government, 
 drew into their community several neighbour- 
 ing cities, who received their laws, and asso- 
 ciated themselves into their privileges. Sicyon 
 was one of the first that acceded in this manner, 
 by means of Aratus, one of its citizens, whom, 
 in the sequel, we shall see acting a very great 
 part, and becoming very illustrious. 
 
 Sicyon,^ which had long groaned under' the 
 yoke of her tyrants, bad lately attempted to 
 shake it off, by placing Clinias, one of her first 
 and bravest citizens, at her head ; and the go- 
 vernment already began to flourish and assume 
 a better form, when Abantidas, in order to seize 
 the tyranny into his own hands, found means 
 to get rid of Clinias. Some of his relations and 
 friends he expelled from the city ; and took off 
 others by death : he also searched for Aratus, 
 the son of Clinias, who was then but seven 
 years of age, in order to destroy him ; but the 
 infant escaped, with some other persons, amidst 
 the disorder that filled the house when his fa- 
 ther was killed ; and as he was wandering about 
 the city, in the utmost consternation and dis- 
 tress, he accidentally entered unseen into a 
 house which belonged to the tyrant's sister. 
 This lady was naturally generous, and as she 
 also believed that this destitute infant had taken 
 refuge under her roof by the impulse of some 
 deity, she carefully concealed him ; and when 
 night came, caused him to be secretly conveyed 
 to Argos. 
 
 Aratus, being thus preserved from so immi- 
 nent a danger, conceived in his soul from hence- 
 forth an implacable aversion to tyrants, which 
 always increased with his age. He was edu- 
 cated with the utmost care, by some hospitable 
 friends of his father's at Argos. 
 
 The new tyranny of Sicyon had passed 
 through several hands in a short time, when 
 Aratus, who began to arrive at a state of man- 
 hood, was solicitous to deliver his country en- 
 tirely from oppression. He was greatly re 
 spected, as well for his birth as his courage, 
 which was accompanied with a gravity superior 
 to his age, and a strong and clear understand- 
 ing. These qualities, which were well known 
 at that time, caused the exiles frona Sicyon to 
 cast their eyes upon him in a peculiar manner, 
 and to consider him as their chief resource, and 
 a person destined to be their future deliverer ; 
 in which conjecture they were not deceived. 
 
 Aratus, who was then in 
 
 A. M. 3762. the twentieth year of his 
 Ant. J. C. 252. age, formed a confederacy 
 against Nicocles, who was 
 tyrant at that time ; and though the spies, 
 whom the latter sent to Argos, kept a vigilant 
 eye on his conduct, he concealed Ijis design so 
 well, he pursued his measures with so much 
 prudence and secrecy, that he scaled the walls 
 of Sicyon, and entered the city by night. The 
 tyrant was fortunate enough to secure himself 
 a retreat through subterranean passages ; and 
 when the people assembled in a tumultuous 
 
 3 Plut. in Arato, p. 1027—1031. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 359 
 
 manner, without knowing what had been trans- 
 a<-ti'd, a herald cried with a loud voice, that 
 
 Aratus, the son of Clinias, invited the citizens 
 to resume their liberty." Upon which the 
 crowd immediately flocked to the palace of the 
 tyrant, and burnt it to ashes in a few moments ; 
 but not a single man was killed or wounded on 
 either side ; the good genius of Aratus not 
 suffering an action of this nature to be polluted 
 with the blood of his citizens; in which circum- 
 stance he made his joy and triumph consist. 
 He then recalled all those who had been ban- 
 ished, who were no fewer than 500. 
 
 Sicyon. then began to enjoy some repose, but 
 Aratus was not fully relieved from inquietude 
 and perplexity. With respect to the situation 
 of aifairs without, he was sensible that Antigo- 
 nus cast a jealous eye on the city, and had medi- 
 tated expedients for making himself master of 
 it, from the time of its having recovered its 
 liberty. He beheld the seeds of sedition and 
 discord sown within, by those who had been 
 Vanished, and was extremely apprehensive of 
 their effect. He imagined, therefore, that the 
 safest and most prudent conduct in this delicate 
 juncture, would be to unite Sicyon in the 
 Achaean league, in which he easily succeeded : 
 and this was one of the greatest services he was 
 capable of rendering his country. 
 
 The power of the Achseans was indeed but 
 inconsiderable ; for, as I have already observed, 
 they were only masters of three very small 
 cities. Their country was neither good nor 
 I'ich, and they inhabited a coast which had nei- 
 ther ports, nor any other maritime stations of 
 security. But with all this mediocrity and 
 seeming weakness, they of all people made it 
 most evident, that the forces of the Greeks could 
 be always invincible, when under good order 
 and discipline, and with a prudent and expe- 
 rienced general at the head of them. Thus did 
 those Achseans (who were so inconsiderable in 
 comparison of the ancient power of Greece), by 
 constantly adhering to good counsels, and con- 
 tinuing strictly united together, without blast- 
 ing the merit of their fellow-citizens with the 
 malignant breath of envy j not only maintain 
 their liberties, amidst so many potent cities, 
 and such a number of tyrants, but restored 
 freedom and safety to most of the Grecian 
 states. 
 
 Aratus, after he had engaged his city in the 
 Achaean league, entered himself among the 
 cavalry, and was not a little esteemed by the 
 generals, for the promptitude and vivacity which 
 he discovered in the execution of their orders : 
 for though he had infinitely contributed to the 
 power and credit of the league, by strengthen- 
 ing it with his own reputation and all the forces 
 of his country, he yet appeared as submissive as 
 the meanest soldier to the general of the Achae- 
 ans, notwithstanding the obscurity of the city 
 from whence that officer was selected for such 
 an employment. This is certainly an excellent 
 example for young princes and noblemen, when 
 they serve in armies, which will teach them to 
 forget their birth on those occasions, and to de- 
 mand respect only from their exact submission 
 to the orders of their commanders. 
 
 The conduct and character of Aratus were 
 the constant subject of admiration.* He was 
 naturally polite and obliging; his sentiments 
 
 4 Pint, In Aral. p. 1031. Polyb. 1. iv. p. 277, 278. 
 
 were great and noble ; and he entirely devoted 
 himself to the good of the state, without any 
 interested views. He was an implacable enemy 
 to tyrants, and regulated his friendship and en- 
 mity by the public utility. He was qualified in 
 many particulars, to appear at the head of 
 affairs; his expressions were always proper; his 
 thoughts just ; and even his silence judicious. 
 He conducted himself with a complacency of 
 temper, in all differences that arose in any de- 
 liberations of moment, and had no superior in 
 the happy art of contracting friendships and 
 alliances. He had a wonderful facility in 
 forming enterprises against an enemy; in mask- 
 ing his designs with impenetrable secrecy, and 
 in executing them happily by his patience and 
 intrepidity. It must, however, be acknow- 
 ledged, that this celebrated Aratus did not seem 
 to be the same man at the head of an army : 
 nothing could then be discovered in him but 
 dilatoriness, irresolution, and timidity ; whilst 
 every prospect of danger was insupportable to 
 him. Not that he really wanted courage and 
 boldness, but these qualities seemed to be be- 
 numbed by the greatness of the execution, and 
 he was only timorous on certain occasions, and 
 at intervals. It was from this disposition of 
 his, that all Peloponnesus was filled with the 
 trophies of his conqueror, and the monuments 
 of his own defeats. In this manner, says Poly- 
 bius, has nature compounded different and con- 
 trary qualities together, not only in the bodies 
 I of men, but even in their minds ; and hence it 
 j is that we are to account for the surprising 
 I diversity we frequently perceive in the same 
 i persons. On some occasions they appear lively, 
 heroic, and undaunted ; and at others, all their 
 vigour, vivacity, and resolution, entirely aban- 
 don them. 
 
 I have already observed,* 
 A. M. 3763. that those citizens who had 
 Ant. J. C. 251. been banished, gave Aratus 
 great perplexity. — His dis- 
 quiet was occasioned by their claim to the land 
 and houses which they possessed before their 
 exile ; the greatest part of which had been con- 
 signed to other persons, who afterwards sold 
 them, and disappeared upon the expulsion of 
 the tyrant. It was reasonable that these exiles 
 should be reinstated in their former possessions 
 after their recall from banishment, and they 
 made application to that effect with all imagin- 
 able importunity. On the other hand, the 
 greatest part of what they claimed had been 
 alienated to fair purchasers, who consequently 
 expected to be reimbursed, before they delivered 
 up such houses and lands to the claimants. The 
 pretensions and complaints on this occasion 
 were vigorously urged on both sides, and Sicyon 
 was in the utmost danger of being ruined by a 
 civil war, which seemed inevitable- Never was 
 any affair more perplexing than this. Aratus 
 was incapable of reconciling the two parties, 
 whose demands were equally equitable, and it 
 was impossible to satisfy them both at the same 
 time, without expending very considerable sums, 
 which he was in no condition to furnish. It 
 this emergency, he could think of no resource 
 but the goodness and liberality of Ptolemy, king 
 of Egypt, which he himself had experienced on 
 the following occasion. 
 
 That prince was extremely curious in por 
 
 5 Plut. in Arat. p. 1231— liJ38 
 
SCO 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 traits and other paintings : Aratus, therefore, 
 who was an excellent judge of such perform- 
 ances, collected all the works of the greatest 
 masters which he could possibly procure, espe- 
 cially those of Pamphilus and Melanthus, and 
 sent them to the king. Sicyon was still in great 
 reputation for the arts, and painting in particular ; 
 the true taste of which was preserved there in all 
 its ancient purity. It is even said, that Apelles, 
 who was then admired by all the world, had been 
 at Sicyon, where he frequented the schools of 
 these two painters, to whom he gave a talent 
 (equal to 1000 crowns), not so much to acquire 
 perfection in the art from them, as in order to 
 obtain a share in their great reputation. When 
 Aratus had reinstated his city in its former li- 
 berties he destroyed all the pictures of the ty- 
 rants ; but when he came to that of Aristratus, 
 who reigned in the time of Philip, and whom 
 the painter had represented in the attitude of 
 standing in a triumphant chariot, he hesitated a 
 long time whether he should deface it or not ; 
 for all the capital scholars of Melanthus had 
 contributed to the completion of that piece, and 
 it had even been touched by the pencil of Apel- 
 les. This work was so inimitable in its kind, 
 that Aratus could not avoid being affected with 
 its beauties ; but his aversion for tyi-ants pre- 
 vailed over his admiration of the picture, and he 
 accordingly ordered it to be destroyed. 
 
 The fine taste of Aratus for painting, had re- 
 commended him to the good graces of Ptolemy ; 
 and he, therefore, thought he might take the li- 
 berty to implore the generosity of that prince, 
 in the melancholy situation to which he was 
 then reduced. With this view he embarked for 
 Egypt ; but was exposed to many dangers and 
 disappointments, before he could arrive in that 
 kingdom. He had a long audience of Ptolemy, 
 who esteemed him the better the more he knew 
 him ; and presented him with 160 talents for 
 the benefit of his city. Aratus carried away 
 forty talents when he set out for Peloponnesus, 
 and the king remitted him the remainder in se- 
 parate payments. 
 
 His fortunate return occasioned universal joy 
 in Sicyon, and he was invested with full power 
 to decide the pretensions of the exiles, and regu- 
 late the partitions to be made in their favour. 
 But as a wise politician, who is not anxious to 
 engross the decision of all aff"airs to himself, and 
 is not afraid of diminishing his reputation by 
 admitting others to share it with him, he firmly 
 refused the honours designed him, and nominat- 
 ed for his coadjutors fifteen citizens of the great- 
 est repute, in conjunction with whom he at last 
 restored harmony and peace among the inhabi- 
 tants, and refunded to the several purchasers all 
 the sums they had expended for the lands and 
 houses they had actually bought. It has always 
 been observed, that glory pursues those who are 
 industrious to decline it. Aratus, therefore, who 
 thought himself in need of good counsels to as- 
 sist him in the determination of this important 
 affair (and persons of the greatest merit always 
 entertain the same diffidence of themselves), had 
 all the honour of this affair. His conduct was 
 infinitely applauded; statues were erected to 
 him, and the people, by public inscriptions, de- 
 clared him the father of the people, and the de- 
 liverer of his country. These are qualities that 
 infinitely transcend those of the most celebrated 
 conquerors. 
 
 A success so illustrious gave Antigonus jeal- 
 ousy, and even fear; in consequence of which, 
 at a public entertainment, he artfully enhanced 
 
 the merit and capacity of this young man by ex- 
 traordinary praises, possibly with an intention 
 either to gain him over to his own interest, oi 
 to render him an object of suspicion to Ptolemy. 
 He insinuated, in terms suflSciently intelligible, 
 that Aratus having discovered, by his own ex- 
 perience, the vanity of the Egyptian pride, in- 
 tended to attach himself to his service ; and that 
 he, therefore, was resolved to employ him in his 
 affaii-s : he concluded this train of artifice with 
 entreating aU the lords of his court, who were 
 then present, to regard him in future as their 
 fi-iend. The particulars of this discourse vvere 
 soon repeated to Ptolemy, who was not a little 
 surprised and afflicted when he heard them : 
 and he complained to Aratus of this injurious 
 charge : but the latter easily justified himself to 
 that monarch. 
 
 Aratus having been elected general of the 
 Acheeans, for the first time ravaged Locris, and 
 all the territory of Calydon, and advanced with 
 a body of 10,000 men to succour the Bojotians ; 
 but was so unfortunate as not to arrive among 
 them till after the battle of Chajronea,' in which 
 they were defeated by the iEtolians. 
 
 Eight years after this^ 
 A. M. 3760. transaction, he was elected 
 Ant. J. C. 244. general of the Achseans a 
 second time, and rendered 
 great service to all Greece, by an action which 
 Plutarch considers as equal to any of the most 
 illustrious enterpi'ises of the Grecian leaders. 
 
 The Isthmus of Corinth, which separates the 
 two seas, unites the continent of Greece with 
 that of Peloponnesus ; the citadel also of Corinth, 
 distinguished by the name of Acro-Corinthus, 
 is situated on a high mountain, exactly in the 
 middle of those two continents, which are there 
 divided from each other by a very narrow neck 
 of land; by which means this fortress, when 
 furnished with a good garrison, cuts off all com- 
 munication by land and sea, from the inner pai't 
 of the isthmus, and renders the person who pos~ 
 sesses it, with a good body of troops, absolute 
 master of all Greece. Philip called this citadel 
 the shackles of Greece, and as such it was an ob- 
 ject of desire and jealousy to all the neighbour - 
 'ing states, and especially to kings and princes, 
 who consequently were desirous of seizing it for 
 their own use. 
 
 Antigonus, after having for a long time, anc 
 with extreme anxiety, sought an opportunity to 
 render himself master of this place, was so for- 
 tunate as to carry it by surprise, and made no 
 scruple to congratulate himself as much on this 
 unexpected success, as on a real triumph. Ara- 
 tus, on the other hand, entertained hopes of 
 wresting this fortress from him, in his turn ; 
 and while all his thoughts were employed to that 
 effect, an accidental circumstance furnished him 
 with an opportunity of accomplishing his de- 
 sign. 
 
 Erginus, an inhabitant of Corinth, had taken 
 a journey to Sicyon, in order to transact some 
 affairs in that city; and had there contracted an 
 intimate acquaintance with a banker, who was 
 a particular friend of Aratus. As the citadel of 
 Corinth happened to be the subject of one of their 
 conversations, Erginus told his friend, that as he 
 often went to visit his brother Diodes, who wii« 
 
 1 Philip, above forty years before this event, had ob 
 taincd a celebrated victory over the Alhei.ians and The 
 bans, near tlie same place. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 3G1 
 
 a soldier of the garrison, he had observed, on the 
 steepest side, a small winding path hewn in the 
 rock, which led to a part of the wall of the cita- 
 del which was very low. The banker was very 
 attentive to this account, and, with a smile, de- 
 sired his friend to tell him, whether he and his 
 brother would be disposed to gain a large sum 
 of money, and make their fortunes ? Erginus 
 immediately com prehended the bent of this ques- 
 tion, and promised to sound his brother Diodes 
 on that head. Some few days after this conver- 
 sation he returned to the banker, and engaged to 
 conduct Aratus to that part of the mountain 
 where the height of the wall did not exceed fif- 
 teen feet, adding, at the same time, that himself 
 and his brother would assist him in executing 
 the rest of his enterprise. Aratus promised, on 
 his part, to give them sixty talents, if the affair 
 should happen to succeed ; but as it became re- 
 quisite to deposit that sum in the hands of the 
 banker, for the security of the two brothers, and 
 as Aratus was neither master of so many ta- 
 lents, nor had any inclination to borrow them, 
 for fear of raising suspicion by that proceeding, 
 and letting his design get wind, he pledged all his 
 gold and silver plate, with his wife's jewels, to 
 the banker, as a security for the promised sura. 
 
 Aratus had so great a soul, says Plutarch, and 
 such an ardour for great actions, that when he 
 considered with himself, how universally Epa- 
 minondas and Phocion had been reputed the 
 most worthy and just men in all Greece, for re- 
 fusing the presents that had been offered to 
 them ; and preferring virtue to all the riches in 
 the world, he was anxious to surpass them, and 
 to refine upon their generosity and disinterested 
 spirit. And indeed there is a wide difference 
 between the mere refusal of presents, and the 
 sacrifice of a person's whole fortune for the ser- 
 vice of the public. Aratus parted with all his 
 fortune, and that too without its being known, 
 for an enterprise, wherein he alone was exposed 
 to all the danger. Where is the man, cries Plu- 
 tarch, amidst the enthusiasm into which this 
 amiable action had wrought him, who can possi- 
 bly be incapable of admiring so uncommon and 
 surprising an instance of magnanimity! Who, 
 even at this time, can forbear to interest himself 
 in this great exploit, and to combat in imagina- 
 tion by the side of so great a man, who paid so 
 dearly for so extraordinary a danger, and pledged 
 the moot valuable part of his fortune, only to 
 procure an opportunity of advancing into the 
 midst of his enemies in the dead of night, when 
 he knew he should be compelled to fight for his 
 own life, without any other security than the 
 hopes of performing a noble action. 
 
 It may justly be remarked on this occasion, 
 that the taste for glory, disinterestedness, and 
 the public good, were perpetuated among the 
 Greeks, by the remembrance of those great men 
 who had distinguished themselves in past ages 
 by such glorious sentiments. 
 
 This is the great advantage which attends his- 
 tory written like that of the Greeks, and the 
 principal benefit to be derived from it. 
 
 The preparations for the enterprise were 
 thwarted by a variety of obstructions, any one of 
 which seemed sufficient to have rendered it in- 
 effectual ; but when all these were at last sur- 
 mounted, Aratus ordered his troops to pass the 
 night under arms. He then selected 400 men, 
 most of whom were unacquainted with the 
 design he intended to execute : they were all 
 furnished with scaling-ladders, and he led them 
 directly to the gates of the city by the walls of 
 
 Juno's temple. The sky was then unclouded, 
 and the moon shone extremely bright, which 
 filled the adventurers with just apprehensions of 
 being discovered. But in a little time a dark 
 fog arose very fortunately from the sea, and 
 shed a thick gloom over all the adjacent parts of 
 the city. All the troops then seated themselves 
 on the ground, to take off their shoes, as well to 
 lessen the noise, as to facilitate their ascent by 
 the scaling-ladders, from which they should not 
 then be so liable to slip. In the mean time, 
 Erginus, with seven resolute young men, habited 
 like travellers, passed through the gate without 
 being perceived, and killed the sentinel and 
 guards who were there upon duty. The ladders 
 I were then fixed on the wall, and Aratus ascend- 
 I ed -^^ith 100 of his boldest troops, giving orders 
 I to the rest to follow him as fast as they were 
 .able ; and having drawn up his ladders, he de- 
 ■ scended into the citj', and marched at the head 
 of his 100 men, towards the citadel, with the 
 j utmost joy, as having already succeeded by 
 passing undiscovered. 
 
 j As they were proceeding in their march, they 
 saw a small guard of four men, with lights in 
 their bands, by whom they were not perceived, 
 because the darkness of the night shrouded them 
 from their view. Aratus and his men shrunk 
 back against some walls and ruins that were 
 near, where they disposed themselves into an 
 ambuscade, from whence they started as the four 
 men were passing by, and killed three of their 
 number. The fourth, who received a deep 
 wound on his head, fled from the place, and cried 
 out as loud as he was able, that the enemies 
 were entered the city. The trumpets in a mo- 
 ment sounded the alarm, and all the inhabitants 
 crowded together at the noise. The streets were 
 already filled with people, who flocked from all 
 quarters, and blazing with innumerable lights, 
 which were immediately set up in every part of 
 the city, and also on the ramparts of the castle, 
 whilst every place resounded. with confused and 
 undistinguishable cries. 
 
 Aratus still continued his progress, notwith- 
 standing the alarm, and endeavoured to climb 
 the steep rocks : he made way, however, at first, 
 very slowly, and with great labour, because he 
 had missed the path that led to the wall through 
 numberless windings, which it was almost im- 
 practicable to trace out. While he was thus 
 perplexed, the clouds dispersed, as if a miracle 
 had interposed in his favour: the moon then ap- 
 peared in its former brightness, and discovered 
 all the intricacies of the path, till he arrived on 
 the spot of ground at the foot of the wall, which 
 had been formerly described to him. The skies 
 were then happily covered with clouds again, 
 and the moon was once more immersed in dark- 
 ness. 
 
 The 300 soldiers whom Aratus had left with- 
 out, near the temple of Juno, having entered 
 the city, which was then filled with confusion 
 and tumult, and also illuminated with a prodi- 
 gious number of lights; and not being able to 
 find the path which Aratus had taken, drew up 
 into a close body, under a bending rock which 
 shaded them at the bottom of the precipice, 
 where they waited in the utmost anxiety and 
 distress. Aratus was then skirmishing on the 
 ramparts of the citadel, and the noise of the 
 combatants might easily be heard below; but as 
 the sound was repeated by the echoes of the 
 neighbouring mountains, it was impossible to 
 distinguish the place from whence it proceeded. 
 Those soldiers, therefore, not knowing which 
 
362 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 way to bend tlieir course, Archelaus, who com- restored Archelaus, whom he had taken pri 
 manded the troops of king Antigonus, having soner, to his liberty ; hut caused Theophrastus 
 drawn out a considerable number of troops, to suflFer death, for refusing to quit the city. 
 
 Aratus made himself master of the temple or 
 
 drawn out a considerable number of troops, 
 mounted the ascent with loud shouts, and a i 
 great blast of trumpets, with an intention to I 
 assault Aratus in his rear, and in his march 
 passed by those SOO men without perceiving 
 them ; but when he advanced a little .beyond 
 them, they started from the place of their con- 
 cealment, as if they had been planted expressly 
 in ambuscade, and fell upon him with great re- 
 solution, killing all who tirst came in their way. 
 j The rest of the troops, and even Archelaus him- 
 I self, were then seized with such a consternation, 
 1 that they fled from their enemies, who con- 
 i tinned to attack them in their retreat, till they 
 ! had all dispersed themselves in the city, 
 i This defeat was immediately succeeded by 
 ' the arrival of Ergi.nus, who had been sent by 
 i those that were fighting on the walls of the 
 1 citadel, to acquaint them that Aratus was en- 
 1 gaged with the enemies, who made a very 
 vigorous defence, and was in great need of im- 
 mediate assistance. The troops that moment 
 desired him to be their conductor ; and as they 
 mounted the rocks, they proclaimed their ap- 
 proach by loud cries, to animate their friends, 
 and redouble their ardour. The beams of the 
 j moon, which was then in the full, played upon 
 1 their armour, and, in conjunction with the 
 ! length of the way by which they ascended, 
 i made them appear more numerous, while the 
 I midnight silence rendered the echoes much more 
 strong and audible ; by which means their 
 shouts seemed those of a much greater body of 
 men than they really were. When they at last 
 had joined their companions, they charged their 
 ' enemies with a vigour that soon dispersed them, 
 ' upon which they posted themselves on the wall, 
 and became absolute masters of the citadel by 
 break of day ; so that the sun's first rays saw 
 ; them victorious. The rest of their troops ar- 
 rived at the same- time from Sicyon; and the 
 Corinthians, after they had willingly throvm 
 open the city gates to receive them, assisted 
 them in making the troops of Antigonus prison- 
 ers of war. 
 
 j Aratus, when he had effectually secured his 
 victory, descended from the citadel into the 
 theatre, which was then crowded with a vast 
 concourse of people, drawn thither by their cu- 
 riosity to see him, and to hear him speak. After 
 he had posted his Achseans on each side of the 
 avenues of the theatre, he advanced from the 
 bottom of the stage completely anned, with a 
 countenance completely changed by his want of 
 rest and the long fatigue he had sustained. The 
 j bold and manly joy with which this extraordi- 
 ! nary success had inspired him, was obscured by 
 the langour his extreme weakness and decay 
 I of spirits had occasioned. The moment he ap- 
 I peared in the theatre, all the people were emu- 
 lous to testify their profound respect and grati- 
 tude, by repeated applauses and acclamations. 
 I Aratus, in the meantime, shifted his lance from 
 j his left to his right hand ; and then leaning his 
 body and one knee a little against it, he con- 
 tinued for some time in that posture. 
 
 When the whole theatre was at last silent, 
 he exerted all the vigour he had left, and ac- 
 quainted them, in a long discourse, with the 
 particulars of the Achaean league, exhorted them 
 to accede to it, and at the same time delivered 
 to them the keys of their city, which, till then, 
 had never been in their power from the time of 
 Philip. As to the captains of Antigonus, he 
 
 Juno and of the port of Lechaeum, where he 
 seized twenty-five of the king's ships. He also 
 took 500 war horses, and 400 Syrians, whom he 
 afterwards sold. The Achseans kept the cita- 
 del, in which they placed a garrison of 400 
 men. 
 
 An action so bold and successful as this could 
 not fail to be productive of very fortunate events. 
 The inhabitants of Megara quitted the party of 
 Antigonus and joined Aratus. Their example 
 was soon followed by the people of Troezene 
 and Epidaurus, who acceded to the Achaean 
 league. 
 
 Aratus also brought Ptolemy, king of Egypt, 
 into the confederacy, by assigning the superin- 
 tendence of the war to him, and electing him 
 generalissimo of their troops by land and sea. 
 This event gained him so much credit and re- 
 putation among the Achaeans, that as the nomi- 
 nation of the same man to the post of captain- 
 general for a succession of years was expressly 
 prohibited by the laws, Aratus, was, however, 
 elected every other year, and he, either by his 
 counsels or personal conduct, enjoyed that com- I 
 mand without any discontinuation : for it was 
 evident to all mankind, that neither riches nor 
 the friendship of kin^s, no, nor even the parti- 
 cular advantages of Sicyon, his native place, nor 
 any other consideration whatever, had the least 
 preference in his mind, to the welfare and ag- 
 grandizement of the Achaeans. He was per- 
 suaded, that all weak cities resemble those parts 
 of the body which thrive and exist only by their 
 mutual union, and infallibly perish when once 
 they are separated ; as the sustenance by which 
 they subsist is discontinued from that moment. 
 In like manner cities soon sink into ruin, when 
 the social bands which connect them are once 
 dissolved ; but they are always seen to flourish, 
 and Jmprove in power and prosperity, when 
 they become parts of a large body, and are asso- 
 ciated by a unity of interest. A common pre- 
 caution then reigns through the whole, and is 
 the happy source of life, from whence all the 
 vigour that supports them is derived. 
 
 All the views of Aratus,' and all his enter- 
 prises, while he continued in his employment.- 
 tended entirely to the expulsion of the Macedo- 
 nians out of Peloponnesus, and the abolition of 
 all kinds of tyranny ; the re-establishment of 
 the cities in their ancient liberty, and the exer- 
 cise of their laws. These were the only mo- 
 tives which prompted him to oppose the enter- 
 prises of Antigonus Gonatas, during the life of 
 that prince. 
 
 He also pursued the same 
 conduct with respect to De- 
 metrius,* who succeeded An- 
 tigonus, and reigned for the 
 The J^tolians had at first 
 joined Antigonus Gonatas, with an intention 
 to destroy the Achaean league ; but embroiled 
 themselves with Demetrius his successor, who 
 declared war against them. 
 The Achaeans, forgetting on 
 this occasion the ill treat- 
 ment they had received from 
 
 A. M. 3762. 
 Ant. J. C. 24S 
 
 space of ten years. 
 
 A. M. 3770. 
 Ant. J. C. 234. 
 
 1 I'olyb. 1. ii. p. ISO. 
 2 Ibid. p. 91—101. Appian. de bellis lllyr. p. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 8G3 
 
 that people, marched to their assistance, by 
 which means a strict union was re-established 
 between them, which became very advantageous 
 to all the neighbouring cities. 
 
 lUyria was then governed 
 A. M. 3772, by several petty kings, who 
 Ant. J. C. 232. subsisted chiefly by rapine, 
 
 and exercised a sort of pi- 
 racy against all the neighbouring countries. 
 Agron, the son of Pleurates, Scerdiledes, De- 
 metrius of Pharus, so called from a city of 11- 
 lyria, subject to him, were the petty princes 
 who infested all the neighbouring parts ; and 
 
 attacked Corcyra, and the 
 A. M. 3776. Acarnanians in particular. 
 Ant. J. C. 228. Teuta reigned after the death 
 
 of her husband Agron, who 
 had ended his days by intemperance, and left a 
 young son, named Pinseus. These people, ha- 
 rassed in the manner I have mentioned, had 
 recourse to the ^tolians, and Achseans, who 
 readily undertook their defence ; though their 
 good services were repaid only with ingratitude. 
 The people of Corcyra made an alliance with 
 the Illyrians, soon after this event, and received 
 Demetrius of Pharus, with his garrison, into 
 their city. 
 
 The Romans were so of- 
 A. M. 3778. fended at the piracies with 
 Ant. J. C. 226. which this people infested 
 their citizens and merchants, 
 that they sent an embassy to Teuta, to complain 
 of those injurious proceedings. That princess 
 caused one of the ambassadors to be slain, and 
 the other to be thrown into prison, which pro- 
 voked the Romans to declare war against her, 
 to revenge so outrageous an insult. The two 
 consuls, L. Posthumius Albinus, and Cn. Ful- 
 yius Centumalus, set out with a commission to 
 invade Illyria by land and sea. The people of 
 Corcyra, in concert with Demetrius of Pharus, 
 delivered up to the consul Fulvius the garrison 
 they had received into their city ; and the Ro- 
 mans, after they had reinstated Corcyra in its 
 former liberties, advanced into Illyria, and con- 
 quered great part of the country; and con- 
 signed several cities to Demetrius, as a com- 
 pensation for his treacherous conduct in their 
 favour. 
 
 Teuta, reduced to the 
 utmost extremity, implored 
 peace of the Romans, and 
 obtained it, on her engage- 
 ment to pay a yearly tribute, and deliver up all 
 Illyria, except a few places which she was per- 
 mitted to enjoy ; but the most beneficial article 
 for the Greeks was, her being restrained from 
 sailing beyond the city of Lissus with more 
 than two small vessels, and even those were not 
 to carry any arms. The other petty kings, who 
 seemed to have been dependent on Teuta, were 
 comprehended in this treaty, though it expressly 
 mentioned none but that princess. 
 
 The Romans then caused themselves to be 
 respected in Greece by a solemn embassy, and 
 this was the first time that their power was 
 known in that country. They sent ambassa- 
 dors to the iEtolians and Achseans, to commu- 
 nicate to them the treaty they had lately con- 
 cluded with the Illyrians. Others were also 
 despatched to Corinth and Athens ; and the 
 Corinthians then declared for the first time, 
 by a public decree, that the Romans should be 
 admitted to celebrate the Isthmian games, with 
 the same privileges as the Greeks. The freedom 
 of the city was also granted them at Athens, 
 
 A. M. 3779. 
 Aut. J. C. 225. 
 
 and they were permitted to be initiated into the 
 great njysteries. 
 
 Aratus, after the death of Demetrius, who 
 reigned only ten years, found the dispositions of 
 people very favourable to his designs. Several 
 tyrants, whom that prince had supported with 
 all his credit, and to whom he paid large pen- 
 sions, having lost their support by his death, 
 made a voluntary resignation of the authority 
 they had usurped over their citizens ; others of 
 them, either intimidated by the menaces of 
 Aratus, or prevailed upon by his promises, fol- 
 lowed their example ; and he procured several 
 considerable advantages for them all, that they 
 might have no temptation to repent of their 
 conduct. 
 
 Aratus,^ who beheld with regret the subjec- 
 tion of the people of Argos to the tyrant Aris- 
 tomachus, undertook their deliverance ; and 
 made it a point of honour to restore liberty to 
 that city, as a recompense for the education he 
 had received there ; and he bad also considered 
 the accession of so potent a city to the Achaean 
 league, as highly advantageous to the common 
 cause : but his measures to this effect were ren- 
 dered unsuccessful at that time. Aristomachus 
 was soon after slain by his domestics ; and 
 before there could be any opportunity to regu- 
 late aifairs, Aristippus, a tyrant more detestable 
 than his predecessor, seized the supreme power 
 into his own hands, and had the dexterity to 
 maintain himself in that usurpation, even with 
 the consent of the Argives. But looking upon 
 Aratus as a mortal enemy, during whose life he 
 imagined his own would always be in danger, 
 he resolved to destroy him by the assistance of 
 king Antigonus Doson, who agreed to be the 
 minister of his vengeance. He had already 
 prepared assassins in all parts, who only waited 
 for an opportunity of executing their bloody 
 commission. No prince or commander can 
 ever have a more effectual guard, than the firm 
 and sincere affection of those they govern ; for, 
 when once the nobility and people have been 
 accustomed not to fear their prince, but to fear 
 for him, innumerable eyes and ears are at- 
 tentive to aU that passes. This Aratus was 
 so happy as to experience in the present con- 
 juncture, 
 
 Plutarch, on this occasion, draws a fine con- 
 trast between the troubles and anxieties of 
 Aristippus, and the peace and tranquillity of 
 Aratus. That tyrant, says he, who maintained 
 such a body of troops for the security of his 
 person, and who had shed the blood of all those 
 of whom he entertained any dread, was incapa- 
 ble of enjoying a moment's repose, either by 
 night or day. Every circumstance alarmed 
 him ; his soul was the seat of terror and anxiety, 
 that knew no intermission ; and he even trem- 
 bled at his own shadow. A dreadful guard 
 continually watched round his house with 
 dra wn swords ; and as his life was perpetually 
 In their power, he feared them more than all 
 the rest of mankind. He never permitted them 
 to enter his palace, but ordered them to he sta- 
 tioned in the porticoes which surrounded it. 
 He drove away all his domesties the moment 
 he had supped ; after which he shut the gate of 
 his court with his own hands, and then retired 
 with his concubine into an upper apartment, 
 which he entered by a trap door. When this 
 
 3 Plut. in Arat. p. 1038—1041. 
 
364 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 was let down, he placed his bed upon it, and i 
 slept, as we may suppose a man to sleep in his j 
 condition, whose soul is a perpetual prey to , 
 trouble, terror, and apprehension. The mother | 
 of his concubine remoA^ed, each night, the lad- 
 der by which he ascended into his chamber, and I 
 replaced it in its former situation the next 
 morning. Aratus, on the other hand, who had 
 acquired perpetual power, not by force of arms, 
 but merely by his virtue and the effect of the 
 laws, appeared in public with a plain robe and a 
 mind void of fear: and whereas among all those 
 who possess fortresses, and maintain guards, 
 with the additional precaution of arms, gates, 
 and traps, as so many ramparts for their safety, 
 few escape a violent "death ; Aratus, on the con- 
 trary, who always showed himself an implaca- 
 ble enemy to tyrants, left behind him a posterity 
 which subsists, says Plutarch, to this day, 
 and is still honoured and respected by all the 
 world.' 
 
 Ai-atus attacked the tyrant with open force, 
 but acted with very little prudence or resolution 
 in the first engagement, when even one of the 
 wings of his army had defeated the enemy; for 
 he caused a retreat to be sounded very unseason- 
 ably, and resigned the victory to the foe, which 
 drew upon him a number of severe reproaches. 
 He however made amends for his fault in a se- 
 cond battle, wherein Aristippus, and above 1500 
 of his men lost their lives. Aratus, though he 
 had obtained so signal a victory, and without 
 losing one man, was however unable to make 
 himself master of the city of Argos, or i-estore 
 liberty to the inhabitants; as Agias, and the 
 young Aristomachus, had thrown themselves 
 with a body of the king's troops into the place. 
 
 He succeeded better with respect to the city 
 of Megalopolis, where Lysiades had usurped the 
 supreme power. This person had none of the 
 violent and inhuman characteristics of tyrants, 
 and had seized the sovereignty from no other in- 
 ducement, than a false idea of the happiness and 
 glory which he imagined inseparable from su- 
 preme power ; but he resigned the tyi'anny, ei- 
 ther through fear, or a conviction of his error, 
 upon the remonstrances of Aratus, and caused 
 his city to accede to the Achaean league. That 
 league was affected to such a degree by so gener- 
 ous an action, that they immediately chose him 
 for their general ; and as he at first was emulous 
 of surpassing Aratus, he engaged in several en- 
 terprises which seemed unnecessary at that junc- 
 ture, and among the rest, declared war against 
 the i^acedaemonians. Aratus employed his ut- 
 most influence to oppose him in those measures, 
 but his endeavours were misinterpreted as the 
 eflFects of envy. Lysiades was elected general a 
 second time, and then a third, and each of them 
 commanded alternately. But when he was ob- 
 served to act in opposition to his rival on all oc- 
 •asions, and, without the least regard to decen- 
 cy, was continually repeating his injurious 
 treatment of a virtue so solid and sincere as that 
 of Aratus ; it became evident that the zeal he 
 affected was no more than a plausible outside, 
 which concealed a dangerous ambition ; and 
 they deprived him of the command. 
 
 As the Lacedaemonians will, for the future, 
 have a considerable share in the wars sustained 
 
 1 Polycrates, to whom Plutarch addresses the life of 
 Aratus, was one of his descendants, a:id had two sons, by 
 rhom the race was still continued, after having already 
 ibsisied 3j0 years after the death of Aratua. 
 
 by the Achaeans, it seems necessary to give a 
 brief account of the condition of that people in 
 this place. 
 
 SECT. in. 
 
 Agis king of Sparta attempts to reform the state, and en- 
 deavours to revive the ancient institutions of Lycurgus 5 
 in whicli he partly succeeds ; but finds an entire change 
 in Sparta, at his return from a campaign in which he 
 had joined Aratus against the iEtolians. He is at last 
 CQodemned to die, and executed accordingly. 
 
 When the love of wealth had crept into the 
 city of Sparta,-^ and had afterwards introduced 
 luxury, avarice, indolence, effeminacy, profusion, 
 and all those pleasures which are generally the 
 inseparable attendants of riches : and when these 
 had broken down all the strong barriers which 
 the wisdom of Lycurgus had formed, with the 
 view of excluding them for ever ; Sparta beheld 
 herself fallen from her ancient glory and power, 
 and was reduced to an abject and humble state, 
 which continued to the reign of Agis and Leon- 
 idas, of whom we are now to treat. 
 
 Agis, the son of Eudamidas, was of the house 
 of the Eurytionidse, and the sixth descendant 
 from Agesilaus, who made an expedition into 
 Asia. Leonidas, the son of Cleonymus, was of 
 the family of the Agidae, and the eighth prince 
 that reigned in Sparta, after Pausanias, who de- 
 feated Mardonius in the battle of Plataeae. 
 
 I have already related the dispute that arose 
 in Sparta between Cleonymus and Areus,^ in 
 regard to the sovereignty, which was obtained 
 by the latter; and he afterwards caused Pyr- 
 rhus to raise the siege of Laoedaemon. He was 
 succeeded by his son Acrotatus, who reigned 
 seven or eight years, and left a young son named 
 Areus, from his grandfather. This prince was 
 under the tuition of Leonidas, but died in a 
 short time ; upon which Leonidas rose from the 
 regency to the throne. 
 
 Though all the Spartans had been depraved 
 and perverted by the general corruption into 
 which the government was fallen, this depravity 
 and remoteness from the ancient manners of 
 that people was most conspicuous in the conduct ] 
 of Leonidas ; who had resided for several years ' 
 in the palaces of the satrapae, and had for many ; 
 years made his court to Seleucus : he had even 
 espoused a wife in Asia, contrary to the laws of ' 
 his country, and had afterwards employed his 
 utmost endeavours to introduce all the pomp 
 and pride of princes into a free country, and a 
 government founded on moderation and justice. 
 
 Agis was the reverse of this character. He 
 was then in the twentieth year of his age, and 
 though he had been educated amidst riches,* and. 
 the luxury of a house remarkable for being 
 equally voluptuous and haughty, he, from the 
 first, renounced all those ensnaring pleasures; 
 and instead of testifying the least regard for the 
 splendid vanities of dress, he made it his glory to 
 appear in a plain habit, and to re-establish the 
 public meals, baths, and all the ancient discipline 
 
 2 Plut. in Agid. p. 796—801. 
 3 Josephus relates, that Areus king of Lacedasmon sent 
 letters to Onias the high-priest of the Jews, in which he 
 acknowledged an affinity between that people and the La- 
 cedsemonians. The origin of this affinity i? not easily to 
 be distinguished, nor is it less difficult to reconcile the time 
 of Areus with that of Onias. 
 
 I 4 Plutarch informs us, that his mother Agesistrata, and 
 bis grandmother Archidamia, possessed more gold and 
 
 ; silver than all the other Lacedaemonians together. 
 
ALEXANDER S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 365 
 
 of Sparta. He even declared openly, " That he 
 should not value being king, if it were not for 
 the hopes of reviving the ancient laws and dis- 
 cipline of Sparta." These noble sentiments 
 were a demonstration that Agis had formed a 
 true notion of regal power; the most essential 
 duty and true glory of which are derived from 
 the establishment of good order in all the 
 branches of a state, by giving due force to cus- 
 toms established by wise laws. 
 
 This discipline began to be disregarded the 
 moment Sparta had ruined the Athenian gov- 
 ernment, and began to abound in gold. The 
 same partition, however, of lands, which had 
 been made by Lycurgus, and the number of 
 hereditary possessions established by him, hav- 
 ing been preserved through all successions of 
 descent, and each father transmitting his part in 
 tfie same manner as he had received it himself ; 
 this order and equality, which had been preserv- 
 ed without interruption, suspended, in some 
 measure, the ill effects of those other abuses 
 which then prevailed. But as soon as this 
 prudent institution began to be struck at, by a 
 law which permitted every man to dispose of 
 his house and patrimony, in his own lifetime, or 
 bequeath them by will to whom he pleased after 
 his death; this new law effectually sapped the 
 best foundation of the Spartan polity. Epita- 
 des, one of the Ephori, introduced this law, to 
 avenge himself on one of his sons, whose con- 
 duct had displeased him. 
 
 It is indeed surprising, that a whole state 
 should so easily be induced to change such an 
 ancient and fundamental custom as this, merely 
 to gratify the resentment of one man. The pre- 
 text for this change was undoubtedly the aug- 
 mentation of paternal authority in their several 
 families ; since it was not then possessed of any 
 motives that could ensure filial respect; the 
 children of that community having nothing to 
 hope or fear, as they received all alike the fortune 
 they could expect, immediately from the state, 
 and with an absolute independency on their 
 parents. This domestic inconvenience, in which 
 every father thought himself concerned, and 
 which seemed to regard good order in all families, 
 ci'eated strong impressions in those who had the 
 greatest share in the administration, and ren- 
 dered them incapable of considering the much 
 greater inconveniences which would inevitably 
 result from this change, and whose pernicious 
 effects were soon felt by the state. 
 
 This proceeding is sufficient to convince us 
 how dangerous it is to change the ancient laws,^ 
 on the basis of which a state, or community, 
 has long subsisted ; and what precautions ought 
 to be taken against bad impressions which may 
 arise through particular inconveniences, from 
 which the wisest institutions cannot be ex- 
 empted : how much prudence, penetration into 
 future events, and experience, are necessary to 
 those who take upon them to balance and com- 
 pare the advantages and defects of ancient cus- 
 toms, with any new regulations which are pro- 
 posed to be substituted in their stead. 
 
 It may be justly affirmed, that the ruin of 
 Sparta was occasioned by this new law, which 
 authorized the alienation of hereditary estates. 
 The great men were daily enlarging their for- 
 
 5 Ade& nihil motum ex antique probabile est ; veteribus, 
 n\s\ quae visus evideiiter arguit, atari malunt. Liv. 1. 
 X.X1V. n. 54. 
 
 tunes, by dispossessing the heirs of the estates 
 which belonged to them ; in consequence of 
 wliich, all patrimonial possessions were soon en- 
 grossed by a very inconsiderable number of per- 
 sons ; poverty prevailed through the whole city, 
 and sunk the people into a mean and disgraceful 
 indolence of mind ; by extinguishing that ardour 
 for virtue and glory, which, till then, had ren- 
 dered the Spartans superior to all the other states 
 of Greece, and by infusing into the hearts of the 
 people an implacable envy and aversion for those 
 who had unjustly divested them of all their j^os- 
 sessions. 
 
 The number of native Spartans in that city 
 was reduced to about 700 ; and not many more 
 than 100 of these had preserved their family es- 
 tates. All the rest were a populace overwhelmed 
 by poverty, destitute of revenues, and excluded 
 from a participation in honours and dignities; 
 these acted with reluctance and indifference in 
 wars against a foreign enemy, because they 
 were sensible the rich would be the only gainers 
 by their victories ; in a word, they Avere con- 
 stantly waiting for an opportunity to change the 
 present situation of affairs, and withdraw them- 
 selves from the oppressions they sustained. 
 
 Such was the state of 
 
 A. M. 3756. Sparta when Agis entertain- 
 Ant. J. C. 248. ed the design of redressing 
 the flagrant abuses which 
 then prevailed ; at the same time that Aratus 
 was employing his endeavours for the deliver- 
 ance of his country. The enterprise was noble, 
 but extremely hazardous. He observed, con- 
 trary to his expectation, that all the young men 
 were disposed to enter into his views, while the 
 generality of those in years, in whose minds 
 corruption had taken the deepest root, trembled 
 at the very name of Lycurgus, and reformation. 
 He began by conciliating his uncle Agesilaus, 
 a man of great eloquence and reputation, but 
 strongly possessed with the love of riches ; 
 which was the very circumstance that rendered 
 him the more favourable to the designs of Agis. 
 He was ready to sink under a load of debts, 
 and hoped to discharge them without any ex- 
 pense to himself, by changing the form of gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 Agis then endeavoured, by his means, to 
 bring over his own mother, who was the sister 
 of Agesilaus. Her power was very great in the 
 city, by the large party of friends, and the vast 
 number of her slaves and debtors; and her credit 
 gave her an extraordinary influence in the most 
 important affairs. When Agis had opened his 
 design to her, she was struck with consternation 
 on the first glance, and employed all the argu- 
 ments she could invent to dissuade him from it • 
 but when Agesilaus joined his own reflections 
 with those of the king, and had made his sister 
 comprehend the advantages that would accrue 
 to Sparta from the execution of such a design, 
 and represented to her the glory which her fa- 
 mily would for ever derive from it, this lady, 
 as well as those of her sex with whom she was 
 most intimate, being then animated by the noble 
 ambition of the young prince, immediately 
 changed their sentiments, and were so struck 
 with the beauty of the project, that they them- 
 selves pressed Agis to enter upon the execution 
 of it as soon as possible. They likewise sent to 
 all their friends, and exhorted them to concur 
 with him in that affair. 
 
 Application was also made by them to the 
 other ladies of the city, as they were very sensi- 
 ble that the Lacedaemonians had always «x 
 
366 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 pressed the greatest deference to their wives, ' 
 whom they allowed to exercise more authority 
 in all transactions of state, than they themselves 
 assumed in their private and domestic affairs. 
 Most of the riches of Sparta were at that time 
 in the hands of the women, and this proved a 
 great ohstruction to the designs of Agis. — They 
 unanimously opposed his scheme, rightly fore- 
 i seeing, that the plain manner of life he was 
 endeavouring to re-establish, and on which so 
 many commendations were bestowed, would 
 not only be destructive to all their luxurious 
 pleasures, but divest them of all the honours 
 j and power they derived from their riches. 
 I Amidst the consternation which this proposal 
 ; gave them, they addressed themselves to Leoni- 
 i das, and conjured him, as his age gave him an 
 I ascendant over Agis, to employ his whole au- 
 ! thority in dissuading his colleague from the ac- 
 ! complishment of his plan. — Leonldas was very 
 I inclinable to support the rich, but as he dreaded 
 i the indignation of the people, who were desir- 
 j ous of this change, he could not presume to 
 i oppose Agis in an open manner, but contented 
 \ himself by crossing his designs by indirect mea- 
 I sures. He had a private conference with the 
 I magistrates, wherein he took the liberty to ca- 
 I lumniate Agis, as a person who was offering to 
 i the poor the property of the rich, with a parti 
 I tion of lands, and a general abolition of debts, as 
 \ a compensation to them for the tyranny he was 
 
 ■ preparing to usurp; in consequence of which 
 > proceedings, instead of forming citizens for 
 I Sparta, he was only raising a body of guards 
 i for the security of his own person. 
 
 j Agis, in the meantime, having succeeded so 
 far as to cause Lysander, who concurred with 
 ! him in his views, to be elected one of the Epho- 
 ! ri, brought into the council a decree which he 
 I himself had drawn up, the principal articles of 
 1 which were these : 1. All debtors were to be 
 discharged from their debts. 2. All the lands 
 which extended from the valley of Pellene to 
 i mount Taygetus, and the promontory of Malea, 
 ' and likewise to Selasia, should be parcelled out 
 into 4,500 lots. 3. The lands which lay beyond 
 ' those limits should be divided into 15,000 lots. 
 : 4. The latter portions were to be distributed to 
 those inhabitants of the adjacent parts, who 
 were in a condition to bear arms. 6. Those 
 i lands, which lay within the limits already raen- 
 j tioned, should be reserved for the Spartans, 
 I whose due number, which was then consider- 
 
 ■ ably diminished, should be recruited out of such 
 i of the neighbouring people and strangers, as had 
 ! received a liberal education, and were then in 
 i the flower of their age, and not disqualified for 
 i that class by any bodily defect. 6. All these 
 i should, at the times of repast, be disposed into 
 
 fifteen halls, distinguished by the name of Phi- 
 diticB ; thd least of which should contain 200, 
 and the largest 400 : and lastly, they were all 
 to observe the same manner of life and disci- 
 pline as their ancestors. 
 
 This decree being opposed by the senators 
 whose sentiments differed from those of Agis, 
 Lysander caused the people to be assembled, 
 and in the strongest terms exhorted the citizens 
 to consent to it. He was seconded by Mandro- 
 clides, a young Spartan, whose heart glowed 
 
 ' with zeal for the public welfare ; and he repre- 
 sented to the people, with all the energy he 
 
 ' could possibly express, every motive that could 
 most affect them : the respect they owed to the 
 memory of their .llustrious legislator Lycurgus ; 
 the oath their ancestors had taken, in the names 
 
 of themselves and all their posterity, to preserve 
 those sacred institutions in the most inviolable 
 manner ; the glory and honour Sparta had en- 
 joyed, during the time she strictly adhered to 
 them ; and the infamous degeneracy into which 
 she had sunk, ever since they had been disre- 
 garded by her : he then set forth the miserable 
 condition of the Spartans, those ancient masters 
 of Greece, those triumphant conquerors of Asia, 
 those mighty sovereigns by sea and laud, who 
 once had made the Great King * tremble on his 
 throne, but were now divested of their property, 
 their lands, and houses, by the insatiable avarice 
 of their own citizens, who had reduced them to 
 the lowest extremes of poverty and shameful 
 indigence ; and, what might be considei'ed as 
 the completion of all their calamities, had ex- 
 posed them to the insult and contempt of those 
 to whom it was their right to prescribe laws. 
 He then concluded, with entreating them not 
 to be so far influenced by their obsequiousness 
 to a handful of men, who even trampled them 
 under their feet like so many despicable slaves, 
 as to behold, with eyes of indifference, the dig- 
 nity of their city entirely degraded and lost, but 
 to recall to their remembrance those ancient 
 oiacles, which had more than once declared, 
 that the love of riches would prove fatal to 
 Sparta, and occasion its total ruin. 
 
 King Agis then advanced into the middle of 
 the assembly, and declared, after a concise dis- 
 course (for he thought his example would have 
 more eflicacy than any words he could utter), 
 that he was determined to deliver up, into the 
 common stock, all his effects and estate, which 
 were very considerable ; consisting of large 
 tracts of arable and pastui'e lands, besides 600 
 talents in specie ;^ and that his mother and 
 grandmother, together with the rest of his re- 
 lations and friends, who were the richest per- 
 sons in Sparta, would do the same. 
 
 The magnanimity of their young prince asto- 
 nished all the people, who, at the same time, 
 were transported with joy that they at lasi 
 were so happy as to behold a king worthy oi 
 Sparta. Leonidas then dropped the mask, and 
 opposed him to the utmost of his power : for as 
 he knew it would otherwise be necessary foi 
 him to make the same offer they had heard 
 from Agis, so he was sensible, that his citizens 
 would not think themselves under the same 
 obligations to him as they were to his colleague, 
 but that when every one should have equally 
 contributed his whole fortune to the common 
 stock, he alone would engross all the honour of 
 that action, who had first set the example. He 
 therefore demanded aloud of Agis, whether he 
 did not think that Lycurgus was a just and 
 able man, and one who had zealously consulted 
 the welfare of his country ? Agis having re- 
 plied, that he had always considered him as 
 such ; " Where do you find then," retorted 
 Leonidas, *' that Lycurgus ever ordained an 
 abolition of debts, or gave the freedom of Sparta 
 to strangers? Since, on the contrary, it was 
 his firm persuasion, that the city would nevei 
 be safe till all strangers were expelled from it- 
 walls." Agis answered, " That he was no( 
 surprised that such a person as Leonidas, wht 
 had been brought up in foreign countries, and 
 
 1 This was the usual appellation of the Persian mo- 
 "''^^^* 2 Equal to 600,000 crowns. 
 
ALEXANDER'S 
 
 SUCCESSORS. 
 
 had married into the family of a Persian gran- 
 dee, should be so little acquainted with Lycui- 
 gus, as not to Isnow that he had swept away all 
 actual and possible debts, by banishing gold and 
 silver from the city : that, with respect to stran- 
 gers, his precautions were intended against none 
 but tliose who could not accommodate them- 
 selves to the manners and discipline he had 
 established : that these were the only persons 
 he expelled from the city, not by any hostilities 
 against their persons, but from the mere appre- 
 hension, that their method of life, and corrup- 
 tion of manners, might insensibly inspire the 
 Spartans with the love of luxury and effemi- 
 nacy, and an immoderate passion for riches." 
 He then produced several examples of poets 
 I and philosophers, particularly Terpander,Thales, 
 I and Pherecydes, who, although foreigners, had 
 i been highly esteemed and honoured at Sparta, 
 i because they taught the same maxims as Lycur- 
 ; gus had established. 
 
 ! This discourse won all the common people 
 over to the party of Agis, but the rich men 
 ranged themselves under Leonidas, and en- 
 ti'eated him not to abandon them : they likewise 
 addressed themselves to the senators, who had 
 the principal power in this alFair, as they alone 
 were qualified to examine all proposals, before 
 they could be received and confirmed by the 
 people ; and their solicitations were so effectual, 
 that those who had opposed the decree of Agis, 
 carried their point by one voice: upon which 
 Lysander, who still continued in his employ- 
 ment, immediately determined to proceed against 
 Leonidas, in virtue of an ancient law, by which 
 " each descendent from Hercules was prohibited 
 from espousing any foreign woman ; and which 
 made it death for any Spartan to settle among 
 strangers." Sufficient proofs of delinquency in 
 these particulars were produced against Leoni- 
 das, and Cleombrotus was prevailed upon, at 
 the same time, to assist in the prosecution, and 
 demand the crown, as being himself of the royal 
 race, and the son-in-law of Leonidas. 
 1 Leonidas was so confounded at this proceed- 
 j ing, and so apprehensive of the event, that he 
 I took sanctuary in the temple of Minerva, called 
 ! Chalcioecos ; upon which the wife of Cleombro- 
 j tus, quitting her husband, became a supplicant 
 with her father. Leonidas was summoned to 
 ! appear ; but as he refused to comply, he was 
 i divested of his royalty, and it was then trans- 
 i ferred to his son-in-law Cleombrotus. 
 I Lysander quitted his employment about this 
 ' period, the usual time for holding it being then 
 i expired. The new Ephori took this opportu- 
 I nity to commence a prosecution against him 
 and Mandroclides, for having voted for the abo- 
 lition of debts, and a new distribution of lands, 
 contrary to the laws. Lysander and Mandro- 
 clides, finding themselves in danger of being 
 condemned, persuaded the two kings, that W 
 they would only be united with each other, 
 they would have no cause to be disquieted by 
 any decrees of the Ephori, who were privileged 
 indeed to decide between them when they were 
 divided in their sentiments, but had no right to 
 interpose in their affairs, when they concurred 
 in the same opinions. 
 
 The two kings taking advantage of this expe- 
 dient, entered the assembly, where they com- 
 pelled the Ephori to quit their seats, and sub- 
 stituted others in their stead, one of whom was 
 Agesilaus. They then caused a band of young 
 men to arm themselves, and gave oi'ders for re- 
 leasing the prisoners; in a word, they rendered 
 
 I themselves very formidable to their enemies, I 
 j who now expected to be put to the sword : but i 
 i not one person was killed on this occasion ; and 
 when Agis even knew that Agesilaus intended 
 to cause Leonidas to be assassinated on bis re- 
 treat to Tegsea, he ordered him safely to be con- 
 ducted thither by a sufficient guard. 
 
 When the affair was on the point of being 
 absolutely coiicluded without any opposition, so 
 great was the terror which then prevailed, it 
 was suddenly obstructed by a single man. 
 Agesilaus had one of the largest and best estates 
 in the whole country, and at the same time was 
 deeply involved in debt : but as he was incapa- 
 ble of paying his creditors, and had no inclina- 
 tion to incorporate his estate into the common 
 property, he represented to Agis, that the | 
 change would be too great and violent, and even 
 too dangerous, should they attempt to carry 
 their two points at the same time ; namely, the 
 abolition of debts, and the distribution of lands ; 
 whereas, if they began with conciliating the 
 landed proprietors, by the annihilation of debts, 
 they would afterwards more quietly and readily 
 consent to the partition of lands. This specious 
 reasoning misled Agis, and even Lysander him- 
 self was won over to this expedient by the arti- j 
 fices of Agesilaus ; in consequence of which all | 
 contracts and obligations were taken from the 
 several creditors, and carried into the public 
 square, where they were piled into a large heap, 
 and burned to ashes. As soon as the flames 
 mounted into the air, the rich men and bankers, 
 who had lent their money, returned hoine ex- 
 tremely dejected, and Agesilaus cried with an 
 insulting air, " That he had never seen so fine 
 and clear a fire before." 
 
 The people, immediately after this transac- 
 tion, demanded a distribution of the lands, and 
 each of the kings gave orders for its accomplish- 
 ment ; but Agesilaus still continued to start 
 fresh difficulties, and found out a variety of new 
 pretexts, to prevent the execution of that affair ; 
 by which means he gained time, till Agis was 
 obliged to take the field at the head of an army. 
 For the Achaeans, who were in alliance with 
 the Lacedaemonians, had sent to demand their 
 assistance against the ^tolians, who threatened 
 an irruption through the territories of the Me- 
 gareans into Peloponnesus. 
 
 Aratus, who was then general of the Achae- 
 ans, had already assembled his troops to oppose 
 the enemy, and had also written to the Ephori, 
 who, upon receipt of his letters, immediately 
 sent Agis to their assistance. This prince set 
 out with all possible expedition, and the soldiers I 
 testified an incredible joy at their marching un- 
 der his command. — The generality of them were 
 young men in very low circumstances of life, ! 
 who now saw themselves discharged from all | 
 their debts, and free, and also in expectation of | 
 sharing the lands at their return from this ex- 
 pedition; for which reasons they testified the 
 utmost affection for Agis. The cities were 
 charmed to see these troops pass through Pe- 
 loponnesus, without committing the least dis- j 
 order : and so quietly, that the sound of their j 
 march was hardly to be distinguished. Tho I 
 Greeks were entirely surprised, and made the | 
 following reflection : « What admirable disci- | 
 pline and order must formerly have been ob- • 
 served by the armies of Lacedaemon, when they j 
 were commanded by Agesilaus, Lysander, or 
 the ancient Leonidas ; since they even now dis- 
 play so much awe and respect for their general, 
 though younger than any soldier in his camp !" 
 
368 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 Agis joined Aratus near Corinth, at the very 
 time when he was deliberating in a council of 
 war, whether he should hazard a battle, and m 
 what manner he should dispose his troops. Agis 
 declared for a battle, and tiiought it not advisa- 
 ble to allow the enemies a passage into Pelopon- 
 nesus ; but added at the same time, that he in- 
 tended to act as Aratus should judge proper, as 
 he was the older officer of the two, and general of 
 the Achseans ; whereas he himself was only gen- 
 eral of the auxiliary troops, and was not come 
 thither to exercise any command over the league, 
 but only to engage the enemy in conjunction with 
 them for whose assistance he had been sent. 
 The officers of Aratus, instead of treating him 
 with so much deference as Agis had expressed, 
 took the liberty to reproach him in sharp terms, 
 for his disinclination to a battle ; ascribing that 
 to timidity, which in reality, was the eifect of 
 prudence. But the vain fear of false infamy 
 did not make him abandon his prudent schemes 
 for the public good. He justified his conduct 
 by the memoirs he writ on that occasion ; where- 
 in he observes, that as the husbandmen had al- 
 ready carried in their harvest, and gathered in 
 all the fruits of ihe season, he judged it more 
 advisable to let the enemy advance into the coun- 
 try, than to hazard an unnecessary battle at that 
 juncture, when the welfare of the whole league 
 lay at stake. When he had determined not to 
 enter upon an action, he dismissed his allies, af- 
 ter he had bestowed the greatest commendations 
 upon them ; and Agis, who was astonished at 
 his conduct, set out for Sparta with his troops. 
 
 The ^tolians entered Peloponnesus without 
 any obstruction,* and in their march seized the 
 city of Pellene where their troops, who were 
 intent on nothing but plunder, immediately dis- 
 persed themselves up and down, without the 
 least order, and began to contend with each other 
 for the spoils. Aratus, informed of these pro- 
 ceedings, would not suffer so favourable an op- 
 portunity to escape him. He was no longer the 
 same man, and, without losing a moment's time, 
 or waiting till all his troops had joined him, he 
 advanced with those he then had against the 
 enemy, who were become weak even by their 
 victory : attacked them in the very place they 
 had so lately taken, and forced them to abandon 
 it, with the loss of 700 men. This action did 
 him great honour, and changed the injurious re- 
 proaches which had been uttered against him, 
 and which he had patiently suffered, into the 
 highest applauses and panegyric. 
 
 Several states and princes having now entered 
 into a confederacy against the Achseans, Aratus 
 endeavoured to contract a friendship and alliance 
 with the iEtolians, in which he easily succeeded ; 
 and not only a peace was concluded between 
 them, but he also effectually negotiated an of 
 fensive and defensive league between the two 
 nations of -^tolia and Achsea. 
 
 Agis,'^ when he arrived at 
 A. M. 3760. Sparta, found a great change 
 Ant. J. C. 244. in the state of affairs. Age- 
 silaus, who was one of the 
 Ephori, being no longer restrained by fear as 
 f<»rmerly, and entirely intent upon the gratifica- 
 tion of his avarice, committed the greatest vio- 
 lence and injustice. When he found himself 
 universally detested, he raised and maintained a 
 body of troops, who served him as a guard when 
 he went to the senate ; and he caused a report 
 
 to be spread, that he intended to continue in hib 
 office the succeeding year. His enemies, in order 
 to elude the calamities with which they were 
 threatened; caused Leonidas to be sent for in 
 the most public manner from Tegaea, and re- 
 placed him upon the throne, to the general sa- 
 tisfaction of the people, who were greatly ir- 
 ritated to see themselves abused in the hopes 
 they had entertained of the partition of the 
 lands, which had never been carried into exe- 
 
 1 «'lut. in Arat. p. 1041. 2 Plut. in Agid. p. 802—804. 
 
 cution. 
 
 Agesilaus saved himself by the assistance of 
 his son, who was universally beloved ; and the 
 two kings took sanctuary : Agis in the temple 
 of Minerva, called Chalcicecos, and Cleombro- 
 tus in that of Neptune. As Leonidas seemed 
 to be most exasperated against the latter, he left 
 Agis, and advanced at the head of a band of sol- 
 diers into the temple where Cleoinbrotus had 
 fled for refuge. He then reproached him with 
 great warmth for assuming the regal power in 
 violation of the ties of affinity between them, 
 and for expelling them from his own country in 
 so ignominious a manner. Cleombrotus, who 
 had nothing to answer to these reproaches, con- 
 tinued seated in a profound silence, and with an 
 aspect that sufficiently testified his confusion. 
 His wife Chelonis stood near, with her two 
 children at her feet. She had been equally un - 
 fortunate as a wife and daughter, but was equal- 
 ly faithful in each of these capacities, and had 
 always adhered to the unfortunate. She had 
 accompanied her father Leonidas during his ex- 
 ile, and now returned to her husband, whom she 
 tenderly embraced, and at the same time became 
 iuppiicant for him to her father. 
 All those who were then present, melted into 
 tears at so moving a sight, and were struck with 
 admiration at the virtue and tenderness of Che- 
 lonis, and the amiable force of conjugal love. 
 This unfortunate princess pointing to her mourn- 
 ing habit and dishevelled tresses, " Believe me, 
 O my father," said she, " this habit of woe 
 which I now wear, this dejection which appears 
 in my countenance, and this affliction into which 
 you see me sunk, are not the effects of that com- 
 passion I entertain for Cleombrotus : but the 
 remains of my grief for the calamities you have 
 sustained in your flight from Sparta. On what, 
 alas ! shall I now resolve ? While you reign for 
 the future in Sparta, and triumph over the ene- 
 mies who opposed you, shall I continue to live 
 in the desolate state to which you now see me 
 reduced ? Or is it my duty to array myself in 
 robes of royalty and magnificence, when I be- 
 hold the husband I received from you in the 
 flower of my youth, on the point of perishing 
 by your hands ? Should he be unable to disarm 
 your resentment, and move your soul to com- 
 passion, by the tears of his wife and children, 
 permit me to assure you, that he will be pun- 
 ished with more severity for his imprudence, 
 than was even intended by yourself, when he 
 shall see a wife who is so dear to him expiring 
 at his feet ; for you are not to think, that in ray 
 present condition I will ever consent to survive 
 him. What appearance shall I make among 
 the Spartan ladies, after my inability to inspire 
 my husband with compassion for my father, and 
 to soften my father into pity for my husband 
 What indeed shall I appear to them, but a 
 daughter and a wife, always afflicted and con- 
 temned by her nearest relations !" Chelonis, 
 at the conclusion of these mournful expressions, 
 reclined her cheek on the head of Cleombrotus, 
 while with her eyes that spoke their sorrow in 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 309 
 
 cheir tears, she cast a languid look on those who 
 vveiie present. 
 
 Leon'das, after a few moments' discourse 
 with his friends, ordered Cleombrotus to rise, 
 and immediately quit Sparta ; but earnestly im- 
 portuned his daughter to continue there, and 
 not forsake a father, who gave her such a pecu- 
 liar proof of tenderness, as to spare at her re- 
 quest, the life of her h usband. His solicitations 
 were, however, ineffectual, and the moment 
 Cleombrotus rose from his seat, she placed one 
 of her childi-en in his arms, and clasped the other 
 in her own ; and, when she had offered up her 
 prayers to the goddess, and kissed her altar, she 
 became a voluntary exile with her husband. 
 How extremely affecting was this spectacle ! 
 and how worthy the admiration of all ages is 
 such a model of conjugal love ! If the heart of 
 Cleombrotus, says Plutarch, had not been en- 
 tirely depraved by vain glory, and a boundless 
 ambition to reign, he would have been sensible, 
 that even banishment itself with so virtuous a 
 companion, was a felicity preferable to the con- 
 dition of a sovereign. 
 
 When Leonidas had expelled Cleombrotus 
 , from Sparta, and substituted new Ephori in- 
 stead of the former, whom he had deposed, he 
 bent all his endeavours to ensnare Agis ; and 
 began with persuading him to quit the asylum 
 to which he had retired, and to reign in conjunc- 
 tion with himself. In order to which he as- 
 sured him, that his citizens had pardoned all 
 past proceedings, because they were sensible that 
 his youth and inexperience, with his predomi- 
 nant passion for glory, had laid him open to the 
 insinuations of Agesilaus. But as Agis sus- 
 pected the sincerity of those expressions, and 
 persisted in his resolution to continue in the 
 temple, Leonidas no longer attempted to deceive 
 him with plausible pretences. Amphares, De- 
 mochares, and Arcesilaus, who had frequently 
 visited the young prince, continued their assi- 
 duities to him, and sometimes conducted him 
 fi'om the temple to the baths, and from thence 
 conveyed him in safety to the temple ; for each 
 of them was his intimate friend. 
 _ This fidelity, however, was of no long con- 
 tinuance. Amphares had lately borrowed of 
 Agesistrata, the mother of Agis, several rich 
 suits of tapestry, and a magnificent set of silver 
 plate. The hope of retaining those costly orna- 
 ments tempted him to betray the king, with his 
 mother and grandmother. It was even said, 
 that he was much more inclinable, than either 
 of his two companions, to listen to the sugges- 
 tions of Leonidas : and that no one was so in- 
 dustrious as himself to spirit up the Ephori (of 
 whose number he was one) against Agis. As 
 this prince went sometimes from the temple to 
 the bath, they resolved to take that opportunity 
 to surprise him ; and when he was one day re- 
 turning from thence, they advanced up to him, 
 and after they had embraced him with an air of 
 affection, they attended him in his way, and en- 
 tertained him with their usual familiarity of 
 conversation. At the end of one of the streets 
 through which they passed, was a turning which 
 led to the prison ; and as soon as they arrived at 
 that corner, Amphares seized Agis with an air 
 of authority, and cried, " Agis, I must conduct 
 you to the Ephori, to whom you are to be ac- 
 countable for your behaviour." At the same 
 instant Demochares, who was tall and strong, 
 Shrew his mantle round his neck, and dragged 
 him along, while the other pushed him forward, 
 as they had previously agreed ; and as no person | 
 
 came to assist him, btcause there was nobody in 
 the street at that time, they accomplished their 
 design, and threw him into prison. 
 
 Leonidas arrived at the same time with a great 
 number of foreign soldiers., and surrounded the 
 prison ; the Ephori likewise came thither, and 
 when they had sent for such of the senators as 
 concurred with their opinion, they proceeded to 
 examine Agis, as if he had been formally ar- 
 raigned, and ordered him to justify himself, with 
 respect to his intended innovations in the repub- 
 lic. One of the Ephori, pretending to have dis- 
 covered an expedient for disengaging him from 
 this criminal affair, asked him, whether Lysan- 
 der and Agesilaus had not compelled him to 
 have recourse to those measures ; to which Affis 
 replied, that he had not acted in consequence "of 
 any compulsion ; but that his admiration of Ly- 
 curgus, and a sincere desire to imitate his con- 
 duct, were his only motives for attempting to 
 restore the city to the same condition in which 
 that legislator had left it. The same officer then 
 demanding of him, whether he did not repent of 
 that proceeding ? The young prince answered 
 with an air of steadiness, " That he never 
 should i-epent of so virtuous, so noble, and glo- 
 rious an undertaking, though death itself were 
 presented to his view in all its terrors." His 
 pretended judges then condemned him to die, 
 and immediately commanded the public officers 
 to carry him to that part of the prison, where 
 those on whom the sentence of condemnation 
 had passed, were usually strangled. 
 
 When Demochares saw that the officers of 
 justice did not dare to lay their hands on Agis, 
 and that even the foreign soldiers turned their 
 eyes from such a spectacle of horror, and refused 
 to be accessary to so inhuman an execution, he 
 loaded them with threats and reproaches, and 
 with his own hands dragged Agis to the dungeon. 
 The people, who by this time, were informed 
 of the manner in which he had been seized, 
 crowded to the gates of the prison and began to 
 be very tumultuous. The whole street was al- 
 ready illuminated with innumerable tapers; 
 and the mother and grandmother of Agis ran 
 from place to place, filling the air with their 
 cries, and entreating the people that the king of 
 Sparta might at least have the privilege to de- 
 fend himself, and be judged by his own citizens. 
 The zeal of the people did but animate the mur- 
 derers to hasten the execution of Agis, lest he 
 should be released by force that very night, if 
 the people should have sufficient time allowed 
 them for assembling together. 
 
 As the executioners were leading him to the 
 place where they intended to strangle him, he 
 beheld tears flowing from the eyes of one of 
 them, who was touched with his"^ misfortune ; 
 upon which he turned to him, and said, " Weep 
 not for me, my friend ; for, as I am cut off in 
 this manner, contrary to all laws and justice, 
 I am much happier, and more to be envied, than 
 those who have condemned me." When he 
 had said these words, he offered his neck to the 
 fatal cord without the least reluctance. 
 
 As Amphares came from the prison, at the 
 close of this tragic scene, the first object he be- 
 held was the disconsolate mother of Agis, who 
 threw herself at his feet : he raised her from the 
 earth, and assured her that Agis had nothing to 
 fear ; entreating her at the same time to enter 
 the prison and see her son. She then desired 
 him to permit her aged mother to attend her in 
 that mournful visit. " Your request," said he, 
 " is reasonable ;" and he immediately conducted 
 
 2A 
 
370 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 them into the prison, but ordered the door to 
 be shut the moment they entered it. He then 
 commanded the executioner to seize Archida- 
 mia, the grandmother of Agis, who had lived to 
 a venerable old age among her citizens, with as 
 much dignity and reputation as any lady of her 
 time. When the executioner had performed his 
 fatal office, the inhuman Amphares ordered the 
 mother of Agis to enter the dungeon. This 
 unhappy princess, the moment she came into 
 that dismal place, beheld her son lying dead on 
 the ground, and, at a little distance fi'om him, 
 her dead mother, with the fatal cord still about 
 her neck. She assisted the executioners in un- 
 tying it, after which she laid the corpse by her 
 son, as decently as she could, and covered it 
 with a cloth. When this pious office was com- 
 pleted, she cast herself upon the body of Agis, 
 and after she had tenderly kissed his cold lips, 
 
 O my son," said she, the excess of thy hu- 
 manity and sweet disposition, and thy too great 
 circumspection and lenity, have undone thee, 
 and been fatal to us as well as thee !" 
 
 Amphares, who from the door had beheld 
 and heard all that passed, entered that moment, 
 and addressing himself with a savage air to the 
 mother of Agis, " Since you knew," said he, 
 *' and approved the designs of your son, you 
 shall share in his punishment." Agesistrata 
 arose at those words, and running to the fatal 
 cord, " May this," cried she, "at least be useful 
 to Sparta!" 
 
 When the report of these executions was dis- 
 persed through the city, and the inhabitants be- 
 held the bodies brought out of the prison, the 
 indignation occasioned by this barbarity was 
 universal, and every one declared, that from the 
 time the Dorians had first established them- 
 selves in Peloponnesus, so atrocious and horrible 
 an action had never been committed. It must 
 indeed be acknowledged, that all the blackest 
 crimes in nature were here united, and under 
 circumstances which infinitely aggravated their 
 atrocity ; and we may even add too, that the 
 murder of the king included and surpassed them 
 all : so barbarous an execution, in opposition to 
 that respect with which nature inspires the 
 most savage people for the most sacred person 
 of their sovereign, is such a blemish on a na- 
 tion, as all succeeding ages can never obli- 
 terate. 
 
 Agis having been destroyed in this manner,* 
 Leonidas was not expeditious enotigh in seizing 
 his brother Archidamus, who saved himself by 
 flight ; but he secured Agiatis, the consort of 
 that unhappy king, whom he carried off from 
 her own house, with the young child she had 
 by him, and then compelled her to espouse his 
 son Cleomenes, who was not marriageable at 
 that time: but Leonidas determined that the 
 widow of Agis should not be disposed of to any 
 other person, as she inherited a large estate 
 from her father Gylippus, and likewise excelled 
 all the Grecian ladies in beauty as well as wis- 
 dom and virtue. She endeavoured to avoid this 
 marriage by all the means in her power, but to 
 no effect. And when she at last was obliged to 
 consent to her nuptials with Cleomenes, she 
 always retained a mortal aversion to Leonidas : 
 but behaved with the utmost complacency and 
 kindness to her young spouse, who, from the 
 first day of his marriage, conceived a most sin- 
 
 cere and passionate esteem and affection for her, 
 which never abated ; and even sympathized 
 with her in the tenderness she preserved for 
 Agis, and the regard she expressed for his 
 memory, and that too in such a degree, that he 
 would frequently listen to her with the greatest 
 attention, while she related to him the gieat 
 designs he had formed for the regulation of the 
 government. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 Cleomenes ascends the throne of Sparta, and engages in 
 a war against the Achceans, over whom he obtains 
 several advantages. He reforms the government of 
 Sparta, and re-establislies the ancient discipline. Ac 
 quires new advantages over Aratus and tlie Achaeans 
 
 . Aratus applies for succour to Antigonus, king of Mace- 
 donia, by whose aid the Achseans obtain repeated vie 
 tories, and take several places from the enemy. 
 
 Cleomenes had a noble soul,^ and an ardent 
 passion for glory, joined with the same inclina 
 tion for temperance and simplicity of manner.-, 
 as Agis had always expressed ; but he had not 
 that prince's excessive sweetness of disposition, 
 nor the timidity and precaution which accom- 
 panied it. Nature, on the contrary, had infused 
 into him a vigour and vivacity of mind, which 
 ardently prompted him to whatever appeared 
 great and noble. Nothing seemed to him so 
 glorious as to reign over his citizens with their 
 own good will and consent ; but, at the same 
 time he did not think it inconsistent with the 
 gloi-y of a wise administration, to employ some 
 violence in reducing to compliance with a 
 measure of public utility, an inconsiderable 
 number of obstinate and unjust persons, who 
 opposed it merely from a view of private in- 
 
 He was far from being satisfied with the 
 state of affairs which then prevailed in Sparta. 
 All the citizens had long been softened by indo- 
 lence and a voluptuous life ; and the king him- 
 self, who Avas fond of tranquillity, had entirely 
 neglected public affairs. No person whatever 
 had testified any regard for the public good, 
 every individual" being solely intent upon his 
 private interest, and the aggrandisement of his 
 family at the public expense. Instead of any 
 care in disciplining the young people, and form- 
 ing them to temperance, patience, and the equal- 
 ity of freedom, it was even dangerous to men- 
 tion any thing of that nature, as Agis himself 
 had perished by attempting to introduce it 
 among them. 
 
 It is also said, that Cleomenes, who was still 
 very young, had heard some philosophical lec- 
 tures at the time when Spherus, who came from 
 the banks of the Boristhenes, settled in Lace- 
 dsemon, and applied himself in a very successful 
 manner to the instruction of youth. This per- 
 son was one of the principal disciples of Zeno, 
 the Citian." The Stoic philosophy, which he 
 then professed, was exceeding proper to infuse 
 courage and noble sentiments into the mind ; 
 but, at the same time, was capable of dangerous 
 effects in a disposition naturally warm and im- 
 petuous ; and, on the other hand, might be ren- 
 dered very beneficial by being grafted on a mild 
 and moderate character. 
 
 1 Plut. in Cleom. p. 805, 
 
 2 Plut in Cleom. p. 805—811. 
 S So called from Citium, a city of Cyprus. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 371 
 
 After ttie aeath of Leorii- 
 A. M. 3762. das, who did not long sur- 
 Ant. J. C. 212. vive the condemnation and 
 murder of Agis, his son 
 Cleomenes succeeded him in the throne ; and 
 though he was then very young, it gave him 
 pain to consider that he had only the empty 
 title of king, while the whole authority was 
 engrossed by the Ephori, who shamefully abused 
 their power. He from that time grew solici- 
 tous to change the form of government ; and as 
 he was sensible that few persons were disposed 
 to concur with him in his views, he imagined 
 the accomplishment of it would be facilitated by 
 a war, and therefore endeavoured to embroil his 
 city with the Achaeans, who, very fortunately 
 for his purpose, had given Sparta some occasion 
 of complaint against them. 
 
 Aratus, from the very beginning of his ad- 
 ministration, had been industrious to negotiate 
 a league between all the states of Peloponnesus, 
 through a persuasion, that if he succeeded in 
 that attempt, they would have nothing to fear 
 for the future from a foreign enemy ; and this 
 was the only point to which all his measures 
 tended. All the other states, except the Lace- 
 daemonians, the people of Elis, and those of Ar- 
 cadia, who had espoused the party of the Lace- 
 daemonians, had acceded to this league. Aratus, 
 soon after the death of Leonidas, began to ha- 
 rass the Arcadians, in order to make an experi- 
 ment of the Spartan courage, and at the same 
 time to make it evident, that he despised Cleo- 
 menes, as a young man without the least expe- 
 rience. 
 
 When the Ephori received intelligence of this 
 act of hostility, they caused their troops to take 
 the field under the command of Cleomenes ; 
 they indeed were not numerous, but confidence 
 in the general by whom they were commanded, 
 inspired them with all imaginable ardour for 
 the war. The Achaeans marched against them 
 with 20,000 foot and 1000 horse, under the com- 
 mand of Aristomachus. Cleomenes came up 
 with them near Pallantium, a city of Arcadia, 
 and offered them battle ; but Aratus was so in- 
 timidated by this bold measure, that he pre- 
 vailed upon the general not to hazard an engage- 
 ment, and then made a retreat ; which drew 
 upon him very severe reproaches from his own 
 troops, and sharp raillery from the enemy, 
 whose numbers did not amount to 5000 men in 
 the whole. The courage of Cleomenes was so 
 much raised by this retreat, that he assumed a 
 loftier air amongst his citizens, and reminded 
 them of an expression used by one of their an- 
 cient kings, who said, " That the Lacedaemo- 
 nians never inquired after the number of their 
 enemies, but where they were." He after- 
 wards defeated the Achaeans in a second en- 
 counter ; but Aratus, taking the advantage even 
 of his defeat, like an experienced general, turned 
 his arms immediately against Mantinaea, and 
 before the enemy could have any suspicion of 
 his design, made himself master of that city, 
 and put a gaiTison into it. 
 
 Cleomenes, after his return to Sparta, began 
 to think seriously on the execution of his grand 
 design, and had influence enough to cause Ar- 
 chidamus, the brother of Agis, to be recalled 
 from Messene. As that prince was descended 
 from the other royal bouse of Sparta, he had an 
 incontestable right to the crown ; and Cleome- 
 nes was persuaded, that the authority of the 
 Ephori would receive a much greater diminu- 
 tion, when the throne of Sparta should be filled 
 
 I by its two kings, whose union would enabk 
 I them to counterbalance their power. But, un^ 
 happily for his purpose, the same persons who 
 had been guilty of the death of Agis, found 
 means to assassinate his brother Archidamus.* 
 
 Cleomenes, soon after this event, gained a 
 new advantage over the Achaeans, in an action 
 near Megalopolis, wherein Lysiades was slain, 
 in consequence of engaging too far in the pur- 
 suit of the Lacedaemonians, who had been re- 
 pulsed when the encounter first began. This 
 victory was very honourable to the young king, 
 and increased his reputation to a great degree. 
 He had imparted his design to a small number 
 of select and faithful friends, who served him in 
 a very seasonable manner. When he returned 
 to Sparta, he concerted his march so as to enter 
 the city when the Ephori were at supper ; at 
 which time, a set of persons who had been cho- 
 sen for that action, entered the hall with their 
 drawn swords, and killed four of these magis- 
 trates,^ with ten of those who had taken arms 
 for their defence. Agesilaus, who had been 
 left for dead on the spot, found means to sa\ e 
 himself ; after which no other person whatever 
 sustained any violence ; and, indeed, what had 
 been already committed was sufficient. 
 
 The next day, Cleomenes caused the names 
 of fourscore citizens, whom he intended to ban- 
 ish, to be fixed up in places of public resort. 
 He also removed from the hall of audience all 
 the seats of the Ephori except one, where he 
 himself was to sit when administering justice ; 
 and after he had convoked an assembly of the 
 people, he explained to them his reasons for the 
 conduct he had pursued ; representing to them, 
 in what an enormous manner the Ephori had 
 abused their power, by suppressing all lawful 
 authority, and not only banishing their kings, 
 but even causing them to be destroyed without 
 the least form of justice, and menacing those 
 who were desirous of again beholding Sparta 
 happy in the most excellent and most divine 
 form of government. He then added, that the 
 conduct he pursued rendered it sufficiently evi- 
 dent, that, instead of consulting his own par- 
 ticular interest, his whole endeavours were 
 employed to promote that of the citizens, by 
 reviving among them the discipline and equality 
 which the wise Lycurgus had formerly esta- 
 blished, and from whence Sparta had derived 
 all her glory and reputation. 
 
 When he had expressed himself in this man- 
 ner, he was the first to consign his whole estate 
 to the common stock, and was seconded in that 
 action by Megistones, his father-in-law, who 
 was very rich. The rest of his friends, and at 
 length all the other citizens, then complied with 
 this example, and the lands were distributed 
 agreeably to the intended plan. He even as- 
 signed a portion to each of those who had been 
 banished, and promised to recall them as soon 
 as affairs could be settled in a state of tranquil- 
 lity. He then filled up the proper number of 
 citizens with persons of the best character in all 
 the adjacent parts, and raised 4000 foot, wliom 
 he taught to use lances instead of javelins, and 
 to wear bucklers with strong handles, and not 
 with leather straps buckled on, as had before 
 been the custom. 
 
 4 Polybius declares, that Cleomenes himself caused him 
 to be assassinated, 1. v. p. 383. & 1. viii. p. 51 1. 
 
 6 This magistracy was composed of live' Ephori. 
 
 2 A 2 
 
372 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 His next cares were devoted to the education 
 3f children ; in order to which he endeavoured 
 to re-establish the Laconic discipline, wherein 
 the philosopher Spherus very much assisted 
 him. The exercises and public meals soon re- 
 sumed their ancient order and gravity ; most of 
 the citizens voluntarily embracing this wise, no- 
 ble and regular method of life, to which the rest, 
 whose number was very inconsiderable, were 
 soon obliged to conform. In order also to soften 
 the name of monarch, and to avoid exasperating 
 the citizens, he appointed his brother Euclidas 
 king with him ; which is the first instance of 
 the administration of the Spartan government 
 by two kings of the same house at one time. 
 
 Cleomenes, believing that Aratus and the 
 Achseans were persuaded he would not presume 
 to quit Sparta, amidst the dissatisfaction occa- 
 sioned by the innovations which he had intro- 
 duced into the government, thought nothing 
 could be more honourable and advantageous to 
 him, than to let his enemies see how much he 
 was esteemed by his troops and beloved by his 
 citizens, and what confidence he entertained, 
 that the new changes had not alienated the 
 minds of the people from him. He first ad- 
 vanced into the territories of Megalopolis; 
 where his troops committed great devastations, 
 and gained a very considerable booty. _To these 
 ravages he added insults, causing public games 
 or shows to be exhibited for the space of a whole 
 day, in the sight of the enemy ; not that he had 
 any real satisfaction in such a conduct, but only 
 intended to convince them, by this contemptu- 
 ous bravado, how assured he was of being victo- 
 rious over them. 
 
 Though it was very customary, in those times, 
 to see troops of comedians and dancers in the 
 train of other armies, his camp was perfectly 
 free from all such dissolute attendants. The 
 youths of his army passed the greatest part of 
 their time in exercising themselves, and the old 
 men were industrious to form and instruct them. 
 Their very relaxations from those employments 
 were devoted to instructive and familiar conver- 
 sations, seasoned with fine and delicate railleries, 
 which were always modest, and never rendered 
 offensive by injurious refiections. In a word, 
 they were entirely conformable to the laws by 
 which the wise legislator of Sparta had been 
 careful to regulate conversations, 
 
 Cleomenes himself appeared like the master 
 who thus formed the citizens, not so much by 
 his discourse as by his example, affording, in 
 the simple and frugal life which he led, and 
 which had nothing in it superior to that of the 
 meanest of his subjects, an affecting model of 
 wisdom and abstinence, which facilitated beyond 
 expression his accomplishment of the great things 
 which he performed in Greece. For those 
 whose affairs carried them to the courts of other 
 kings, did not admire their riches and magnifi- 
 cence, so much as they detested their imperious 
 pride, and the haughtiness with which they 
 treated those who approached them. On the 
 contrary, no such offensive manners were ever 
 experienced in the court of Cleomenes. He ap- 
 peared in a very plain habit, without guards, 
 and almost without officers: the audiences he 
 gave were as long as the people who applied to 
 him could desire : he gave all manner of persons 
 a very agreeable reception, without treating any 
 body with an air of austerity. This affable and 
 engaging behaviour gained him the universal 
 love and veneration of his people, in which the 
 
 true grandeur and merit of a king undoubtedly 
 consist. 
 
 His table was extremely simple and frugal, 
 and truly Laconic. No music was ever intro- 
 duced tiiere, nor did any one desire it, as his 
 conversation well supplied its place ; and it is 
 certain that those who are capable of discoursing 
 well, may pass their time very agreeably with- 
 out hearing songs. Cleomenes never failed to 
 enliven those repasts, either by proposing curi- 
 ous and important questions, or relating some 
 useful and agreeable piece of history ; seasoning 
 the whole with a delicate vein of wit and gay- 
 ety. He thought it neither an argument of a 
 prince's merit nor glory to attach men to his in- 
 terest by the attractions of riches and splendid 
 tables; whereas the ability of gaining their 
 hearts by the amiable power of discourse, and 
 the charms of an intercourse in which frankness 
 and sincerity always prevailed, was considered 
 by him as a truly royal quality. 
 
 This affable and engaging 
 A. M. 3776. disposition of Cleomenes se- 
 Ant. J. C. 228. cured him the affection of all 
 the troops, and inspired them 
 with such an ardour for his service, as seemed 
 to have rendered them invincible. He took 
 several places from the Achseans, ravaged the 
 territories of their allies, and advanced almost 
 as far as Pherse, with intention either to give 
 them battle, or discredit Aratus as a pusillani- 
 mous leader, who had fled from his enemy, and 
 abandoned all their champaign country to be 
 plundered. The Achseans having taken the 
 field with all their troops and encamped in the 
 territories of Dymse, Cleomenes followed them 
 thither, and harassed them perpetuiilly with so 
 much intrepidity, as at last compelled them to 
 come to a battle, wherein he obtained a complete 
 victory ; for he put their army to flight, killed 
 abundance of men, and took a great number of 
 prisoners. 
 
 The Achseans were extremely dejected at 
 these severe losses,' and began to be apprehen- 
 sive of the greatest calamities from Sparta, es- 
 pecially if she should happen to be supported by 
 the ^tolians, according to the rumour which 
 then prevailed. Aratus, who had usually been 
 elected general every other year, refused that 
 commission when he was chosen again, and Ti- 
 moxenes was substituted in his stead. The Achse- 
 ans severely censured the conduct of Aratus on 
 this occasion, and with great justice, as he, who 
 was considered by them as their pilot, had now 
 abandoned the helm of his vessel amidst a 
 threatening tempest, wherein it would have been 
 eanest of his sxibjects, an affecting model of , proper and glorious for him to have seized it 
 
 ' ' • , .1. J u ' into his own hands, even by force, if it had not 
 
 been offered to him, in imitation of several great 
 examples related in history, and thus to have 
 
 been solely solicitous to save the state at the ex- 
 pense of his own life. If he had even despaired 
 of retrieving the affairs of the Ach^ans, he 
 ought rather to have submitted to Cleomenes, 
 who was a Grecian by birth, and king of Spar- 
 ta, than to call in the assistance of foreigners, 
 and make them masters of Peloponnesus, as he 
 will soon appear to have done : jealousy, how- 
 ever, extinguishes all prudent reflections, and is 
 a malady not to be cured by reason alone 
 
 The Ach«ans being reduced to tlie last es- 
 
 1 Plut. in Cleom. p. 811. Idem, in Arat. 1044. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 373 
 
 A. M. 3777. tremities, especially after the 
 Ant. J. C. 227. loss of this battle, sent am- 
 bassadors to Cleomenes to 
 negotiate a peace. The king seemed at first de- 
 termined to Impose very rigid terms upon them ; 
 but afterwards despatched an embassy on his 
 part, and only demanded to be appointed gen - 
 eral of the Achaean league, promising on that 
 condition to accommodate all differences between 
 I them, and restore the prisoners and places he 
 had taken from them. The Achaeans, who 
 were very inclinable to accept of peace on those 
 terms, desired Cleomenes to be present at Ler- 
 na, where they were to hold a general assembly, 
 in order to conclude the treaty. The king set 
 out accordingly for that place, but an unexpect- 
 ed accident which happened to him prevented 
 the interview ; and Aratus endeavoured to im- 
 prove it in such a manner as to hinder the ne- 
 gotiation from being renewed. He imagined, 
 that as he had possessed the chief authority in 
 the Achaean league for the space of thirty-three 
 years, it would be very disgraceful to him if a 
 oung man were suffered, as it were, to graft 
 imself upon him and divest him of all his glory 
 and power, by supplanting him in a command 
 which he had acquired, augmented, and retained 
 for so many years. These considerations in- 
 duced him to use all his efforts to dissuade the 
 Achaeans from accepting the conditions proposed 
 to them by Cleomenes : but as he had the mor- 
 tification to find that the Achaeans would not 
 coincide with him in opinion, because they 
 dreaded the bravery and uncommon success of 
 Cleomenes, and likewise thought that the inten- 
 tions of the Lacedaemonians to restore Pelopon- 
 nesus to its ancient state were very just and 
 reasonable, he had recourse to an expedient 
 which would not have become any Grecian, and 
 was extremely dishonourable in a man of his 
 rank and character. This was to call in the as- 
 sistance of Antigonus king of Macedonia, and 
 by inevitable consequence make him master of 
 Greece. 
 
 He had not forgotten that Antigonus had 
 great cause to be dissatisfied with him -.^ but he 
 was sensible that princes may be properly said 
 to have neither friends nor enemies, and that 
 they form their sentiments of things by the 
 standard of their own interest. He, however, 
 would not openly enter into a negotiation of this 
 nature, nor propose it as for himself; because he 
 knew that, if it should happen to prove unsuc- 
 cessful, he must inevitably incur all the odium; 
 and besides, it would be making a plain declara- 
 tion to the Achaeans, that if he had not absolute- 
 ly despaired of retrieving their affairs, he would 
 not have advised them to have recourse to their 
 professed enemy. He, therefore, concealed his 
 real views, like an artful and experienced poli- 
 tician, and proceeded by indirect and secret me- 
 thods. As the city of Megalopolis was nearest 
 in situation to Sparta, it lay most exposed to the 
 incursions of the enemv, and the inhabitants 
 began to be tired of the war, as the Achseans 
 were so far from being in a condition to support 
 them, that they were unable to defend them- 
 selves. Nicophanes and Cercides, two citizens 
 of Megalopolis, whom Aratus had brought over 
 to his scheme, made a proposal in the council of- 
 that city, for demanding permission of the 
 Achaeans, to implore the assistance of Antigo- 
 
 2 Polyb. I. ii p„ 133—140. 
 
 nus. This motion was immediately assented to, 
 and the Achaeans granted them the permission 
 they desired. These two citizens were then de- 
 puted to be the messengers to make that proposal 
 to the king, and Aratus had been careful to fur- 
 nish them with sufficient instructions beforehand. 
 When they received audience of Antigonus, they 
 lightly touched upon the particulars which re- 
 lated to their city, and then strongly insisted, in 
 conformity to their instructions, on the eminent 
 danger to which the king himself would be ex- 
 posed, should the alliance which was then talked 
 of between the iEtolians and Cleomenes take 
 effect. They then represented to him, that if 
 the united forces of these two states should have 
 those advantages over the Achaeans which they 
 expected to obtain, the towering ambition of 
 Cleomenes would never be satisfied with the 
 mere conquest of Peloponnesus, as it was evi- 
 dent that he aspired at the empire of all Greece, 
 which it would be impossible for him to seize, 
 without entirely destroying the authority of the 
 Macedonians. To these remonstrances they 
 added, that if the iEtolians should not happen 
 to join Cleomenes, the Achaeans would be capa- 
 ble of supporting themselves with their own 
 forces, and would have no cause to trouble the 
 king with their importunities for his assistance ; 
 but if, on the other hand, fortune should prove 
 adverse to them, and permit the confederacy be- 
 tween those two states to take effect, they must 
 then entreat him not to be an unconcerned spec- 
 tator of the ruin of Peloponnesus, which might 
 even be attended with fatal consequences to him- 
 self. They also took care to insinuate to the 
 king, that Aratus would enter into all his 
 measures, and give him, in due time sufficient 
 security for his own fidelity and good intentions. 
 
 Antigonus highly approved all these repre- 
 sentations, and seized with pleasure the oppor- 
 tunity that was now offered him, of engaging 
 I in the affairs of Greece. This had always been 
 the policy of the successors of Alexander, who, 
 by declaring themselves kings, had converted the 
 frame of their respective governments into mon- 
 archy. They were sensible that they were 
 deeply interested in opposing all such states as 
 had any inclination to retain their liberty, and 
 the form of popular government ; and wherever 
 they found themselves in no condition to crush 
 this inclination entirely, they attempted to 
 weaken it at least, and to render the people in- 
 capable of forming any considerable enterprises, 
 by sowing the seeds of division between repub- 
 lics and free states, and engaging them in wars 
 against each other, in order to render themselves 
 necessary to them, and prevent their shaking off 
 the Macedonian yoke by uniting their forces. 
 Polybius,3 speaking of one of these princes, de- 
 clares, in express terms, that he paid large pen- 
 sions to several tyrants in Greece, who were 
 professed enemies to liberty.* 
 
 It cannot, therefore, be thought surprising, 
 that Antigonus should so readily comply with 
 the solicitations and demands of the Megalopo- 
 litans. He wrote them an obliging letter, 
 wherein he promised to assist them, provided 
 the Achaeans would consent to that proceeding. 
 The inhabitants of Megalopolis were trans- 
 ported at the happy result of their negotiation, 
 
 ^ 3 Lib. ii. p. 131. 
 
8T4 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 and immediately despatched the same deputies Cleomenes, instead of attempting to defend 
 to the general assembly of the Achseans, in or- the passage of the isthmus, thought it more ad- 
 der to inform the people of the good intentions visable to throw up trenches and raise strong 
 - to press them to send for j walls to fortify the passes of the Onian mouu- 
 them immediately, and to put their interests tains,^ and to harass the enemy by frequent 
 
 of Antigonus, and to press them to send for j walls to fortify the passes of the Onian mouu- 
 them immediately, and to put their interests tains,^ and to harass the enemy by frequent 
 into his hands. I attacks, rather than hazard a battle agamst such 
 
 Aratus did not fail to congratulate himself in | well-disciplined and warlike troops. This con- 
 private on the masterly stroke by which he bad \ duct of the king of Sparta reduced Antigonus 
 succeeded in his intrigue, and to find Antigonus to great extremities 
 
 for he had not provided 
 himself with any considerable quantity of pro- 
 visions, and found it not very practicable to 
 wished, Indeed, to have had no occasion for his ' force the passes defended by Cleomenes: the 
 assistance; and though necessity obliged him to only expedient, therefore, to which Antigonus 
 
 not possessed with any impressions to his pre 
 judice, as he had reason to apprehend. He 
 
 have recourse to that prince, he was unwilling to 
 have those measures imputed to him, but wished 
 them to seem to have been concerted by the 
 Achseans, without any interference on his part. 
 
 When the deputies from Megalopolis were 
 introduced into the assembly, they read the let- 
 ter of Antigonus, and related all the particulars 
 of the obliging reception he had given them ; 
 with the affection and esteem he had expressed 
 for the Achgeans, and the advantageous offers he 
 made them. They concluded with desiring, in 
 the name of their city, that the Achseans would 
 invite Antigonus to be present as soon as possi- 
 ble in their assembly ; and every one seemed to 
 approve of that motion. Aratus then rose up, 
 and after he bad represented the good will of 
 the king in the strongest light, and commended 
 the sentiments that prevailed in the assembly, 
 he intimated to them, that there was no neces- 
 sity for precipitating measures ; that it should 
 be a point of honour with the republic to endea- 
 vour to maintain and terminate her wars by 
 her own forces ; and that if any calamitous ac- 
 cident should render her incapable of doing so, 
 it would then be time enough to have recourse 
 to her friends. This advice was generally ap- 
 proved ; and it was concluded that the Achseans 
 should employ only their own forces in sup- 
 porting the present war. 
 
 The events of it were, 
 A. M. 3778. however, very unfavourable 
 Ant. J. C. 226. to them ; ' for Cleomenes 
 made himself master of se- 
 veral cities of Peloponnesus,^ of which Argos 
 was the most considerable, 
 A. M. 3779. and at last seized Corinth, 
 Ant. J. C. 225. but not the citadel. The 
 Acheeans had then no longer 
 time for deliberation ; Antigonus was called in 
 to their assistance, and they came to a resolu- 
 tion to deliver up the citadel of Corinth to him, 
 without which he would never have engaged 
 in that expedition; for he wanted a place of 
 strength, and there was none which suited him 
 so effectually as that, as well on account of its 
 advantageous situation between two seas, as its 
 fortifications, which rendered it almost impreg- 
 nable. Aratus sent his son to Antigonus among 
 the other hostages. That prince advanced by 
 long marches, with an army of 20,000 foot and 
 1400 horse. Aratus set out by sea, with the 
 principal officers of the league, to meet Antigo- 
 nus at the city of Pegae, unknown to the ene- 
 my ; and when that prince was informed of his 
 arrival in person, he advanced to him, and ren- 
 dered him all the honours due to a general of 
 distinguished rank and merit. 
 
 could have recourse in this perplexity, was to 
 advance to the promontory of Heraea, and fj-om 
 thence to transport his army by sea to Sicyon, 
 which would require a considerable space of 
 time, as well as great prepai'ations, which could 
 not easily be made. 
 
 "While Antigonus was em- 
 A. M. 3780. barrassed in this manner. 
 Ant. J. C. 224. some friends of Aratus ar- 
 rived at his camp, one night, 
 by sea, and informed him, that the people of 
 Argos had revolted against Cleomenes, and were 
 then besieging the citadel. Aratus having re- 
 ceived 1600 men from Antigonus, set out by sea 
 and arrived at Epidaurus. 
 
 Cleomenes, receiving intelligence of these pro- 
 ceedings about nine or ten in the evening, im- 
 mediately detached Megistones with 2000 men, 
 to succour his party at Argos as soon as possi- 
 ble ; after which he industriously watched the 
 motions of Antigonus ; and to animate the Co- 
 rinthians, assured them, that the disorders which 
 had lately happened at Argos, were no more than 
 a slight commotion excited by a few mutinous 
 persons, which would be easily suppressed. In 
 this, however, he was deceived ; for Megistones 
 having been slain in a skirmish, as soon as he 
 entered Argos, the Lacedaemonian garrison was 
 reduced to the last extremity, and had sent se- 
 veral couriers to demand immediate assistance 
 from the Spartan army. Cleomenes being then 
 apprehensive that the enemies, if they should 
 happen to make themselves masters of Argos, 
 would shut up all the passes against him ; by 
 which means they would be in a condition to 
 ravage all Laconia with impunity, and even to 
 form the siege of Sparta, which would then be 
 without defence ; he, therefore, thought it ad- 
 visable to decamp, and marched with all his 
 army from Corinth. 
 
 Antigonus, immediately after this retreat of 
 the Lacedaemonians, entered Corinth, and placed 
 in it a strong garrison. Cleomenes, in the 
 meantime, arrived at Argos, before the revolters 
 had any suspicion of his approach, and at first 
 succeeded so far, as to scale several parts of the 
 town, where he forced some of the enemies, 
 troops to save themselves by flight ; but Aratus 
 having entered the city on one side, and king 
 Antigonus appearing with all his troops on the 
 other, Cleomenes retired to Mantinea. 
 
 While he was on his march, he received at 
 Tegea, in the evening, some news by messengers 
 from Lacedaemon, which affected him as much 
 as all his former misfortunes. They acquainted 
 him with the death of his consort Agiatis, from 
 whom he had never been able to absent himself 
 
 1 Plut. in Cleom. p. 814, 815. Plut. in Arat. p. 1047. 
 
 2 Caphyse, Pellene, Pheneus, Phlius, Cleonae, Epidau 
 rus, Heraiione, Trcezene. 
 
 3 These were a ridge of mountains wh'ch extender 
 from the rocks of Sciron, in the road to Attica, as tar 
 Bceotia, and mount Cvtheron. Strab. 1. v..u. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 375 
 
 f whole campaign, even when his expeditions 
 were most successful ; and such was his tender- 
 ness and esteem for her, that it had always been 
 customary for him to make frequent returns to 
 Sparta to enjoy the pleasure of her company. 
 The next morning he renewed his march by 
 break of day, and arrived early at Sparta, 
 where, after he had devoted some moments in 
 pouring out his sorrows to his mother and chil- 
 dren in his own house, he resumed the manage- 
 ment of public affairs. 
 
 Much about the same time, Ptolemy, who 
 had promised to assist him in the war, sent to 
 him to demand his mother and children as hos- 
 tages. It was a long time before Cleomenes 
 could venture to acquaint his parent with the 
 king of Egypt's demand; and though he fre- 
 quently went to visit her, with an intention to 
 explain himself to her, he never had resolution 
 enough to enter upon the subject. His mother 
 observing his embarrassment, began to entertain 
 some suspicion of the cause ; for mothers have 
 generally a great share of penetration, with 
 reference to their children. She inquired of 
 those who were most intimate with him, 
 V hether her son did not desire something from 
 lier, which he could not prevail upon himself to 
 communicate to her? And when Cleomenes 
 had at last the resolution to open the affair to 
 her, " How, my son," said she with a smile, 
 is this the secret you wanted courage to 
 disclose to me ? Why, in the name of heaven, 
 did you not immediately cause me to be put on 
 board some vessel, and sent, without a mo- 
 ment's delay, to any part of the world, where 
 my pesson may be useful to Sparta, before old 
 age consumes and destroys it in languor and 
 inaction ?" 
 
 When the preparations for her voyage were 
 completed, Cratesiclea (for so the mother of 
 Cleomenes was called) took her son apart, a 
 few moments before she entered the vessel, and 
 led him alone into the temple of Neptune. 
 There she held him a great while clasped in 
 her arms; and after she had tenderly kissed 
 him, with her face bathed in tears, she recom- 
 luended the liberty and honour of his country 
 to his care. When she saw him weep in the 
 excess of his anguish at that melancholy part- 
 ing ; « King of Lacedsemon," said she, *' let us 
 dry our tears, that no person, when you quit 
 the temple, may see us weep, or do any thing 
 unworthy of Sparta. For this is in our power ; 
 events are in the hands of God." When she 
 had expressed herself to this effect, she composed 
 her countenance, led her infant grandson to the 
 ship, and commanded the pilot to sail that mo- 
 ment from the port. 
 
 As soon as she arrived in Egypt, she was 
 informed that Ptolemy, having received an 
 embassy from Antigonus, was satisfed with 
 the proposals made by that prince ; and she had 
 likewise intelligence that her son Cleomenes 
 Was solicited by the Achaeans to conclude a 
 treaty between them and Sparta, but that he 
 durst not put an end to the war without the 
 consent of Ptolemy, because he was apprehen- 
 sive for his mother, who was then in the power 
 of that king. When she was apprized of these 
 circumstances, she sent express orders to her 
 «on, to transact, without the least fear or hesi- 
 tation, whatever he imagined would prove bene- 
 ficial and glorious to Sparta, and not to suffer 
 himself to be disconcerted by his apprehensions 
 of the treatment an old woman and a child 
 might sustain from Ptolemy. Such were the 
 
 sentiments which even the women of Sparta 
 thought it their glory to cherish. 
 
 Antigonus,* in the mean- 
 A. M. 3781. time, having made himself 
 Ant. J. C. 223. master of Tegea, Mantinea, 
 Orchomenus, and several 
 other cities ; Cleomenes, who was then reduced 
 to the necessity of defending Laconia, permitted 
 all the Helots who were capable of paying five 
 minae (about ten pounds sterling) to purchase 
 their freedom. From this contribution he raised 
 300 talents (about 125,000/. sterling), and armed 
 2000 of these Helots after the Macedonian man- 
 ner, in order to oppose them to the Leucaspides 
 of Antigonus; he then formed an enterprise, 
 which certainly no one could have expected 
 from him. The city of Megalopolis was very 
 considerable at that time, and even not inferior 
 to Sparta in power and extent. Cleomenes 
 concerted measures for surprising this city, and 
 to take it without any opposition ; and as Anti- 
 gonus had sent most of his troops into winter- 
 quarters in Macedonia, while he himself con- 
 tinued at Egium, to assist in the assembly of 
 the Achaeans, the king of Sparta justly supposed 
 that the garrison of the city could not be very 
 strong at that time, nor much upon their guard, 
 as not being apprehensive of any insult from an 
 enemy so weak as himself; and, consequently, 
 that if he proceeded with expedition in his de- 
 sign, Antigonus, who was then at the distance 
 of three days' march from the place, would be 
 incapable of affording it any assistance. The 
 event succeeded according to the plan he had 
 projected ; for he arrived at the city by night, 
 scaled the walls, and made himself master cf 
 the place without any opposition. Most of the 
 inhabitants retired to Messene, with their wives 
 and children, before their enemies had any 
 thoughts of pursuing them; and Antigonus 
 was not informed of this accident, till it was 
 too late to retrieve it. 
 
 Cleomenes, out of a generosity of mind which 
 has few examples in history, sent a herald to 
 Messene to acquaint the people of Megalopolis, 
 that he would restore them their city, provided 
 they would renounce the Achaean league, and 
 enter into a friendship and confederacy with 
 Sparta ; but advantageous as this offer seemed, 
 they could not prevail on themselves to accept 
 it, but rather chose to be deprived of their 
 estates, as well as of the monuments of their 
 ancestors and the temples of their gods ; in a 
 word, to see themselves divested of all that was 
 most dear and valuable to them, than to violate 
 the faith they had sworn to their allies. The 
 famous Philopoemen, whom we shall frequently 
 have occasion to mention in the sequel of this 
 history, and who was then at Messene, con- 
 tributed not a little to this generous resolution. 
 Who could ever expect to discover so much 
 greatness of soul, and such noble sentiments, in 
 the very dregs of Greece ; for by that name the 
 times of which we now treat may justly be 
 described, when we compare them with the 
 glorious ages of Greece united and triumphant, 
 when even the lustre of its victories was sur- 
 passed by the splendour of its virtues ! 
 
 This refusal of the Megalopolitans highly en- 
 raged Cleomenes, who, till the moment he re 
 ceived their answer, had not only spared th* 
 
 4 Polyb. 1. ii. p. 149. Plut. in Cleom. p. 815-817. I* 
 in A rat. p. 1048. 
 
376 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 city, bnt haJ even been careful to prevent the sol- 
 diei-s from committiug the least disorder; but 
 his anger was then inflamed to such a degree, 
 that he abandoned the place to pillage, and sent 
 all the statues and pictures to Sparta. He a\so 
 demolished the greatest part of the walls, with 
 the strongest quarters in the place, and then 
 marched his troops back to Sparta. Ihe deso- 
 lation of the city extremely afflicted the Achse- 
 ans, who considered their inability to assist such 
 faithful aUies, as a crime for which they ought 
 to reproach themselves. , , , • 
 
 This people was soon sensible, that by im- 
 ploring the aid of Antigonus, they had subjected 
 themselves to an imperious master, who made 
 their liberties the price of his aid. He com- 
 pelled them to pass a decree, which prohibited 
 them from writing to any king, or sending an 
 embassy, without his permission ; and he obliged 
 them to furnish provisions and pay for the gar- 
 rison he had put into the citadel ot Corinth ; 
 which, in reality, was making them pay lor then- 
 own chains, for this citadel was the very place 
 which kept them in subjection. Ihey aban- 
 doned themselves to slavery in so abject a man- 
 ner, as even to offer sacrifices and libations, and 
 exhibit public games, in honour of Antigonus. 
 Even Aratus himself was treated with equal 
 disrepect. Antigonus set up in Argos all the 
 statues of those tyrants which Aratus had 
 thrown down, and destroyed all those which 
 had been erected in honour of the persons who 
 surprised the citadel of Corinth, except one, 
 which was that of Aratus himself; and all the 
 entreaties of this general could not prevail upon 
 the king to de^st from such a proceeding. Ihe 
 sight of these transactions gave him the utmost 
 anxiety ; but he was no longer master, and suf- 
 fered a iust punishment for subjecting himself 
 and his country to a foreign yoke. After Anti- 
 gonus had taken the city of Mantinea, and most 
 inhumanly murdered a great number of the ci- 
 tizens, and sold the rest into captivity, he aban- 
 doned the place to the Argives, in order to its 
 beinff repeopledby them, and even charged Ara- 
 tus with that commission, Avho had the mean- 
 ness to call this new inhabited city' by the name 
 of him who had shown himself its most cruel 
 enemy : a sad, and, at the same time, a salutary 
 example, which shows that when once a person 
 has consented to stoop to a state of servitude, he 
 sees himself daily compelled to descend lower, 
 A^ithout knowing where or how to stop. 
 
 Aratus, by having himself contributed to load 
 his republic with shackles, was guilty of an un- 
 pardonable crime, the enormity of which no 
 great quality, nor any shining action, can ever 
 extenuate. * He acted thus merely through jeal- 
 ousy of his rival Cleomenes, whose glory, and 
 the superiority that young prince had obtained 
 over him by the success of his arms, were insup- 
 portable to him. What, says Plutarch, did 
 Cleomenes demand of the Achseans, as the sole 
 preliminary to the peace he offered them, but 
 merely their election of him as their general? 
 And even that was with a view to the welfare 
 of their cities, and to secure to them the enjoy- 
 ment of their liberties, as a testimony of his 
 gratitude for so signal an honour, and so glori- 
 ous a title. If, therefore, continues Plutarch, it 
 had been absolutely necessary for them to have 
 chosen either Cleomenes or Antigonus, or, in 
 
 1 Antigonia. 
 
 other words, a Greek or a Barbarian, for the 
 Macedonians were considered as such ; in a 
 word, if they were obliged to have a master, 
 would not the meanest citizen of Sparta have 
 been preferable to the greatest of the Macedoni- 
 ans; at least, in the opinion of those who had 
 any regard to the honour and reputation of 
 Greece? Jealousy, however, extinguished all 
 those sentiments in the mind of Aratus; so dif- 
 ficult is it to behold superior merit with an eye 
 of satisfaction and tranquillity. 
 
 Aratus, therefore, that he might not seem t 
 submit to Cleomenes, nor consent that a king of 
 Sparta descended from Hercules, and a king whii 
 bad lately re-established the ancient discipline ot 
 that city, should add to his other titles that of 
 captain-general of the Achseans, called in e 
 stranger, to whom he bad formerly professed 
 himself a mortal enemy; in consequence ol 
 which he filled Peloponnesus with those very 
 Macedonians whom he had made it his glory to 
 expel from thence in his youth. He even threw 
 himself at their feet ; and all Achaia, by his ex- 
 ample, fell prostrate before them, as an indica 
 tion of their promptitude to accomplish the com- 
 mands of their imperious masters. In a word, 
 from a man accustomed to liberty, he became 
 an abiect and servile flatterer ; he had the base- 
 ness to offer sacrifices to Antigonus, to appear 
 himself at the head of a procession crowned with 
 chaplets of flowers, joining at the same time in 
 hymns to the honour of that prince, and render- 
 ing by these low adulations that homage to a 
 mortal man, which none but the Divinity can 
 claim ; to a man who then carried death in his 
 bosom, and was ready to sink into putrefaction ; 
 for he at that time was reduced to the last ex- 
 tremity by a slow consumption. Aratus was, 
 however, a man of great merit in other respects, 
 and had shown himself to be an extraordinary 
 person, and well worthy of Greece. In him, 
 says Plutarch, we see a deplorable instance ot 
 human frailty ; which amidst the lustre ot so 
 many rare and excellent qualities, cannot lorm 
 the model of virtue exempt from all blame. 
 
 We have already observed,^ that Antigonus 
 had sent his troops into winter- quarters in Ma- 
 cedonia. Cleomenes, at the return of spring, 
 ' formed an enterprise, which, in the opinion oJ 
 the vulgar, was the result of temerity and lolly ; 
 but, according to Polybius, a competent judge 
 in affairs of that nature, it was concerted with 
 all imaginable prudence and sagacity. As M 
 was sensible that the Macedonians were dis- 
 persed in their quarters, and that Antigonus 
 passed the winter season with his friends at Ar- 
 gos, without any other guard than an inconsid- 
 erable number of foreign troops ; he made an 
 irruption into the territories of Argos in order 
 to lay them waste. He conceived at the same 
 time, that either Antigonus would be so much 
 affected with the apprehensions of ignoniiny as to 
 hazard a battle, when he would certainly be de- 
 feated ; or that, on the other hand, it he should 
 decline fighting, he would lose all his reputatior 
 with the Achaans, while the Spartans, on th« 
 contrary, would be rendered more daring aiu' 
 intrepid. The event succeeded according to hi^ 
 expectations; for as the whole country wa^ 
 ruined by the devastations of his troops, the 
 people of Argos, in their rage and impatience, 
 assembled in a tumultuous manner at the palacj 
 
 Plut. in Cleon. p. 
 
 Polyb. 1. ii. p. 149. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 877 
 
 g^ate, and with a tnurrauring tone pressed the 
 king either to give their enemies battle, or resign 
 the command of his troops to those who were 
 less timorous than himself. But Antigonus, 
 who had so much of the prudence and presence 
 of mind essential to a great general, as to be sen- 
 sible that the dishonourable part of one in his 
 station, did not consist in hearing himself re- 
 proached, but in exposing himself rashly and 
 without reason, and in quitting certainties for 
 chance, refused to take the field, and persisted 
 in his resolution not to fight. Cleomenes there- 
 fore led up his troops to the walls of Argos, and 
 when he had laid the open country waste, 
 marched his army back to Sparta. 
 
 This expedition redounded very much to his 
 honour, and obliged even his enemies to confess 
 that he was an excellent general, and a person 
 of the highest merit and capacity in the conduct 
 of the most arduous affairs. In a word, they 
 could never sufficiently admire his manner of 
 opposing the forces of a single city to the whole 
 power of the Macedonians, united with that of 
 all Pdoponnesus, notwithstanding the immense 
 supplies which had been furnished by the king ; 
 and especially when they considered that he had 
 not only preserved Laconia free from all insults, 
 but had even penetrated into the territories of 
 his enemies, where he ravaged the country, and 
 made himself master of several great cities. This 
 they were persuaded could not be the effect of 
 any ordinary abilities in the art of war, nor of 
 any common magnanimity. A misfortune, 
 however, unhappily prevented him from rein- 
 stating Sparta in her ancient power, as will be 
 evident in the sequel. 
 
 SECT. V. 
 
 The celebrated battle of Selasia, wherein Antigonus de. 
 feats Cleomenes, who retires into Egypt. Antigonus 
 makes himself master of Sparta, aud treats that city 
 with great humanity. The death of that prince, who is 
 succeeded by Philip the son of Demetrius. The death 
 Of Ptolemy Euergetes, to whose throne Ptolemy Philo. 
 pator succeeds. A great earthquake at Rhodes. The 
 noble generosity of those princes and cities who contri- 
 buted to the reparation of the losses which the Rhodians 
 had sustained by that calamity. The fate of the famous 
 Colossus. 
 
 The Macedonians^ and A- 
 A. M. 3781.. chseans having quitted their 
 Ant. J. C. 223. quarters on the approach of 
 summer, Antigonus put 
 himself at the head of them and advanced into 
 Laconia. His army was composed of 28,000 
 foot and 1200 horse ; but that of Cleomenes did 
 not amount to more than 20,000 men. As the 
 latter of these two princes expected an irruption 
 from the enemy, he had fortified all the passes, 
 by posting detachments of his troops in them, 
 and by throwing up intrenchments, and cutting 
 down trees, after which he formed his camp at 
 Selasia. He imagined, and with good reason, 
 that the enemies would endeavour to force a 
 passage into the country through this avenue, in 
 which he was not deceived. This defile was 
 formed by two mountains, one of which had the 
 .lame of Eva, and the other that of Olympus. 
 
 1. xvxzL v/ciicuo xdij uci vvccii Lijeiijj on tn6 D£inKs 
 of which was the road to Sparta. Cleomenes, 
 
 having thrown up a strong intrenchment at the 
 foot of these mountains, posted his brother Eu- 
 clidas on the eminence of Eva, at the head of 
 the allies, and planted himself on Olympus with 
 the Lacedaemonians, and a party of the foreign 
 troops, placing, at the same time, along each bank 
 of the river, a detachment of the cavalry and 
 foreign auxiliaries. 
 
 Antigonus, when he arrived there, saw all 
 the passes fortified, and was sensible by the 
 manner in which Cleomenes had posted his 
 troops, that he had neglected no precaution ei- 
 ther for defending himself or attacking his ene- 
 mies, and that he had formed his camp into such 
 an advantageous disposition, as rendered all ap- 
 proaches to it extremely difficult. All this 
 abated his ardour for a battle, and caused him 
 to encamp at a small distance, where he had an 
 opportunity of covering his troops with a rivu- 
 let. He continued there for several days, in 
 order to view the situation of the different posts 
 and sound the disposition of the nations who 
 composed the enemy's army. Sometimes he 
 seemed to be forming designs, which kept the 
 enemy in suspense how to act. They however 
 were always upon their guard, and their situa- 
 tion secured them from insults in any quarter. 
 At last both sides resolved upon a decisive bat- 
 tle. 
 
 It is not easy to comprehend why Cleomenes, 
 who was posted so advantageously, and whose 
 troops were inferior to those of the enemy by 
 one third, while they were secure of a free com- 
 munication in their rear with Sparta, from 
 whence they might be supplied with provisions, 
 should resolve, without the least apparent ne- 
 cessity, to hazard a battle, the event of which 
 was to decide the fate of Lacedsemon. 
 
 Polybius indeed seems to intimate the cause of 
 this proceeding, when he observes, that Ptolemy 
 caused Cleomenes to be acquainted, that he no 
 longer would supply him with money, and ex- 
 horted him at the same time to come to an ac- 
 commodation with Antigonus. As Cleomenes 
 therefore was incapable of defraying the expense 
 of this war, and was not only in arrear with his 
 foreign troops to the amount of a very consider- 
 able sum, but found it extremely difiicult to 
 maintain his Spartan forces, we may consequent- 
 ly suppose that this situation of his affairs was 
 his inducement to venture a battle. 
 
 When the signals were given on each side, 
 Antigonus detached a body of troops, consisting 
 of Macedonian and Illyrian battalions, alternate- 
 ly disposed, against those of the enemy posted 
 on mount Eva. His second line consisted of 
 Acarnanians and Cretans, and in the rear of 
 these, 2000 Achseans were drawn up as a 
 body of reserve. He drew up his cavalry along 
 the bank of the river, in order to oppose those 
 of the enemy, and caused them to be supported 
 by 1000 of the Achsean foot and the same num- 
 ber of Megalopolitans. He then placed him- 
 self at the head of the Macedonians and the 
 light armed foreign troops, and advanced to 
 mount Olympus to attack Cleomenes. The 
 foreigners were disposed into the first line, and 
 marched immediately before the Macedonian 
 phalanx, which was divided into two bodies, 
 the one in the rear of the other, because the 
 ground would not admit their foi-ming a larger 
 front. 
 
 The action began at mount Eva, when the 
 light-armed troops, who had been posted with 
 an intention to cover and support the cavalry of 
 Cleomenes, observing that the rear of the 
 
 5 Polyb. 1. ii. p. 150—154. Plut in Cleom. p. 818, 819. 
 ibid. in. Philop. p. 358, 
 
078 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 AchiBan cohorts was uncovered, immediately 
 wheeled about and attacked them. Those who 
 endeavoured to gain the summit of the moun- 
 tain, found themselves vigorously pressed by 
 the enemy, and in great danger, being threat- 
 ened in front by Euclidas, who was on the 
 heights, at the same time that they were 
 charged in their rear by the foreign troops who 
 assaulted them with the utmost impetuosity. 
 Philopoeraen and his citizens were posted among 
 the cavalry of Antigonus, who were supported 
 by the Illyrians, and had orders not to move 
 from that post till a particular signal should be 
 given. Fhilopcemen observing that it would 
 not be difficult to fall upon this light infantry 
 of Euclidas, and route them entirely, and that 
 this was the critical moment for the charge, 
 immediately communicated his opinion to such 
 of the king's officei's as commanded the cavalry. 
 They, however, would not so much as hear 
 him, merely because he had never commanded, 
 and was then very young ; and even treated 
 what he said as absurd. Philopoemen was 
 not diverted from his purpose by this rebuff, 
 but at the head of his own citizens, whom he 
 prevailed upon to follow him, he attacked and 
 repulsed that body of infantry with great 
 slaughter. 
 
 The Macedonians and Illyrians being dis- 
 engaged by this operation from what before had 
 retarded their motions, boldly marched up the 
 hill to their enemies, Euclidas was then to 
 engage with a phalanx, whose whole force con- 
 sisted in the strict union of its parts, the close- 
 ness of its ranks, the steady and equal force of 
 its numerous and pointed spears, and the uni- 
 form impetuosity of that heavy body, which by 
 its weight overthrew and bore down all be- 
 fore it. 
 
 In order to prevent this inconvenience, an 
 able officer would have marched down the 
 mountain, with such of his troops as were 
 lightest armed and most active, to have met the 
 phalanx. He would have attacked them as 
 soon as they began to ascend, and would then 
 have harassed them on every side. The in- 
 equalities of the mountain, with the difficulty of 
 ascending it entirely uncovered, would have 
 enabled him to have opened a passage through 
 this body of men, and to have interrupted their 
 march, by putting their ranks into confu- 
 sion, and breaking their order of battle ; he 
 would also have fallen back by degrees, in order 
 to regain the summit of the mountain as the 
 enemy advanced upon him, and after he had 
 deprived them of the only advantage they could 
 expect from the quality of their arms, and the 
 disposition of their troops, he might have im- 
 proved the advantage of his post in such a man- 
 ner as to have easily put them to flight. 
 
 Euclidas, instead of acting in this manner, 
 continued on the top of the mountain, flattering 
 himself that victory would infallibly attend his 
 arms. He imagined, in all probability, that 
 the higher he permitted the enemy to advance, 
 the easier it would be for him to precipitate 
 their troops down the steep declivity ; but as he 
 had not reserved for his own forces a sufficient 
 extent of ground for any retreat that might 
 happen to be necessary for avoiding the formi- 
 dable charge of the phalanx, which advanced 
 upon him in good order, his troops were 
 crowded together in such a manner, as obliged 
 them to fight on the summit of the mountain, 
 where they could not long sustain the weight 
 of the lUyrian arms, and the order of battle 
 
 into which that infantry formed theniselvrb on 
 the eminence ; and as his men could neithet 
 retreat nor change their ground, they were soon 
 defeated by their enemies. 
 
 During this action, the cavalry of each army 
 had also engaged. That of the Achseans be- 
 haved themselves with great bravery, and Phi 
 lopoemen in particular ; because they were sen- 
 sible that the liberties of their republic would 
 be decided by this battle. Philopoemen, in the 
 heat of the action, had his horse killed under 
 him, and while he fought on foot, he had both 
 his thighs pierced through with a javelin ; the 
 wound, however, was not mortal, iioi attended 
 with any ill consequences. 
 
 The two kings began the engagement on 
 mount Olympus, with their light-armed troops 
 and foreign soldiers, of whom each of them had 
 about 5000. As the action took place ia the 
 sight of each sovereign and his army, the troops 
 vied with each other in signalizing themselves, 
 as well in parties, as when the battle became 
 general. Man to man, and rank to rank, all 
 fought with the utmost vigour and obstinacy. 
 Cleomenes, when he saw his brother defeated, 
 and his cavalry beginning to give ground in the 
 plain, was apprehensive that the enemy would 
 pour upon him from all quarters : and therefore 
 thought it advisable to level all the intrench - 
 ments around his camp, and cause his whole 
 army to march out in front. The trumpets 
 having sounded a signal for the light-armed 
 troops to retreat from the space between the 
 two camps, each phalanx advanced with loud 
 shouts, shifting their lances at the same time, 
 and began the charge. The action was very 
 hot. One while the Macedonians fell back be- 
 fore the valour of the Spartans ; and these, in 
 their turn, were unable to sustain the weight of 
 the Macedonian phalanx ; till at last the troops 
 of Antigonus advancing with their lances low- 
 ered and closed, charged the Lacedaemonians 
 with all the impetuosity of a phalanx that had 
 doubled its ranks, and drove them from their 
 intrenchments. The defeat then became gene- 
 ral ; the Lacedaemonians fell in gi-eat numbers, 
 and those who survived fled from the field of 
 battle in the greatest disorder. Cleomenes, 
 with only a few horse, retreated to Sparta. 
 Plutarch assures us, that most of the foreign 
 troops perished in this battle, and that no more 
 than 200 Lacedaemonians escaped out of 6000. 
 
 It may justly be said, that Antigonus owed 
 his success, in some measure, to the prudence 
 and bravery of the young Philopoemen. His 
 boldness and resolution in attacking the light 
 infantiy of the enemy with his own troop 
 alone, contributed to the overthrow of the wing 
 commanded by Euclidas, and that drew on the 
 general defeat. This action, undertaken by a 
 private captain of horse, not only without or- 
 ders, but in opposition to the superior officers, 
 and even contrary to the command of the gene- 
 ral, seems to be a transgression of military dis- 
 cipline; but it ought to be remembered, that 
 the welfare of an army is a circumstance supe- 
 rior to all other considerations. Had the gene- 
 ral been present, he himself would have given 
 directions for that movement, and the delay 
 even of a single moment might occasion the 
 impossibility of its success- It is evident that 
 Antigonus judged of the action in this manner ; 
 for when the battle was over, he assumed an 
 air of seeming displeasure, and demanded of 
 Alexander, who commanded his cavalry, what 
 his reason could be for beginning the attack 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS, 
 
 before the signal, contrary to the orders he had 
 issued ? Alexander then replying, that it was 
 not himself, but a young officer of Megalopolis, 
 who had transgressed his commands in that 
 manner : " That young man," said Antigonus, 
 " in seizing the opportunity, behaved like a 
 great general, but you the general like a young 
 man." 
 
 Sparta on this disaster, showed that ancient 
 steadiness and intrepidity, which seemed to 
 have something of a savage air, and had dis- 
 tinguished her citizens on all occasions. No 
 wife was seen to mourn for the loss of her hus- 
 band. The old men celebrated the death of 
 their children ; and the children congratulated 
 their fathers who had fallen in battle. Every 
 one deplored the fate which had prevented them 
 from sacrificing their lives to the liberty of their 
 country. They opened their hospitable doors 
 to those who returned covered with wounds 
 from the army ; they attended them with pecu- 
 liar care, and eagerly supplied them with all 
 the accommodations they needed. No trouble 
 or confusion was seen through the whole city, 
 and every individual lamented more the public 
 calamity, than any particular loss of their own. 
 
 Cleomenes, upon his arrival at Sparta, ad- 
 vised his citizens to receive Antigonus j assuring 
 them, at the same time, that whatever might be 
 his own condition, he would always promote 
 the welfare of his country, with the utmost 
 pleasure, whenever it should happen to be in 
 his power. He then retired into his own house, 
 but would neither drink, though very thirsty, 
 nor sit down, though extremely fatigued ; but, 
 armed as he was, he leaned against a column, 
 with his head reclined on his arm ; and after 
 he had deliberated with himself for some time 
 on the different measures which he might adopt, 
 he suddenly quitted the house, and went with 
 his friends to the port of Gythium, where he 
 embarked in a vessel he had prepared for that 
 purpose, and sailed for Egypt. 
 
 A Spartan, having made a lively representa- 
 tion to him of the melancholy consequences that 
 might attend his purposed voyage to Egypt, and 
 the indignity a king of Sparta would sustain by 
 crouching in a servile manner to a foreign 
 prince, took that opportunity to exhort him in 
 the strongest manner, to prevent those just re- 
 proaches by a voluntary and glorious death, 
 and to justify himself, by that action, to those 
 who had sacrificed their lives in the fields of 
 Selasia for the liberty of Sparta. " You are 
 deceived," cried Cleomenes, " if you imagine 
 there is any bravery in confronting death, 
 merely through the apprehension of false shame, 
 or the desire of empty applause; say rather, 
 that such an action is mean and pusillanimous. 
 The death we may be induced to covet, instead 
 of being the retreat from an action, ought to be 
 an action itself,' since nothing can be more dis- 
 honourable than either to live or die, merely for 
 one's self. For my part, I shall endeavour to 
 be useful to my country, to my latest breath ; 
 and whenever this hope happens to fail us, it 
 will be easy for us to have recourse to death, if 
 such should be then our inclination." 
 
 1 The ancients maintained it as a principle, that the 
 death of persons employed in the administration of a 
 state ought neither to be useless with respect to the pub. 
 lie, nor inactive ; but a natural consequence of their 
 ministry, and one of their most important actions. Plut. 
 in Lycurg. p. 57. 
 
 Cleomenes had scarce set 
 A. M. 3781. sail,** before Antigonus ar- 
 Ant. J. C. 229. rived at Sparta, and made 
 himself master of the city. 
 He seemed to treat the inhabitants more like a 
 friend than a conqueror ; and declared to them, 
 that he had not engaged in a war against the 
 Spartans, but against Cleomenes, whose flight 
 had satisfied and disarmed his resentment. He 
 added, that it would be glorious to his memory, 
 to have it said by posterity, that Sparta had 
 been preserved by the prince who alone had the 
 good fortune to take it. What he called pre- 
 serving that city, was the abolishing all that 
 the zeal of Cleomenes had accomplished, for the 
 re-establishment of the ancient laws of Lycur- 
 gus, though that conduct was the real cause of 
 its ruin. Sparta lost all that was valuable to 
 her, by the overthrow and involuntary retreat 
 of Cleomenes. One fatal battle obscured that 
 happy dawn of power and glory, and for ever 
 deprived him of the hopes of reinstating his city 
 in her ancient splendour and original authority, 
 which were incapable of subsisting after the 
 abolition of those ancient laws and customs on 
 which they had been founded. Corruption then 
 resumed her former course, and daily gathered 
 strength, till Sparta sunk to her last declension, 
 in a very short space of time. It may therefore 
 be justly said, that the bold views and enter- 
 prises of Cleomenes were the last struggles of 
 its expiring liberty. 
 
 Antigonus left Sparta three days after he had 
 entered it ; and his departure was occasioned by 
 the intelligence he had received, that a war had 
 broken out in Macedonia, where the barbarians 
 committed dreadful ravages. If this news had 
 arrived three days sooner, Cleomenes might 
 have been saved. Antigonus was already af- 
 flicted with a severe indisposition which at last 
 ended i-n a deep consumption and a continual 
 defluxion of humours, that carried him off two 
 or three years after. He, however, would not 
 suffer himself to be dejected by his ill state of 
 health, and had even spirit enough to engage in 
 new battles in his own kingdom. It is said, 
 that after he had been victorious over the lUy- 
 rians, he was so transported with joy, that he 
 frequently repeated these expressions, " O the 
 glorious happy day !" and that he uttered this 
 exclamation with so much exertion, that he 
 burst a vein, and lost a large quantity of blood ; 
 this symptom was succeeded by a violent fever, 
 which ended his days. Some time before his 
 death, he settled the succession to his dominions 
 in favour of Philip, the son of Demetrius, who 
 was then fourteen years of age ; or it may be 
 rather said, that he returned him the sceptre, 
 which had only been deposited in his hand. 
 
 Cleomenes, in the meantime, arrived at Alex- 
 andria, where he met with a very cold reception 
 from the king, when he was first introduced 
 into his presence. But after he had given that 
 monarch proofs of his admirable sense, and 
 shown in his common conversation the gene- 
 rous freedom, openness, and simplicity, of the 
 Spartan manners, tempered with a graceful po- 
 liteness, in which there was nothing mean, and 
 even a noble pride that became his birth and 
 dignity, Ptolemy was then sensible of his merit, 
 and esteemed him infinitely above jdl those cour- 
 
 2 Plut. in Cleom. p. 819, Folyb. 1. li. p. 155. Justin 
 1. xxviii. c. 4. 
 
380 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 tiers wlio were only solicitous to please him by 
 abject flatteries. He was even struck with con- 
 fusion and remorse for having neglected so great 
 a man, and for having abandoned him to Auti- 
 goaus, who had raised his own reputation, and 
 enlarged his power to an in- 
 A. M. 3782. finite degree, by his victory 
 Ant. J. C. 222. over that prince. The king 
 of Egypt then endeavoured 
 to comfort and relieve Cieomenes, by treating 
 him with every mark of honour, and giving 
 him repeated assurances that he would send 
 him into Greece with a fleet and a supply of 
 money, and would re-establish him on the 
 throne. He also assigned him a yearly pension 
 of twenty- four talents (about 5000/. sterling), 
 with which he supported himself and his friends, 
 with the utmost frugality, reserving all the re- 
 mainder of that allowance for the relief of those 
 who i-etired into Egypt from 
 A. M. 3783. Greece. Ptolemy, however. 
 Ant. J. C. 221. died before he could accom- 
 plish his promise to Cieo- 
 menes. This prince had reigned twenty-five 
 years, and was the last of that race in whom 
 any true virtue and moderation was conspicu- 
 ous ; for the generality of his successors were 
 monsters of debauchery and wickedness.' The 
 prince whose character we are now describing, 
 had made it his principal care to extend his do- 
 minions to the South,* from the time of his 
 concluding the peace with Syria. Accordingly 
 he had extended it the whole length of the Red 
 Sea, as well along the Arabian, as the Ethio- 
 pian coasts, and even to the Straits,** which 
 form a communication with the southern ocean. 
 He was succeeded on the throne of Egypt by 
 his sou Ptolemy, surnamed Philopator. 
 
 Some time before this,* 
 A. M. 3782. Rhodes sufl'ered very con- 
 Ant. J. C. 222. siderable damages from a 
 great earthquake : the walls 
 of the city, with the arsenals, and the docks in 
 the harbour where the ships were laid up, were 
 reduced to a very ruinous condition ; and the 
 famous Colossus, which was esteemed one of 
 the wonders of the world, was thrown down 
 and entirely destroyed. It is natural to think, 
 that this earthquake spared neither private 
 houses, nor public structures, nor even the tem- 
 ples of the gods. The loss sustained by it 
 amounted to immense sums ; and the Rhodians, 
 reduced to the utmost distress, sent deputations 
 to all the neighbouring princes, to implore re- 
 lief. An emulation worthy of praise, and not 
 to be paralleled in history, prevailed in favour 
 of that deplorable city ; and Hiero and Gelon 
 in Sicily, and Ptolemy in Egypt, signalized 
 themselves in a peculiar manner on that occa- 
 
 sion. The two former of these princes contri- 
 buted above 100 talents, and erected two statues 
 in the public square ; one of which represented 
 the people of Rhodes, and the other that of 
 Syracuse ; the former was crowned by the lat- 
 ter, to testify, as Polybius observes, that the 
 Syracusans thought the opportunity of relieving 
 the Rhodians a favour and obligation conferred 
 upon themselves. Ptolemy, besides his other 
 expenses, which amounted to a very consider- 
 able sum, supplied that people with 300 talents, 
 a million bushels of corn, and materials suffi- 
 cient for building ten galleys of five benches of 
 oars, and as many more of three benches, be- 
 sides an infinite quantity of timber -for other 
 buildings ; all which donations were accompa- 
 nied with 3000 talents for erecting the Colossus 
 anew. Antigonus, Seleucus, Prusias, Mithri- 
 dates, and all the princes, as well as cities, sig- 
 nalized their liberality on this occasion. Even 
 private persons were desirous of sharing in this 
 glorious act of humanity ; and historians have 
 recorded that a lady whose name was Chryseis,* 
 and who truly merited that appellation, fur- 
 nished from her own substance 100,000 bushels 
 of corn. Let the princes of these times, says 
 Polybius, who imagine they have done glori- 
 ously in giving 4 or 6000 crowns, only consider 
 how inferior their generosity is to that we have 
 now described. Rhodes, in consequence of these 
 liberalities, was re-established in a few years, 
 in a more opulent and splendid state than she 
 had ever experienced before, if we only except 
 the Colossus. 
 
 This Colossus was a brazen statue of a prodi- 
 gious size, as I have already observed. Some 
 authors have affirmed, that the money aris- 
 ing from the contributions already mentioned, 
 amounted to five times as much as the loss 
 which the Rhodians had sustained. This peo- 
 ple,^ instead of employing the sums they had 
 received in replacing that statue according to 
 the intention of the donors, pretended that the 
 oracle of Delphi had forbidden it, and given 
 them a command to preserve that money for 
 other purposes, by which they enriched them- 
 selves. The Colossus lay neglected on the 
 ground for the space of 875 years ; at the expi- 
 ration of which (that is to say, in the 653rd 
 year of our Lord) Moawyas,' the sixth caliph 
 or emperor of the Saracens, made himself mas- 
 ter of Rhodes, and sold this statue to a .Jewish 
 merchant, who loaded 900 camels with the 
 metal ; which, computed by eight quintals for 
 each load, after a deduction of the diminution 
 which the statue had sustained by rust, and 
 very probably by theft, amounted to more than 
 806,000^. or 7200 quintals. 
 
 1 Strab. 1. xvii. p. 796. 2 Monum. Adiilit. 
 
 3 Straits of Babelmandel. 4 Polyb. 1. v. p. 428. 431. 
 
 5 Chryseis signifies golden. 
 6 Strab. 1. xiv. p. 652. 
 7 Zonar. sub regno Constantis Imperat and Cedreniis 
 
THE HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSOES. 
 
 BOOK XVIII. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Ptolemy Philopator reigns in Egypt. The short reign of 
 Seleucus Ceraunus. He is succeeded by his brother 
 Antiochus, surnamed the Great. Achjeus's fidelity to 
 him. Hermias, his chief minister, first removes Epi. 
 genes, the ablest of all his generals, and afterwards puts 
 him to death. Antiochus subdues the rebels in the East. 
 He rids himself of Hermias. He attempts to recover 
 Coele-syria from Ptolemy Philopater, and possesses him. 
 self of the strongest cities in it. After a short truce, a 
 war breaks out again in Syria. Battle of Kaphia, in 
 which Antiochus is entirely defeated. The anger and 
 revenge of Philopater against the Jews for refusing to 
 let him enter the sanctuary. Antiochus concludes a 
 peace with Ptolemy. He turns his arms against Achae- 
 us, who had rebelled. He at last seizes him treacher- 
 ously, and puts him to death. 
 
 I OBSERVED in the 
 preceding book,^ that 
 Ant. J. C. 226. Ptolemy Philopater had suc- 
 ceeded Ptolemy Euergetes, 
 his father, in Egypt. On the other side, Seleu- 
 cus Callinicus was dead in Parthia. He had 
 left two sons, Seleucus and Antiochus ; and the 
 first, who was the elder, succeeded to his father's 
 throne, and assumed the surname of Ceraunus, 
 or the Thunder, a title very little suited to his 
 character ; for he was a very weak prince both 
 in body and mind, and never did any actions 
 that corresponded with the idea suggested by 
 that name. His reign was short, and his au- 
 thority but ill established, either in the army or 
 the provinces. What prevented his losing it 
 entirely was, that Achseus, his cousin, son to 
 Andromachus, his mother's brother, a man of 
 courage and abilities, assumed the management 
 of his affairs, which his father's ill conduct had 
 reduced to a very low ebb. As for Androma- 
 chus, he was taken by Ptolemy, in a war with 
 
 Callinicus, and kept prisoner in Alexandria, 
 during all his reign and part of the following. 
 
 Attains king of Pergamus 
 A. M. 3780. having seized upon all Asia 
 Ant. J. C. 224?. Minor, from mount Taurus 
 as far as the Hellespont, Se- 
 leucus marched against him, and left Hermias 
 the Carian regent of Syria. Achaeus accom- 
 panied him in that expedition, and did him all 
 the good services which the low state of his af- 
 fairs would admit. 
 
 As there was no money to 
 A. M. 3781. pay the forces, and the king 
 Aut. J. C. 223. was despised by the soldiers* 
 for his weakness, Nicanor 
 and Apaturius, two of the chief officers, formed 
 a conspiracy against him during his absence in 
 Phrygia, and poisoned him. However, Achse- 
 us revenged that horrid action, by putting to 
 death the two ringleaders, and all who had en- 
 gaged in their plot. He acted afterwards with 
 so much prudence and resolution with regard to 
 the army, that he kept the soldiers in their obe- 
 dience; and prevented Attains from taking ad- 
 vantage of this accident, which, but for his ex- 
 cellent conduct, would have lost the Syrian em- 
 pire all it still possessed on that side. 
 
 Seleucus dying without children, the army 
 offered the crown to Achaeus, and several of the 
 provinces did the same. However he had the 
 generosity to refuse it at that time, though he 
 afterwards thought himself obliged to act in a 
 different manner. In the present conjuncture, 
 he had not only refused the crown, but preserved 
 it carefully for the lawful heir, Antiochus, bro- 
 ther of the deceased king, who was but in his 
 fifteenth year. Seleucus, at his selting out for 
 Asia Minor, had sent him into Babylonia,^ to 
 
 8 Polyb 1. W. p. 315. & 1, v. p. 386. Hieron. in Daniel. 
 Appian. in Syriac. p. 131. Justin. 1. xxix. c. 1, 
 
 9 To Seleucia, which is in that province,and the capital 
 of the East, instead of Babylon, which was no longer in 
 being or at least was uninhabited. 
 
382 
 
 HISTCRY OF 
 
 be educated, where he was when his brother 
 died. He was now brought from thence to An- 
 tioch, where he ascended the throne, and enjoyed 
 it thirty-six years.— For his illustrious actions 
 he has been surnamed the Great. Achseus, to 
 secure the succession in his favour, sent a de- 
 tachment of the army to him in Syria, with 
 Epigenes, one of the late king's most experienced 
 generals. The rest of the forces he kept for the 
 service of the state, in that part of the country 
 where he himself was. 
 
 As soon as Antiochus was 
 A. M. 3782. possessed of the crown,' he 
 Ant. J. C. 222. sent Molo and Alexander, 
 two brothers, into the East 
 
 Hermias could not forbear interrupting him ; 
 and cried, in an angry and self-sufficient toneoi 
 voice, that to advise the king to march in person 
 against Molo, with so inconsiderable a body of 
 forces, would be to deliver him up to the rebels. 
 The real motive of his speaking in this manner 
 was, his being afraid of sharing in the dangers 
 of that expedition. Ptolemy was to him a 
 much less formidable enemy. There was little 
 to be feared from invading a prince entirely de- 
 voted to trivial pleasures. The advice of Her- 
 mias prevailed; the command of part of the 
 troops was given to Xenon and Theodotus, with 
 orders to carry on the war against Molo ; and 
 the king himself mari bed with the rest of the 
 
 the former as governor of Media, and the latter ; army towards Coele-syria 7^,,^^ . 
 of Persia. Achasus was appointed to preside [ _ Being come to Seleucia near Zeugma, he there 
 
 over the provinces of Asia Minor. Epigenes 
 had the command of the troops which were kept 
 about the king's person ; and Hermias the Ca- 
 rian was declared his prime minister, as he had 
 been under his brother. Achseus soon recovered 
 all the territories which Attalus had taken from 
 the empire of Syria, and forced him to confine 
 himself within his kingdom of Pergamus. 
 Alexander and Molo, despising the king's youth, 
 were no sooner fixed in their governments, than 
 they refused to acknowledge him ; and each de- 
 clared himself sovereign in the province over 
 which he had been appointed lieutenant. Her- 
 mias, by his ill treatment of them, had very 
 much contributed to their revolt. 
 
 This minister was of a cruel disposition. 
 
 found Laodice, daughter of Mithridates king ot 
 Pontus, who was brought thither to espouse 
 him. He made some stay there to solemnize 
 his nuptials, the joy of which was soon inter- 
 rupted by the news brought from the East, viz. 
 that his generals, unable to make head against 
 Molo and Alexander, who had united their 
 forces, had been forced to retire, and leave them 
 masters of the field of battle. Antiochus then 
 saw the error he had committed, in not follow- 
 ing Epigenes's advice ; and thereupon was for 
 laying aside the enterprise against Ccele-syria, 
 in order to march with all his troops to suppress 
 that revolt. But Hermias persisted as obsti- 
 nately as ever in his first opinion. He fancied 
 he spoke wonders, in declaring, in an emphatic 
 
 TC"^«Ji'Tnnnr.<!5*1prablP faults were 'bv him i sententious manner, " That it became kings to 
 c?n:id™?e1 rcSetand%SedT^^^^^^^^ in person ^ings, and to send their 
 
 most rigour. He was a man of very little genius, lieutenants against rebels. Antioch 
 but haughty, full of himself, tenacious of his 
 own opinion, and would have thought it a dis- 
 honour to have either asked or followed another 
 He could not bear that any per- 
 
 man s aavice . 
 son should share with him in credit andauthon 
 ty. Merit of every kind was suspected by, or 
 rather was odious to him. But the chief object 
 of his hatred was Epigenes, who had the repu- 
 tation of being one of the ablest generals of his 
 time, and in whom the troops reposed an entire 
 confidence. It was this reputation which gave 
 the prime minister umbrage ; and it was not in 
 his power to conceal the ill will he bore him. 
 
 News being brought of 
 A. M. 3783. Molo's revolt,* Antiochus 
 Ant. J. C. 221. assembled his council, in or- 
 der to consider what was to 
 be done in the present posture of affairs ; and 
 whether it would be advisable for him to march 
 in person against that rebel, or turn towards 
 Ccele-syria, to check the enterprises of Ptolemy. 
 Epigenes was the first who spoke, and declared 
 that they had no time to lose : that it was ab- 
 solutely necessary the king should go in person 
 into the East, in order to take advantage of the 
 most favourable conjunctures and opportunities 
 for acting against the rebels; that when he 
 should be on the spot, either Molo would not 
 dare to attempt any thing in sight of his prince, 
 ind of an army; or in case he should persist in 
 his design, the people, struck with the presence 
 jf their sovereign, in the return of their zeal 
 and affection for him, would not fail to deliver 
 him up ; but that the most important point of 
 all was, not to give him time to fortify himself. 
 
 1 Polyb. 1. V. p. 386. 
 
 S Ibid. p. 386—395. 
 
 lieutenants against rebels. Antiochus was so 
 weak as to acquiesce in Hermias's opinion. 
 
 It is scarce possible to conceive how useless 
 experience of every kind is to an indolent prince, 
 who lives without reflection. This artful, in- 
 sinuating, and deceitful minister, who knew 
 how to adapt himself to all the desires and in- 
 clinations of his master, inventive and industri- 
 ous in finding out new methods to please and 
 amuse, had had the cunning to make himself 
 necessary, by easing his prince of the weight ot 
 the public business ; so that Antiochus imagined 
 he could not do without him. And though he 
 perceived several things in his conduct and 
 councils which gave him disgust, he would not 
 give himself the trouble to examine strictly into 
 them ; nor had resolution enough to resume the 
 authority, he had in a manner abandoned to 
 him. So that acquiescing again in his opinion 
 on this occasion (not from conviction but weak- 
 ness and indolence), he contented himself with 
 sending a general and a body of troops into the 
 East ; and himself resumed the expedition of 
 Coele-syria. 
 
 The general he sent on that occasion was Xe- 
 natas the Achjean, in whose commission it was 
 ordered, that the two former generals should 
 resign to him the command of their forces, and 
 serve under him. He had never commanded in 
 chief before, and his only merit was, his being 
 the prime minister's friend and creature. Raised 
 to an emplovment to which his vanity and pre- 
 sumption co'uld never have emboldened him tc 
 aspire, he behaved with haughtiness to theothei 
 officers, and with boldness and temerity to the 
 enemy. The success was such as might be ex- 
 pected from so ill a choice. In passing the li- 
 gris he fell into an ambuscade, into which the 
 enemy drew him bv stratagem, and hirnseif and 
 all his army were cut to pieces. Ihis victory 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSOliS. 
 
 383 
 
 open»'(I to the rebels tlie province of Babylonia 
 ;uid all Mesopotamia, of which they, by this 
 means, possessed themselves without any oppo- 
 sition. 
 
 Antiochus, in the meantime, had advanced 
 into Coele-syria, as far as the valley lying be- 
 tween the two ridges of the mountains Libanus 
 and Antilibanus. He found the passes of these 
 mountains so strongly fortified, and so well de- 
 fended by Theodotus the ^tolian, to whom 
 Ptolemy had confided the government of this 
 province, that he was obliged to march back, 
 finding it not possible for him to advance far- 
 ther. There is no doubt but the news of the 
 defeat of his troops in the East hastened also 
 his retreat. He assembled his council, and 
 again debated on the rebellion. Epigenes, after 
 saying, in a modest tone, that it would have been 
 most advisable to have marched at first against 
 them, to prevent their having time to fortify 
 themselves as they had done, added, that the 
 same reason ought to make them more expedi- 
 tious now, and devote their whole care and 
 study to a war, which, if neglected, might ter- 
 minate in the ruin of the empire. Hermias, 
 who thought himself affronted by this discourse, 
 began to exclaim against Epigenes in the most 
 opprobrious terms on this occasion. He con- 
 jured the king not to lay aside the enterprise of ^ 
 Ccele-syria, affirming that he could not abandon 
 it, without evincing a levity and inconstancy 
 entirely unbecoming a prince of his wisdom and 
 knowledge. The whole council hung down 
 their heads through shame; and Antiochus 
 himself was much dissatisfied. It was unani- 
 mously resolved to march with the utmost speed 
 against the rebels : and Hermias, finding that 
 all resistance would be in vain, grew imme- 
 diately quite another man. He came over with 
 great zeal to the general opinion, and seemed 
 more ardent than any body for hastening its 
 execution. Accordingly the troops set out to- 
 wards Apamea, where the rendezvous was 
 fixed. 
 
 They had scarce set out, when a sedition 
 arose in the army on account of the soldiers' 
 arrears. This unlucky accident threw the king 
 into the utmost consternation and anxiety ; and 
 indeed the danger was imminent. Hermias, 
 seeing the king in such perplexity, comforted 
 him, and promised to pay immediately the 
 whole arrears due to the army : but at the same 
 time earnestly besought Antiochus not to take 
 Epigenes with him in this expedition, because, 
 after the noise their quarrels had made, it would 
 no longer be possible for them to act in concert 
 in the operations of the war, as the good of the 
 service might require. His view in this was, 
 to begin by lessening Antiochus's esteem and 
 affection for Epigenes by absence, well knowing 
 that princes soon forget the virtues and services 
 of a man removed from their sight. 
 
 This proposal perplexed the king very much, 
 who was perfectly sensible how necessary the 
 presence of a general of Epigenes's experience 
 and ability was in so important an expedition. 
 nut, as Hermias had industriously contrived 
 to besiege, and in a manner gain possession of 
 
 ovK V,v xvroZ xv^iof, Circumventus et preeoccupatus ceco. 
 nomtts, et custodiis, et obsequiis^ Hcrmice malisnitatet sui 
 '.on erat duminus. This is a literal translation. 
 
 j him by all manner of methods, such as suggest- 
 ing to him pretended plans of economy, vvatch- 
 ing his every action, and bribing his affection 
 by obsequiousness and adulation, that unhappy 
 prince was no longer his own master. 'J'he 
 king therefore consented, though with the ut- 
 most reluctance, to what he required ; and 
 Epigenes was accordingly ordered to retire to 
 Apamea. This event surprised and terrified all 
 the courtiers, who were apprehensive of the 
 same fate: but the soldiers having received all 
 their arrears, were very easy; and thoughc 
 themselves highly obliged to the prime minister, 
 by whose means they had been paid. Having 
 in this manner made himself master of the no- 
 bles by fear, and of the army by their pay, he 
 marched with the king. 
 
 As Epigenes's disgrace extended only to his 
 removal, it was far fronr. satiating his ven- 
 geance ; and as it did not calm his uneasiness 
 with regard to the future, he was apprehensive 
 that he might obtain leave to return ; to prevent 
 which he employed effectual means. Alexis, 
 governor of the citadel of Apamea, was entirely 
 at his devotion; and, indeed, how few would be 
 otherwise with regard to an all-powerful minis- 
 ter, the sole dispenser of his master's favours ! 
 Hermias orders this man to despatch Epigenes, 
 and presciibes him the manner. In consequence 
 of this, Alexis bribea one of Epigenes's domes- 
 tics; and, by gifts and promises, engages him to 
 slide a letter he gave him among his master's 
 papers. This letter seemed to have been writ- 
 ten and subscribed by Molo, one of the chiefs of 
 the rebels, who thanked Epigenes for having 
 formed a conspiracy against the king, and com- 
 municated to him the methods by which he 
 might safely put it in execution. Some days 
 after Alexis went to him, and asked whether 
 he had not received a letter from Molo? Epi- 
 genes, sui-prised at this question, expressed his 
 astonishment, and at the same time the highest 
 indignation. The other replied that he was 
 ordered to inspect his papers. Accordingly, a 
 search being made, the forged letter was found ; 
 and Epigenes, without being called to a trial, 
 or otherwise examined, was put to death. The 
 king, at the bare sight of the letter, imagined 
 that the charge had been fully proved against 
 him. However, the courtiers thought other- 
 wise ; but fear kept them all tongue-tied and 
 dumb. How unhappy, and how much to be 
 pitied, are princes .' 
 
 Although the season was now very far ad 
 vanced, Antiochus passed the Euphrates, as- 
 sembled all his forces ; and that he might be 
 nearer at hand to open the campaign very early 
 I the next spring, he in the meantime sent them 
 into winter-quarters in the neighbourhood. 
 
 Upon the return of the 
 A. M. 3784. spring he marched them to- 
 Ant. J. C. 220. wards the Tigris, passed that 
 river, forced Molo to come 
 to an engagement, and gained so complete a vic- 
 tory over him, that the rebel, seeing all lost, in 
 despair laid violent hands on himself. His 
 brother Alexander was at that time in Persia, 
 where Neolas, another of their brothers, who 
 escaped out of this battle, brought him the 
 mournful news. Finding their affairs desperate, 
 they first killed their mother, afterwards their 
 wives and children, and at last despatched them- 
 selves, to prevent their falling into the hands 
 of the conqueror Such was the end of this 
 rebellion, which proved the ruin of all who 
 engaged in it : a just reward for all those 
 
gg^ HISTORY OF 
 
 who dare to fake up arms against their sove- : 
 
 After this victory, the remains of the van- i 
 (luished army submitted to the king, who only ^ 
 
 -eprimanded them in very severe terms, and af- 
 erwards pardoned them. He then sent them 
 nto Media, under the command of those to 
 svhose care he had committed the government of 
 
 1 Our author has here, in little more than half a page, 
 despatched the history of the campaign against these re- 
 Srwhereas Polybius has given a full and nunute ac- 
 count of it. According to him, Antiochus passed the Eu- 
 Xates with his ai-my, and joined the troops posted in the 
 vicinity of that river ; and pursuing his roiite came to 
 Antiochia Mygdonia, or Nisibis, in the no'^the'^" P^f^ of 
 Mesopotamia, wliere he wintered-the season for m litary 
 operations being far spent. Soon as the season flowed 
 him to take the field, he advanced to Liba, where a coun- 
 cil was held amongst his officers respecting the line of 
 march which they were to take m order to find out Mo o, 
 and how the army was to be supplied with provisions dur- 
 ing the march— Molo being master of all the country about 
 Babylonia, or lower Mesopotamia. Where to fix the posi- 
 tion of Liba is impossible, as it does not appear in the ia- 
 bles of Ptolemy, article Mesopotamia All that can be said 
 is that it lay somewhere on the road from Nisibis to the 
 Tigris. The learned authors of the Ancient Universal 
 History have committed a most prodigious blunder re- 
 specting the position of Liba : « Liba," sayj-hey. « was a 
 chief city of Carmania, or Kerman, on the «f 
 Gedrosia, or Muckran."-vol. ix. p. 210, note H. Ihis 
 thS have Uken from Ptolemy's table of Carmania, where 
 that name occurs, and that only once in the whole of his 
 ceoeraphical work. The quotation itself, if it may be so 
 Sd! as no reference is made to that work, is most incor- 
 rect. Ptolemy does not say that Liba was a city ot Car. 
 mania, far less a chief city: he makes t only a sniall island 
 off the coast of that province, in the Indian sea, and near 
 ^degrees to the east of Nisibis, and 181 degrees south of 
 the same place ;-how they came to commit so prodigious 
 a mistake is quite unaccountable on every principle but 
 that of utter carelessness. -^^ fivina thP 
 In the absence of all positive authority for fixing the 
 position of Liba, I take it to be the Labbana of Ptolemy, 
 and the modern'Lobeid of Kennel's large J^^p of the coun- 
 tries between Babylonia and the Carduchians, No. 1 11 , 
 where, under Lobeid, situated on the western bank of the 
 Tigris Liba is printed in italics. In Ptolemy, Labbana is 
 Dlaced 2o 40' to the east of Nisibis, and one degree to 
 the south of it, which so nearly corresponds to the posilion 
 of Lobeid in kennel, that there can hardly a doubt re- 
 main, that the Liba of Polybius, the Labbana of Ptolemy, 
 and tiie modem Lobeid, are the same place; only that in 
 Rennel Lobeid is placed half a degree farther south of N^ 
 sibis than in Ptolemy, who places Nisibis in 37o 30. north 
 lat tude. and Labbana in 36° 30;. north latitude-whilst 
 Rennel 'places the latter m 35o 30^ and the former m .7o, 
 north latitude, or 30 minutes south of its position m Pto- 
 lemv who places it so much too far north. . . i 
 Tl is a remarkable proof of modern ignorance m oriental 
 geography, that in Pinkerton's map of A|iatjc 'lurkey m 
 his Geography, ed. 3d. 1811. the far famed Nisibis the Zo- 
 blh of Scripture, as demonstrated by the learned Michae hs 
 s placed on no river at all, and to the north of Mount 
 MaS or the Karadgy Dagh ; which range is there made 
 to run Ihe whole way parallel to the course of he Tigris, 
 as far as to the south of Mosul ; whereas, Nisibis, or Nes- 
 bin, stands nigh the source of the Mygdonius, on f fouth 
 west bank, a small but rapid stream and to the south ol 
 Mount Masius, in an extensive, fertile, and well cultivated 
 plain, which reaches south to the range of Senjar. Ihis 
 river is the Hermas of the Greeks, and Al-Huah of the 
 Arabian geographers. The southern slope of the Karadgy 
 Dagh which bounds the plain to the north, is clothed with 
 extln'sive forests, from the timber of which the emperor 
 Trajan built his fleet with which he d^^^^^^^f jj^^^^f 
 Malcha to Ctesiphon. The Mygdomius, or Hermas s 
 crossed in the vicinity of Nisbin by a small bridge, and the 
 beautTful plain is vLiegated by a '""Ititude of minor 
 streams, which contribute to swell the volume of that river 
 and sometimes inundate the plain. 
 
 At Liba, or Lobeid, which is on the third caravan stag 
 from Mosul to Bagdad, along the western shore of the 1^^^ 
 gris, Hermias proposed to keep along the Tigris , by whicl 
 ^eans, he said they would have the benefit of the 1 igns 
 and its two tributaries, the Lycus and Caprus, (the Grea 
 and Little Zab) to cover their camp. Th^-^^.^'-^.^.^f ^^^p 
 posed bv Zeuxis ; who showed the great difficulties the 
 should have to encounter by following the advice of Her 
 mias. He showed that they would have a long and ted 
 ous march through a continuous desert, and that atte 
 they had passed this desert, they would arrive at a plac 
 called the King's Ditch, which, if possessed by the enemj 
 
 they would be unable to cross, and would be therefore 
 compelled to measure back their steps through the same 
 desert, where they would incur the hazard of famine, lie 
 therefore advised them to cross the Tigris, where they 
 would be well supplied with provisions, and the great pro- 
 bability there was that the district of Apollonia would re- 
 turn to its duty— since it was very plain that the people ol 
 that district had been compelled to declare for Molo. He 
 added, that Molo, seeing his passage back into Media cut 
 off, and himself straitened for want of provisions, would 
 be obliged either to venture a battle, or be abandoned by 
 his troops. , . , »u » ..,» 
 That the advice of Zeuxis was to be preferred to that ol 
 Hermias, will be plain to those who are at all acquainted 
 with the physical nature of the tract to the south of Liba, 
 or Lobeid. This place lay in the eastern extremity of the 
 Desert of Senjar. The tract on the west of the Tigris, foi 
 a long way in that direction, is a perfect arid treeless waste, 
 except on the immediate bank of the stream. Had the 
 army marched that way, they would have had 100 Briti.sh 
 miles of such desert to cross ere they could have arrived at 
 the great canal of the Didjel, or Little Tigris, drawn west 
 from that stream a great way into the desert, and which 
 after running south for a great distance, ran east and re- 
 joined the parent stream, a little above the site of the pre- 
 sent Bagdad— thus forming the Mesene of Mesopotamia. 
 This canal, or the stream of the Didjel, I conceive to be 
 the King's Ditch mentioned by Zeuxis, and not the Na- 
 har Malcha, or Royal River, peculiarly so called, which 
 ran from the Euphrates to the Tigris, opposite Ctesiphon ; 
 and for this plain reason-that if the army had once passed 
 the Didjel, which they must have done had they followed 
 the advice of Hermias, they would have got into a then 
 well watered and productive tract, as the Mesene confess- 
 edly was— being intersected with many small canals drawn 
 from the Didjel to the Tigris-and it would be the interest 
 of Molo to guard the passage of the Didjel, and prevent 
 the passage of the army into the Mesene, or island of the 
 Didjel and Tigris ; and, if so prevented, they must have 
 been compelled to retrace their steps to Liba. 
 
 What says the eloquent historian of the Decline and 1- all 
 of the Roman Empire, when describing in graphic Ian- 
 euaee the retreat of the Roman army across this very de- 
 fert to Nisibis, after the death of Julian ? " As soon ^ 
 the Romans had landed on the western bank (of the Tigris, 
 in the vicinity of Dura) they were dehvered from the hos- 
 tile pursuit of the barbarians ; but, in a laborious march of 
 200 miles over the plains of Mesopotamia, they endured 
 the last extremities of thirst and hunger. They were 
 obliged to traverse a sandy desert of 70 miles which, 
 through its whole extent, did not afford a single blade of 
 sweet grass, nor a single spring of fresh water ; and the 
 rest of the inhospitable waste was untrode by the footsteps 
 either of friends or enemies. Whenever a small measure 
 of flour could be discovered in the camp, twenty pounds 
 weight were greedily purchased with ten pieces of gold- 
 The beasts of burden were slaughtered and devoured--and 
 the desert (of Senjar) was strewed with the arms and bag- 
 gage of the Roman soldiers-whose tattered garments and 
 meagre countenances displayed their past suffermgs and 
 3l misery "-Vol. iii. p. 227, 228.-The advice, there- 
 fore, 0™ Zeuxis to cross the Tigris, instead of marching 
 through the desert on its left bank was cerUinly prefera- 
 ble to the hazardous, if not treacherous, advice of Her- 
 
 ^They passed the Tigris, in consequence of Zeuxis' ad. 
 vice, in three bodies, below Liba or Lobeid, on a bridge 
 of pontoons, as the Tigris is not fordable below Mosul. It 
 is probable they advanced into the interior of the country 
 where the great road runs from Mosul to Bagdad, at the 
 • distance of 30 miles from the river where ^t is a plain and 
 fertile tract; whereas, the space between the two Zabs, 
 and for a considerable space below, is rocky, h'lly. and a 
 > desert-being called, in the Anabasis of Xenophon, the 
 ' Deserts of Media. It must be recollected, as observed in 
 ; Se note on the retreat of the Ten Thousand Greeks^ tha 
 hi St?o the east of the Tigris, and to the west of Moun 
 t Zagros commonly called Assyria, is both there and in this 
 n Si ve called Media from its being originally conquered 
 ; C? the Medes, and was then included in the great province 
 of Media. As Dura, or Imaum Dour, on the east bank of 
 " that rive^, was then besieged by one of Mo lo^ officers, the 
 ; £my recr'ossed the rocky ridge of the Gebe Hamran and 
 e compelled the enemy to raise the seige of that imporUnt 
 ' 1 foruess-for an account of which, see the note above re- 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 that province; and returning from thence to Se- 
 leucia on the Tigris, he spent some time there 
 ill giving the orders necessary for re-establishing 
 his authority in the provinces which had re- 
 volted, and for settling all things on their for- 
 mer foundation. 
 I This being done by persons whom he ap- 
 pointed for that purpose, he marched against 
 the Atropatians, who inhabited the country 
 situated to the west of Media, and which is 
 now called Georgia.* Their king, Artabazanes 
 
 ferred to. From thence they advanced to Oricum and 
 Apollonia, places situated to the south-east and in the 
 EUterior of the country, the latter of which is recognised 
 I in the modern Shahrivan, on the eastern bank of the 
 Delos, or Deeallah, and not far from the western foot of 
 the Gibel-Hamran, or mountains of ApoUonia. This is 
 an extensive chain of low but rugged hills, which run 
 from the Euphrates above Haditha, north-east through 
 the eastern Mesopotamia, and which, after crossing the 
 Tigris a little below the Lesser Zab, runs along the eas- 
 tern bank of that river, as far as Samara, or Sarramanry, 
 when it strikes oflF to the south-east, and runs to Sus'ana. 
 Oricum cannot be recognised, as it is not in Ptolemy's 
 tables of Assyria, but both it and Apollonia were probably 
 old cities wiih new names, and colonized perhaps by Epi. 
 potian Greeks, as two cities so called belong to northern 
 Epirus, and which are now called Ericho and Pollina. 
 
 The range of Hamran, or the Hamrine hills, separates 
 the district of Apolloniatis from the Garamsei of Ptolemy, 
 or the district of the modern Kourmah, or Toos-Kour- 
 maty, on the north, and from the Sambata;, or the region 
 of Sambea, (the Chalonitis of Strabo,) on the east. It is 
 very probable that the Mons Sambylos of Tacitus, where 
 the Parthian "king Gotarzes sacrificed to Hercules before 
 he engaged Meherdates his rival, is just the Hamrine hills 
 inhabited by the Sambatie of Ptolemy ; and tne Carma 
 river of the same author, which lay between the two ar- 
 mies of Gotarzes and Meherdates, is the modern Odorneh, 
 that waters the district of Kourma. ' 
 
 Molo, informed of the king's arrival in Media, (Assyria,) 
 marched with all possible speed to the mountains of Apol. 
 Ionia, or the Hamrine hills, but, before he reached them, 
 was overtaken ty the king, who encamped over against 
 him. It is probable, that as soon as he heard that AntU 
 Dchus had passed the Tigris, that he also repassed the Ti. 
 gris from Babylonia, and marched with all possible speed, 
 to prevent Antiochus from intercepting his passage, and 
 to get between the king and these hills. Being prevented, 
 as above said, by the rapid march of Antiochus, and, afraid 
 to attack him in open day, he resolved to make a noctur- 
 nal attack on his camp, and accordingly, putting himself 
 at the head of a chosen body of troops, he marched by pri- 
 vate ways towards these hills, and fell on him from these 
 eminencies. In the meantime the king being resolved to 
 venture an engagement, drew out his army, and advanced 
 to the enemy's trenches in order of battle. Molo, by this 
 time, had thought it advisable to return to his camp by 
 break ot day, his soldiers deserting in troops to the king. 
 He therefore marched out also in good order to meet 
 him. Both armies engaged with the utmost fury, but a 
 body of chosen men, which Molo had placed on his left to 
 make head against the king, going over to him, that wing 
 was soon defeated. Hereupon Molo, after having at dif- 
 ferent times vainly attempted to lead them back to the 
 charge, was obliged to retire with them ; but, being closely 
 pursued by the king, and fearing to fall alive into his 
 hands, killed himself in despair, as did many of his accom- 
 plices. After the victory and pillaging of his camp, An- 
 tiochus ordered the body of Molo to be tixed on a cross, 
 and placed on one of the highest mountains of Media, 
 ( -Assyria,) which was done accordingly ; the body being 
 carried into the country of the Chalonitid:, (province of 
 Chalonitis,) which lay between the Hamrine hills, (at the 
 foot of which this victory was gained,) and mount Zagros, 
 and there placed on the most conspicuous part of that 
 range, near the pass of the modern Ghilanee. See pre- 
 ceding note on the site of Ctesiphon — Ed. 
 
 2 After the defeat of Molo, Antiochus marched against 
 the Atropatians, whose country Rollin identifies with the 
 modern Georgia. This is a prodigious geographical blun- 
 der, and shows extreme carelessness Georgia is the an- 
 cient Iberia, and lay to the north of Armenia, to the west 
 of Albania, to the east of Colchis, and to the south of 
 Sarmatia, as may be seen in Strabo and Ptolemy ; the lat- 
 ter of whom makes the Cyrus, or the modern Kur, the 
 boundary line between Iberia and Armenia. Atropatia 
 is the modern Aderbijan and Ghilan, and lay to the north- 
 fi 
 
 by name, was a decrepit old man, who was so 
 greatly terrified at Antiochus's approach at the 
 head of a victorious army, that he sent and 
 made his submission, and concluded a peace on 
 such conditions as Antiochus thought proper tc 
 prescribe. 
 
 News came at this time, 
 A, M. 3785. that the queen was delivered 
 Ant. J. C. 219. of a son, which proved a 
 subject of joy to the court as 
 well as the army. Hermias, from that mo- 
 ment, revolved in his mind how he might de- 
 spatch Antiochus; in hopes that, after his death, 
 he should certainly be appointed guardian of the 
 young prince; and that, in his name, he might 
 reign, with unlimited power. His pride and 
 insolence had made him odious to all men. The 
 people groaned under a government, which the 
 avarice and cruelty of the prime minister had 
 rendered insupportable. Their complaints did 
 not reach the throne, the avenues to which were 
 all closed against them. No one dared to in- 
 form the king of the oppression under which 
 his people groaned. It was well known that 
 he dreaded inspecting the truth ; and that he 
 abandoned to Hermias's cruelty all who dared 
 to speak against him. Till now he had been 
 an utter stranger to the injustice and violence 
 which Hermias exercised under his name. At 
 last, however, he began to open his eyes ; but 
 was himself afraid of his minister, on whom he 
 had made himself dependant, and who had as- 
 sumed an absolute authority over him, by taking 
 advantage of the indolence of this prince's dis- 
 position, who, at first, was well pleased with 
 transferring the burden of public affairs from 
 himself to Hermias, 
 
 west of the Greater Media, from which it was divided by 
 the Kizil-Ozan, or the Amardus of Ptolemy and the Na- 
 har-Gozan of sacred scripture, and to the north-east of 
 Assyria, from which it was separated by mount Zagros, or 
 Zagra, as it is called by Polybius, and on the north Atro. 
 patia extended to the lower course of the Araxes, and to 
 the mouth of the Cyrus, comprehending the plain of Mo. 
 gan ; for, in the days of Ptolemy, these two rivers kept 
 separate courses to the sea, at least they are so represented 
 in his tables. Polybius, from whom Rollin has taken the 
 account of this expedition, has certainly confounded Atro- 
 patia with Armenia, in making it comprehend all the tract 
 between the Euxine and Caspian seas, as it only compre- 
 hended the tract between the lower Araxes and the Amar- 
 dus. 
 
 This Artabazanes was, in all probability, a descendant 
 of the Persian satrap, called Atropatus by the Greeks, 
 who mainUined his independence on the downfall of the 
 Persian empire, and Perdiccas having married his daugh- 
 ter, suffered him to enjoy his kingdom without molesta- 
 tion. It is certain that this conquest was merely tempo- 
 rary, as we find from Strabo, that the successors t)f Atro. 
 patus preserved their independency down to his days, as 
 he himself declares, lib. xi. vol. ii. p. 140. This kingdom 
 became very powerful ; for we are told by the same au. 
 thor, that the kings of Media Atropatia could bring 40,000 
 foot and 10,000 horsemen to the field ; and Trogus Pom. 
 piius, lib. xxxiv. informs us, that Demetrius Soter, (a 
 successor to Antiochus the Great,) vainly attempted to re- 
 duce Timarchus, king of that country, to subjection. It 
 finally became a province of the Parthian empire, not 
 long after the time of Strabo. Ptolemy does not, in his 
 tables, distinguish Media Atropatia from the other Media, 
 but includes it in it ; and the reason probably is, that, in 
 his days, it had long ceased to be an independent princi. 
 pality, being merged into the Greater Media as a province 
 of the Parthian empire, and forming an appanage for the 
 younger branches of the Arsacidan family. It is a very 
 mountainous, difficult country, cold and lofty, especially 
 the northern parts, which contain the rugged abodes of 
 the Cadusian and Amardian mountaineers, as also of the 
 Tapyrians, Circians, and others. At its western extremity 
 on the frontiers of Armenia, is the great Salt lake of 
 
 Spauta, now called the lake of Marraga. Ed. 
 
 3 Polyb. 1. V. p. 399—401. 
 2 B 
 
3S6 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 Apollophanes, his physician, in whom the 
 king reposed great confidence, and who, by his 
 employment, had free access to him, took a pro- 
 per time to represent the general discontent of 
 his subjects, and the danger to which himself 
 was exposed, by the ill conduct of his prime 
 minister. He therefore warned Antiochus to 
 take care of himself, lest the same fate should 
 attend him as his brother had experienced in 
 Phrygia ; who fell a victim to the ambition of 
 those on whom he most relied ; that it was plain 
 Hermias was hatching some ill design ; and that 
 to prevent it not a moment was to be lost. These 
 were real services, which an officer who is at- 
 tached to the person of his king, and who has a 
 sincere affection for him, may and ought to per- 
 form. Such is the use he ought to make of the 
 free access which his sovereign vouchsafes, and 
 the confidence with which he honours him. 
 
 Antiochus was surrounded by courtiers whom 
 he had loaded with his favours, of whom not 
 one had the courage to hazard his fortune by 
 telling him the truth. It has been very justly 
 said, that one of the greatest blessings which 
 God can bestow on kings, is to deliver them 
 from the tongues of flatterers, and the silence of 
 good men. 
 
 The king, as has been already observed, had 
 begun to entertain some suspicions of his chief 
 minister, but had not revealed his thoughts to 
 any person, not knowing whom to trust. _ He 
 was extremely well pleased that his physician 
 had given him this advice ; and concerted mea- 
 sures with him to rid himself of a minister so 
 universally detested, and so dangerous. Accord- 
 ingly he removed to some small distance from 
 the army, upon pretence of being indisposed, 
 and carried Hermias with him to bear him 
 company ; here taking him to walk in a solitary 
 place, where none of his creatures could come to 
 his assistance, he caused him to be assassinated. 
 His death caused a universal joy throughout the 
 whole empire. Ihis haughty and cruel man 
 i had governed, on all occasions, with great cruel- 
 ty and violence ; and whoever dared to oppose 
 either his opinions or designs, was sure to fall a 
 , victim to his resentment. Accordingly, he was 
 universally hated ; and this hatred displayed it- 
 self more strongly in Apamea than in any other 
 place: for the instant the news was brought of 
 his death, all the citizens rose with the utmost 
 fury, and stoned his wife and children. 
 I Antiochus,' having so happily re-established 
 his aff'airs in the East, and raised to the govern- 
 ■ ment of the several provinces persons of merit, 
 in whom he could repose the greatest confidence, 
 marched back his army into Syria, and put it 
 into winter-quarters. He spent the remainder 
 of the year in Antioch, in holding frequent coun- 
 cils with his ministers, on the operations of the 
 ensuing campaign. 
 
 This prince had two other very dangerous en- 
 terprises still to put in execution, for re-estab- 
 lishing entirely the safety and glory of the em- 
 pire of Syria : one was against Ptolemy, to re- 
 cover Coile-syria; and the other against Achse- 
 us, who had lately usurped the sovereignty of 
 j4 sia Minor. 
 
 Ptolemy Euergetes having seized upon all 
 Coele-syria, in the beginning of Seleucus Calli- 
 nicus's reign, as was before related, the king of 
 Egypt was still possessed of a great part of that 
 
 province, and Antiochus was not a little incom- 
 moded by such a neighbour. 
 
 With respect to Achseus, we have already 
 seen in what manner he refused the crown 
 which was offered him after the death of Seleu- 
 cus Ceraunus ; and had placed it on the head of 
 Antiochus the lawful monanh, who, to reward 
 his fidelity and services had appointed him gov- 
 ernor of all the provinces of Asia Minor. By 
 his valour and good conduct he had recovered 
 them all from Attains, king of Pergamus, who 
 had seized upon those countries, and fortified 
 himself strongly in them. Such a series of suc- 
 cess drew upon him the envy of the nobles. A 
 report was spread at the court of Antiochus that 
 he intended to usurp the crown ; and with that 
 view held a secret correspondence with Ptole- 
 my. Whether these suspicions were well 
 grounded or not, he thought it advisable to pre- 
 vent the evil designs of his enemies ; and, there- 
 fore, taking the crown which he had refused be- 
 fore, he caused himself to be declared king. 
 
 He soon became one of the most powerful 
 monarchs of Asia, and every state solicited very 
 earnestly his alliance. This was evident in a 
 war which then Iroke out between the Rhodi- 
 ans and the Byzantines,* on occasion of a tribute 
 which the latter had imposed on all the ships 
 that passed through the straits ; a tribute which 
 was very grievous to the Rhodians, because of 
 the great trade they carried on in the Black Sea. 
 Achseus, at the earnest solicitations of the inha- 
 bitants of Byzantium, had promised to assist 
 them ; and this report threw the Rhodians into 
 the utmost consternation, as well as Prusiasking 
 of Bithynia, whom they had engaged on their 
 side. In the extreme perplexity they were un- 
 der, they thought of an expedient to disengage 
 Achseus from the Byzantines, and to bring him 
 over to their interest. Andromachus, his fa- 
 ther, brother to Laodice, whom Seleucus had 
 married, was at that time prisoner in Alexan- 
 dria. The Rhodians sent a deputation to Pto- 
 lemy, requesting that he might be set at liberty. 
 The king, who was very glad to oblige Achaeus, 
 as it was in his power to furnish him with con- 
 siderable succours against Antiochus, with 
 whom he was engaged in war, readily granted 
 the Rhodians their request, and put Androma- 
 chus into their hands. This was a vei'y agree- 
 able present to Achseus, and made the Byzan- 
 tines lose all hopes. They thereupon consented 
 to reinstate things upon their former footing, 
 and to take off the new tribute which had oc 
 casioned the war. Thus a peace was concluded 
 between the two states, and Achseus had all the 
 honour of it. 
 
 It was against that prince 
 A. M. 3785. and Ptolemy that Antiochus 
 Ant. J. C. 219. was resolved to turn his 
 arms.^ These were the two 
 dangerous wars he had to sustain ; and the sub- 
 ject of the deliberations of his council was, 
 which of them he should undertake first. After 
 weighing all things maturely, it was resolved to 
 march first against Ptolemy, before they attack- 
 ed Achseus, whom they then only menaced in 
 the strongest terms: and accordingly all the 
 forces were ordered to assemble in Apamea, in 
 order to be employed against Coele-syria. 
 
 In a council that was held before the army set 
 out, Apollophanes, the king's physician, repre- 
 
 1 Polyb. 1. V. p. 401. 
 
 S Polyb. 1. iv. p 314—319. 3 Ibid. 1. v. p. 402— 4C9. 
 
S87 
 
 seiued to him, that it would be a great oversight 
 should they march into Coele-syria, and leave 
 behind them Seieucia in the hands of the ene- 
 my, and so near the capital of the empire, flis 
 opinion brought over the whole council, by the 
 evident strength of the reasons which supported 
 it : for this city stands on the same river as 
 Antioch, and is but five leagues below, near the 
 mouth of it. When Ptolemy Euergetes under- 
 took the invasion already mentioned, to avenge 
 the death of his sister Berenice, he seized that 
 city, and put a strong Egyptian garrison into 
 it, which had kept possession of that important 
 place full twenty-seven years. Among many 
 inconveniences to which it subjected the inhabi- 
 tants of Antioch, one was, its cutting off en- 
 tirely their communication with the sea, and 
 j ruining all their trade ; for Seieucia being situ- 
 ated near the m^outh of the Orontes, was the 
 I harbour of Antioch, which suffered grievously 
 I by that means. All these reasons being clearly 
 and strongly urged by ApoUophanes, deter- 
 mined the king and council to follow his plan, 
 and to open the campaign with the siege of Se- 
 ieucia. Accordingly the whole army marched 
 thither, invested it, took it by storm, and drove 
 the Egyptians out of it. 
 
 This being done, Antiochus marched with 
 diligence into Cosle-syria, where Theodotus tlie 
 yEtolian, governor of that province under Pto- 
 lemy, promised to put him in possession of 
 the whole country. We have seen how vigor- 
 ously he had repulsed hira the year before ; 
 nevertheless, the court of Egypt had not been 
 satisfied with his services on that occasion. 
 Those who governed the king, had expected 
 greater things from his valour ; and were per- 
 suaded, that it was in his power to have done 
 something more. Accordingly he was sent for 
 to Alexandna, to give an account of his con- 
 duct ; and was threatened with no less than 
 losing his head. It is true that, after his rea- 
 sons had been heard, he was acquitted, and sent 
 back to his government. However, he could 
 not forgive the insult which had been offered 
 to him by the unjust accusation, and was so 
 exasperated at the affront, that he resolved to 
 revenge it. 
 
 The luxury and effeminacy of the whole 
 court, to which he had been an eyewitness, 
 heightened still more his indignation and re- 
 sentment. He could not bear the idea of being 
 dependant on the caprice of so base and con- 
 temptible a set of people. And, indeed, it 
 would be impossible for fancy to conceive more 
 abominable excesses than those in which Philo- 
 pator plunged himself during his whole reign ; 
 and the court imitated but too exactly the ex- 
 ample he set them. It was thought that he had 
 poisoned his father, whence he was, by an anH- 
 jilirasis, ironically sui'named PliUopator^ He pub- 
 licly caused Berenice his mother, and Magas his 
 only brother, to be put to death. After he had 
 got rid of all those who could either give him 
 good counsel or excite his jealousy, he abandoned 
 himself to the most infamous pleasures ; and 
 was solely intent on gratifying his luxury, bru- 
 tality, and the most shameful passions. His 
 prime minister was Sosibius, a man every way 
 qualified for the service of such a master as 
 Philopator ; and one whose sole view was to 
 support himself in power by any means what- 
 
 4 Tbis word signifies a lover of his father. 
 
 j soever. The reader will naturally imagine, 
 that, in such a court, the power of women had 
 no bounds. 
 
 Theodotus could not bear to be dependant on 
 such people, and therefore resolved to find a 
 sovereign more worthy of his services. Ac- 
 cordingly, he was no sooner returned to his 
 government, than he seized upon the cities of 
 Tyre and Ptolemais, declared for king Anti- 
 ochus, and immediately despatched the courier 
 above-m. en tioned to invite him thither. 
 
 Nicolaus, one of Ptolemy's generals, though 
 he was of the same country with Theodotus, 
 would not however desert Ptolemy, but pre- 
 served his fidelity to that prince. The instant 
 therefore that Theodotus had taken Ptolemais, 
 he besieged him in it; possessed himself of the 
 passes of mount Libanus to stop Antiochus, 
 who was advancing to the aid of Theodotus, 
 and defended them to the last extremity. How- 
 ever, he was at length forced to abandon them, 
 by which means Antiochus took possession of 
 Tyre and Ptolemais, whose gates were opened 
 to him by Theodotus. 
 
 In these two cities were the magazines which 
 Ptolemy had laid up for the use of his army, 
 with a fleet of forty sail. He gave the com- 
 mand of these ships to Diognetus, his admiral, 
 who was ordered to sail to Pelusium, whither 
 the king intended to march by land, with the 
 view of invading Egypt on that side : however, 
 being informed that this was the season in 
 which the inhabitants used to lay the country 
 under water, by opening the dikes of the Nile, 
 and consequently, that it would be impossible 
 for him to advance into Egypt at that time, he 
 abandoned that project, and employed the whole 
 force of his arms to reduce the rest of Ccele- 
 syria. He seized upon some fortresses, and 
 others submitted to him ; and at last he pos- 
 sessed himself of Damascus,^ ^ th« capital of 
 
 5 Polysean. \. iv. c. 15. 
 
 6 There is no city at this day, perhiips, which can claim 
 an antiquity equal to that of Damascus, or whicii, aftet 
 Jjaving survived so many revohitions, and been subjected 
 to so many political vicissitudes, stil! remains a great, popu. 
 lous, and wealthy city. Its antiquity extends to nigh forty 
 centuries at least, being as ancient as the days of the re- 
 nowned Abraham, who was at once the friend of God, 
 the father of the faithful, the remote ancestor of the Mes- 
 siah, and the progenitor of the Hebrews, Edomites, and 
 Bedouin Arabs. 'Hhe beauty of its situation, the fertility 
 and extent of its plains, the purity and salubrity of Its 
 streams, the famed Pharpar and Abana, together with the 
 lofty and snow-clad peaks of the hoary Antilibanus, which 
 bound the plain to the west, have ever contributed to ren- 
 der it a place of desirable habitation, even under the iron 
 yoke of a government the most destructive of happiness 
 and improvement of any that have cursed the human race. 
 The best description of this city and environs, as well as 
 of the Pashalic of Damascus, is to be found in the Travels 
 of Lewis Burkharde, who has exhausted the subject in the 
 second volume of his travels. 
 
 The name of this venerable city is both familiar and in- 
 teresting to every reader of the sacred volume, from its 
 vicinity to the promised land, its political connections 
 with the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, and from its being 
 associated with the names of an Eliezer, the steward and 
 faithful servant of Abraham, the powerful BeniHadads, 
 the famed Naaman, the successful Hazael, the inspired 
 Eli.«ha, who received a double portion of the prophetic 
 spirit, and, finally, with that most important of all events 
 in the history of Christianity, the miraculous conversion 
 of a persecuting Saul, in the very acme of his career, who, 
 from a ravening wolf against the flock, became himself an 
 eminent shepherd of the sheep ; and who, instead of bias, 
 pheming that blessed name which is above every name, 
 said, with tremulous accent and submissive tone, " Lord, 
 what wilt thou have me to do I" Such an event must 
 render the name of Damascus hallowed in the memory o( 
 every Christian who believes that Saul of Tarsus become* 
 
383 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 that province, after having deceived Dinoii the 
 governor of it by a stratagem. 
 
 The last action of this campaign was the siege 
 of Dora, a maritime city, in the neighbourhood 
 
 from that moment, the vei^^ cliief of the apostles— the 
 herald of grace, mercy, and peace, afar to the Gentiles. 
 
 The approaches to this city are on all sides grand and pic- 
 turesque. On descending the heights that bound it on the 
 west, the city itself bursts upon the view, presenting the 
 most striking scenery that can well be conceived,— an ex- 
 tensive plain, for the most part covered with trees, and in. 
 terspersed with numerous villages, and immediately in front 
 —Damascus itself, whose minarets, intermingled with the 
 trees and contrasted with the terraced roofs of the houses, 
 extending three miles in length, produce an effect at once 
 singular and beautiful. The entrance to the city on this 
 side is through a succession of gardens, and which occu- 
 pies two hours and a half. On the east side the entrance 
 is equally delightful, being ornamented for many miles 
 with similar gardens, and then by a pavement of great 
 length. The gardens that encompass the city are upwards 
 of 30 miles round. The river Barrady, or Bahr-al-Hadi, 
 is divided, in its course to the city, into a multitude of 
 streamlets, which are distributed through the gardens, so 
 that there is a copious supply of the pure and limpid ele- 
 ment for every purpose of cultivation, in a soil of tlie most 
 exuberant fertility. These, combined with the mildness 
 and salubrity of the atmosphere, render Damascus a kind 
 of Eden, or terrestrial paradise It is a saying among the 
 Arabs, that their prophet, Mohammed, forbore coming to 
 this delightful abode, lest, being ravished with its beauties, 
 he should forget his proper business, and make it his para- 
 dise. 
 
 Damascus lies between two principal streams, which ac- 
 tually correspond to the Al)ana and Pharpar— namely, the 
 Barrady, and the river of Hasbeia— both coming from the 
 Antilibanus, the former from the north-west, the latter 
 from the south-west ; but which of these is the Abana is 
 impossible to determine. The south-west stream rises at 
 the foot of the range that separates it from the source of 
 the Jordan, and the Barrady from that which shuts up 
 the valley of Heliopolis, or Balbec, on the east, separating 
 it from the plain of Damascus. These twin streams are 
 increased by many others in their passage to the city. In- 
 stead of two streams— the Abana and Pharpar— Ptolemy 
 has only one noted in his Table of Syria, as the river of 
 Damascus, the Chrysorrhoas, or Golden river, and proba- 
 bly the same with the Barrady, or north-west river. Af- 
 ter passing through Damascus the Barrady follows a north- 
 east course, and falls into a salt lake, called Bahr.el.Mar- 
 gi, or Lake of the Meadows, as also the other. So well is 
 the city supplied with water, that almost every house has a 
 fountain— many of them constructed of marble, and con- 
 taining fish. The streams are turned off through every 
 street to water the gardens and orchards. 
 
 "The names of Abana and Pharpar are not-to be met with 
 in any of the Arabian geographers. According to the 
 map of Syria in Walpole's Asiatic Turkey, the source of 
 the Barrady is 30 British miles north-west of Damascus, 
 and that of the river of Hasbeia, 40 British miles south . 
 west of the same city, both in direct distance— and the ter. 
 mination of their course, in the .salt lake mentioned above, 
 8 British miles east of Damascus. The distribution of the 
 waters of the Barrady commences at the gorge of a valley, 
 west of the city ; it is this gorge which has been mistaken by 
 travellers for the source of the Barrady, and is the cavern 
 mentioned by Abulfeda : this spot is a pla^e of very great 
 resort to the inhabitants. The valley is narrow, well 
 wooded, running ea.st and west, and the rapid stream of 
 the Barrady flows over its bottom. On the south side are 
 two canals, one above the other, and both considerably 
 higher than the river. On the north side, also, are two 
 other canals, runnnig along the side of the mountain ; the 
 higher, after following the direction of the ridge, turns oft 
 to the north and waters the village of Selheiah ; the other 
 canal in this part, passes under a rock and continues in the 
 same direction with the valley. This canal is 20 feet high- 
 er than the river, whilst the former is at least 60 feet above 
 the level of the Barrady. This place is one of the most 
 beautiful spots in the vicinity of Damascus. The range 
 of the Antilibanus, west of the city, runs north-west and 
 south-east, and is the highest part of that celebrated moun. 
 tain — its summits and sides being thickly covered with 
 snow. It is denominated the Jebal.al-Shaik, or mountain 
 of the Sheik , and the JebaKal- Talg, or mountain of 
 snow, by Abulfeda. The highest peak of this lofty range 
 is called the l)ahr-el-Chur,— travellers pass under it on the 
 road from Dasmascus to Balbec. These, with the subja. 
 cent hills to the west of the city, form a striking contrast 
 with the verdant plains of Damascus. 
 
 Damascus itself, exclusive of its extensive suburbs, is 
 
 of mount Carmel. This phice, which was 
 strongly situated, had been so well fortified by 
 Nicolaus, that it was impossible for Antiochus 
 to take it. He therefore was forced to agree to 
 
 not above 3 miles in circuit, surrounded by a double wall, 
 with round towers at intervals, in a very decayed state — 
 apparently built on the site of the ancient Saracenic fortifi. 
 cations. Formerly, there was a ditch, at present almost com. 
 pletely filled up with rubbish, and the mean ill built walls 
 aftord but small protection to the city. Mr. Brown, how. 
 ever, states them to be strong. The castle is in the south- 
 west angle of the city ; is a good building, of a square forir 
 — each side being 200 yards long, and flanked by 12 square 
 towers, placed at the angles, and at intervals in the sides. 
 The height of its walls exceeds 80 feet ; they are admira- 
 bly well built — mo-t probably by the Saracen Khalifs, and 
 are in excellent preservation. 
 
 The city is well furnished with coffee houses. The larg. 
 est of these is near the Bab.aLSalam, (Gate of Peace) on 
 the north side of the city ; and is situated on a bridge, be- 
 neath which flows the Barrady. Before it passes this 
 bridge, there is a small cascade, and its banks are crowded 
 with fruit trees; these objects, with the murmuring of the 
 river running rapidly over its bed, and the rich and varied 
 dresses of the Turks, who appear the most respectable 
 merchants of the town, compose a scene extremely gay and 
 lively. Damascus, indeed, is placed amid gardens and 
 swift transparent streams, and is of itself, without the as- 
 sistance of art, a sort of terrestrial paradise. What a de- 
 lightful place might it be rendered in the hands of an en- 
 lightened people, who had intelligence to appreciate the 
 real value of its situation, taste to relish its beauties, 
 combined with judgment and invention to vary and 
 heighten them. Under such a people and in such a spot, 
 what a city might be erected — what elegant retirements, 
 amidst perennial streams and unfading verdure — what ro- 
 mantic villas, amidst the sequestered vales of the border- 
 ing hills — what a place, where so much has been done by 
 the benignity of nature, to delight the eye, gratify the 
 wish, and aid the ingenuity of man. Well might the em- 
 peror Julian, m his epistle to Serapio, denominate Damas- 
 cus the city of Jupiter, and the Eye of all the East. Chris- 
 tians have no admission to the castle. 
 
 The city has nine gates, according to the late Mr. 
 Brown, who resided two months here ; and is divided into 
 twenty three districts, each under its own magistrate. 
 One of these, called Bab-al-Sharkie, or the Gate of the 
 East, is also called the Gate of St. Paul ; not because he en- 
 tered the city there, but because a Christian church, in 
 honour of the apostle, was erected there ; and because the j 
 street called Straight, in the Acts of the Apostles, and ' 
 where Judas dwelt, in whose house the astonished and 
 newly created apostle lodged, and where Ananias was di- 
 rected to find him, commences here. 
 
 At Damascus, as at the modern Jerusalem, great im. 
 positions are practised on credulous Christian travellers ; 
 as in pretending to show the exact spot where Saul of Tar- 
 sus fell to the ground — the place where he rested, on his 
 way to the city, after he had seen the vision — the cave of 
 the seven sleepers, who retired hither and enjoyed sound 
 and uninterrupted repose during the several persecutions 
 of the Christians by the Pagan emperors — the place where 
 Cain and Abel sacrificed, and where the latter was mur- 
 dered—the place where Abraham defeated the four kings 
 and rescued Lot — the house of Judas, where Saul lodged 
 after his miraculous conversion — the house of Ananias, 
 and the chamber where he slept when ordered in a vision 
 to go and visit the new apostle — the hospital for lepers, 
 built by Naaman the Syrian — the tomb of Simon Stylites, 
 or Simon of the Pillar— the tomb of St. George— the place 
 where God made Adam — the fountain where Saul recover- 
 ed his sight and was baptized by Ananias — and finally, 
 betwixt it and Balbec, the tomb of the Patriarch Noah, 60 
 feet in length — for such, according to the orientals, was the 
 stature of the grand progenitor of the postdeluvian world. 
 
 The houses of Damascus are principally built of mud 
 and wooden rafters, and sometimes of small sun dried 
 bricks — and very rarely the lower parts are of stone ; so 
 that when a violent rain falls, the city looks like a quag- 
 mire. But though their external appearance is mean, yet 
 internally, the houses are large and commodious; at.d 
 contain, among the higher classes, a great display of wealth 
 and magnificence — the furniture in many rising in value 
 from .5,000/. to 25,00U/. sterling— consisting of large divans 
 and sofas of the richest silk, embroidered with pearl ; Per. 
 sian carpets, mirrors, &c. In the interior there is gener- 
 ally a large square court, beautified with orange and le- 
 mon trees; marble fountains, and Divans floored with 
 marble, richly gilded, and furnished with cushions and 
 carpets. 
 
 The principal mosque was once a large Christian church 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 389 
 
 a four months* truce, proposed to him in the 
 name of Ptolemy ; and this served as an hon- 
 ourable pretence for marching back his army 
 to Selcuria on the Orontes, where he put it into 
 
 dedicated to St. John the Baptist, built in the early ages 
 ot Christianity. Chrisrians are not permitted even to 
 ] enter the outer court, though it is a thoroughfare to the 
 j intiabitants ; who, however, from resjiect, when passing 
 I through it, always cany their slippers in their hands, 
 'i his solemn rite of discalceation is used through the East, 
 both among Jews and Mohammedans, when entering 
 their temples, mosques, and oratories. The gate of this 
 mosque is covered with plates of brass, and the whole 
 court is surrounded by a vaulted colonnade, supported by 
 small pillars of variegated granite, surmounted by Corin- 
 thian capitals. Internally, the mosque is extremely spa- 
 cious, and is reckoned by Arabian writers among the 
 wonders of the world. It is 300 paces long, 60 broad, and 
 paved with various coloured marbles. Most of the 
 •nosques were originally Christian churches. There is 
 one, h(jwever, towards the south diflferent from the rest; 
 built in the style of those at Constantinople; having two 
 minarets, the court in front is surrounded by a colonnade, 
 the roof of which consists of several cupolas, covered with 
 sheet lead, as well as the grand dome of the mosque. 
 
 In the middle of the city is a mosque, which has a mi- 
 naret covered with green tiles Several remains of Grecian 
 architecture are still to be found in the city. Numerous 
 charitable establishments exist there, especially an hospi. 
 tal for pilgrims, built by sultan Soliman, who took Rhodes 
 It IS a vast quadrangle, lined with a colonnade, and en- 
 tirely roofed, in small domes, covered with lead, and has 
 numerous chambers for receiving pilgrims of all religions, 
 who are maintained for three days there at the sultan'i 
 expense. It has also a large chamber for poor students, 
 and a stable for the pilgrims' horses. The mosque be- 
 longing to it is grand. The entrance is supported by four 
 l^rge columns of red granite. It is covered with a cupola, 
 and has two minarets. A handsome garden lies adjacent. 
 The kitchen on the side of the hospital opposite the 
 Knosque, is suited to the grandeur of the establishment. 
 
 Damascus has numerous bazaars, larger than those of 
 Aleppo. Some of them are covered and well built. The 
 largest bazaar is that of Sinnanie, built by Sinan Pasha, 
 consistmg of 18 arches, with shops on each side. The 
 ! shops are well furnished with every commodity for sale, 
 i Each trade, or art, has its particular quarter : the boot 
 j and slipper makers, as well as those engaged in saddlery, 
 occupy a large division. There are also silk bazaars, and 
 j a large display of rich articles of commerce. In the city 
 are several manufactures of soap, glass, lamps, satins, 
 cottons, large round tents, a manufacture of cutlery; and 
 on the river are many water-mills and tanyards. 
 
 Damascus was long celebrated for its steel manu- 
 factures. Tamerlane, on his conquest of Syria, con- 
 veyed all these into Persia. Since that time, they 
 have been little memorable ; and yet we are told, that, 
 in the 17th century, above W,000 artisans were solely 
 employed in making sword blades, worth fifteen French 
 crowns a-pieee ; and that the water of the Barrady was 
 excellent for temi)ering hard metal. These sabres were, 
 formerly, of the highest reputation in Europe and the 
 hast, rhey seem to have been constructed by a method 
 DOW lost, of alternate layers of iron and steel, two or three 
 lines thick. They never broke, though bent in the most 
 violent manner, and yet retained the utmo.st power of 
 edge ; so that common iron, or even steel, would divide 
 under their force. 
 
 , The population of Damascus has been estimated, by the 
 late Mr. Brown, at upwards of 900,000 souls, in the year 
 1/97, and was then on the increase. While l urkish mis- 
 government has diminished the agricultural population, 
 It has mcreased that of the towns. In the territory of 
 Aleppo, where a century since were above 300 villages, 
 there now remain no more than ten or twelve. 
 
 Ihe causes of the decreasing population of the one and 
 the increasing population of the other, seem to be— that 
 in the cities, the modes of gaining subsistence are more 
 diversified and small, or no capital is required, whereas, 
 in agriculture, it is indispensable— that, in the cities, the 
 property is not tangible, but, as it were, invisible to the 
 eye of government, so as to be safe from the excessive ex- 
 actions imposed on the peasantry, whose property is of a 
 quite contrary description, bei ^g both Ungible and visible. 
 Ihe peasantry in Asiatic Turkey are not vitlani, as in the 
 feudal governments of Europe, but as free as any class 
 of men ; and, it unfortunately happens, that even a good 
 governor cannot sufficiently protect them, even if he 
 would, for he must either resign or pay the usual tributes 
 lo the Porte. Money he must have, and the modern 
 
 winter-quarters. Antiochus appointed Theo- 
 dotus the ^tolian governor of all the places hf 
 hud conquered in this country. 
 
 During the interval of this truce a treaty was 
 
 ministerial arts, so well understood in this country, of 
 diving into the most secret recesses of property, being 
 there wholly unknown, he of course taxes that which is 
 most apparent, and the most difficult to remove. 
 
 In a country like Turkey, of course, where tangible and 
 visible property constitute almost the sole object of taxa- 
 tion, the whole weight falls upon the occupiers and culti- 
 vators of land. To avoid these, (as men are never very 
 willing to pay taxes,) the peasantry flee into the towns, 
 and, as the same amount of tax must be levied, it falls 
 heavier proportionally on the remaining peasantry. The 
 agricultural population must consequently gradually dimi- 
 nish, and that of the cities increase, till another mode of 
 raising revenue be adopted. The Miri, or land-tax, of 
 the Pashalic of Damascus, amounts to half-a-million ster- 
 ling annually. 'I he inhabitants of that city exhibit, ac- 
 cording to Mr. Brown, a striking contrast to those of 
 Aleppo, being a sober, industrious, unostentatious race. 
 The females and children have commonly a fair com- 
 plexion : the dress of the women nearly the same as at 
 Constantinople; wear white muslin veils, except the pros- 
 titutes, who, as usual all over the East, expose their faces. 
 To paint the face, is an improvement unknown among 
 the Oriental fair, save the Greeks alone. 
 
 The inhabitants of Damascus were formerly noted for 
 their fanaticism, and maltreatment of the Christians and 
 Franks, but, at present, both are much abated, and there 
 is now almost no diflerence, in these respects, between 
 them and other Oriental citizens. The sight of a Frank, 
 or European, in his natural dress, however, appears 
 strange and novel to the Damascenes. Whilst a number 
 of our British travellers lately visited that city, and were 
 passing through it, every one was struck with amazement 
 at their hate and close dresses— so different from their 
 own— and they were always accompanied by a numerous 
 crowd, gaping and staring with astonishment : the carpen. 
 ter dropped his hammer ; the embroiderer his needle ; the 
 coffee cooled in the hands of the idle ; the pipe was ex- 
 tinguished ; every one, indeed, neglected his employment 
 and gazed at them with wonder. 
 
 Provisions, as might be expected in so fertile a plain, 
 are extremely cheap. Butcher-meat sells at 4d the pound. 
 Avoirdupois ; bread sufficient for four persons as a meal, 
 may be had for two-pence halfpenny. It is very white 
 and good, and remarked to be always best when the Janis- 
 sary Aga (who hajs a censorial power over the bakers) is 
 absent. Grapes of the finest flavour, sell at from 7|d to 
 lOd. per lb. Fish from the river, moderate, but not very 
 good. Milk, butter, and cheese, very cheap, Wild.fowl 
 in abundance, from mount Lebanon, and partridges, in 
 the season, are sold at U. per brace. Tame fowls. Is. each, 
 and pigeons at Is. per brace. 
 
 I he air and water of Damascus are supposed to be a 
 powerful preservative against that loathsome disease the 
 leprosy. Both indeed are so excellent, that, combined 
 with the beauties of the vicinity, Damascus is reckoned 
 by Abulfeda among the four terrestrial paradises. 
 
 In the days of the Seleucides and Ptolemies, Damascus 
 was the capital of Coele-syria, or the Hollow Syria. I his 
 term originally was applied to the valley between the two 
 ridges of Libanus and Antilibanus, but it subsequently in- 
 cluded all the country east of the Libanun, as far as the 
 Euphrates, having Phoenicia on the west, Palestine on the 
 south, Seleucis Mediterranea, and Chalcidene, on the 
 north, and the Euphrates on the east, including Palmy, 
 rene. In strictness of language, the valley of Balbec is 
 the Hollow Syria, or the Ccele-syria of the ancients, and 
 which is denominated by the Arabs the Valley of Bckaa. 
 But, it is impossible to assign definite political boundaries 
 to the Coele-syria of the ancient geographers, as neither 
 Pliny, nor Strabo, nor Ptolemy, agree in their descnp. 
 tions of it. The territory of Damascus is distinct from 
 Ccele-syria, being on the east side of the Antilibanus ; and 
 was denominated, in scripture, Aram-Dammasck, cor- 
 responding to the modern Arabic appellatiim of Sham-al- 
 Demeskky, or Syria of Damascus. Syria, in general, is 
 called by the Arabs, Bahr-al-Sham, or the country to the 
 left, in opposition to Yemen, or the country on the right 
 These apiiellations refer to the position of Mecca, and 
 imply the notion that Syria was part of Arabia. 
 
 The Antilibanus on the west of Damascu* is the Her- 
 moi) of sacred scripture ; hence we read of the snow of 
 Hermon, Shenir, and Amana : but this Hermon must be 
 carefully distinguished from another ridge of the same 
 name a little to the west of the Jordan, famous for it^ 
 dews. The name Antilibanus, imposed on the easten 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 300 
 
 neeotiate<t between the two crowns,' in^ich, [which Antiochus opposed absolutely, alleging 
 howeven the only view of both parties was to fhat it was a shameful and infamous thing for 
 ffZ lime Ptolemy bad occasion for it, in a king like Ptolemy to espouse the party of re- 
 ader to .nece^ary^pr^^^^^^^^^^ for Ibels, and countenance rev^t.^ ^^^^ ^^^^^^^^ 
 
 A. M. S786. which neither side would 
 Ant. J. C. 218. yield to the other, the time 
 of the truce elapsed ; and 
 nothing being concluded, it became necessary to 
 have recourse again to arms. Nicolaus the 
 ^tolian had given so many proofs of valour 
 and fidelity in the last campaign, that Ptolemy 
 gave him the command in chief of his army, 
 and charged him with every thing relating to 
 
 carrying on the war: and Antiochus for re- 
 ducing Achffius. The latter was not satished 
 with Asia :Minor, of which he was already 
 master; but had no less in view than to <le- 
 throne Antiochus, and to dispossess him ol all 
 his dominions. To check his ambitious views, 
 it was necessary for Antiochus not to be em- 
 ployed on the frontiers, or engaged in remote 
 conquests. 
 
 to wl^S;>S:«;a:^aS'^ ^^s^^^^^f^h^kil^ytluisepi^inceswhid. 
 Tudsa ™ad been given, in the partition of were the occasion of the war. Perigenes, the 
 ileJaAdei the Grelt's empire, between Ptole- | admiral, put to sea with the fleet m order to 
 mv Seleucus, Cassander, aAd Lysimachus, after against the enemy on that side. Nicolaus 
 Sl'death orAntigonus, in t^ Ipsus. appointed Gaza for the rendezvous of all his 
 
 Ptoirmv ?aid cllili to'them by virtue of their forces, whither^all the necessary provision^^^^^^^ 
 
 having been assigned by this treaty to Ptolemy 
 Soter, bis great-grandfather. On the other 
 side, Antiochus pretended that they had been 
 given to Seleucus Nicator ; and therefore that 
 they were his right, he being heir and successor 
 of that king in the empire of Syria. Another 
 difficulty embarrassed the commissioners, Ftole- 
 my would have Achseus included in the treaty. 
 
 luir-cs, wiiini'^i o."- ^..v- J J 
 
 been sent from Egypt. From thence he marched 
 to mount Libanus, where he seized all the passea 
 between that chain of mountains and the sea, 
 by which Antiochus was necessarily obliged to 
 pass ; firmly resolved to wait for him there, and 
 to stop bis march, by the superiority which the 
 advantageous posts he occupied gave him. 
 I In the meantime Antiochus was not inac- 
 
 . Itive, but made every preparation both by sea 
 
 ^ ~ . ' and land for a vigorous invasion. He gave the 
 
 chain by the Greeks is utterly unknown to the natives, „ j yf fleet to Diognetus, his admiral. 
 
 Under the sway of the Califs of the house of Om- followed the army ; so that the naval as 
 
 iyah, Damascus became the capital of the Saracen ,^ j^^^^ forces met at the passes which 
 
 empire, till, by a change of dynasty, the seat of empire 
 was removed to Anbar, and then to Bagdad. During 
 the time of the Crusades, Damascus was the capital of the 
 Great Nuroddin, one of those few princes whose name 
 deserves to be treated with respect. Shortly after the de- 
 mise of that magnanimous prince, Damascus fell into the 
 hands of the renowned Salahaddin-ebn-Ayub, sultan of 
 Esvnt, and the eleve of his benefactor Nuroddm In the 
 close of the 14th century it was taken by that ferocious 
 fanatic Tamerlane, who murdered 30,000 of the 'nhabi- 
 tants, plundered its mosques, demolished the regal abode 
 of its Saracen sovereigns, and carried away all the Hard, 
 ware artificers to Samarcand. It finally became subject 
 to the domination of the Turks, in 1316. being taken by 
 sultan Selim from the mamaluke sultans of bgypt. At 
 present the Pashalick of Damascus is one of the richest 
 and most powerful in Asiatic Turkey, having 10 sangia- 
 cates included in it. It has generally had the good for- 
 tune to be governed by mild and equitable Pashas, with 
 the exception of the late celebrated Jezzar Pasha, a man 
 equally noted for his ability and energy, his tyranny and 
 avarice. During the time he enjoyed this Pashalick. he 
 extorted from the unf.-rtunate Damascenes, upwards of 
 1,200,000^. sterling. YussufT Pasha lately governed it with 
 paternal sway, but was dismissed by the sultan for not 
 duly remitting the revenue, and has been succeeded by 
 another, who is also Pasha of Acre, a-id who, though bred 
 under the ferocious Jezzar, is said to be a well-disposed 
 man At the villages of Mahela and Mara, on the road to 
 Balbec from Damascus, the Syriac is still a living lan- 
 Euage, being spoken without the use of books. 
 
 Damascus is graced twice a-year with the grand proces- 
 sion of the pilgrims going to, and returning from Mecca, 
 under the protection of the Pasha. Mr. Brown witnessed 
 the return in 1797, while at Dama^cu^ and seems to have 
 been dehghted with the spectacle. The street was l.ned 
 for several miles (for such is its length) with innumerable 
 spectators, curious to view the magnificent display. 1 he 
 exnense of this caravan, from Damascus to the city of the 
 pSet, colt the Sultan, annually, 300,000^. sterling and 
 the Pasha 60,000/. sterling. Of the number of Christians 
 of various sects at Damascus, no estimate can be given. 
 I here are three convents of Catholics. Ihe Damascenes 
 were formerly much averse to maritime commerce and 
 it is only of late that they adventured to send goods by 
 sea to Constantinople. Damascus lies 200 British miles 
 south south-west of Aleppo, in direct distance aod nearly 
 the same distance from Antakia, (Antioch) 100 miles east 
 of Tyre, 40 mile? south-east of Balbcc, and is in 33". 61 . 
 north latitude, and 3b°. 27'. east longitude, of Green- 
 wich. — Fd, 
 
 1 Polyb 1. V. p. 409— n.5. 
 
 aim imiuvvcu """-j , , 
 
 well as land forces met at the passes which JNi- 
 colaus had seized. Whilst Antiochus attacked 
 Nicolaus by land, the fleets also came to an en- 
 gagement ; so that the battle began both by sea 
 and land at the same time. At sea neither 
 party had the superiority; but on land Anti- 
 ochus had the advantage, and forced Nicolaus to 
 retire to Sidon, after losing 4000 of his soldiers, 
 who were either killed or taken prisoners. 
 Perigenes followed him thither with the Egyp- 
 tian fleet ; and Antiochus pursued them to that 
 city both by sea and land, with the design of 
 besieging them in it. He found, however, that 
 this conquest would be attended with too many 
 difficulties, because of the great number of 
 troops in the city, where they had a great num- 
 ber of provisions, and other necessaries; and he 
 was not willing to besiege it in form. He 
 therefore sent his fleet to Tyre, and marched 
 into Galilee. After having made himself mas- 
 ter of it by the taking of several cities, he passed 
 the river Jordan, entered Gilead, and possessed 
 himself of all that part of the country, which 
 was formerly the inheritance of the tribes of 
 Reuben and Gad and half the tribe of Ma- 
 
 nasseh. ^ , . ^ 
 
 The season was now too far advanced to pro- 
 long the campaign, for which reason he re- 
 turned back by the river Jordan, left the ^vern- 
 ment of Samaria to Hippolochus and Kereas, 
 who had deserted Ptolemy's service, and come 
 over to him ; and he gave them 5000 men to 
 keep it in subjection. He marched the rest of 
 the forces back to Ptolemais, where be put 
 them into winter-quarters. 
 
 The campaign was again 
 opened in spring.* Ptole- 
 my caused 70,000 foot, 5000 
 horse, and seventy-three ele- 
 
 A. M. S787. 
 Ant. J. C. 217. 
 
 Polyb. I. V. p. 421. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 801 
 
 phanrs, to ailvance towards Pelusium. He 
 placed himself at the head of these forces, and 
 inarched them through the deserts which divide 
 Egypt from Palestine, and encamped at llaphia, 
 between Rhinocorura and Gaza, at the latter of 
 which cities the two armies met. That of An- 
 tiochus was something more numerous than the 
 other. His forces consisted of 72,000 foot, 6000 
 horse, and 102 elephants. He first encamped 
 within ten furlongs,^ and soon after within five 
 
 I of the enemy. All the time they lay so near 
 one another there were perpetually skirmishes 
 between the parties who went to fetch fresh 
 water or to forage as well as between individuals 
 who wished to distinguish themselves. 
 
 Theodotus the iEtolian, who had served many 
 years under the Egyptians, entered their camp, 
 favoured by the darkness of the night, accom- 
 panied only by two persons. He was taken for 
 an Egyptian ; so that he advanced as far as Pto- 
 lemy's tent, with a design to kill him, and by 
 that bold action to put an end to the war ; 
 but the king happening not to be in his tent, he 
 killed his first physician, having mistaken him 
 for Ptolemy. He also wounded two other per- 
 sons ; and during the alarm and noise which 
 this attempt occasioned, he escaped to his camp. 
 
 At last the two kings, resolving to decide their 
 quarrel, drew up their armies in battle-array. 
 They rode from one body to another, at the head 
 of their lines, to animate their troops. Arsi- 
 t!oe, the sister and wife of Ptolemy, was not 
 content with exhorting the soldiers to behave 
 manfully before the battle, but did not leave her 
 husband even during the heat of the engage- 
 
 ] jnent. The issue of it was, that Antiochus, at 
 the head of his right wing, defeated the enemy's 
 left. But whilst hurried on by an inconsiderate 
 ardour, he engaged too warmly in the pursuit ; 
 Ptolemy, who had been as successful in the 
 other wing, charged Antiochus's cer.tre in flank, 
 which was then uncovered ; and broke it before 
 it was possible for that prince to come to its re- 
 lief. An old officer, who saw which way the 
 dust flew, concluded that the centre was defeat- 
 ed, and accordingly made Antiochus observe it. 
 But though he faced about that instant, he came 
 too late to amend his fault ; and found the rest of 
 his army broken and put to flight. He himself 
 was now obliged to provide for his retreat, and 
 retired to Raphia, and afterwards to Gaza, with 
 the loss of 10,000 men killed, and 4,000 taken 
 prisoners. Finding it would now be impossible 
 for him to maintain himself in that country 
 
 ! against Ptolemy, he abandoned all his conquests, 
 and retreated to Antioch with the remains of 
 his army. This battle of Raphia was fought at 
 the same time with that in which Hannibal de- 
 feated Flaminius the consul on the banks of the 
 lake Thrasymenus in Etruria. 
 
 After Antiochus's retreat, all Coele-syria and 
 Palestine submitted with great cheerfulness to 
 Ptolemy. Having been long subject to the 
 Egyptians, they were more attached to them 
 than to Antiochus. The conqueror's court was 
 soon crowded with ambassadors from all the ci- 
 ties (and from Judaea among the rest) to make 
 their submission, and to off"er him presents ; and 
 all met with a gracious reception. 
 
 Ptolemy was desirous of making a progress 
 through the conquered provinces,* and among 
 other cities, he visited Jerusalem. He saw the 
 
 3 Hal!" a French league 4 Maccab. L iii. c, 1. 
 
 temple there,' and even offered sacrifices to fht 
 God of Israel , making at the same time obla- 
 tions, and bestowing considerable gifts. How- 
 ever, not being satisfied with viewing it fronr. 
 the outward court, beyond which no Gentile 
 was allowed to go, he was desirous to enter the 
 sanctuary, and even as far as the Holy of Ho- 
 lies ; to which no one was allowed access but the 
 high-priest, and that but once every year, on the 
 great day of expiation. The report of this being 
 soon spread, occasioned a great tumult. The 
 high-priest informed him of the holiness of the 
 place ; and the express law of God, by which he 
 was forbidden to enter it. The priests and Le- 
 vites drew together in a body to oppose his rash 
 design, which the people also conjured him to 
 lay aside. And now all places echoed with la 
 mentations, occasioned by the idea of the pro* 
 fanation to which their temple would be ex- 
 posed ; and in all places the people were lifting 
 up their hands to implore Heaven not to suffer 
 it. However, all this opposition, instead of pre- 
 vailing with the king, only inflamed his curiosi- 
 ty the more. He forced his way as far as the 
 second court ; but as he was preparing to enter 
 the temple itself, God struck him with a sudden 
 terror, which threw him into such prodigious 
 disorder, that he was carried off half dead. Af- 
 ter this he left the city, highly exasperated 
 against the Jewish nation, on account of the ac- 
 cident which had befallen him, and loudly 
 threatened it with his vengeance. He accord- 
 ingly kept his word ; and the following year 
 raised a cruel persecution, especially against the 
 Jews of Alexandria, whom he endeavoured to 
 reduce by force to worship false deities. 
 
 The instant that Antiochus, after the battle 
 of Raphia,® arrived in Antioch, he sent an em- 
 bassy to Ptolemy, to sue for peace. The cir- 
 cumstance which prompted him to this was, his 
 suspecting the fidelity of his people ; for he could 
 not but perceive that his credit and authority 
 were very much lessened since his last defeat. 
 Besides, it was high time for him to turn his 
 arms towards Achseus, and check the progress 
 he made, which increased daily. To obviate 
 the danger which threatened him on that side, 
 he concluded that it would be most expedient 
 for him to make a peace upon any terms witl 
 Ptolemy, to avoid being opposed by two such 
 powerful enemies, who, invading him on both 
 sides, would certainly overpower him at last. 
 He therefore invested his ambassadors with fulJ 
 power to give up to Ptolemy all those provinces 
 which were the subject of their contest, i. e. 
 Cojle-syi'ia and Palestine. Ccele-syria included 
 that part of Syria which lies between the moun- 
 tains Libanus and Antilibanus; and Palestine 
 all the country which anciently was the inheri- 
 tance of the children of Israel ; and the coast of 
 these two provinces was what the Greeks called 
 Phojnicia. Antiochus consented to resign up 
 all this country to the king of Egypt, to pur- 
 chase a peace at this juncture j choosing rather 
 
 5 The third book of Maccabees, whence this story is ex- 
 traded, is not admitted by the church among the canoni- 
 cal books of Scripture, any more than the fourth. They 
 are prior, with regard to the order of time, to the two first 
 Dr. Prideaux, speaking of the third book, says, that thv 
 ground-work of the story is true, though the author has 
 changed some circumstances of it by intermixing fabulou." 
 incidents. 
 
 6 Polyb. 1. V. p 428. Justin. 1. xxx. c. 1. Hieron. ir 
 
 Daniel, c. 11, 
 
392 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 to give up this part of his dominions, than haz- 
 ard the losing them all. A truce was therefore 
 agreed for twelve months ; and before the expi- 
 ration of that time, a peace was concluded on 
 these terms. Ptolemy, who might have taken 
 advantage of this victory, and have conquered all 
 Syria, was desirous of putting a» ) end to the war, 
 that he might have an opportunity of devoting 
 himself entirely to his pleasures. His subjects, 
 knowing his want of spirit and effeminacy, 
 could not conceive how it had been possible for 
 him to have been so successful ; and at the same 
 time they were displeased at his having conclud- 
 ed a peace, by which he had tied up his hands. 
 The discontent they conceived on this ac- 
 count, was the chief source of the subsequent 
 disorders in Egypt, which at last rose to an open 
 rebellion : so that Ptolemy, by endeavouring to 
 avoid a foreign war, drew one upon himself in 
 the centre of his own dominions. 
 
 Antiochus,' after having 
 A. M. 3788. concluded a peace with Pto- 
 Ant. J. C. 216. lemy, devoted his whole at- 
 tention to the war against 
 A chseus, and made all the preparations necessary 
 for taking the field. At last he passed mount 
 Taurus, and entered Asia Minor with an inten- 
 tion to subdue it. Here he concluded a treaty 
 with Attalus king of Pergamus, by virtue of 
 which they united their forces against their com- 
 mon enemy. They attacked him with so much 
 vigour, that he abandoned the open country to 
 them, and shut himself up in Sardis, to which 
 Antiochus laying siege, Achseus held it out above 
 a year. He often made sallies, and a great many 
 battles were fought under the walls of the city. 
 At last, by a stratagem of Ligoras, one of An- 
 tiochus's commanders, Sardis was taken ; A- 
 chseus retired into the citadel, where he defended 
 himself, till he was delivered up by two traitor- 
 ous Cretans. This fact is worthy of notice, and 
 confirms the truth of the proverb, which said 
 that the Cretans were liars and knaves.^ 
 
 Ptolemy Philopator had made a treaty with 
 Ach£eus,=* and was very sorry for his being so 
 closely blocked up in the castle of Sardis ; and 
 therefore commanded Sosibius to relieve him at 
 any rate whatsoever. There was then in Pto- 
 lemy's court a very cunning Cretan, Bolis by 
 name, who had lived a considerable time at 
 Sardis. Sosibius consulted this man, and asked 
 whether he could not think of some method 
 for Achseus's escape. The Cretan desired time 
 to consider of it ; and returning to Sosibius, of- 
 fered to undertake it, and explained to him 
 the manner in which he intended to proceed. 
 He told him, that he had an intimate friend, 
 who was also his near relation, Cambylus by 
 name, a captain in the Cretan troops in Anti- 
 ochus's sei-vice: that he commanded at that 
 time in a fort behind the castle of Sardis, and 
 that he would prevail with him to let Achseus 
 escape that way. His project being approved, 
 he was sent with the utmost speed to Sardis to 
 put it in execution, and ten talents* were given 
 him to defray his expenses, and a much more 
 considerable sum promised him in case he suc- 
 ceeded. After his arrival, he communicates the 
 
 1 Polyb. 1. V. p. 444. 
 KeiJ-rej atii •^tva'ra), xaxoc, B'/i^ia. St. Paul, Epist. 
 lit. i. 12. 
 
 3 Polyb. 1. viii. p. 522—531. 
 4 Ten thousand French crowns. 
 
 affair to Cambylus, when those two miscreants 
 agree (for their greater advantage) to go and re- 
 veal their design to Antiochus. They offeree 
 that prince, as they themselves had determined, 
 to play their parts so well, that instead of pro- 
 curing Achaeus's escape, they would bring him 
 to him, upon condition of receiving a consider- 
 able reward, to be divided between them, as 
 well as the ten talents which Bolis had already 
 received. 
 
 Antiochus was overjoyed 
 A. M. 3789. at this proposal, and pro- 
 Ant. J. C. 215. mised them a reward that 
 sufficed to engage them to do 
 him that important service. Upon this Bolis, 
 by Cambylus's assistance, easily got admission 
 into the castle, where the credentials he produced 
 from Sosibius, and some other of Achaeus's 
 friends, gained him the entire confidence of that 
 ill-fated prince. Accordingly he trusted himself 
 to those two wretches, who, the instant he was 
 out of the castle, seized and delivered him to 
 Antiochus. This king caused him to be imme- 
 diately beheaded, and thereby put an end to that 
 war of Asia ; for the moment those who still 
 sustained the siege heard of Achaeus's death, 
 they surrendered ; and a little after, all the 
 other places in the provinces of Asia did the 
 same. 
 
 Rebels very seldom come to a good end ; and 
 though the perfidy of these traitors strikes us 
 with horror, and raises our indignation, we are 
 not inclined to pity the unhappy fate of Achaeus, 
 who had made himself deserving of it by his in- 
 fidelity to his sovereign. 
 
 It was about this time that the discontent of 
 the Egyptians against Philopator began to break 
 out.^ According to Polybius, it occasioned a 
 civil war ; but neither himself nor any other 
 author gives us the particulars of it. 
 
 We also read in Livy, 
 A. M. 3794. that the Romans some time 
 Ant. J. C. 210. after sent deputies to Ptole- 
 my and Cleopatra (doubtless 
 the same queen who before was called Arsinoe) 
 to renew their ancient friendship and alliance 
 with Egypt. These carried as a present to the 
 king, a robe and purple tunic, with an ivory 
 chair and to the queen an embroidered robe 
 and a purple scarf. Such kind of presents show 
 the happy simplicity which in those ages pre- 
 vailed among the Romans. 
 
 Philopator^ had at the 
 A. M. 3793. same time by Ai'sinoe,® his 
 Ant. J. C. 209. wife and sister, a son called 
 Ptolemy Epiphanes, who 
 succeeded him at five years of age. 
 
 Philopator,'" from the time 
 A. M. 3797. of the signal victory which 
 Ant. J. C. 207. he had obtained over Anti- 
 ochus at Raphia, had aban- 
 doned himself to pleasures and excesses of every 
 kind. Agathoclea his concubine, Agathocles the 
 brother of that woman, and their mother, gov- 
 erned him entirely. He spent all his time in 
 
 5 Polyb. 1. v. p. 444. 6 Liv. 1. xxvii. c. 4. 
 
 7 This was allowed in Rome to none but the highest 
 officers in the state. 
 
 8 Justin. 1. XXX. c. 4. 
 9 Justin calls her Eurydice. In case he is not mistaken, 
 this queen had three names, Arsinoe, Cleopatra, and Eu- 
 rydice. But Cleopatra was a name common to the queens 
 
 I of Egypt, as that of Ptolemy was to the kings. 
 10 Justin. 1. XXX. c. 1, & 2. Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. 
 1. XV. xvi. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 893 
 
 gaming, drinking, and the most infamous irre- 
 gularities. His nights were passed in debauches, 
 and his days in feasts and dissolute revels. For- 
 getting entirely the duties and character of a 
 king, instead of applying himself to the affairs 
 of state, he valued himself upon presiding in 
 concerts, and his skill in playing upon instru- 
 ments. The women disposed of every thing." 
 They conferred all employments and govern- 
 ments ; and no one had less authority in the 
 kingdom than the prince himself. Sosibius, an 
 old artful minister, who had been in office dur- 
 ing three reigns, was at the helm, and his great 
 experience had made him very capable of the 
 administration ; not indeed entirely in the man - 
 nei he desired, but as the favourites would 
 permit him to act; and he was so wicked as 
 to pay blind obedience to the most unjust com- 
 mands of a corrupt prince and his unworthy 
 minions. 
 
 Ai-sinoe,'^ the king's sister and wife, had no 
 power or authority at court ; the favourites and 
 the prime minister did not show her the least 
 respect. She, on her side, was not patient 
 enough to suffer every thing without murmur- 
 ing ; and they at last grew weary of her con- 
 tinual complaints. The king, and those who 
 governed him, commanded Sosibius to rid them 
 of her. He obeyed, and employed for that 
 purpose one Philammon, who, without doubt, 
 did not want experience in such cruel and bar- 
 barous assassinations. 
 
 This last action, added to so many more of 
 the most flagrant nature, displeased the people 
 so much, that Sosibius was obliged, before the 
 king's death, to quit his employment. He was 
 succeeded by Tlepolemus, a young man of qual- 
 ity, who had signalized himself in the army by 
 his valour and conduct. He had all the voices 
 in a grand council held for the purpose of choos- 
 ing a prime minister. Sosibius resigned to him 
 the king's seal, which was the badge of his 
 office. Tlepolemus formed the several func- 
 tions of it, and governed all the affairs of the 
 kingdom, during the king's life. But though 
 this was not long, he discovered but too plainly 
 that he had not all the qualifications necessary 
 for duly supporting so great an employment. 
 He had neither the experience, ability, nor ap- 
 plication, of his predecessor. As he had the 
 administration of all the finances, and disposed 
 of all honours and dignities of the state, and all 
 payments passed through his hands, every body, 
 as is usual, was assiduous in making their court 
 to him. He was extremely liberal ; but then 
 his bounty was hestowed without choice or dis- 
 cernment, and almost solely on those who 
 shared in his parties of pleasure. The extrava- 
 gant flatteries of those who were for ever crowd- 
 ing about his person, made him fancy his talents 
 superior to those of all other men. He assumed 
 haughty airs, abandoned himself to luxury and 
 profusion, and at last grew insupportable to 
 every one. 
 
 The wars of the East have made me suspend 
 the relation of the affairs that happened in 
 Greece during their continuance : we now re- 
 turn to them. 
 
 11 Tribunatus, prjefecturas, et ducatus mulieres ordina- 
 bant ; nec quisquam in regno suo minus, qudm ipse rex, 
 poterat. Justin. 
 
 12 Liv. 1. xxvii. c. 4. 
 
 SECT. U 
 
 The ^.tolians declare against the Achasans. Battle of 
 Caphvfe lost by Aratus. The Achaeans have recourse 
 to Philip, who undertakes their defence. Troubles 
 break out in Lacedaenionia. The unhaiipy death of 
 Cleomenes in Egypt. Two kings are elected in Lace- 
 dae.nonia. That republic joins with the JEtolians. 
 
 The iEtolians,'^ particularly in the time we 
 are now speaking of^ were becoming very power- 
 ful people in Greece. Originally their territo- 
 ries extended from the river Achelaus, to the 
 strait of the gulf of Corinth, and to the country 
 of the Locrians, surnamed Ozolse. But, in 
 process of time, they had possessed themselves 
 of several cities in Acarnania, Thessaly, and 
 other neighbouring countries. They led much 
 the same life upon land as pirates do at sea, 
 that is, they were perpetually engaged in plun- 
 der and rapine. Wholly bent on lucre, they 
 did not consider any gain as infamous or un- 
 lawful ; and were entire strangers to the laws 
 of peace or war. They were very much inured 
 to toils, and intrepid in battle. They signalized 
 themselves pai'ticularly in the war against the 
 Gauls, who made an irruption into Greece ; 
 and showed themselves zealous defenders of the 
 public liberty against the Macedonians. The 
 increase of their power had made them haughty 
 and insolent. That haughtiness appeared in 
 the answer they gave the Romans, when they 
 sent ambassadors to order them not to infest 
 Acarnania. They expressed, if we may believe 
 Trogus Pompeius, or Justin his epitomizer,'* 
 the highest contempt for Rome, which they 
 said was in its origin a shameful spectacle of 
 thieves and robbers, founded and built by a 
 frati'icide, and formerly by an assemblage of 
 women ravished from the arms of their parents. 
 I They added, that the ^tolians had always dis- 
 tinguished themselves in Greece, as much by 
 their valour as their virtue and descent; that 
 neither Philip nor Alexandei had been formi- 
 dable to them ; and at a time when the latter 
 made the whole earth tremble, they had not 
 been afraid to reject his edicts and injunctions. 
 That therefore the Romans would do well to 
 beware of provoking the ^tolians against them ; 
 a people whose arms had extirpated the Gauls, 
 and despised the Macedonians. The reader 
 may, from this speech, form a judgment of the 
 ^tolians, of whom much might be said in the 
 sequel. 
 
 From the time that Cleomenes of Sparta had 
 lost his kingdom,'^ and Antigonus, by his vic- 
 tory at Selasia, had in some measure restored 
 the peace of Greece, the inhabitants of Pelopon- 
 nesus, who were tired by the first wars, ai:d 
 imagined that affairs would always continue on 
 the same foot, had laid their arms aside, and 
 totally neglected military discipline. The JEto- 
 lians meditated taking advantage of this indo- 
 lence. Peace was insupportable to them, as it 
 obliged them to subsist at their own expense, 
 accustomed as they were to support themselves 
 wholly by rapine. Antigonus had kept them 
 in awe, and prevented them from infesting 
 their neighbours ; but, after his death, despising 
 
 13 Strab. 1. x. p. 450. Polyb. p. 331 & 746. Pausan 
 1. X. p. 650. 
 
 14 Justin. 1. xxvii. c. 2. 
 15 Polyb. 1. iv. p. i!72— 292. Plut. in A rat p. 1049. 
 
Philip because of his youth, they marched into ' pei-petually torn by sedition,' in one of which, 
 Peloponnesus sword in hand, and laid waste one of the Ephori and a great many other citi- 
 
 the territories of the Messenians. Aratus, ex- 
 asperated at this perfidy and insolence, and 
 seeing that Timoxenes, at that time captain- 
 general of the Acheeans, endeavoured to gain 
 time, because his year was near expiring; as he 
 was nominated to succeed him the following 
 year, he took upon himself the command five 
 days befoi'e the due time, in order to march the 
 sooner to the aid of the 
 
 A. M. 3783. Messenians. Accordingly, 
 Ant. J. C. 221. having assembled the A- 
 chasans, whose vigour and 
 strength had suffered by repose and inactivity, 
 he was defeated near Caphyae, in a great battle 
 fought there. 
 
 Aratus was charged with being the cause of 
 this defeat, and not without some foundation. 
 He endeavoured to prove that the loss of the 
 battle imputed to him was not his fault. He 
 declared, that, however this might be, if he had 
 been wanting in any of the duties of an able 
 commander, he asked pardon ; and entreated 
 that his actions might be examined with less 
 rigour than indulgence. His humility on this 
 occasion changed the minds of the whole assem- 
 bly, whose fury now turned against his accusers ; 
 and nothing was afterwards undertaken but by 
 his advice. However, the remembrance of his 
 defeat had exceedingly damped his courage ; so 
 that he behaved as a wise citizen rather than as 
 an able warrior; and though the ^tolians often 
 gave him opportunities to distress them, he took 
 no advantage of them, but suffered that people 
 to lay waste the whole country almost with im- 
 punity. 
 
 The Achaeans were therefore forced to apply 
 to PJacedonia again, and to call in king Philip 
 to their assistance, in hopes that the affection he 
 bore Aratus, and the confidence he had in him, 
 would incline that monarch to favour them. 
 And indeed Antigonus, at his last moments, 
 had, above all things, entreated Philip to keep 
 well with Aratus, and to follow his counsel, in 
 treating with the Achseans. Some time before, 
 he had sent him into Peloponnesus, to form 
 himself under his eye and by his counsels. Ara- 
 tus gave him the best reception in his power ; 
 treated him with the distinction due to his 
 rank ; and endeavoured to instil into him such 
 principles and sentiments, as might enable him 
 to govern with wisdom the great kingdom to 
 which he was heir. Accordingly that young 
 prince returned into Macedonia with the high- 
 est sentiments of esteem for Aratus, and the 
 most favourable disposition with regard to the 
 welfare of Greece. 
 
 But the courtiers, whose interest it was to 
 ' remove a person of Aratus's known probity, in 
 order to have the sole ascendant over their 
 young prince, made that monarch suspect his 
 conduct; and prevailed so far, as to make him 
 declare openly against Aratus. Nevertheless, 
 finding soon after that be had been imposed 
 upon, he punished the informers with great 
 severity; the sole means to banish for ever from 
 princes that calumny, which impunity, and 
 sometimes money, raise up and arm against 
 persons of the most consummate virtue. ^ Philip 
 afterwards reposed the same confidence in Ara- 
 tus as he had formerly done, and resolved to be 
 guided by his counsels only; which was mani- 
 fest on several occasions, and particularly in the 
 affair of Laoedaemonia. That unhappy city was 
 
 zens were killed, because they had declared for 
 king Philip. When that prince arrived from 
 Macedonia, he gave audience to the ambassa- 
 dors of Sparta at Tegsea, whither he had sent 
 for them. In the council he held there, several 
 were of opinion, that he should treat that city 
 as Alexander had treated Thebes. But the 
 king rejected that proposal with horror, and 
 contented himself with punishing the principal 
 authors of the insurrection. Such an instance 
 of moderation and wisdom in a king who was 
 but seventeen years of age, was greatly ad- 
 mired ; and every one was persuased, that it 
 was owing to the good counsels of Aratus. 
 However, he did not always make the same use 
 of them. 
 
 Being arrived at Corinth,* complaints were 
 made to him by many cities against the ^to- 
 lians ; and accordingly war was unanimously 
 declared against them. This was called the 
 war of the allies, which began much about the 
 same time that Hannibal was meditating the 
 siege of Saguntum. This decree was sent to 
 all the cities, and ratified in the general assem- 
 bly of the Achaeans. The iEtolians, on the 
 other side, prepared for war, and selected Sco- 
 pas their general, the principal contriver of the 
 broils they had raised, and the havoc they had 
 made. Philip now marched back his forces 
 into Macedonia ; and whilst they were in win- 
 ter-quarters, was very diligent in making the 
 necessary military preparations. He endea- 
 voured to strengthen himself by the hid of his 
 allies, few of whom answered his views; co- 
 louring their delays with false and specious 
 pretences. He also sent to king Ptolemy, to 
 entreat him not to aid the iEtolians either with 
 men or money. 
 
 Cleomenes was at that 
 A. M. 3784. time in Egypt ;^ but as a 
 Ant. J. C. 220. horrid licentiousness pre- 
 vailed in that court, and 
 the king regarded nothing but pleasures and 
 excesses of every kind, Cleomenes led a very 
 melancholy life there. Nevertheless Ptolemy, 
 in the beg-inning of his reign, had made use of 
 Cleomenes ; for, as he was afraid of his brother 
 Magas, who, on his mother's account, had great 
 authority and power over the soldiery, he con- 
 tracted a stricter amity with Cleomenes, and 
 admitted him into his most secret councils, in 
 which means for getting rid of his brother were 
 devised. Cleomenes was the only person who 
 opposed the scheme ; declaring that a king can- 
 not have any ministers more zealous for his 
 service, or more obliged to aid him in sustaining 
 the weighty burden of government, than his 
 brothers. This advice prevailed for that time ; 
 but Ptolemy's fears and suspicions soon return- 
 ing, he imagined there would be no way to get 
 rid of them, but by taking away the life of him 
 that occasioned them. After this he thought 
 himself secure ;* fondly concluding, that he had 
 no enemies to fear, either at home or abroad : 
 because Antigonus and Seleucus, at their death, 
 had left no other successors but Philip and An- 
 tiochus, both of whom he despised on account of 
 
 1 Polyb. p. 292—294. 
 2 Id. 1 iv. p. 294— '299. 
 Plut. in Cleom. p. 820—828. 
 4 Polyb. 1. V. p. S80— 385. 
 
ALEXANDER'S 
 
 their tender age. In this security he devoted 
 himself to all sorts of pleasures, which were 
 never interrupted by cares or business of any 
 kind. Neither his courtiers, nor those who had 
 employments in the state, dared to approach 
 him ; and he would scarce deign to bestow the 
 least attention on what passed in the neighbour- 
 ing kingdoms. That, however, was what em- 
 ployed the attention of his predecessors, even 
 more than the affairs of their own dominions. 
 Being possessed of Coele-syria and Cyprus, they 
 awed the kings of Syria both by sea and land. 
 As the most considerable cities, the posts and 
 harbours which lie along the coast from Pam- 
 phylia to the Hellespont, and the places in the 
 neighbourhood of Lysimachia, were subject to 
 them ; from thence they had an eye on the 
 princes of Asia, and even on the islands. How 
 would it have been possible for any one to move 
 in Thrace and Macedonia, vvhilst they had the 
 command of Ene, or Maronea, and of cities that 
 lay at a still greater distance ? With so exten- 
 sive a dominion, and so many strong places, 
 which served them as barriers, their own king- 
 dom was secure. They therefore had always 
 great reason to keep a watchful eye over what 
 was transacting without doors. Ptolemy, on 
 the contrary, disdained to give himself that 
 trouble; wine and women being his only plea- 
 sure and employment. 
 
 With such dispositions, the reader will easily 
 suppose that he could have no great esteem for 
 Cleomenes. The instant the latter had news of 
 Antigonus's death, that the Achaeans were en- 
 gaged in a great war with the ^Etolians, that 
 the Lacedaemonians were united with the latter 
 against the Achaeans and Macedonians, and that 
 all things seemed to recall him to his native 
 country, he solicited earnestly to leave Alexan- 
 dria. He therefore implored the king to favour 
 him with troops and warlike stores sufficient 
 for his return. Finding he could not obtain his 
 request, he desired that he at least might be 
 suffered to depart with his family, and be al- 
 lowed to embrace the favourable opportunity 
 for repossessing himself of his kingdom. But 
 Ptolemy was too much engaged by his plea- 
 sures, to lend an ear to Cleomenes's entrea- 
 ties. 
 
 Sosibius, who at that time had great autho- 
 rity in the kingdom, assembled his friends; and 
 ia this council a resolution was formed, not to 
 furnish Cleomenes either with a fleet or provi- 
 sions. They believed such an expense would be 
 useless ; for, from the death of Antigonus, all 
 foreign affairs had seemed to them of no impor- 
 tance. Besides, this council were apprehensive 
 that as Antigonus was dead, and as there was 
 none to oppose Cleomenes, that prince, after 
 having made an expeditious conquest of Greece, 
 would become a very formidable enemy to 
 Egypt: what increased their fears was, his 
 having thoroughly studied the state of the king- 
 dom, his knowing its strong and weak side, his 
 holding the king in the utmost contempt, and 
 seeing a great many parts of the kingdom sepa- 
 rated and at a great distance, which an enemy 
 might have a thousand opportunities of invad- 
 ing. For these reasons, it was not thought 
 proper to grant Cleomenes the fleet and other 
 succours which he desired. On the other side, 
 to give so bold and enterprising a prince leave 
 to depart, after having refused him in so con- 
 temptuous a manner, would be making an ene- 
 my of him, who would certainly, one time or 
 
 SUCCESSORS. 395 
 
 other, remember the affront which had been put 
 upon him. Sosibius was therefore of opinion, 
 that it was not even safe to allow him his liberty 
 in Alexandria. A word which Cleomenes had 
 let drop, came then into his mind. In a coun- 
 cil, where Magas was the subject of the debate, 
 the prime minister had signified his fears lest 
 this prince should raise an insuiTection by means 
 of the foreign soldiers, " 1 answer for them," 
 says Cleomenes, speaking of those of Pelopon- 
 nesus : " and you may depend, that upon the 
 first signal I give, they will take up arms in 
 your favour." This made Sosibius hesitate no 
 longer: on a fictitious accusation, which he 
 corroborated by a letter he himself had forged 
 in that unhappy prince's name, he prevailed 
 with the king to seize his person, and to im-. 
 prison him in a secure place, where he might 
 maintain him always in the manner he had 
 hitherto done, with the liberty of seeing his 
 friends, but not of going abroad. 
 
 This treatment threw Cleomenes into the 
 deepest affliction and melancholy. As he did 
 not perceive any end of his calamities, he formed 
 a resolution, in concert with those friends who 
 used to visit him, which despair only could 
 suggest; and this was, to repel the injustice of 
 Ptolemy by force of arms ; to stir up his sub- 
 jects against him ; to die a death worthy of 
 Sparta ; and not to wait, as stalled victims, till 
 it was thought proper to sacrifice them. 
 
 His friends having found means to get him 
 out of the prison, they all ran in a body, with 
 drawn swords, into all the streets, exhorting 
 and calling upon the populace to recover their 
 liberty ; but not a man joined them. They 
 killed the governor of the city, and some other 
 noblemen who came to oppose them ; and after- 
 wards ran to the citadel with intention to force 
 the gates, and set all the prisoners at liberty ; 
 but they found them shut and strongly barri- 
 cadoed. Cleomenes, now lost to all hopes, ran 
 up and down the city, during which not a soul 
 either followed or opposed him ; but all fled 
 through fear. When they, therefore, saw that 
 it would be impossible for them to succeed in 
 their enterprise, they terminated it in a tragical 
 and bloody manner, by running upon each 
 other's swords, to avoid the infamy of punish- 
 ment. Thus died -Cleomenes, after having 
 reigned sixteen years over Sparta. The king 
 caused his body to be hanged on a cross, and 
 ordered his mother, children, and all the women 
 who attended them, to be put to death. When 
 that unhappy princess was brought to the place 
 of execution, the only favour she asked was, 
 that she might die before her children. But 
 they began with them ; a torment more grievous 
 to a mother than death itself ; after which, she 
 presented her neck to the executioner, saying 
 only these words : " Ah ! my dear children, to 
 what a place did you come !" 
 
 The design of Agis and Cleomenes to reform 
 Sparta, and revive its ancient discipline, was 
 certainly very laudable in itself : and both had 
 reason to think, that in a state wholly infected 
 and corrupted as that of Sparta then was, to 
 pretend to reform abuses one after another, and 
 remedy disorders by degrees, was only cutting 
 off the heads of a hydra; and therefore that it 
 would be absolutely necessary to strike at the 
 root of the evil. However, I canriot say 
 whether Plato's maxim should not be adopted 
 here, viz. that nothing should be attempted in 
 a free state, but what the citizens may be pre- 
 
1 — 
 
 39G 
 
 HISTOUY OP 
 
 ailed on to admit by gentle means ; and that 
 violence should never be employed.' Are there 
 not some desperate diseases in which medicines 
 would only accelerate death? And have not 
 some disorders gained so great an ascendant in a 
 state,** that to attempt a reformation at such a 
 time would only discover the impotency of the 
 magistrates and laws? But, a circumstance 
 which admits of no excuse in Cleomenes, is, his 
 having, against all the laws of reason and jus- 
 tice, murdered the Ephori, in order to gain suc- 
 cess to his enterprise; a conduct absolutely ty- 
 rannical, unworthy of a Spartan, and more un- 
 worthy of a king ; and which at the same time 
 seemed to give a sanction to those tjTants, who 
 afterwards inflicted such evils on Lacedsemonia. 
 And, indeed, Cleomenes himself has been called 
 a tyrant by some historians, and with him they 
 have begun the series of the tyrants of Sparta.^ 
 During the three years that Cleomenes had 
 left Sparta,* the citizens had not thought of no- 
 minating kings, from the hopes they entertained 
 that he would return again ; and had always 
 preserved the highest esteem and veneration for 
 him. But, as soon as news was brought of his 
 death, they proceeded to the election of kings. 
 They first nominated Agesipolis, a child, de- 
 scended from one of the royal families, and ap- 
 pointed his uncle Cleomenes his governor. Af- 
 terwards they chose Lycurgus, none of whose 
 ancestors had reigned, but who had bribed the 
 Ephori, by giving each of them a talent,^ which 
 was putting the crown to sale at a very low 
 price. They soon had reason to repent their 
 choice, which was in direct opposition to all 
 laws, and till then had never an example. The 
 factious party, which openly opposed Philip, 
 and committed the most enormous violences in 
 the city, had presided in this election ; and im- 
 mediately after, they caused Sparta to declare in 
 favour of the JLtolians. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 Various expeditions of Philip against the enemies of the 
 Achseans. Apelles, his prime minister, abuses his con- 
 fidence in an extraordinary manner. Philip makes an 
 inroad into ^tolia. Therms taken without opposition. 
 Excesses of Philip's soldiers in that city. Prudent re- 
 treat of that prince. Tumults in the camp. Punish- 
 ment of those who had occasioned them. Inroad of 
 Philip into Laconia. The conspirators form new cabals. 
 Punishment inflicted on them. A peace is proposed he. 
 tween Philip and the Achseans on one side, and the M- 
 tolians on the other, which at last is concluded. 
 
 We have already related," 
 A. M. 3785. that Philip king of Mace- 
 Ant. J. C. 219. don, being called in by the 
 Achseans to their aid, had 
 come to Corinth, where their general assembly 
 was held, and that there war had been unani- 
 mously declared against the ^tolians. The 
 king returned afterwards to Macedonia, to 
 
 1 Jubet Plato, quern ego autorera vehementer sequor, 
 Tantum contendere in republicA, quantum proharecivibus 
 tuis possis : vim neque parenti neque patrije afferre opor- 
 tere. Cic \. i. Epist. 9. ad Famil. 
 
 2 Dccebat omittere potids przevalida et adulta vitia, 
 quam hoc adsequi, ut palam fieret quibus flagitiis impares 
 essemus. Tacit. Annal. 1. iii. c. 53. 
 
 3 Post mortem Cleomenis, qui primus Tyrannus Lace- 
 dasmone fuit. Liv. I. xxxiv. n. 26. 
 
 4 Polyb. 1. iv. p. 304. 5 A thousand crowns. 
 6 Polyb. 1. iv. p. 294—306 
 
 make the necessary preparations for catrying on 
 the war. 
 
 Philip brought over Scerdiledes to the alliance 
 with the Achseans. He was, as has been o\y- 
 served, a petty king of Illyria. The Jitolians, 
 whose ally he was, had broken their engage- 
 ments with him by refusing to give him a cer- 
 tain share of the spoils they had gained at the 
 taking of Cynethium, according to the articles 
 agreed upon between them. Philip embraced 
 with joy this opportunity of revenging himself 
 for their perfidy. 
 
 Demetrius of Pharos joined also with Philip.' 
 We have ali'eady seen that the Romans, in 
 whose favour he had declared at first, had be- 
 stowed on him several of the cities they had con- 
 quered in Illyria. As the chief revenue of those 
 petty princes had consisted- hitherto in the plun- 
 der they got from their neighbours; when the 
 Romans were removed, he could not forbear 
 ^jillaging the cities and territories subject to 
 them. Besides, Demetrius, as well as Scerdi- 
 ledes, had sailed, on the same design, beyond the 
 city of Issus ; which was a direct infraction of 
 the chief article of the treaty concluded with 
 queen Teuta. For these reasons the Romans 
 declared war against Demetrius. JEmilius the 
 consul attacked him with great vigour, dispos- 
 sessed him of his strongest fortresses, and be- 
 sieged him in Pharos, from whence he escaped 
 with the utmost difficulty. The city surrender- 
 ed to the Romans. Demetrius,^ being dispos- 
 sessed of all his dominions, fled to Philip, who 
 received him with open arms. This otfended 
 the Romans very much, who thereupon sent 
 ambassadors to him, demanding Dciiietrius to 
 be delivered up. However, Philip, who medi- 
 tated at that time the design which broke out 
 soon after, paid no regard to their demand , and \ 
 Demetrius spent the remainder of his days with 
 that monarch. He was a valiant and bold man, 
 but at the same time rash and inconsiderate in 
 his enterprises ; and his courage was entirely 
 void of prudence and judgment. 
 
 The Achseans, being on the point of engaging 
 in a considerable war, sent to their allies. The 
 Acarnanians joined them very cheerfully, though 
 they incurred great danger, as they lay nearest 
 the .^tolians, and consequently were most ex- 
 posed to the inroads of that people. Polybius 
 praises their fidelity exceedingly. 
 
 The people of Epirus did not show so much 
 good will, and seemed desirous of continuing 
 neuter : nevertheless, they engaged in the war a [ 
 little after. i 
 
 Deputies were also sent to king Ptolemy, to 
 desire him not to assist the jEtolians either witli i 
 troops or money. 
 
 The Messenians, for whose sake that v/arhad , 
 been first begun, no way answered the hopcb 
 which had been naturally entertained, of their 
 employing their whole foi'ce to carry it on. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians had declared at first for 
 the Achseans ; but the contrary faction caused } 
 the decree to be reversed, and they joined tht ! 
 iEtolians. It was on this occasion, as I have 
 said before, that Agesipolis and Lycurgus were \ 
 elected kings of Sparta. ! 
 
 Aratus the younger, son of the great Aratus, 
 was at that time supreme magistrate of the 
 Achseans, as was Scopas of the ^tolians. j 
 
 7 Polyb 1. iii. p. 171—174. Lib. iv. p. 285— 505— SStt 
 8 I>iv. 1. xxii. n. 33. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 397 
 
 Philip inarched from Macedonia with 15,000 
 foot and 800 horse.^ Having crossed Thessaly, 
 he arrived in Epirus. Had he marched directly 
 against the -iEtolians, he would have come upon 
 them unawares, and have defeated them : but, 
 at the request of the Epirots, he laid siege to 
 Ambracia, which employed him forty days, and 
 gave the enemy time to make preparations, and 
 wait his coming up. They did more. Scopas, 
 at the head of a body of j3Etolians, advanced into 
 Macedonia, made dreadful havoc, and returned 
 in a very short time laden with spoils : this ac- 
 tion did him prodigious honour, and greatly 
 animated his forces. However, this did not 
 hinder Philip from entering ^Etolia, and seizing 
 on a great number of important forti'esses. He 
 would have entirely conquered it, had not the 
 news he received, that the Dardanians'" intended 
 to make an inroad into his kingdom, obliged him 
 to return thither. At his departure he promised 
 the ambassadors of the Achseans to return soon 
 to their assistance. His sudden arrival discon- 
 certed the Dardanians, and put a stop to their 
 enterprise. He then returned to Thessaly, with 
 an intention to pass the rest of the summer in 
 Larissa. 
 
 In the mean time," Dorimachus, whom the 
 JEtolians had just before nominated their gen- 
 eral, entered Epirus, laid waste all the open 
 country, and did not spare even the temple of 
 Dodona. 
 
 Philip, though it was now the depth of win- 
 ter, had left Larissa, and arrived at Corinth 
 without any one's having had the least notice of 
 his march. He there ordered the elder Aratus 
 to attend him, and by a letter to his son, who 
 commanded the forces this year, gave him orders 
 whither to march them. Caphyse was to be the 
 rendezvous. Euripida^, who knew nothing of 
 Philip's arrival, was then marching a detach- 
 ment of above 2000 natives of Elis, to lay waste 
 the territory of Sicyon. They fell into the 
 hands of Philip, and all except 100 were either 
 killed or taken prisoners. 
 
 The king, having joined Aratus the younger 
 with his forces at the rendezvous appointed, 
 marched towards Psophis,'^ in order to besiege 
 it. This was a very daring attempt ; for the 
 city was thought almost impregnable, as well 
 from its natural situation, as from the fortifica- 
 tions which had been added to it. As it was 
 the depth of winter, the inhabitants were under 
 no apprehension that any one would, or even 
 could, attack them : Philip, however, did it 
 vp-ith success ; for, first the city, and afterwards 
 the citadel, surrendered after making some re- 
 sistance. As they were very far from expect- 
 ing to be besieged, the want of ammunition and 
 provisions very much facilitated the taking of 
 that city. Philip gave it very generously to the 
 Achseans, to whom it was a most important post, 
 assuring them that there was nothing he desired 
 more than to oblige them ; and to give them the 
 strongest proofs of his zeal and affection for their 
 interest. A prince who always acts in this 
 manner is truly great, and does honour to the 
 royal dignity. 
 
 From thence, after possessing himself of some 
 other cities, which he also gave to his allies, he 
 
 9 Polyb. 1. iv. p. 325—330. 
 lO These were a people bordering on Macedonia, to the 
 north of that kingdom. 
 
 11 Polyb. 1. iv. p. 330—336. 
 12 A city of Arcadia. 
 
 I marched to Elis, in order to lay it waste. Thi& 
 I territory was very rich and populous, and the 
 inhabitants of the country were in a flourishing 
 condition. Formerly this territory had been 
 deemed sacred, on account of the Olympic games 
 solemnized there every four years ; and all the 
 nations of Greece had agreed not to infest it, or 
 carry their arms into it. But the Eleans had 
 themselves been the occasion of their losing that 
 privilege, because, like other states, they had en- 
 gaged in the wars of Greece. Here Philip got 
 a very considerable booty, with which he en- 
 riched his troops, after which he retired to 
 Olympia. 
 
 Among the several courtiers of king Philip," 
 Apelles held the chief rank, and had a consid- 
 erable influence on the mind of his sovereign, 
 whose governor he had been : but, as too fre- 
 quently happens on these occasions, he very 
 much abused his power, which he employed 
 wholly in oppressing individuals and states. 
 He had taken it into his head, to reduce the 
 Achagans to the same condition as that in which 
 Thessaly was at that time; that is, to subject 
 them absolutely to the commands of the minis- 
 ters of Macedonia, by leaving them only the 
 name and a vain shadow of liberty ; and to ac- 
 custom them to the yoke, he caused them to suf- 
 fer every kind of injurious treatment. Aratus 
 complained of this to Philip, who was highly 
 exasperated on that account; and accordingly 
 assured him, he would give such orders, that 
 nothing of that kind should happen for the fu- 
 ture. Accordingly, he enjoined Apelles never 
 to lay any commands on the Achaeans, but in 
 concert with their general. This was behaving 
 with an indolent tenderness towards a ministei 
 who had so shamefully abused his master's con- 
 fidence, and had therefore deserved to be entire- 
 ly disgraced. The Achseans, overjoyed at the fa- 
 vour which Philip showed them, and at the or- 
 ders he had given for their peace and security, 
 were continually bestowing the highest encomi- 
 ums on that prince, and extolling his excellent 
 qualities. And, indeed, he possessed those 
 which can endear a king to his people; such as 
 a lively genius, a happy memory, easy elocution, 
 and an unaffected grace in all his actions ; a 
 beautiful aspect, heightened by a noble aiiu ma- 
 jestic air, which struck the beholders with awe 
 and respect ; a sweetness of temper, affability, 
 and a desire to please ; and to finish the picture, 
 a valour, an inti'epidity, and an experience in 
 war, which far exceeded his years : so that one 
 can hai'dly conceive the strange alteration that 
 afterwards appeared in his morals and behavi- 
 our. 
 
 Philip having possessed himself of Aliphera,'* 
 which was a post of great strength, the greatest 
 part of the people of that country, astonished at 
 the rapidity of his conquests, and weary of the 
 ^tolian tyranny, submitted to his arms. Thus 
 he soon made himself master of all Triphylia. 
 
 At thistime,'^ Chilo, the Lacedaemonian, pre- 
 tending that he had a better right to the crown 
 than Lycurgus, on whose head they had placed | 
 it, resolved to dispossess him of it, and to set itl 
 on his own. Having engaged in his party about I 
 200 citizens, he entered the city in a forcible] 
 manner, killed the Ephori who were at table I 
 together, and marched directly towards Lycur- I 
 
 13 Polyb. L iv. p. 338, 339. 
 11 Ibid. 3S9— 343 15 Ibid, 343, ,m 
 
Ids 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 aus's house, intending to kill him: but hearing 
 the tumult, he had made his escape. Cbilo then 
 went into the great square of the city, exhorted 
 the citizens to recover their liberty; making 
 them, at the same time, the greatest promises. 
 Seeing, however, that he could make no impres- 
 sion on them, and that he had failed in his at- 
 tempt, he sentenced himself to banishment, and 
 retired to Achaia. It is surprising to see Spar- 
 tA formerly so j -alous of its liberty, and mistress 
 of all Greece till the battle of Leuctra, now till- 
 ed with tumults and insurrections, and igno 
 miniouslv subjected to a kind of tyrants, whose 
 very name formerly she could not endure. Such 
 were the effects of 'their having violated Lycur- 
 gus s laws ; and especially of their introducing 
 gold and silver into Sparta, which drew after 
 them, by insensible degrees, the lust of power, 
 avarice, pride, luxury, effeminacy, immorality, 
 and all those vices which are generally insepara- 
 ble from riches. 
 
 Philip,' being arrived at Argos, spent the 
 rest of the winter there. Apelles had not yet 
 laid aside the design he meditated of enslaving 
 the Achseans. But Aratus, for whom the king 
 had a very particular regard, and in whom he 
 reposed the highest confidence, was an invinci- 
 ble obstacle to his project. He therefore resolv- 
 ed, if possible, to get rid of him ; and tor this 
 purpose he sent privately for all those who were 
 his secret enemies, and used his utmost endeav- 
 ours to gain them the prince's favour. After 
 this, in all his conversations with him, he hinted 
 
 v^nnlflhavPiinnower: and wouldbeasmuchsub- the decision oiii. . 
 
 that so long as Aratus should enjoy any authori 
 
 blic of the Achseans, he (Philip^ 
 would have no power ; and would be as much sub- | 
 iect to their laws and usages as the meanest of 
 their citizens ; whereas, were he to raise to the 
 chief administration of affairs some person who 
 might be entirely dependant on him, he then might 
 act as sovereign, and govern others, instead of 
 being himself governed. The new friends en- 
 forced these reflections, and refined on the argu- 
 ments of Apelles. This idea of despotic power 
 pleased the young king : and indeed it is the 
 strongest tem'ptation that can be laid in the way 
 cf princes. Accordingly he went for that pur- 
 pose to /ligium, where the assembly of the states 
 was held for the election of a new general ; and 
 prevailed so far by his promises and menaces, 
 that he got Philoxenus, whose election Aratus 
 had supported and gained, excluded; and obliged 
 them to make choice of Eperatus, who was his 
 direct enemy. Implicitly devoted to the will of 
 his prime minister, he did not perceive that he 
 degraded himself in the most ignominious man- 
 ner; nothing being more disgusting to free as- 
 semblies, such as those of Greece, than the least 
 attempt to violate the freedom of elections. 
 
 A person was thus chosen entirely unworthy 
 of the post, as is commonly the case in all forced 
 elections. Eperatus, having neither merit nor 
 experience, was universally despised. As Ara- 
 tus intermeddled no longer in public affairs, no- 
 thing was well done, and all things were hasten- 
 ing to their ruin. Philip, on whom the blame 
 fell, became sensible that very pernicious coun- 
 sels had been given him. Upon this, he again 
 had recourse to Aratus, and reinstated him en- 
 tirely in his friendship and confidence : and per- 
 ceiving that after this step his affairs flourished 
 visibly, and that his reputation and power in- 
 
 creased daily, he would not make use of ar ) 
 counsel but that of Aratus, as of the only man 
 to whom he owed all his grandeur and glory. 
 Who would not imagine, after such evident and 
 repeated proofs on one side of Aratus's inno* 
 cence, and on the other of Apelles's black malice, 
 that Philip would have been undeceived for 
 ever ; and have been fully sensible which of the 
 two had the most sincere zeal for his service? 
 The sequel, however, will show, that jealousy 
 never dies but with the object that excited it; 
 and that princes seldom overcome prejudices that 
 are grateful to their authority. 
 
 A new proof of this soon appeared. As the 
 inhabitants of Elis refused the advantageous 
 conditions which Philip offered them by one 
 Amphidam.us, Apelles hinted to him, that so 
 unreasonable a refusal was owing to the ill ser- 
 vices which Aratus did him clandestinely, 
 though outwardly he pretended to have his in- 
 terest very much at heart : that he alone had 
 kept Amphidamus from enforcing, as he ought 
 to have done, and as he had engaged to do, to 
 the inhabitants of Elis, the offers which the 
 king made them : and on this foundation he in- 
 vented a long story, and named several witnesses 
 of its truth. The king, however, was so just, 
 as to insist upon his prime minister's repeating 
 these accusations in presence of the man whom 
 he charged with them : and this Apelles did not 
 scruple to do, and that with such an air of as- 
 surance, or rather impudence, as might have 
 disconcerted the most virtuous man. He even 
 added, that the king would lay this affair before 
 
 and leave to them 
 
 I'olyb 1. IV. p. 344—349. 
 
 firmly persuaded, that by the infiuence he had 
 there, he should not fail to get him cond^-mned. 
 Aratus, in making his defence, began by be- 
 seeching the king, not lightly to give credit tc 
 the several things laid to his charge ; that it was 
 a justice which a king, more than any other 
 man, owed to a person accused, to command a 
 stru't inquiry to be made into the several arti- 
 cles of the accusation, and till then to suspend 
 his judgment. In consequence of this, he re- 
 quired, that Apelles should ba obliged to pro- 
 duce his witnesses ; him, especially, from whom 
 he pretended to have heard the several particu- 
 lars laid to his charge ; and that they should 
 omit none of the methods used and prescribed 
 in establishing a fact before it was laid before 
 the public council. The king thought Aratus s 
 demand very just and reasonable, and promised 
 it should be complied with. However, thi- 
 time passed on, and Apelles did not prepare to 
 yive in his proofs ; how, indeed, would it have 
 been possible for him to do that? An unfore- 
 seen accident brought Amphidamus, by a kind 
 of chance, to the city of Dyma;, whither Philip 
 was come to settle some affairs. Aratus snatch- 
 ed the opportunity ; and begged the king him- 
 self to take cognizance of this matter. He com- 
 plied with Aratus's request, and found that 
 there was not the least ground for the charge. 
 Accordingly, Aratus was pronounced innocent, 
 but no punishment was inflicted on the calum- 
 niator. , , . , 
 
 This impunity emboldened him the more ; so 
 that he continued his secret intrigues, in order 
 to remove those who gave him the least um- 
 brage. Besides Apelles, there wei;e four othei 
 perions who divided the chief offices of the 
 crown among them, and at the same time en^ 
 ioyed the king's confidence. Antigonus had 
 appointed them by his will, and assigned eacl 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 of them his employment. His principal view 
 in this choice was, to prevent those cabals and 
 intrigues which are almost unavoidable during 
 the minority of an infant prince. Two of these 
 noblemen, Leontius and Megaleas, were entire- 
 ly devoted to Apelles ; but as to the other two, 
 Taurion and Alexander, he had not the same 
 ascendant over them. Taurion presided over 
 the affairs of Peloponnesus, and Alexander had 
 the command of the guards. Now the prime 
 minister wanted to give their employments to 
 noblemen on whom he could entirely rely, and 
 who would be as much devoted to his views as 
 he could wish them. However, he endeavoured 
 to undermine their credit by other methods than 
 those he had employed against Aratus ; for, says 
 Polybius, courtiers have the art of moulding 
 themselves into all shapes, and employ sometimes 
 praise and sometimes slander to gai^ their ends. 
 Whenever Taurion was mentioned, Apelles 
 would applaud his merit, his courage, his expe- 
 rience ; and speak of him as a man worthy of 
 the king's more intimate confidence : he did'thi? 
 in the view of detaining him at court, and pro- 
 curing the government of Peloponnesus (a place 
 of great importance, and which required the 
 presence of the person invested with it) for one 
 of his creatures. . Whenever Alexander was the 
 subject of the discourse, he lost no opportunity 
 of representing him in the most odious colours 
 to the king, and even endeavoured to render his 
 fidelity suspected, in order to remove him from 
 court, that his post might be given to some per- 
 son who would be dependant entirely on him. 
 Polybius will show hereafter, what was the re- 
 sult of all these secret machinations. He only 
 hints in this place, that Apelles was at last taken 
 in his own snare, and met with the treatment 
 he was preparing for others. But we shall first 
 see him commit the blackest and most abomina- 
 ble injustice towards Aratus, and even direct his 
 criminal designs against the king himself. 
 
 I before observed,^ that Philip having discov- 
 ered that he had been more than once imposed 
 upon, had restored Aratus to his favour and 
 confidence. Supported by his credit and coun- 
 sels, he went to the assembly of the Achseans, 
 which had been appointed on his account to meet 
 at Sicyon. On the report he made of the state 
 of his exchequer, and of the urgent need in 
 which he stood of money to maintain his forces, 
 a resolution was passed to furnish him with fifty 
 talents,^ the instant his troops should set out 
 upon their march ; with three months' pay for 
 his soldiers, and 10,000 measures of wheat: and, 
 that afterwards, as long as he should carry on 
 the war in person in Peloponnesus, they should 
 furnish him with seventeen talents* a month. 
 
 When the troops returned 
 A. M. 3786. from their winter-quarters, 
 Ant. J. C. 218. and were assembled, the king 
 debated in council on the 
 operations of the ensuing campaign. It was 
 resolved to act by sea, because they thereby 
 should infallibly divide the enemy's forces, from 
 the uncertainty they must be under, with regard 
 to the side on which they should be attacked. 
 Philip was to make war on the inhabitants of 
 ^tolia, Lacedsemonia, and Elis, 
 
 Whilst the king, who was now returned to 
 Corinth, was training his Macedonians in the 
 
 2 Polyb. 1. V. 350. 360. S Fifty thousand crowns. 
 4 Seventeen thousand crowns. 
 
 I several exercises of the sea-service, Apelles wh 
 I found his influence lessened, and was exaspei 
 ated to see the counsels of Aratus followed, aiifl 
 not his own, took secret measures to defeat all 
 the king's designs. His view was to make him- 
 self necessary to his sovereign ; and to forre 
 him, by the ill posture of his affairs, to throw 
 j himself into the arms of a minister, who was 
 j best acquainted with, and then actually in the 
 ! administration of them. How villanous was 
 ; this! Apelles prevailed with Leontius and Me- 
 galeas, his two confidants, to behave with ne- 
 gligence in the employments with which they 
 should be intrusted. As for himself, he went 
 I to Chalcis, upon pretence of having some affairs 
 ' to transact; and there, as his orders were punc- 
 tually obeyed by every one, he stopped the con- 
 voys of money which were sending to the king ; 
 and thereby reduced him to such necessity, that 
 he was forced to pawn his plate tu subsist him- 
 self and his household. 
 
 Philip having put to sea, arrived the second 
 day at Patrae ; and from thence having landed 
 at Cephalenia,* he laid siege to Paleis, a city 
 which, from its situation, would be of great ad- 
 vantage to him, as a place of arms ; and as en- 
 I abling him to infest the territories of his ene- 
 mies. He caused his military engines to be ad- 
 vanced, and mines to be run. One of the ways 
 of making breaches was, to dig out the earth 
 under the very foundation of the walls. When 
 they were got to it, they propped and supported 
 the walls with great wooden beams, to which 
 the miners afterwards set ifire, and then retired ; 
 when presently great part of the wall would fall 
 down. As the Macedonians had worked with 
 incredible ardour, they very soon made a breach 
 more than thirty fathoms wide. Leontius was 
 commanded to mount this breach with his 
 troops. Had he exerted himself ever so little, 
 the city would certainly have been taken ; but 
 he attacked the enemy very faintly, so that he 
 was repulsed, lost a great number of his men, 
 and Philip was obliged to raise the siege. 
 
 The moment he began it, the enemy had sent 
 Lycurgus with some troops into Messenia, and 
 Dorimachus with half of the army into Thessa- 
 ly, to oblige Philip, by this double diversion, to 
 lay aside his enterprise. Deputies had arrived 
 soon after from the Acarnanians and Messen- 
 ians. Philip, having raised the siege, assembled 
 his council, to debate on which side he should 
 turn his arms. The Messenians represented, 
 that in one day the forces might march from 
 Cephalenia into their country, and at once 
 overpower Lycurgus, who did not expect to be 
 so suddenly attacked. Leontius enforced this 
 advice very strongly. His secret reason was, 
 that as it would be impossible for Philip to re- 
 turn, as the winds would be directly contrary at 
 that time, he therefore would be forced to stay 
 there, by which means the campaign would be 
 spent and nothing done. The Acarnanians on 
 the contrary, urged him to march directly into 
 ^tolia, which was then unprovided with troops: 
 declaring that the whole country might be laid 
 waste without the least resistance ; and that 
 Dorimachus would be prevented from making 
 an iiTuption into Macedonia. Aratus did not 
 fail to declare in favour of the latter opinion ; 
 and the king, who from the time of the coward- 
 ly attack at Paleis, had begun to suspect Leon- 
 tius, acquiesced in the advice of Aratus. 
 
 5 An island In the Ionian see. 
 
4C0 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 Having provided for the urgent necessities of 
 the Messeoians, he went from Cephalenia, ar- 
 rived the second day at Leucadia, frona thence 
 entered the gulf of Ambracia, and came a little 
 before day-break to Limntea. Immediately he 
 commanded the soldiers to take some refresh- 
 ment, to rid themselves of the greatest part of 
 their baggage, and be ready for marching. In 
 the afternoon, Philip having left the baggage 
 under a strong guard, set out from Limn sea ; 
 and after a march of about sixty furlongs, he 
 halted, to give his army some time for refresh- 
 ment and rest. He then marched all night, 
 and arrived at day-break at the river Achelous, 
 intending to fall suddenly and unexpectedly 
 upon Thermae. Leontius advised the king to 
 halt for some time, giving for his reason, that as 
 the soldiers had been fatigued with the length 
 of their march, it would be proper for them to 
 take breath ; hut, in reality, to give the JEto- 
 lians time to prepare for their defence. Aratus, 
 on the contrary, knowing that opportunity is 
 swift-winged, and that Leontius's advice was 
 manifestly traitorous, conjured Philip to seize 
 the favourable moment, and set out on his 
 march that instant. 
 
 The king, who was already offended at Leon- 
 tius, and began to suspect him, sets out im- 
 mediately, crosses the Achelous, and marches 
 directly to Thermae, through a very rugged and 
 almost impervious road cut between very steep 
 rocks. This was the capital city of the country, 
 in which the ^tolians every year held their 
 fairs and solemn assemblies, as well for the 
 worship of the gods, as for the election of ma- 
 gistrates. As this city was thought impreg- 
 nable, because of the advantage of its situation, 
 and that no enemy had ever dared to approach 
 it; the ZEtolians used to leave their richest 
 effects and all their wealth there, imagining 
 i they were very safe. But how great was their 
 i surprise, when, at the close of the day, they saw 
 I Philip enter it with his army ! 
 
 After having taken immense spoils in the 
 night, the Macedonians pitched their camp. 
 The next morning it was resolved that the most 
 valuable effects should be carried away; and 
 having piled up the rest of the booty at the head 
 of the camp, they set fire to it. They did the 
 same witli regard to the arms which hung on 
 the galleries of the temple ; the best were laid 
 by for service, and the remainder, amounting to 
 upwards of 15,000, were burnt to ashes. Hith- 
 erto every thing which had been transacted was 
 just, and agreeable to the laws of war. 
 
 But the Macedonians did not stop here. 
 Transported with fury at the remembrance of 
 the wild havoc which the Jitolians had made 
 in Dium and Dodona, they set fire to the gal- 
 leries of the temple, tore down all the offerings 
 which hung on them, among which were some 
 of exceeding beauty and prodigious value. Not 
 satisfied with burning the roofs, they razed the 
 temple. The statues, of which there were at 
 least 2000, were thrown down. A great num- 
 ber of them were broken to pieces ; and those 
 only spared which were known, by their form 
 or inscriptions, to represent gods. They wrote 
 the following verse on the walls : 
 
 Remember Dium : Diura sends you this. 
 
 The horror with which the sacrileges com- 
 mitted bj the ^tolians at Dium had inspired 
 Philip aiid his allies, without doubt convinced 
 them that they might revenge it by the commis- 
 
 sion of the like crimes ; and that they were then 
 making just reprisals. However, says Poly- 
 bius, the reader will allow me to think other- 
 wise. To support his opinion, he cites three 
 great examples, taken from the very family of 
 the prince whose conduct he here censures. An- 
 tigonus, after having defeated Cleomenes, king 
 of the Lacedaemonians, and possessed himself of 
 Sparta, so far from extending his rage to the 
 temples and sacred things, did not even make 
 those he had conquered feel the effects of it ; on 
 the conti-ary, he restored to them the form of 
 government which they had received from their 
 ancestors, and treated them with the highest 
 testimonies of kindness and friendship. Philip, 
 to whom the royal family owed all its splen- 
 dour, and who defeated the Athenians at Chae- 
 ronea, made them sensible of his power and 
 victory by no other marks than his beneficence ; 
 restoring their prisoners without ransom ; him- 
 self taking care of the dead, ordering Antipater 
 to convey their bones to Athens, and giving 
 clothes to such of the prisoners as were most in 
 want of them. And lastly, Alexander the 
 Great, in the height of his fury against Thebes, 
 which he razed to the ground, so far from being 
 forgetful of the veneration due to the gods, took 
 care not to suffer his soldiers (even through im- 
 prudence) to do the least injury to the temples 
 and other sacred places : and what is still more 
 worthy our admiration, in his war with the 
 Persians, who had plundered and burned most 
 of the temples in Greece, Alexander spared and 
 reverenced all places dedicated to the worship of 
 the gods. 
 
 It were to be wished, continues Polybius, 
 that Philip, mindful of the examples his ances- 
 tors set him, had strove to show that he had 
 succeeded rather to their moderation and mag 
 nanimity, than to their empire and power. Tht 
 laws of war, indeed, frequently oblige a con- 
 queror to demolish towns and citadels ; to fill 
 up harbours, to capture men and ships, to carry 
 off the fruits of the earth, and things of a liiie 
 nature, in order to lessen the strength of the 
 enemy and increase his own : but to destroy 
 what neither c^n do him any prejudice, nor will 
 contribute to the defeat of the enemy ; to burn 
 temples, to break statues, and similar ornaments 
 of a city, in pieces ; cei'tainly nothing but the 
 wildest and most extravagant fury can be capa- 
 ble of such violence. It is not merely to ruin 
 and destroy those who have done us injury, 
 that we ought to declare war, in case we desire 
 to be thought just and equitable ; but only to 
 oblige such people to acknowledge and make 
 amends for their faults. The true end of war 
 is not to involve in the same ruin the innocent 
 and the guilty, but rather to save both. These 
 are the sentiments of a soldier and a heathen. 
 
 Though Philip, on this occasion, showed no 
 great regard for religion, he acted like an excel- 
 lent captain. His view in putting to sea, was 
 to go and sui-prise the city of Thermae, taking 
 advantage of the absence of part of the iEtolian 
 forces. To conceal his design, he took so large 
 a compass, as left the enemy in doubt with re- 
 gard to the place he intended to attack; and 
 prevented their seizing some passes of the moun- 
 tains and defiles in which he might have been 
 stopped short. Some rivers were to be passed : 
 it was necessary for him to make the utmost 
 haste, and turn short upon ^tolia by a swift 
 countermarch. This Philip does without lis- 
 tening to the advice of traitors. To lighten hi^ 
 , army, he leaves his Lagsiage. He goes througl 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 401 
 
 .he defiles without meeting the least obstacle, 
 and enters Thei mse, as if he had dropped from 
 the skies; so well had he concealed and has- 
 tened his march, of which the enemy do not 
 seem to have had the least suspicion. 
 
 His retreat was full as extraordinary. To 
 secure it he had seized upon several important 
 posts; expecting that at his coming down, his 
 rear-guard particularly would be attacked. It 
 was accordingly charged at two different times; 
 however, the prudent precautions he had taken, 
 entirely baffled all the efforts of the enemy. 
 
 An enterprise so well concerted, so seci'etly 
 carried on, and executed with so much wisdom 
 and despatch, surpasses the abilities of so young 
 a prince as Philip ; and seems to characterize a 
 veteran warrior, long exercised in all the arts 
 and stratagems of war. We can scarce doubt 
 (and Polybius seems to insinuate it evidently 
 enough) that Aratus, as he had been the first 
 contriver of so noble a project, was also the soul, 
 as It were, and chief agent in it afterwards. I 
 have already observed, that his talents lay more 
 ui conducting a warlike stratagem, in forming 
 extraordinary enterprises, and giving success to 
 them by his bold counsels, than in executing 
 them himself. How happy is it for a young 
 prince to possess a general of this character; 
 prudent, able, versed by long experience, and 
 habituated to all the parts of the art of war ; to 
 be able to appreciate the worth of these quali- 
 ties; to be perfectly sensible of their high value; 
 to be docile to his advice, though frequently 
 contrary to his own taste and opinion; and to 
 let himself be guided by such wise counsels ! 
 After the happy success of an action, the person 
 whose advice directed it vanishes, and all the 
 glory of it reflected upon the monarch. Plu- 
 tarch,' who enforces what I have now said, 
 thinks it equally glorious to Philip for suffer- 
 ing himself to be guided by such good counsels, 
 and to Aratus for having abilily to suffffest 
 them. 
 
 When Philip, who had marched back the 
 same way he came, was arrived at Limnaa, 
 finding himself in repose and security, he offered 
 sacrifices to the gods, by way of thanksgiving 
 for the success they had given to his arms; and 
 made a splendid banquet for his officers, who 
 were as strongly affected as himself with the 
 glory he had acquired. Leontius and Megaleas 
 were the only persons who heartily repined at 
 the good fortune of their sovereign. Every one 
 soon perceived that they did not share with the 
 rest of the company in the joy which so sue 
 (tesstul an expedition must naturally create. 
 Uuring the whole entertainment, they vented 
 their animosity against Aratus in the most in- 
 sulting and most shocking railleries. But 
 words were not all ; for, at their rising from 
 I the banquet, heated with the fumes of wine and 
 I fired with anger, they threw stones at him all 
 the way, till he was got into his tent. The 
 whole army was in an uproar ; and the noise 
 reaching the king, he caused an exact inquiry 
 to be made into the affair ; laid a tine of twenty 
 talents^ on Megaleas, and threw him into pri- 
 son. Leontius, hearing of what had happened, 
 ran with a crowd of soldiers to the king's tent- 
 persuaded that the young prince would be 
 frightened at seeing so great a body of men, and 
 
 1 Plut. in Arat. p. 1049. 
 B Twenty thousand crowns. 
 
 3 I'olyb. i. V. p. S60—STZ. 
 
 ■2 C 
 
 f for that reason be prompted to change his reso- 
 « • u ^^'"^ king's presence, 
 
 Who has been so bold," savs he, '< as to lav 
 hands on Megaleas and throw him itito jjri- 
 son ?"—" I," answered the king, in a lofty 
 tone. This terrified Leontius; so that, after 
 venting a deep sigh, he left the king's tent in 
 a rage. Some days after he gave security for 
 the fine laid on Megaleas, who was then set at 
 liberty. 
 
 During Philip's expedition against ^tolia, 
 -Lycurgus, the Spartan king, had engaged in an 
 enterprise against the Messenians, but it proved i 
 abortive. Dorimachus, who had led a consid- ! 
 erable body of ^tolians into Thessaly, with an ' 
 intention to lay waste the country, and to oblige 
 Ihihp to raise the siege of Paleis, in order to 
 go and succour his allies, found troops there 
 ready prepared to give him a warm reception. 
 
 to a«ack them. The news 
 ot ihilip s inroad into ^tolia, forced him to 
 if u *o defend his own country. But 
 
 though he made the utmost expedition, he ar- 
 quitted'it^''*^' the Macedonians having already 
 
 ,.,^^','.\P marched his army with almost incre- 
 dible diligence. Having left Leucadia with his 
 Heet, and being arrived at Corinth, he laid up 
 his ships in the harbour of Lechseum, landed 
 his troops, began his march, and, passing 
 through Argos, arrived on the twelfth day at 
 VP^' fixed for the rendezvous 
 ot his allies. The Spartans having heard from 
 public report Avhat had passed at Thermse 
 vi^ere truly alarmed when they saw that young 
 victor in their territories, where he was not ex- 
 pected so suddenly. Some actions took place 
 between the two armies, in which Philip had 
 always the advantage; but I shall omit the 
 particulars, to avoid prolixity. Philip dis- 
 played, on all occasions, a bravery and prudence 
 lar above his years ; and this expedition did 
 him no less honour than that of ^tolia. After 
 laying Avaste the whole country, and taking 
 abundance ot spoils, he returned'by the way of 
 Argos to Corinth. ^ 
 
 Here he found ambassadors from Rhodes and 
 Chios, who came to offer him their mediation, 
 and to incline both parties to peace. The king 
 dissembling his real intentions, told them that 
 he had always wished, and did still wish, to 
 be at peace with the ^tolians ; and therefore 
 charged them, at their going away, to dispose 
 them to It. He afterwards landed at Lechajum, 
 m order to go from thence to Phocis, where he 
 intended to engage in some more important en- 
 terprise. 
 
 The faction formed by Leontius, Megaleas, 
 and 1 tolemy, who also was one of Philip's prin- 
 cipal officers, having employed all the clandes- 
 tine methods possible to remove and destroy all 
 those who either opposed or were suspected by 
 them ; and seeing with grief, that those secret 
 practices had not been as successful as they had 
 flattered themselves, resolved to make them- 
 Stflves formidable even to their sovereign, by 
 employing the authority they had over their 
 forces, to draw off their affections from him, 
 and to attach them to their own interest. The 
 greatest part of the army had staid in Corinth ; 
 and they imagined, that the absence of the king 
 gave them a favourable opportunity for execut- 
 
402 
 
 histoky: of 
 
 inff their designs. They represented to the 
 Iieht-;irmed troops, and to the guards, that tor 
 tiie sake of the public welfare they exposed 
 themselves to the greatest toils and dangers ot 
 war; that nevertheless justice had not been 
 done them, nor the ancient law relating- to the 
 distribution of plunder been observed witn 
 regard to them. The young men, fired by 
 fhese seditious discourses, divide themselves into 
 bauds, plunder the houses of the principal cour- 
 tiers, and carry their fury to that excess, as to 
 force the gates of the king's palace, and break to 
 pieces the tiles which covered it. Immediately 
 a great tumult broke out in the city, ot which 
 Philip having notice, he left Lechaium in great 
 haste. He then assembles the Macedonians in 
 the theatre, where, in a speech intermixed with 
 gentleness and severity, he makes them sensible 
 Sf their fault. In the trouble and contusion 
 which reigned at that time, some declared that 
 it would be necessary to seize and punish the 
 promoters of this insurrection ; and others, that 
 =t would be more prudent to appease them by 
 gentle methods, and forget all that was past. 
 
 The king was still young; so that his autho- 
 rity was not entirely confirmed in the minds ot 
 the people and soldiery. Those who were 
 against him enjoyed the highest post in the 
 kingdom ; had jroverned it during his minority ; 
 had filled all employments with their creatures ; 
 had acquired a kind of unlimited power over all 
 orders of the state; had the command ot the 
 forces, and during a long time had employed the 
 I most insinuating arts to gain their affection, and 
 i had divided the whole administration among 
 I themselves. In so delicate a conjuncture, he 
 i did not think it arlvisable to come to an open 
 rupture, lest he should inflame the minds ot tne 
 1 people, by employing chastisements at an "n- 
 I seasonable time. For this reason he stifled his 
 resentment, pretending to be very well satisfied ; 
 I and having exhorted his forces to union and 
 I peace, he went back to Lechseum. But after 
 I this insurrection, it Avas not easy for him to 
 j execute in Phocis the schemes he had pro- 
 I iected. , , 
 
 I Leontius having now lost all hopes, after so 
 ! many fruitless attempts, had recourse to Apelles. 
 I He sent courier upon courier to give him notice 
 ' of the danger he was in, and to urge his pre- 
 ! sence immediately. That minister, during his 
 stay in Chalcis, had disposed of all things in the 
 most despotic manner, and by that means was 
 universally odious. According to him, the 
 kino-, being still young, had no manner ot 
 power, but obeved implicitly the dictates of his 
 (Apelles's) will. He arrogated to himself the 
 management of all affairs, as having full power 
 to act in every thing as he should think tit. 
 The magistrates of Macedonia and ihessaiy, 
 and the officers who enjoyed any employment, 
 made their reports to him alone. In all the 
 cities of Greece, scarce the least mention was 
 made of the king : for whether any resolutions 
 were to be taken, affairs to be regulated, judg- 
 meats passed, honours to be bestowed, or favours 
 to be granted, Apelles engrossed and transacted 
 all things. . 
 
 Philip had Ions before heen apprized ot this 
 conduct of Apelle^s, which gave him very great 
 uneasiness. Aratus was frequently urgent with 
 him to exert himself on this occasion, and en- 
 deavoured to make him throw off his irresolu- 
 tion and servitude: but the king concealed his 
 thoughts, and did not discover his resolutions to 
 .nv body. Apelles, not knowing how the king 
 
 was disposed towards him, hut persuaded, ou 
 the contrary, that the instant he appeared be- 
 fore his sovereign he would not fail of taking 
 his opinion in all things, hastened from Chalcis 
 to the support of Tcontius. _ 
 
 When he arrived in Corinth, Leontius, Pto- 
 emy, and ^Megaleas, who commanded the flower 
 f the troops, engaged all the young men to go 
 and meet him. Apelles, thus received with 
 |)omp and splendour, and attended by a large 
 body of officers and soldiers, advances directly 
 to the king's palace, which he was going to en- 
 ter as usual. However, the officer who at- 
 tended at the gate (having been instructed be- 
 fore) stopped him short, and told him that his 
 majesty was busy. Astonished at so uncommon 
 a reception, which he nowise expected, he de- 
 liberated for some time how he ought to behave, 
 and at last withdrew in the utmost confusion. 
 Nothincr is so transient and frail as a borrowed 
 power,i^not supported by foundations <.r strength 
 of its own. The shining train he had caused to 
 follow him vanished in an instant ; and he ar- 
 rived at his own house followed only by his do- 
 mestics : a lively image, says Polybius, of what 
 happens in the courts of kings ; and of the fate 
 which the most powerful courtiers ought to 
 dread. A few days suffice to show their most 
 exalted state and fall. Like counters, whicli 
 one moment are of the highest, and the ne^t of 
 the most inconsiderable value, at the will ot 
 him who reckons with them : as princes please 
 to extend or withdraw their favours, to-day 
 they enjoy the greatest credit, and the next are 
 reduced to the extremities of misery and uni- 
 versal disgrace. Megaleas, sensible of the storm 
 he himself might expect, now the prime minis- 
 ter was disgraced, thought of nothing but how 
 he might best secure himself by flight, and ac- 
 cordingly withdrew to Thebes, leaving Leon- 
 tius bound for twenty talents, which he had 
 engaged to see his accomplice pay. 
 
 The king, whether he was unwilling to drive 
 Apelles to despair; or whether he did not think 
 his power sufficiently established to exert it m 
 an extraordinary manner; or from some re- 
 mains of esteem and gratitude for his guardian 
 and governor; still continued occasionally to 
 converse with him, and left him some other 
 honours of that kind ; but he excluded him from 
 the council, and from the number of those he 
 used to invite to supper with him. Un lus 
 arrival at Sicyon, the magistrates offered him a 
 house ; but h*e preferred that of Aratus, whom 
 he never quitted, and spent whole days in his 
 company. As for Apelles, he ordered him to 
 retire to Corinth. , , . j 
 
 Having removed Leontius from his command 
 of the guards, which were ordered to march 
 elsewhere, upon pretence of their being em- 
 ployed upon some urgent occasion, he caused 
 him to be thrown into prison ; the pretended 
 reason of which was, to oblige him to pay the 
 twenty talents for which he had engaged for 
 INIegaleas ; but in reality to secure his person, 
 and to sound the disposition of the troops. Le- 
 ontius sent word of this to the infantry over 
 which he had commanded, who that moment 
 sent a petition to the king, importing, that if 
 Leontius were charged with some new crime 
 
 ■iviam fama potenna; non sua vi uix.-e. Fact. AnruiL 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSOKS. 
 
 403 
 
 tor which he deserved to be imprisoned, they 
 insisted that nothing might be decreed against 
 him but in their presence ; that if he refused 
 them that favour, they should look upon this 
 j refusal as a contempt, and a signal insult (such 
 I was the liberty the Macedonians had the privi- 
 lege of using with their king) ; but that in case 
 Leontius Avas imprisoned only for the twenty 
 talents, they offered to pay that sum among 
 them. This testimony of their affection did but 
 inflame the king's anger, and hasten the death 
 of Leontius. 
 
 During this interval, there arrived from ^to- 
 lia, ambassadors from Rhodes and Chios, after 
 having prevailed with the ^tolians to consent 
 to a thirty days' truce. They assured the king, 
 that the ^tolians were inclined to a peace. 
 I Philip accepted of the truce, and wrote to the 
 allies, desiring them to send their plenipoten- 
 tiaries to Patrse, to negotiate a peace with the 
 zEtolians. He himself set out immediately for 
 that place from Lechseum, and arrived after 
 two days' sail. 
 
 He then received letters, directed by Mega- 
 leas from Phocis to the ^Etolians, in which that 
 traitor exhorted the ^tolians not to entertain 
 the least fear, but to continue the war; that 
 Philip was in the utmost distress for want of 
 ammunition and provisions ; to which he added 
 expressions highly injurious to the king. Philip, 
 upon reading these letters, judging Apelles the 
 chief author of them, seized both him and his 
 son ; at the same time he sent to Thebes, with 
 orders for Megaleas to be proceeded against 
 there; however, he did not stay for his trial, 
 but laid violent hands on himself. A little 
 after Apelles and his son were also put to 
 death. 
 
 1 do not know whether history can furnish 
 us with a more remarkable example of the 
 iscendant which a favourite may gain over the 
 mind of a young sovereign, in order to satiate 
 with impunity his avarice and ambition. Apel- 
 les had been Philip's guardian, and as such in- 
 trusted with the care of his education. He had 
 been at the head of the council of regency esta- 
 blished by the late king. This double title of 
 guardian and governor had, on one side, in- 
 spired the young prince (as might naturally be 
 expected) with sentiments of regard, esteem, 
 respect, and confidence for Apelles ; and, on tho 
 other, had made Apelles assume an air of au- 
 thority and command over his pupil, which he 
 never laid aside. Philip did not want genius, 
 judgment, or penetration. When he was ar 
 rived to more mature years, he perceived into 
 what hands he had fallen, but at the same time 
 shut his eyes to all his master's faults. He had 
 discovered, more than once, the mean jealousy 
 which Apelles entertained of conspicuous merft 
 of every kind; and his declared hatred of all 
 such of the king's subjects as were most capable 
 of serving him. Proofs of his extortion and 
 oppression were daily renewed, and the repeated 
 complaints against them rendered the govern- 
 ment odious and insupportable. However, all 
 this made no impression, or but a very sliirht 
 one, on the mind of the young king, over which 
 the prime minister had gained such an influ- 
 ence, that he even stood in fear of him. The 
 t;eader has seen how extremely difficult it was 
 for the king to break this charm. 
 
 In the meantime,** the ^tolians wished ear- 
 
 nestly that the peace might be concluded ; and 
 were quite weary of a war, in which all their 
 exjfectations had been frustrated. They had 
 flattei-ed themselves, that they had to do with a 
 young unexperienced king, and accordingly be- 
 lieved that they might amuse him as a child ; 
 but Philip, on the contrary, had proved to 
 them, that in wisdom and resolution he was a 
 man, and that they had behaved like children 
 in all their enterprises. But having heard of 
 the insurrection of the troops, and the conspi- 
 racy of Apelles and Leontius, they postponed 
 the day on which they were to meet at Patree, 
 in hopes that some sedition would break out at 
 court, to perplex and embroil the king's affairs. 
 Philip, who wished for nothing more ardently 
 than to break off the conferences upon the peace, 
 joyfully seized the opportunity with which the 
 enemies themselves furnished him ; and engaged ! 
 the allies, Avho were come to the rendezvous, to 
 continue the war. He then set sail on his re- 
 turn to Corinth. He gave the Macedoniars 
 leave to go by the way of Thessaly, to take up 
 their winter- quarters in their own country: 
 then coasting Attica along the Euripus, he went | 
 from Cenchraia to Demetrias,^ where he found 1 
 Ptolemy, the only conspirator that survived; { 
 and caused sentence of death to be passed upon i 
 him in an assembly of Macedonians. j 
 AH these incidents happened at the time that I 
 Hannibal was encamped on the banks of the j 
 river Po in Italy ; and Antiochus, after having j 
 subdued the greatest part of Co^le-syria, had 
 sent his troops into winter-quarters. It was 
 then also that Lycurgus, king of Lacedsemonia, 
 fled to ^tolia, in order to secure himself from 
 the anger of the Ephori, who, on a false report 
 that this king designed to embroil the state, had 
 assembled in the night, and invested his house, 
 in order to seize his person. But Lycurgus, 
 having some notion of this, fled with his whole 
 family. However, he was recalled a little after, 
 as soon as it was known that the suspicions 
 raised against him were all gi'oundless. It 
 being now winter, Philip returned to Mace- 
 donia. 
 
 Eperatus was by this time universally de- 
 spised by the Achseans ; nobody obeyed his 
 orders; and the country being open and de- 
 fenceless, dreadful havoc was made in it. The 
 cities being abandoned, and receiving no suc- 
 cours, were reduced to the last extremity, and 
 consequently could scarce furnish their quota. 
 The auxiliary troops, the payment of whose 
 arrears was put off from day to day, served as 
 they were paid, and great numbers of thetn de- 
 serted. All this was owing to the incapacity 
 of the general ; and the reader has seen in what 
 manner he was elected. Happily for the Achse- 
 ans, the time of his command was almost ex- 
 pired. He quitted it in the beginning of the 
 spring; and the elder Aratus was appointed tc 
 succeed him. 
 
 Philip,^ in his journey to Macedonia, had 
 taken Bylazora, the greatest city in Pecnia, 
 and the most advantageously situated for mak- 
 ing incm-sions from Dardania into Macedonia; 
 so that having possessed himself of it, he had 
 very little to fear from the Dardaiiians. 
 
 After taking that city, he marched again to- 
 wards Greece. He judged it would be proper 
 
 ^ Polyb. 1. V. p. 376, 377. 
 
 3 A maritime citv of The^raly 
 4 Polyb. 1. V. p. 433. 
 
404. 
 
 HISTOUY OF 
 
 tn lav sie-e to Thebes of I Thrasymenus ; and the defeat of Antiochusneai 
 PhtMot , from whence the ' Raphil ; all these events happened an the th.rd 
 ^ ' - • vear of the 140th Olympiad. 
 
 In the first separate con- 
 A M 3787. ference held in the presence 
 Ant. J. C. 217. of the king and the amhas - 
 sadors of the confederate 
 powers, Aeelas of Naupactum, who Avas o;.e of 
 them, enforced his opinion by arguments that 
 , „ QTiH whirh Polvbius has 
 
 A. M. 3787. 
 Ant. J. C. 217. ..— 
 
 ^tolians used to make con- 
 tinual inroads, and at the same time commit 
 ureat waste in the territories of Demetrias, 
 Pharsalus, and even Larissa. The attack was 
 carried on with great bravery, and the defence 
 was equally vigorous; but at last, the besieged, 
 fearinff they should be taken by storm, surren 
 dered the city. 
 
 uld betaken bv storm, surren- them, enrol cea m^ opiu.u^ ^ir^'Pnlvhi 
 By this conquest Philip secured deserve a place here, and which Polj bi 
 Dy nya I. H 1 I ... worthv of being related at length 
 
 dered tne cirv. -oy i^ux^^i^^o.. ^ , 
 
 Magnesia an'd Thessaly, and earned oif a great 
 booty from the ^tolians. ^ 
 
 Here ambassadors came again to him trom 
 Chios, Rhodes, and Byzantium, and also trom 
 Ptolemv. to propose the concluding ot a peace. 
 Philip made the same answer as before, that it 
 was what he very much desired; and that 
 they had only to inquire of the ^tolians whe 
 
 deserve a piace ucic, ...^.v,^ ^ Jus has 
 
 thought worthv of being related at length in his 
 history. He said that it were to be wished, 
 that tile Greeks would never make war upon 
 one another ; that it would be a great blessing 
 from the gods, if, breathing only the same sen- 
 timents, they should all in a manner join hand 
 in hand, and unite their whole force, to secure 
 ans, whe- i them from the insults of the Barbarians. But 
 
 did not care to declare himself. , hp sensible of the necessity of such a union. 
 
 He afterwards set out with bis favourites, for 1 J" ^J^^"''^ f,";, .^^^^ eyes to the formidable 
 the Nem^an games at Argos. Whi st he was they^^eed b^^^urn thm eyes t 
 viewing one of the combats, ^ courier aiTived ^ armies ot the ^^^^^^^ 
 
 ter to none but Demetiius f^^^^^f' //'/"f I Extend their projects much farther: 
 
 him strict charge not to speak of it. Ihe latter doubtless^exten^^^ Lnpr^l. and esnecialJ - 
 
 took this opportunity to represent to him, that 
 he ought to disengage himself as soon as possible 
 from the ^tolian war, in order to myade Uly- 
 ria, and afterwards cross into Italy. He added, 
 that Greece, already subjected in all respects, 
 would obey him no loss afterwards ; that the 
 Achseans had joined yoluntarily, and with the 
 utmost cheerfulness, in his cause; that the 
 iEtolians, quite depressed and discouraged by 
 their ill success in the present war, would not 
 fail to follow their example; that if he was de- 
 sirous of making himself master of the whole 
 world, a noble ambition, which suited no prince 
 better than himself, he must begin hy conquer- 
 ing Italy ; that after the defeat of the Romans, 
 thi news of which he had then received, the 
 time was come for executing so noble a proiect 
 
 douDuess exieuu mcii y^^^j^^^^ — _ 
 
 that all the Greeks in general, and especially 
 Philip, ought to keep a strict eye on the dangers 
 with which they were threatened : that this 
 wini^e would have nothing to fear, if, instead of 
 attempting to ruin the Greeks, and to give the 
 enemy an easier opportunity of defeating them, 
 as he had hitherto done, he would labour as 
 much for their welfare as his own, and exert 
 himself as vigorously in the defence ot all Greece, 
 as if it was his own kingdom: that by this means 
 he would acquire the love and affection oi the 
 Greeks, who on their part would be inviolably 
 attached to him in all his enterprises ; and, by 
 their fidelity to him, disconcert all the projects 
 which foreigners might form against his king- 
 dom: that if, instead of barely acting upon the 
 defensive, he were desirous of taking the field. 
 
 time was come for executing so noble a proiect ^^^^'^^^^'^^^^^^ enterprise; he need 
 and that he ought not to delay a moment Such towards the West, and keep 
 
 ---i-\l^r:^"lf rnTis%'S^^ anVye on the events of the war in Italy : that 
 
 ;1 could nOl OUl CUttim " 
 
 of his youth, successful in his exploits, bold, en 
 terprising, and who besides was sprung from a 
 family which had always flattered itself with 
 the hopes of universal empire. 
 
 Nevertheless, as he was master of his temper, 
 and governed his thoughts in such a manner as 
 to dfscover only such of them as suited his in- 
 terest fa very rare and valuable quality in so 
 voung a prince), he did not express too great a„ 
 inclinatiin for peace, though he now earnestly 
 desired it. He therefore only caused the allied 
 states to be told to send their plenipotentiaries to 
 Naupactum, in order to negotiate a peace: and 
 at the earnest desire of the ^tohans he soon 
 arrived in the neiehbourhood of that city, at the 
 head of his troops. All parties were so wearv 
 
 an eye on the events of the war in Italy : that, 
 provided he would only put himself into a con- 
 dition for seizing successfully the first opportu- 
 nity that should present itself, every thing 
 seemed to smooth the way for universal empire: 
 that, in case he had any difference with the 
 Greeks, he should leave the decision of it to an- 
 other season: that he ought especially to be care- 
 ful to preserve to himself the liberty of making 
 war or peace with them, whenever he might 
 think proper: that in case he should suffer the 
 storm which was gathering in the West to burst 
 upon Greece, it was very much to be feared, 
 that it would then be no longer in their power 
 to take up arms, to treat of peace, nor to deter- 
 mine their affairs in a manner agreeable to them. 
 , „o tv,^,r mJoVit iiidcrp. most expedient. 
 
 h^Tfhi^troop^ All parties wej^^o^weary --^-^X; might juS^e^^^xpedien. 
 of the war, that there was o^^^?'^^/,^; [^'f | ^P'^^^^ more judicious than this 
 
 conferences. The ^-t article whic^^^ spe'^^et which "s a clear pre'diction of what wa. 
 
 caused to be proposed to the Atohans, by the speecri ^^^^.^^^.^^ to Greece, of which the 
 ambassadors of the confederate powers was U themselves absolute 
 
 that every one should continue ^"Xfe^^^^"^l ^^^^^^^^ This is the first time that the affairs 
 hi3 conquests: and to tins they ^^'^^"^^'^^-^^^ and Africa influence those of Greece, 
 
 rest of the articles were soon agreed upon o , o^^t^VJ^a ^i,, neither 
 
 that the treaty was ratified, and all retii ed o ana ai ^^.^^^^ 
 their respective countries. Th's peace ^nc u^^^^^ J^^^ they were to make 
 
 ?LTtrrottVtt™ns n^^^^ or war, by the .tate of their respecnv. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 4 05 
 
 counfries, but directed all their vicivs and atten- 
 tion towards Italy. The Asiatics, and the in- 
 habitants of the islands, did the same soon after. 
 All those who, from that time, had reasons to be 
 dissatisfied with the conduct of Philip or Atta- 
 ins, no longer addressed Antiochus or Ptolemy 
 for protection : they no longer turned their eyes 
 to the south or east, but fixed them upon the 
 west. Sometimes ambassadors were sent to the 
 Carthaginians, and other times to the Romans. 
 Some also came to Philip, at different inter- 
 vals, from the Romans, who, knowing the en- 
 terprising genius of that prince, were afraid he 
 should come and add to the confusion and per- 
 plexity of their affairs : which is what the sequel 
 of this history will now show us. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 Philip concludes a treaty with Hannibal. The Romans 
 gain a considerable victory over him at ApoUonia. He 
 changes his conduct. His breach of faith and irregu- 
 larities. He causes Aratus to be poisoned. The .a;toli- 
 ans conclude an alliance with the Romans. Attalus, 
 king of Pergamus, and the Lacedasmonians, accede to 
 it. Machanidas usurps a tyrannical power at Sparta. 
 Various expeditions of Philip and Sulpitius the Roman 
 praator, in one of which Philopoemen signalizes him. 
 self. 
 
 The war between the Carthaginians and the 
 j Romans,' who were the two greatest powers at 
 j that time, drew the attention of all the kings 
 i and nations of the earth. Philip, king of Ma- 
 ! cedon, imagined that he was particularly inter- 
 j ested, as his dominions were separated from 
 j Italy only by the Adriatic sea, now called the 
 Gulf of Venice. When he heard, by the ru- 
 I mours which were spread, that Hannibal had 
 { marched over the Alps, he was indeed very well 
 I pleased to see the Romans and Carthaginians at 
 ' war; but, as the event was doubtful, he did not 
 yet perceive clearly which of those powers it 
 would be his interest to join. 
 A. M. 3788. But after Hannibal had 
 Ant. J. C. 216. gained three victories suc- 
 cessively, all his doubts were 
 removed, and he hesitated no longer. He sent 
 ambassadors to that general, but unhappily thev 
 fell into the hands of the Romans. They were 
 carried to Valerius Levinus the prsetor, who 
 was then encamped near Luceria. The princi- 
 pal of the ambassadors, Xenophanes by name, 
 without being in the least disconcerted, an- 
 swered with a resolute tone of voice ; that he 
 had been despatched by Philip to conclude an 
 alliance and friendship with the Romans ; and 
 that he had orders to execute with the consuls, 
 as well as with the senate and people of Rome. 
 Levinus, overjoyed to find, at a time when the 
 defection of their ancient allies had become so 
 general, so powerful a monarch desirous of mak- 
 ing an alliance with the Romans, treated the 
 ambassadors with all possible respect, and gave 
 them an escort for their safety. Being arrived 
 at Campania, they escaped, and fled to Hanni- 
 bal s camp, where they concluded a treaty, the 
 purport ot which was as follows : " That king 
 Philip should cross into Italy with a fleet of 200 
 sail, and lay waste the sea-coasts ; and should 
 assist the Carthaginians with his forces both by 
 rtea and land : that the latter, at the conclusion 
 of the war, should possess all Italy and Rome • 
 
 and that Hannibal should have all the spoils; 
 that after the conquest of Italy, they should 
 cross into Greece, and there make war against 
 any power the king should nominate ; and that 
 both the cities of the continent, and the islands 
 I lying towards Macedonia, should be enjoyed by 
 I Philip, and annexed to his dominions." Han- 
 ) nibal, on the other side, sent ambassadors to 
 Philip for his ratification of this treaty ; and 
 , they set out with those of Macedonia. I ob- 
 I served elsewhere, that in this treaty, the whole 
 j of which is preserved by Polybius,** express 
 mention is made of a great number of deities of 
 j the two nations, as present at this treaty, and 
 witnesses to the oaths with which the ceremony 
 was attended. Polybius omits a great number 
 of particulars, which, according to Livy, were 
 stipulated by this treaty. 
 
 The ambassadors, who set out together, were 
 unhappily discovered and intercepted by the 
 Romans. Xenophanes's lie would not do him 
 the same service as before. The Carthaginians 
 were known by their air, their dress, and still 
 more by their language. Upon them were found 
 letters from Hannibal to Philip, and a copy of 
 the treaty. The ambassadors were carried to 
 Rome. In the condition in which the affairs of 
 the Romans (attacked so vigorously by Hanni- 
 bal) then were, the discovery of a new enemy, 
 so powerful as Philip, must necessarily alarm 
 them prodigiously. But it is on such occasions 
 that the Roman grandeur was chiefly conspicu- 
 ous. For, without expressing the least perplex- 
 ity or discouragement, they took all the mea- 
 sures necessary for carrying on this new war. 
 Philip, informed of what had befallen his am- 
 bassadors, sent a second embassy to Hannibal, 
 which was more successful than the former, 
 and brought back the treaty. But these disap- 
 pointments prevented their forming any enter- 
 prise that year, and still kept matters" in sus- 
 pense. 
 
 Philip was now wholly employed on his great 
 design of carrying the war into Italy. ^ Deme- 
 trius of Pharos being with him, was 'continually 
 irging him to that enterprise ; not so much out 
 of zeal for the interest of that prince, as out of 
 hatred to the Romans, who had dispossessed him 
 of his territories, which he thought it would be 
 impossible for him to recover by any other 
 means. It was by his counsel that he had con- 
 cluded a peace with most of his enemies, in or- 
 der that he might devote his whole care and at- 
 tention to this war, the thoughts of which 
 haunted him day and night ; so that even in his 
 dreams he spoke of nothing but of war and bat- 
 tles with the Romans; and frequently would 
 start from his sleep, in the highest agitation of 
 mind, and covered with sweat. This prince, 
 who was still young, was natiu-ally lively and 
 ardent in all his enterprises. The success of his 
 arms, the hopes Demetrius gave him, and the 
 remembrance of the great actions of his prede- 
 cessors, kindled an ardour in him, which in- 
 creased daily. 
 
 ^ During the winter season,* he thought of fit- 
 ting out a fleet; not with the view of venturing 
 a battle with the Romans, for this he was not 
 in a condition to do ; but to transport his forces 
 into Italy with the greater expedition, and by 
 
 2 Polyb. 1. vii. p. 502—507. 
 3 Ibid. 1. V. p. 439, & 4t5~447. 
 4 Liv. 1. xxiv. n. 40. 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 that means surprise tbe enemy when they should 
 ieast expect it. Accordingly he made the Illy- 
 rians build 100 or 120 vessels for him ; and after 
 having exercised his Macedonians for some time 
 in naval discipline, he put to sea. He first 
 seized upon the city of Oricum, situated on the 
 western coast of Epirus. Valerius, commander 
 of the fleet that lay before Brundusium, having 
 advice of it, weighed anchor immediately with 
 all the ships in readiness for sailing ; retook, the 
 next day, Oricum, in which Philip had left but 
 a slender garrison, and sent a large reinforce- 
 ment to the aid of Apollonia, to which Philip 
 had laid siege. Nevius, an able and experienced 
 oflBcer, who commanded this reinforcement, 
 having landed his troops at the mouth of the 
 river Aous, upon which Apollonia stands, 
 marched through a by-way; and entered the city 
 in the night, unperceived by the enemy. The 
 Macedonians, imagining they were very secure, 
 because the sea lay between them and the ene- 
 my, had neglected all the precautions which the 
 rides of war prescribe, and the exactness of mi- 
 litary discipline requires. Nevius, being in- 
 formed of this, marched silently out of the city 
 in the night, and arrived in the camp, where he 
 found all the soldiers asleep. And now the cries 
 of those who were first attacked awakening the 
 rest, they all endeavoured to save themselves by 
 flight. The king himself, who was but half 
 awake and almost naked, found it very difficult 
 for him to escape to his ships. The soldiers 
 crowded after him, and SOOO of them were either 
 killed or taken pvisonei-s. Valerius, who stayed 
 at Oricum, the instant he heard this news, had 
 sent his fleet towards the mouth of the river, 
 to shut up Philip. This prince finding it im- 
 possible for him to advance forward, after set- 
 ting fire to his ships, returned by land to Mace- 
 donia; carrying with bira the sorrowful remains 
 of his troops, who seemed more like prisoners 
 disarmed and plundered, than the body of an 
 army. 
 
 For some time, Philip,^ who till then had 
 been admired for many of those qualities which 
 form the gi-eat prince, had begun to change his 
 conduct and character; and this change was as- 
 cribed to the evil counsels of those about him, 
 who, to please him, were perpetually lavishing 
 their encomiums on him, fomenting all his pas- 
 sions, and suggesting to him, that the grandeur 
 of a king consisted in reigning with unlimited 
 power, and in making his subjects pay a blind 
 implicit obedience to his will. Instead of the 
 gentleness, moderation, and wisdom, he till 
 then had displayed, he treated cities and states, 
 not only with pride and haughtiness, but with 
 cruelty and injustice; and having no longer, as 
 formerly, his fame in view, he abandoned him- 
 self entirely to riot and excesses of every kind ; 
 the too common effects of flattery, whose subtle 
 poison generally corrupts the best princes, and 
 sooner or later destroys the gi-eat hopes which 
 had been entertained of them. 
 
 One would have imagined that the defeat be- 
 fore Apollonia, in covering him with shame, 
 would have abated his pride, and softened his 
 temper. But this only soured it ; and one 
 would have concluded, that this prince was re- 
 solved to revenge on his subjects and allies, tbe 
 afl'ront he had received from his enemies. 
 
 1 Plut in Arat n. 1049—1052. Polyb. 1. viii. p. 518, 
 
 Being arrived in Peloponnesus, a little aftei 
 his defeat, he used every effort to overreach and 
 surprise the Messenians. But his artifices be- 
 ing discovered, he pulled off the mask, and laid 
 waste the whole country. Aratus, who was a 
 man of the greatest honour and probity, was ex- 
 ceedingly shocked at so flagrant an injustice, and 
 made loud complaints against it. He had be- 
 fore begun to retire insensibly from court ; but 
 now he thought it high time to break entirely 
 with a prince, who no longer valued his people, 
 Hiid kept no terms even with himself : for he 
 was not ignorant of his connection with his 
 daughter-in-law (a subject of the greatest grief 
 to him), which, however, he had not once hinted 
 to his son ; from the consideration, that it would 
 not be of service to him to inform him of his 
 ignominy, as it was not in his power to revenge 
 it. 
 
 As it was impossible but that this rupture 
 must make some noise, Philip, whom the great- 
 est crimes now cost nothing, resolved to rid him- 
 self of a troublesome censor, whose very absence 
 reproached him with all his iiregularities. 
 Aratus's great reputation, and the respect paid 
 to his virtue, would not suffer Philip to employ 
 open force and violence ; and therefoi-e he charg- 
 ed Taurion, one of his confidants, to despatch 
 him secretly during his absence. His horrid 
 command was obeyed ; for Taurion having in- 
 sinuated himself into Aratus's familiarity and 
 friendship, invited him several times to dinner, 
 and at one of these entertainments poisoned 
 him ; not with a violent and immediate poison, 
 but with one of those which lights up a slow fire 
 in the body, consumes it by insensible degrees, 
 and is the more dangerous, as it gives less no- 
 tice. 
 
 Aratus knew very well the cause of his ill- 
 ness ; but as complaints would not be of any 
 service to him, he bore it patiently, without 
 once murmuring, as a common and natural dis- 
 ease. One day only, happening to spit blood 
 before a friend who was in the room with him, 
 and seeing that his friend was surprised, he said, 
 " Behold, my dear Cephalon, the fruits of royal 
 friendship." He died in this manner at ^gi- 
 um, being then captain-general for the seven- 
 teenth time. . . 
 
 The Achaeans desired to have him buried m 
 the place where he died, and were preparing 
 such a magnificent mausolseum to his memory 
 as might be suited to the glory of his life, and 
 worthy of his great services. But the Sicyoni- 
 ans obtained that honour for their city, where 
 Aratus was born; and changing their mourning 
 to festivity, crowned with chaplets of flowers, 
 and clothed in white robes, they went and 
 fetched the corpse from JEgium, and carried it 
 in pomp to Sicyon, dancing before it, and sing- 
 ing hymns and odes in honour of the deceased. 
 They made choice of the highest part of the city, 
 where they buried him as the founder arsd pre- 
 server of it, which place was afterwards called 
 Aratium. In Plutarch's time, that is, about 
 300 years after, two solemn sacrifices were offer- 
 ed him annually: the first on the day that he 
 freed the city from the yoke of tyranny, which 
 sacrifice was called Soteria ; and the other on h)s 
 bi-rth-day. During the sacrifice, cboii-s of inusic 
 sung odes to the lyre ; and the chief chorister, 
 at the head of the young men and children, 
 walked in procession round the altar. Ihe 
 senate, crowned with chaplets of flowers, and 
 a great part of the inhabitants, followed this J 
 procession. | 
 
ALEXANDER S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 407 
 
 It must be owned that Aratus was one of tue 
 ^eatest men of his time, and maybe considered, 
 in some measure, as the founder of the Achaean 
 republic ; it was he at least who brought it to 
 the form and splendour it preserved so long af- 
 terwards, and by which it became one of the 
 most powerful states of Greece. However, he 
 committed a considerable error, in calling in to 
 the assistance of that commonwealth the kings 
 of Macedonia, who made themselves masters 
 and tyrants of it ; and this, as we have before 
 observed, was an effect of his jealousy of Cleo- 
 menes king of Sparta. 
 
 But he was fully punished for it, by the man- 
 ner in which Philip treated him. Aratus his 
 son met with a still more deplorable fate : for 
 that prince, being become completely wicked, 
 says Plutarch, and who affected to add outrage 
 to cruelty, got rid of him, not by mortal poisons, 
 but by those which destroy reason, and craze the 
 brain ; and by that means made him commit 
 such abominable actions, as would have reflected 
 eternal infamy on him, had they been done vo- 
 luntarily, and when he was in his senses : inso- 
 much that, though he was at that time very 
 young, and in the bloom of life, his death was 
 considered, not as a misfortune with regard to 
 himself, but as the remedy and period of his 
 miseries. 
 
 About this time Philip engaged in an expedi- 
 tion against the Illyrians, which was attended 
 with success.^ He had long desired to possess 
 himself of Lissus ; but believed it would be im- 
 possible for him ever to take the castle, which 
 was so happily situated and so strongly fortified 
 that it was thought impregnable. Finding that 
 force would not prevail, he had recourse to stra- 
 tagem. The city was separated from the castle 
 by a little valley ; in that he observed a spot 
 covered with trees, and very fit to conceal an 
 ambuscade. Here, during the night, he posted 
 the flower of his troops. The next day he as- 
 saulted another part of the city. The inhabi- 
 tants, who were very numerous, defended them 
 selves with great bravery ; and, for some time, 
 the success was equal on both sides. At last 
 they made a furious sally and charged the be- 
 siegers with great vigour. The garrison of the 
 castle, seeing Philip retire, imagined that his de- 
 feat was certain ; and being desirous of sharing 
 in the plunder, most of them came out, and 
 joined the inhabitants. In the mean time, the 
 soldiers who lay in ambuscade attacked the cas- 
 tle, and carried it without great resistance. 
 And now, the signal agreed upon being made, 
 the fugitives faced about, and pursued the inha- 
 bitants as far as the city, which surrendered a 
 few days after, 
 
 M. Valerius LevinuSj^* as 
 A. M. .3793. praetor, had been allotted 
 Ant. J. C. 211. Greece, and Macedonia for 
 his province. He was very 
 sensible that, in order to lessen the forces of Phi- 
 lip, it would be absolutely necessary to detach 
 some of his allies ^of whom the JStolians were 
 the most powerful) from his interest. He there- 
 fore began by sounding, in private conferences, 
 the disposition of the chief men among the peo- 
 ple ; and after having brought them over to his 
 views, he went to the general assembly. There, 
 after expatiating on the flourishing state of the 
 
 2 Polyb. 1. viii. p. 519— 521. 
 3 Liv. 1. xxvi. n. 24—26. 
 
 J Romans, and proving it by their taking of Sy- 
 i racuse in Sicily and Capua in Italy, he extolled 
 j the great generosity with which the Romans bc- 
 I haved towards their allies, and their constant 
 fidelity. He added, that the iEtolians might 
 expect to meet with so much the better treat- 
 ment from the Romans, as they would be the 
 first people in that part of the world who would 
 have concluded an alliance with them : that 
 Philip and the Macedonians were dangerous 
 neighbours, whose power would, in all proba- 
 bility, be of the most fatal consequence to them: 
 that the Romans had already humbled their 
 pride, and would oblige them, not only to re- 
 store such fortresses as they had taken from the 
 ^tolians, but even give them cause to fear for 
 their own territories : that with regard to tlie 
 Acarnanians, who had broke with the ^^tolians, 
 the Romans would force them to return to their 
 alliance, on the same conditions which had been 
 prescribed to them when they were admit- 
 ted into it ; or, in case of their refusal, would 
 make them submit to the uEtolians by force of 
 arms. 
 
 Scopas. who was at that time chief magistrate 
 of the JEtolian state ; and Dorimachus, who, of 
 all the citizens, had the greatest credit and au- 
 thority; strongly enforced the arguments and 
 promises of the praetor, and laid still greater 
 stress upon the grandeur and power of the Ro- 
 mans, because they wei-e not obliged to speak as 
 modestly on those topics as Valerius Levihus, 
 and the people would be more inclined to believe 
 them than a foreigner, who spoke for the inter- 
 ^ ests of his country. The circumstance which 
 affected them most was, the hopes of their pos- 
 sessing themselves of Acarnania. Accordingly 
 the treaty was concluded between the Romans 
 and the ^tolians. The people of Elis, of La- 
 cedsemonia, Attalus king of Pergamus, Pleura, 
 tus king of Thrace, and Scerdiledes of Illyria, 
 were left at liberty to accede to this treaty on 
 the same conditions, if they thought proper. 
 The conditions were, " That the iEtolians 
 should declare war as soon as possible against 
 Philip : that the Romans should furnish them, 
 at least, with twenty-five galleys of five benches 
 of oars ; that such cities as should be taken from 
 ^tolia, as far as the island of Corcyra,* should 
 be possessed by the iEtolians, and ail the spoils 
 and captives by the Romans : that the Romans 
 should aid the Jitolians in making themselves 
 masters of Acarnania : that the ^tolians should 
 not be allowed to conclude a peace with Philip, 
 but upon condition that he should be obliged to 
 withdraw his troops out of the territories of the 
 Romans, and those of her allies ; nor the Ro- 
 mans with Philip, but on the same terms. Im- 
 mediately hostilities commenced. Philip was 
 dispossessed of some cities, after which Eevinus 
 retired to Corcyra ; fully persuaded that the 
 king had so much business, and so many ene- 
 mies, upon his hands, that he would have no 
 time to think of Italy or Hannibal. 
 
 Philip was now in winter-quarters to Pella, 
 when advice was brought him of the treaty of 
 the iEtolians. To be the sooner able to mai ch 
 out against them, he endeavoured to settle the 
 affairs of Macedonia, and to secure it from any 
 invasions of its neighbours. Scopas, on the 
 other side, made preparations for carrying on 
 the war against the Acarnanians, who, though 
 
 4 Corfu. 
 
408 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 they saw it would be absolutely impossible for 
 them to oppose, at one and the same time, two 
 such powerful states as the ^tolians and Ko- 
 mans, yet took up arms out of despair, rather 
 than from prudential motives, and resolved to 
 sell their lives as dear as possible. Accordingly, 
 having sent into Epiias, which lay very near 
 them, their wives, children, and the old men 
 who were upwards of sixty ; all those who re- 
 mained, from the age of fifteen to threescore, 
 engaged themselves by oath never to return ex- 
 cept victorious; denounced the most dreadtul 
 imprecations against such among them as should 
 break their oath ; and only desired the Epirots 
 to bury, in the same grave, all who should fall 
 in the battle, with the following inscription 
 over them : Here lie the Acarnanians, who 
 
 nTTrn FIGHTING FOR THEIR COUNTRY, AGAINST 
 
 THE VIOLENCE AND INJUSTICE OF THS ^TOLIANS. 
 
 Full of courage, they set out directly, and ad- 
 vanced to meet the enemy to the very frontiers 
 of their country. Such resolution terrified the 
 ^tolians, who had received advice that Philip 
 was already upon his march to aid his allies. 
 Upon this they returned home, and Philip did 
 the same. 
 
 In the very beginning of the spring, Levtnus 
 besieged Anticyra,* which surrendered a little 
 after. He gave this city to the iEtolians, keep- 
 ing only the plunder for himself. Here news 
 was brought him, that he had been nominated 
 consul in his absence, and that P. Sulpitius was 
 eoming to succeed him as praetor. 
 
 In the treaty concluded between the Romans 
 and iEtolians,^ several other powei's had been 
 invited to accede to it ; and we find that Atta- 
 ins, Pleuratus, and Scerdiledes, accepted of the 
 invitation. The ^tolians exhorted the Spar- 
 tans to imitate those princes. Chlenas, their 
 deputy, represented in the strongest terms to 
 the Lacedaemonians all the evils which the 
 Macedonians had brought upon them ; the de- 
 sign they had always harboured, and still enter- 
 tained, of enslaving all Greece; particularly the 
 sacrilegious impiety of Philip, in plundering a 
 (emple in the city of Thermae; and Lis horrid 
 treachery and cruelty to the Messenians. He 
 added, that he had no reason to be under any 
 apprehensions from the Jichseans, who, after 
 all the losses they had sustained in the last cam- 
 paign, would think it a great happiness to be 
 able to defend their own country ; that with 
 respect to Philip, when he should find the iRto- 
 lians invade him by land, and the Romans and 
 Attains by sea, he would not think of carrying 
 his arms into Greece. He concluded with de- 
 siring the Lacedaemonians to persist in their 
 alliance with ^tolia, or at least to stand 
 neuter. 
 
 Lyciscus, the representative of the Aearna 
 nians, spoke next, and declared immediately in 
 favour of the Macedonians. He expatiated on 
 the services which Philip, and afterwards Alex 
 ander the Great, had done Greece, by invading 
 and ruining the Persians, its most ancient and 
 most cruel enemies. He put the Lacedaemo- 
 nians in mind of the gentleness and clemency 
 with which Antigonus had treated them, when 
 he took Sparta. He insisted upon the ignominy 
 as well as danger of suffering barbarians, for so 
 he called the Romans, to enter Greece. He 
 
 I A city of Achaia in Phocis. 
 2 Polyb. 1. ix. p. 561—571. 
 
 said, that it was worthy of the Spartan wisdom, 
 to foresee from far the storm already gathering 
 in the West ; and which would certainly break, 
 first upon Macedonia, and afterwards upon all | 
 Greece, which it would involve in ruin. " From 
 what motive did your ancestors," continued he, 
 " throw into a well the man who came in Xer- 
 xes's name, to invite them to submit themselves 
 to, and join with, that monarch? Wherefore 
 did Leonidas your king, with his SOO Spartans, 
 brave and defy death ? Was it not merely to 
 defend the common liberties of Greece? And 
 now you are advised to give them up to other 
 barbarians, who, the more moderate they ap- 
 pear, are so much the more dangerous. Let 
 the iEtolians," says he, " if they please, dishon- 
 our themselves by so shameful a prevarication : 
 this, indeed, would be natural for them to do, 
 as they are utter strangers to glory, and affected 
 with nothing but sordid views of interest. But 
 as to you, O Spartans, who are born defenders 
 of the liberty and hoflfeur of Greece, you will 
 sustain that glorious title to the end." 
 
 The fragment of Polybius, where these two 
 speeches are reported, goes no farther, and does 
 not inform us what was the result of them. 
 However, the sequel of the history shows, that 
 Sparta joined with the JEtolians, and entered 
 into the general treaty. It was at that time 
 divided into two factions, whose intrigues and 
 isputes, being carried to the utmost height, oc- 
 casioned great disturbances in the city. One 
 faction was zealous for Philip, and the other 
 declared openly against him : the latter pre- 
 vailed. We find it was headed by Machanidas, 
 who, taking advantage of the feuds which in- 
 fested the commonwealth, seized upon the 
 government, and made himself tjrant of his 
 country. 
 
 P. Sulpitius and king 
 A. M. 3796. Attains being arrived with 
 Ant. J. C. 208. their fleet to succour the 
 ^tolians,^ the latter were 
 flushed with the most sanguine hopes, and the 
 opposite pai'ty filled with terror ; especially as 
 Machanidas, the tyrant of Sparta, was already 
 invading the territories of the Achaeans, vv hose 
 near neighbour he was. Immediately the lat- 
 ter people and their allies sent a deputation to 
 king Philip, and solicited him to come into 
 Greece, to defend and support them. Philip 
 lost no time. The ^tolians, under Pynhias, 
 who that year had been appointed their general 
 in conjunction with king Attains, advanced to 
 meet him as far as Lamia.* Pyrrhias had been 
 joined by the troops Avhich Attains and Sulpi- 
 tius had sent him. Philip defeated him twice ; 
 and the JEtolians were forced to shut them- 
 selves up in Lamia. As to Philip, he retired 
 to Phalara ^ with his army. 
 
 During his stay there, ambassadors came 
 from Ptolemy king of Egypt, from the Rho- 
 dians, the Athenians, and the inhabitants of 
 Chios ; all with instructions to use then utmost 
 endeavours for re-establishing a lasting peace 
 between Philip and the ^tolians. It was not 
 so much out of good will towards the latter,^ as 
 from the uneasiness they were under in seeing 
 Philip engage so strenuously in the affairs ol 
 Greece, which might render him more power- 
 ful than suited their interests. For his con- 
 
 3 Liv, 1. xxvL n. 29—33. Polyb. 1. x. ]. 612. 
 4 A city of Thessaly in I'hthiotis. 
 5 A city of Thessaly. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 400 
 
 quests over the i^^tolians, atid their confede- infantry of Elis had fought with advantage, 
 rates, paved the way for his making himself And now the king, perceiving that his troops 
 
 master of all Greece, to which his predecessors 
 had always aspired, and even gave him access to 
 those cities (out of Egypt) which Ptolemy pos- 
 sessed. Philip, however, suspended the debates 
 on the peace, till the next assembly of the Achae- 
 ans; and in the meantime granted the >Etolians 
 a truce for thirty days. "When he came to tho 
 
 began to give way, spurred his horse into the 
 midst of the Roman foot. His horse being 
 wounded with a javelin, thre\y him. It wad 
 then the battle grew furious, both sides making 
 extraordinary efforts ; the Romans to take Phi- 
 lip prisoner, and the Macedonians to save him. 
 The king signalized his courage on this occasion, 
 
 assembly, the ^tolians made such very unrea- [ having been obliged to fight a long time on foot, 
 
 eonable proposals, as took away all hopes of an 
 accommodation. Philip, offended that the van- 
 quished should take upon them to prescribe 
 laws to him, declared, that in coming to the 
 assembly he had not depended in any mannei: 
 on the justice and sincerity of the ^tolians, but 
 that he was very glad to convince his allies, that 
 he himself was sincerely desirous of peace, and 
 that the ^tolians were the only people who 
 opposed it. He set out from thence, after hav 
 ing left 4000 troops to defend the Achseans ; and 
 went to Argos, where the Neraaean games were 
 going to be exhibited, the splendour of which 
 he was desirous of augmenting by his presence. 
 
 While he was busy in solemnizing these 
 games, Sulpitius having set out from Naupac- 
 tum, and landed between Sicyon and Corinth, 
 
 in the midst of the cavalry; and a great slaugh- 
 ter was made in this engagement. At last, be- 
 ing carried off hy his soldiers, and remounted 
 on another horse, he retired. The king en- 
 camped about five miles fi-om that place ; and 
 the next day, having attacked a castle, in which 
 a gi'eat number of peasants, with all their flocks, 
 were retired, he took 4000 prisoners, and 20,000 
 head of cattle of all sorts : an advantage which 
 might console him for the affront he had lately 
 received at Elis. 
 
 That instant, advice was brought him, that 
 the Barbarians had made an incursion into 
 Macedonia ; upon which he immediately set 
 out to defend his country, having left with the 
 allies a detachment from his army of 2,500 men. 
 Sulpitius retired with his fleet to ^gina, where 
 
 SECT. V. 
 
 Education and great qualities of Philopcemen. 
 
 laid waste all the open country. Philip upon f he joined king Attains, and passed the winter, 
 this news left the games, marched with speed I Some time after the Achseans gave the -^tolians 
 against the enemy, and meeting them laden with I and the people of Elis battle near Messene, in 
 spoils, put them to flight, and pursued them to which they had the advantage, 
 their ships. Being returned to the games, he 
 was received with universal applause ; and par- 
 ticularly, because he had laid down his diadem 
 and robes of state, and mixed indiscriminately 
 with the rest of the spectators ; a very pleasing 
 as well as soothing sight to the inhabitants of 
 free cities. But as his unaffected and popular 
 behaviour had gained him the love of all, so his 
 enormous excesses soon made him odious. It 
 was now his custom to go at night into people's 
 houses in a plebeian dress, and there practise 
 every kind of licentiousness. It was not safe 
 for fathers and husbands to oppose him on these 
 occasions, in which they would have endan- 
 gered their lives. 
 
 Some days after the solemnization of the 
 
 will 
 city 
 
 Philopcemen.' of whom large mention 
 be made hereafter, was of Megalopolis, a 
 of Arcadia, in Peloponnesus. He bad received 
 an excellent education through the care of C^as- 
 sander of Mantinea, who, after his father's 
 death, out of gratitude for the important ser- 
 vices he had received from him, undertook to 
 be guardian and governor to his son Philopoi- 
 men. 
 
 When he was past the years of childhood, he 
 was put under the care of Ecdemus and Demo- 
 games, Philip, with the Achaeans, whose cap- I phanes, citizens of Megalopolis, who had been 
 tain-general was Cycliadus, having crossed the scholars to Arcesilaus, founder of the New 
 
 i-iver of Larissa, advances as far as the city of 
 Elis, which had received an ^tolian garrison. 
 The first day he laid waste the neighbouring 
 lands; afterwards he drew near the city in bat- 
 tle-array, and caused some bodies of horse to 
 advance to the gates, to induce the JEtolians to 
 make a sally. Accordingly they came out ; but 
 Philip was greatly surprised to find some Ro- 
 man soldiers among them. Sulpitius having 
 left Naupactum with fifteen galleys, and landed 
 4000 men, had entered the city of Elis in the 
 night. The fight was very bloody.® Demo- 
 phantus, general of the cavalry of Elis, seeing 
 Philopoemen, who commanded that of the 
 Achseans, advanced out of the ranks, and 
 spurred towards him with great impetuosity. 
 The latter waited for him with the utmost re- 
 solution ; and preventing his blow, laid him 
 dead, with a thrust of his pike, at his horse's 
 feet. Demophantus being thus fallen, his ca- 
 valry fled. I mentioned Philopoimen before, 
 and shall have occasion to speak more particu- 
 larly of him hereafter. On the other side, the 
 
 Academy. The scope of philosophy in those 
 days was, to prompt mankind to serve their 
 country ; and, by its precepts, to enable them to 
 govern republics, and transact the greatest affairs 
 of state. This was the inestimable advantage 
 the two philosophers in question procured Phi- 
 lopoemen, and thereby rendered him the common 
 i blessing of Greece. And, indeed, as it is said 
 that mothers love those children best which they 
 bring forth when advanced in yeai-s, Greece, as 
 having given birth to Philopoemen in her old 
 age, and after having produced so many illus- 
 trious personages, had a singular affection for 
 him, and took a pleasure in enlarging his power, 
 in proportion as his fame increased. He was 
 called the last of the Greeks, as Brutus was after- 
 wards called the last of the Romans ; undoubtedly 
 to imply, that Greece, after Philopoemen, had 
 produced no great man worthy of her ancient 
 glory. 
 
 Having formed himself upon the model of 
 Epaminondas, he copied admirably his prudenca 
 in debating and resolving upon affairs ; his ac- 
 
 6 Plut. in Philop. p. SrA 
 
 7 Plut. in Philop. p. 356-36L 
 
410 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 tivity and boldness in executing; and his perfect 
 disinterestedness : but as to his gentleness, pa- 
 tience, and moderation, with regard to the feuds 
 and divisions which usually break out in a 
 state, these he could never imitate. A certain 
 spirit of contention, which resulted naturally 
 from his headstrong and fiery temper, had 
 qualified him better for the military than poli- 
 tical virtues. 
 
 And, indeed, from his infancy, the only class 
 of people he loved was soldiers ; and he took a 
 delight only in such exercises as were necessary 
 to qualify him for the profession of arms ; such 
 as fighting in armour, riding, and throwing the 
 javelin. And as he seemed, by his muscles 
 jjid stature, to be very well made for wrestling, 
 and some particular friends advised him to ap- 
 ply himself to it, he asked them whether this 
 exercise of the athletse contributed to the mak- 
 ing a man the better soldier ? His friends could 
 not help answering, that the life of the athletse, 
 who were obliged to observe a fixed and regular 
 regimen ; to eat a certain food, and that always 
 at stated hours ; and to devote a certain number 
 of hours to sleep, in order to preserve their ro- 
 bustness, in which the greatest part of their 
 merit consisted ; that this way of life, I say, 
 difi'ered entirely from that of soldiers, who fre- 
 quently are obliged to submit to hunger and 
 thirst, cold and heat, and have not always fixed 
 hours cither for eating or sleeping. From 
 thenceforth he conceived the highest contempt 
 for the athletic exercises : looking upon them 
 as of no service to the public, and considering 
 them, from that instant, as unworthy a man of 
 any elevation of soul, happiness of talents, or 
 love for his country. 
 
 The moment he quitted his governors and 
 masters, he entered among the troops which the 
 city of Megalopolis sent to make incursions into 
 Laconia, in order to plunder and bring off from 
 thence cattle and slaves. And in all these in- 
 roads, he was ever the first that marched out, 
 and the last who came in. 
 
 During the intervals in which there were no 
 troops in the field, he used to employ his leisure 
 in hunting, to make himself robust and nimble ; 
 or else used to spend his hours in cultivating 
 the ground, having a fine estate three miles 
 from the city, whither he used to retire very 
 frequently after dinner or supper. At night he 
 would throw himself on a bed of straw, like 
 one of his slaves, and thus pass the night. The 
 next morning by day-break, he used to go with 
 his vine-dressers, and work in the vineyard, or 
 follow the plough with his peasants. After 
 this, it was his custom to return to the city, and 
 employ himself in public affairs with his friends 
 and the magistrates. 
 
 Whatever he got in war, he expended either 
 in horses and arms, or employed in ransoming 
 those of his fellow-citizens who had been taken 
 prisoners. He endeavoured t& increase his es- 
 tate, by improving his lands, which of all profits 
 is the most lawful ; and was not satisfied with 
 barely visiting it now and then, and merely for 
 diversion ; but devoted his whole care to it ; 
 persuaded that nothing is more worthy of a 
 man of probity and honour, than to improve 
 his own fortune, provided he does not injure 
 that of his neighbour. 
 
 I must entreat ray readers, in order that they 
 may form a right judgment of what I have here 
 sairt of Philopcemen, to convey themselves in 
 iniagini!.tion back to the ages I am speaking of, 
 and to cjill to mind with what industry all 
 
 well-governed nations, as the Hebrews, Per- 
 sians, Greeks, and Romans, applied themselves 
 to the tilling of ^and and manual labour, and 
 the high esteem in which such exercises were 
 had in those ages. It is universally known 
 that the Romans, after having gained signal 
 victories, and alighted from the triumphal car 
 crowned with laurels and glory, returned im- 
 mediately to their farms, whence they bad been 
 elected to command armies ; and went to guide 
 the plough and oxen, with the same hands 
 which had just before vanquished and defeated 
 their enemies. According to our customs and 
 way of thinking, the exercises above nrientioned 
 are very low and contemptible ; but it is our 
 misfortune that they should be thought so. 
 Luxury, by corrupting our manners, has viti- 
 ated our judgments. It makes us consider as 
 great and valuable, what really in itself deserves 
 nothing but contempt ; and it afiixes, on the 
 contrary, an idea of contempt and meanness, to 
 things of solid beauty and real greatness. 
 
 Philopcemen was 'very fond of the conversa- 
 tions of philosophers, an*d read their works with 
 the greatest satisfaction; however, he did not 
 read them all without distinction, but such only 
 as could contribute to his improvement in vir- 
 tue. Of all the great ideas in Homer, he sought 
 and retained such only as exalt the courage, and 
 excite to great exploits ; and that poet abounds 
 with ideas of this kind, no writer having ever 
 painted valour in such strong and lively colours. 
 But the other works in which Philopcemen de- 
 lighted most, were those of Evangelus, called 
 the Tactics, that is, the art of drawing up troops 
 in battle-array; and the histories of Alexander 
 the Great : for it was his opinion, that words 
 should always have reference to actions, and 
 theory to practice; and he had very little re- 
 gard for those books that are written merely to 
 satisfy a vain curiosity, or furnish a rapid and 
 transient amusement. 
 
 After he had read the precepts and rules of 
 the Tactics, he did net yylue the seeming de- 
 monstrations of them in plans drawn upon 
 paper, but used to make the application on the 
 spot, in the field : for in his marches, he used 
 to observe exactly the position of the hills and 
 valleys ; all the irregularities of the ground ; the 
 several different forais and figures which bat- 1 
 talions and squadrons are obliged to take by I 
 rivulets, ditches, and defiles, in their way, 
 which oblige them to close or extend them- 
 selves : and after having reflected seriously on 
 these particulars, he would discourse on them 
 with those in his company. 
 
 He was in his thirtieth year when Cleomenes, 
 king of Sparta, attacked Megalopolis. We have 
 seen what courage and greatness of soul he dis- j 
 played on that occasion. He signalized himself 
 no less, some months after, in the battle of Se- 
 lasia, where Antigonus gained a famous victory 
 over the same Cleomenes. The king of Mace- 
 don, charmed with such exalted merit, to which 
 he himself had been witness, made him very 
 advantageous offers to attach him to his service. 
 However, so great was his love for his country, 
 that he refused them; not to mention that he j 
 had naturally an aversion to a court life, which 
 not onlv requires great subjection in the man 
 who devotes himself to it, but deprives him of 
 his liberty. However, as he did not choose to 
 pass his life in indolence and inaction, he went 
 into Crete, which was engaged in war, to im- 
 prove himself in the military art. Crete served 
 him as an excellent school ; so that he made a : | 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCKSSOllS. 411 
 
 trroat progress, and acquired a perfect knowledge 
 in that science. He there found men of a very 
 warlike disposition, expert in combats of every 
 kind, extremely temperate, and inured to most 
 severe discipline. 
 
 After having served for some time in the 
 troops of that island, he returned among the 
 Ichseans with so much renown, that imme- 
 diately upon his arrival he was appointed gene- 
 ral of the horse. The first thing he did was to 
 inquire into the state of his forces, among whom 
 he did not find the least order or discipline. 
 But he could neither dissemble nor sutfer such 
 remissness. He himself therefore went from 
 city to city, exhorting particularly all the young 
 men, inspiring them with sentiments of hon- 
 our, animating them with promises of reward, 
 and sometimes employing severity and punish- 
 ment when he found ihem rebellious and un- 
 governable. He exercised an 1 reviewed them 
 often ; or made them engage in tournaments, or 
 similar sports, in places where the greatest num- 
 ber of spectators was likely to be found. By this 
 practice he soon made all his soldiers so robust, 
 expert, and courageous, and at the same time so 
 ready and nimble, that the several evolutions 
 and movements, to the right, to the left, or from 
 the front to the rear, either of all the squadrons 
 together, or of each trooper singly, were per- 
 formed with so much skill and ease, that a 
 spectator would almost have concluded, that 
 this cavalry was only one individual body, 
 moving spontaneously, at the impression of one 
 and the same will. 
 
 In the battle fought near the city of Elis, the 
 last we mentioned, and in which he commanded 
 the horse, he gained great honour; and it was 
 said universally, that he was not inferior to any 
 of the private soldiers, with regard to the 
 strength and ardour of his attacks ; nor showed 
 less wisdom and prudence than the oldest and 
 most experienced generals; and that therefore 
 he was equally capable either of fighting or com- 
 manding. 
 
 Aratus, indeed, was the first who raised the 
 Achaean league to the exalted pitch of glory and 
 power which it attained. Before his time they 
 were despised and weak, because they were 
 divided, and every city among them was studi- 
 ous of nothing but its peculiar interest. But 
 Aratus made them formidable, by uniting and 
 allying them together; and his design was, to 
 form one body and one power of all Pelopon- 
 nesus, which, by this union, would have become 
 invincible. The success of his enterprises was 
 not owing so much to his courage and intre- 
 pidity, as to his prudence, address, affability, 
 and gentleness of demeanour; and, what indeed 
 was considered as a defect in his politics, to the 
 friendship he contracted with foreign princes, 
 which at length subjected his state to them. 
 But the instant Philopoemen assumed the reins 
 of government, as he was a great captain, and 
 had come off victorious in all his first battles, he 
 roused the courage of the Achaeans; and finding 
 they were able to make head alone against their 
 enemies, he obliged them to shake off the yoke 
 of foreign powers. 
 
 He made a great number of improvements in 
 the discipline of the Achaean troops, and changed 
 the^ manner of drawing up their forces, and 
 their arms, which had a great many defects. 
 He obliged them to use large and strong shields; 
 gave them stout lances ; armed them with hel- 
 mets, breast-plates, and groaves; and thereby 
 'iccixstomed them to figh*^ vigorously and gain 
 
 groun<r, fnstead of Hoverfng and fTyfng attoui 
 like light-armed troops, who rather skirmish 
 than fight in line of battle. 
 
 He afterwards endeavoured to effect another 
 improvement, which was much more difficult 
 as well as more important in one sense ; and 
 this was to curb and restrain their luxury, anti 
 excessive profusion and expense. I say. to re- 
 strain ; for he imagined that it would not br 
 possible for him completely to eradicate their 
 violent fondness for dress and ornament. He 
 began by substituting a different object in their 
 place, by inspiring them with the love for an- 
 other kind of magnificence, viz. to distinguish 
 themselves by their horses, their arms, and 
 other accoutrements of war. This ardour had 
 an effect even on their Avomen, who now^ spent 
 their whole time in working for their husbands 
 or children. The only things now seen in 
 their hands were helmets, which they adorned 
 with plumes of feathers tinged with the bright- 
 est dies ; coats of mail for horsemen, and jackets 
 for the soldiers; all which they embroidered. 
 The bare sight of these things inflamed their 
 courage, breathed into them a strong desire to 
 defy the greatest dangers, and a kind of impa- 
 tience to fly in quest of glory. Expense in all 
 other things which attract the eye (says Plu- 
 tai'ch), infallibly induces luxury; and inspires 
 all those who take a pleasure in gazing upon it, 
 with a secret effeminacy and indolence : the 
 senses, enchanted and dazzled by these deceitful 
 charms, conspiring to seduce the mind itself, 
 and to enervate it by their soft insinuations. 
 But, on the contrary, that magnificence, whose 
 object is arais, animates and exalts courage. 
 
 Philopoemen is not the only great man who 
 had this way of thinking. Plutarch observes,' 
 that Brutus, who had accustomed his officers to 
 shun what was superfluous on every other oc- 
 casion, was persuaded that the richness and ' 
 splendour of the armour ajid weapons which 
 soldiers have always in their hands, or on their 
 bodies, exalt the courage of those men who are 
 naturally brave and ambitious ; and engage such 
 as are of a covetous temper to exert themselves 
 the more in fight, in order to defend their arms, 
 which they look upon as a precious and hon- 
 ourable possession. The same author tells us, 
 that the circumstance which gained Sertorius 
 the affection of the Spaniards, was his bestow- 
 ing on them, with a very liberal hand, gold and 
 silver to adorn their helmets and enrich theii- 
 shields. This was also the opinion of Csesar,^ 
 who always gave his soldiers arms that glit- 
 tered with gold and silver ; and tLis he did not 
 only for pomp and splendour, but that they 
 might act with greater courage in battle, 
 through fear of losing arms of so great value. 
 
 However, I must not omit observing, that 
 generals, no less renowned than those we have 
 mentioned, differed in opinion from them. 
 Mithridates, taught by his misfortunes of how 
 little advantage splendour is to an army, would 
 not allow among his soldiers such arms as were 
 gilded and enriched with precious stones ; and 
 began to consider them as the riches of the con- 
 queror, and not the strength of those who wore 
 
 1 Plut. in Brut. p. 1001. 
 2 Habebat tam cultos milites, ut argento et auro politis 
 armis ornaret, simul ct ad speciem, et quo tenaciores 
 eorum in prcelio essent metu damni. Sueton. in Jul 
 Ceesar. c. fi7 
 
412 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 Papirius, the famovis dictator, who, by | qualities capable of raising them to the highest 
 
 xapiiiu^, I . : J ! r^f m-a'itnaca • hnt then theV SOmetim8S 
 
 them. ' . „ J 
 
 defeating the Samnites, so sjgnally avenged the 
 affront which the Romans had received at the 
 I Furcse Caudinse, said to his troops,^ that it was 
 I proper for a soldier to appear with a rough and 
 j stern aspect ; that ornaments of gold and silver 
 ill became him; and that steel and bravery 
 ought to form his glory and pride. And indeed, 
 ! added he, gold and silver are rather spoils than 
 arms. These ornaments dazzle the eye before 
 the battle ; but make a most hideous appearance 
 in the midst of blood and slaughter. The sol- 
 dier's ornament is his valour ; the rest is always 
 the consequence of victory. A rich enemy falls 
 a prey to the conqueror, how poor soever he may 
 be. It is well known, that Alexander the 
 Great entertained the same idea of the rich- 
 ness and magnificence of the arms of the Per- 
 sians.^ 
 
 In this opposition of opinions, it does not be- 
 come me to decide which of those great men had 
 the most just way of thinking. But we cannot 
 but admire the skill and address of Philoptemen, 
 who, seeing luxury prevalent and established in 
 his country, did not think it advisable to attempt 
 to banish it entirely ; but contented himself with 
 directing it to an object more laudable in itself, 
 and more worthy of brave men. 
 
 After Philopcemen had accustomed the young 
 men to make their splendour consist in that of 
 their arras, he himself exercised and formed 
 them very carefully in all the parts of military 
 discipline. On the other side, the youths were 
 very attentive to the instructions he gave them 
 concerning military evolutions, and there arose 
 a kind of emulation among them, which should 
 execute them with the greatest ease and promp- 
 titude. They were wonderfully pleased w^ith 
 the manner of drawing up in order of battle, 
 which he taught them; because they conceived, 
 that where the ranks were so very close, they 
 would be the more difiScult to break; an4 their 
 arms, though much more ponderous than before, 
 became much more easy and light in the wear- 
 ing, because they took greater delight in carry- 
 ing them on account of their splendour and 
 beauty; and for this reason they panted to try 
 them, and to see them imbrued in the blood of 
 their enemies. 
 
 It must be confessed that Philopcemen, m 
 what light soever we view him, is a great cap 
 tain, and a noble pattern for the imitation of all 
 who embrace a military life. I cannot too 
 strongly exhort young officers and noblemen to 
 study d'iligently so perfect a model, and to imi- 
 tate "him in all those things in which he can be 
 imitated by them. Our young noblemen are 
 t'uU of courage, sentiments of honour, love of 
 their country, and zeal for their prince: the war 
 which has broken out so suddenly in Europe, and 
 to which they fly with incredible ardour, is a con- 
 vincing proof of this, and still more their behavi- 
 our in Italy and on the Rhine. They have fire, 
 vivacity, genius, and do not want talents, and 
 
 1 Pint, in Lucullo, p. 496. 
 
 2 Horridum militem esse debere, non ccelatum ai.ro 
 arijentoque, sed ferro et animis fretiim. Quippe ilia prae- 
 dam verids quam arma esse ; nitentia ante rem, deformia 
 inter sanguinem et vulnera. Virtutem esse militis decus, 
 et omnia ilia victoriam sequi : et ditem hostem quamvis 
 pauperis victoris pr£emium esse. JL/y. 1. ix. n. 40. 
 
 3 Acieni bostium auro purpuraque fulgentem intuen 
 jubebat, prfeaam non arraa gestantem. Irent, et imbelli- 
 bus feininis aurum viri eriperent. Q- Curt 1. iii. c. 10. 
 
 pinnacle of gi-eatness ; but then they sometinies 
 want a manly and vigorous education, wh\ch 
 alone can form great men in any profession. 
 Our manners being unhappily turned, through 
 a taste which prevails almost universally, to- 
 wards effeminacy, pleasures and luxury ; the 
 admiration of things trifling in themselves, and 
 a fondness for false splendour, enervate our cour- 
 age in our most tender years, and blunt the edge 
 of that valour of ancient Gaul, which was once 
 natural to us. 
 
 Were the youth among our nobility educated 
 like Philopcemen, so far, I mean, as is consistent 
 with our manners ; were they to imbibe in their 
 early years an inclination for studies of a solid 
 kind, for sound philosophy, history, and polity ; 
 were they to propose as models for their imita- 
 tion, the many illustrious generals which the 
 last age produced ; were they to put themselves 
 under the tuition of those who are now the or- 
 nament and glory of our nation; and would 
 they once duly consider, that true greatness does 
 not* consist in surpassing others merely in pomp 
 and profusion, but in distinguishing themselves 
 by solid merit; were they, in a word, to make 
 it their delight and glory to perfect themselves 
 in the art of war, to study it in all its branches, 
 and acquire the true scope and design of it, 
 without omitting any of the means which con- 
 duce to their perfection in it ; how illustrious a 
 set of officers, commanders, and heroes, would 
 France produce ! One single man inspired the 
 breast of the Achseans with this ardour and 
 emulation. How much were it to be wished 
 (and why should we not hope it?) that some 
 one of our princes, great in all things, in valour 
 as well as birth, would revive in our armies this 
 taste of the ancients for simplicity, frugality, 
 and generosity ; and direct the taste of the 
 French nation to things truly beautiful, solid, 
 and just ! All conquests would be infinitely short 
 of such a glory. 
 
 SECT. VI. 
 
 Various expeditions of Philip and Siilpitius A digres.sion 
 of Folybius upon signals made by fira 
 
 We have already said, that 
 Sulpitius the proconsul, and 
 king Attains, had continued 
 in winter-quarters at 2Egi- 
 na.* As soon as spring appeared they quitted 
 them, and sailed to Lemnos with their fleets, 
 which together amounted to sixty galleys. Phi- 
 lip, on the other side, having appointed Larissa, 
 in Thessaly, as the rendezvous of his 
 Demetrias, that he 
 
 A. M. S797. 
 Ant. J. C. 207. 
 
 city 
 
 army, advanced towards 
 might be able to oppose the enemy either by sea 
 or land, whither the ambassadors of the allies 
 came from all parts to implore his aid in the 
 imminent danger to which they were exposed. 
 Philip gave them a favourable reception ; and 
 promised to furnish them with such succours as 
 the present juncture and the necessity of their 
 affairs might require. He kept his promise, and 
 sent bodies of soldiers into different places, to 
 secure them from the attacks of the enemy. 
 He repaired to Scotussa, and made his troops 
 
 I'.Ovl). 1. X. p. 61C— fiU. Liv. 1. xxviii. n. .0— 8, 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 413 
 
 march thither from Larissa, which lies very | 
 near it; and then returned to Demetrias. And , 
 in order to enable himself to give seasonable 
 succour to such of his allies as should be attack- 
 ed, he fixed signals in Phocis, Eubcea, and in the ; 
 little island Peparethos ; and placed, in that part 
 where he lay, on Tisaeum, a very lofty moun- 
 tain of Thessaly, men to observe them, that he 
 might have speedy notice of the enemy's march, 
 and of the places he might design to attack. 
 I shall explain the nature of these signals here- 
 after. 
 
 The proconsul and king Attalus advanced to- 
 wards Eubcea, and laid siege to Oreum, one of 
 its chief cities. It was defended by two castles 
 strongly fortified, and was able to hold out a 
 longtime; but Plator, who commanded it for 
 Philip, surrendered it treacherously to the be- 
 siegers. He had purposely made the signals too 
 late, that Philip might not have an opportunity 
 of succouring it. But the same did not happen 
 y^hh respect to Chalcis, which Sulpitius be- 
 sieged immediately after the taking of Oreum. 
 The signals were made very seasonably there ; 
 and the commander, deaf and inaccessible to the 
 offers of the proconsul, prepared for a stout de- 
 fence. Sulpitius perceived that he had made an 
 imprudent attempt, and was so wise as to de- 
 sist immediately from it. The city was strong- 
 ly fortified in itself; and besides, situated on 
 the Euripus, that famous strait,^ in which the 
 sea does not ebb and flow seven times every day, 
 at fixed and stated hours, as (says Livy) is com- 
 monly reported, but irregularly, whilst the 
 waves roll on all sides with so much impetuosi- 
 ty, that they seem like torrents rushing down 
 from the mountains ; so that ships can never 
 ride there in safety. 
 
 Attalus besieged Opus, a city situated not far 
 from the sea-side, among the Locrians, in 
 Achaia. Philip advanced with incredible dili- 
 gence to its aid, having marched upwards of six- 
 ty miles in one day.® The city had been just 
 taken before he arrived at it ; and he might have 
 surprised Attalus, who was employed in plun- 
 dering the place, had not the latter, the instant 
 lie heard of his approach, retired with great pre- 
 cipitation. However, Philip pursued him to 
 the sea-side. 
 
 Attalus having retired to Oreum, and received 
 advice there that Prusias king of Bithynia had 
 entered his territories, returned towards Asia, 
 and Sulpitius to the island of ^gina. Philip, 
 after having taken some small cities, and frus- 
 trated the project of Machanidas, the Spartan 
 tyrant, who designed to attack the people of 
 Elis, vrho were employed in preparing for the 
 solemnization of the Olympic games, repaired 
 to the assembly of the Achseans, which was held 
 at iEgium, where he expected to find the Car 
 thaginian fleet, and to join it with his own ; but 
 advice being brought that the ships of the Ro- 
 mans and king Attalus had sailed away, that 
 fleet had done the same. 
 
 5 Haud alia infestior classi statio est. Nam et venti ab 
 utriusque terra prEsaltis montibus subiti ac procellosi se 
 dejiciunt, et fretum ipsum Euripi, non septies die, sicut 
 fama fert, temporibus statis reciprocat; sed lemere, in 
 modum venti nunc hue nunc illuc verso mari, velut monte 
 prsBcipiti devolutus torrens rapitur. iia nee nocte, nee 
 die, quies navibus datur. Lit. 
 
 6 So Livy has it ; which is certainly a prodigious day's 
 march for an army. 
 
 Philip was truly grieved to find,' that though 
 he employed the utmost diligence, he always 
 came too late to put his projects in execution ; 
 fortune, he would say, taking a pleasure in be- 
 reaving him of every opportunity, and in frus- 
 trating all his incursions and expeditions. How- 
 ever, he concealed his uneasiness from the as- 
 sembly, and spoke with an air of confidence and 
 resolution. Having called the gods and men to 
 witness, that he had never neglected any oppor- 
 tunity of marching out, on all occasions, in 
 quest of the enemy; he added, that he did not 
 know which side used the greatest despatch ; 
 whether himself in flying to the aid of his allies, 
 or his enemies in avoiding him by flight; that 
 this was a tacit confession that they thought 
 themselves inferior to him in strength ; never- 
 theless, that he hoped soon to gain so complete a 
 victory over them, as would evidently demon- 
 strate his superiority. This speech greatly en- 
 couraged the allies. After having given the 
 necessary orders, and made some expeditions of 
 no great importance, he returned into Macedo- 
 nia, to carry on the war against the Darda 
 nians. 
 
 Digression of Pohjbius on signals made by Jire. 
 
 The subject which Polybius here treats is cu- 
 rious enough in itself ; and besides, it is so closely 
 connected with the history I am now relating, as 
 to excuse ray introducing a digression, that will 
 not be of a great length, and which the reader 
 may pass over, if he finds it tedious. I shall re- 
 peat it almost literally as I find it in Polybius. 
 Livy, in his account of the particulars above re- 
 lated, and which he has copied almost word for 
 word from Polybius,^ mentions these signals 
 made by fire j but then he only hints at them, 
 because, as they were not invented by the Ro- 
 mans, this was consequently a subject which did 
 not relate so immediately to the history he was 
 writing. But this use of signals, which is a 
 part of the art of war, belongs properly to the 
 history of the Greeks; and shows to how great 
 a perfection they had carried all the branches of 
 that noble art, the judicious reflections they had 
 formed upon every thing connected with it, and 
 the astonishing progress they had made with 
 respect to the construction of machines of war, 
 difl^erent kinds of armour, and military signals. 
 
 As the method of making signals by fire,'' 
 says Polybius, though of great use in war, has 
 hitherto not been treated with any accuracy, 1 
 believe it will be proper not to pass over them 
 superficially, but to dwell a little upon that head, 
 in order to give my readers a more perfect idea 
 of it. 
 
 It is a truth universally acknowledged, that 
 opportunity is of great advantage in all things, 
 but especially in war. Now, among the several 
 things which have been invented to enable men 
 
 7 Philippus maerebat et angebatur, cxXm ad omnia ipse 
 raptim isset, nulli tamen se rei in tempore occurrisse : et 
 rapientem omnia ex oculis elusisse celeritatem suam fortu- 
 nam. Liv. 1. xxviii. n. 8. 
 
 8 Phibppus, ut ad omnes hostium motus posset occur, 
 rere, in Phocidem atque Eubceam, et Feparethum mittit, 
 qui loca alta eligerent, unde ediii ignes appareretit : ipse 
 in 'i'is£EO (mons est in altitudinem ingentem cacuminis edi- 
 ti) speculam posuit, ut ignibus procul sublatis, signum, 
 ulii quid molirentur hostes, momento tempcris acciporet 
 Liv. 1. xxviii. n. 5. 
 
 9 Poljb. 1.x p. 614-618 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 tosieze it, nothing can be more conducive to must be opened. Now it )s plain, that as thes. 
 that end than signals made by fire. Whether vessels are equal, the corks wil s>nk, and th.- 
 transactions have happened but a little before, sticks descend lower in the vessels, in proportion 
 or are then actually taking place, they may, by as they empty themselves. But to be more 
 this method be very easily made known, at certain of this exactness, it will be propei to 
 places distant three or four days' journey froHi 1 make the experiment first, and to examine 
 where they happened, and sometimes at a still I whether all things correspond and agree to- 
 greater distance • and bv this means the neces- , gether, by a uniform execution on both sides. 
 :arv aids may be obtained in time. | When this is well ascertained, the two ves- 
 
 Formerlv this method of giving notice was of , sels must be carried to the two places where 
 very little advantage, because of its too great the signals are to be made and observed : water 
 simplicity. For, in order to make use of it, it | is poured in, and the corks and sticks are put in 
 was necessary that certain signals should be the vessels, ■ - ■-- 
 rreed upon ; and as events are infinitely 
 
 According as any of the events 
 which are written on the sticks shall happen, a 
 torch, or other light, is raised, which must be 
 held aloft, till such time as another is raised by 
 the party to whom it is directed. [This first 
 signal is only to ascertain that both parties are 
 ready and attentive.] Then the torch must be 
 taken away, and the cocks set running. When 
 the interval, that is, that part of the stick where 
 the event of which notice is to be given is writ- 
 ten, shall be fallen to a level with the mouth of 
 the vessels, then the man who gives the signal 
 lifts up his torch ; and on the other side the 
 correspondent signal-maker immediately stops 
 the cock of his vessel, and looks at what is 
 written on that part of the stick which touches 
 the mouth of the vessel ; on which occasion, 
 if every thing has been executed exactly and 
 equally on both sides, both will read the same 
 thinff. 
 
 Although this method differs from that which 
 was practised in early ages, in which men 
 or'as he^himself had proposed, of which the [agreed only upon a single signal which was to 
 reader mav now iudge. I denote the event the other party desired to be 
 Those, says he, who would give signals to informed of, and which had been agreed upoa 
 one another upon affairs of importance, must jit nevei^heless was too vague and indeteini. 
 first, prepare two earthen vessels, exactly equal 'nate. For it is impossible to foresee aU the 
 in breadth and depth : and they need be but 
 
 ous, it was impossible to communicate the great- 
 est part of them by this method. As for in- 
 stance, not to depart from the present history, 
 it was very easy to make known, that a fleet 
 was arrived at Oreum, at Peparethos, or at 
 Chalcis ; because the parties whom it concerned 
 had foreseen this event, and accordingly had 
 agreed upon such signals as might denote it. But 
 an unexpected insurrection, treason, a horrid 
 murder committed in a city, and such-like acci- 
 dents, as happen but too often, and which can- 
 not be foreseen; this kind of events, which 
 require immediate consideration and a speedy 
 remedy, cannot be signified by a beacon. For 
 it is not possible to agree upon a signal lor such 
 events, as it is impossible to foresee. 
 
 uEneas," who wrote a treatise on the duties of 
 a general, endeavoured to complete what was 
 wanting on this occasion ; but he was far from 
 succeeding so well as could bave been wished, 
 
 lour feet and a half deep, and a foot and a half 
 wide. They then must take pieces of cork, 
 proportioned to the mouth of these vessels, but 
 not quite so wide [that they may sink with ease 
 to the bottom ot these vessels]. They next fix, 
 ui the middle of this cork, a stick, which must 
 be of equal size in both these vessels. I his 
 stick must be divided into portions, of three 
 inches each, very distinctly marked, in order 
 that such events as generally happen in war 
 may be written on them. For example, in one 
 of these intervals the following words may be 
 written : A body of horse are marched into 
 THE COUNTRY. On another: A body of infan- 
 try HEAVILY ARMED ARE ARRIVED HITHER. On 
 
 a third : Infantry lightly armed. On a 
 fourth : A body of cavalry and infantry. 
 On another: Ships. Then, Provisions; and 
 so on till all the events, which are foreseen as 
 probable to happen in the war that is carrying 
 on, are written down in these intervals. 
 
 This being done, each of the two vessels must 
 have a little tube or cock of equal bigness, to let 
 out the water in equal proportion. Then the 
 two vessels must be filled with water 
 
 accidents that may happen in a war ; and even 
 though they could be foreseen, there would be 
 no possibility of writing them all on a piece ol 
 stick. Besides, when any unexpected accident 
 should happen, how could notice be given of it 
 according to this method ? Add to this, that 
 the inscription on the stick is nowise exact and 
 circumstantial. It does not tell how many 
 horse and foot are come, what part of the coun 
 try they are in, how many ships are arrived, 
 nor the quantity of provisions. For before 
 these several particulars could be written on the 
 stick, they must have been foreseen, which was 
 altogether impossible, though these are points of 
 the highest importance ; and how can succours 
 be sent, when it is not known how many ene 
 mies are to be opposed, nor in what part of thi 
 country they are? How can a party either 
 confide in or doubt their own strength ? In 
 word, how will they know what to do, when 
 they are not told how many ships, or what 
 quantity of provisions " — " 
 
 enemy ? 
 
 The last method was invented by Cleoxenus, 
 while others ascribe it to Democlitus ; however 
 we have brought it to perfection, says Poly- 
 bius, who continues the sole speaker upon this 
 
 the 
 
 nieces of cork, with their sticks thrust through . 
 
 C must be laid upon them, and the cocks head. This fixes every circumstance, and ena- 
 
 tnem, must u« la i» ^ ^^^^ ^.^^ ^^^.^^ whatsoever happens. 
 
 ■ I The only thing required, is great care and ex- 
 actness. This method is as follows : 
 
 The twenty-four letters of the alphabet must 
 be taken and divided into five parts; and these 
 must be fixed on a board, from top to bottom 
 
 1 ^neas was contemporary with Aristotle. He wrote 
 a treatise on the art of war. Cincas, one of Pyrrhus s 
 counsellors, made an abridgment of U. Pyrrhus also 
 wrote on the same subject. JElian. Tact. cap. 1. Cicero 
 mentions the two last in one of his epistles. Summum m. 
 ducem liter CB tuce reddidemnt. Plane nesctebam te tav. 
 peritum esse rei militaris. Pyrrhi te Itbros et CinetE - 
 ■leo lectitdsse ' '-" 
 
 Lib. ix. Epist. '23 ad Papir. Paeium. 
 
 in their natural order in five columns ; five let- 
 ters in each column, the last excepted, which 
 will have but four. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 415 
 
 The alphabet being disposed in this manner, 
 ihe man who is to make the signal must begin 
 by showing two torches or lights; and these he 
 must hold aloft till the other party has also 
 shown two lights. This first signal is only to 
 show that both sides are ready, after which the 
 lights must be removed. 
 
 The next point is, to make the other party 
 read, in this alphabet, the information we want 
 to acquaint thsm with. The person who gives 
 toe signal, shall hold up torches to his left, in 
 order to denote to the correspondent party, from 
 which of the columns he must take letters, to 
 write them down in proportion as they shall be 
 pointed out to him ; so that if it is the first co- 
 lumn, he only holds up one torch; if the second, 
 he shows two, and so on, and always to the 
 left. He must do the same to the right hand, 
 to point out to the person who receives the sig- 
 nal, which letter in the column he must observe 
 and write down. This both parties must agree 
 upon between them. 
 
 These several preliminaries being an*anged, 
 and each of them taken his post, the man who 
 gives the signal must have a geometrical instru- 
 ment ^ with two tubes, in order that he may 
 know by one of them the right, and by the 
 other the left of him who is to answer. The 
 board must be set up near to this instrument; 
 and to the right and left a solid must be raised 
 ten feet broad, and about the height of a man ; 
 in order that the torches, which shall be lifted 
 up over it, may spread a strong, clear light ; 
 and that when they are to be lowered, they ' 
 may be entirely hid behind it. j 
 
 All things being thus disposed on each side, 
 I will suppose, for instance, that advice is to be I 
 given that A hundred Cretans, or Kretans, are \ 
 gone over to the enemy. First, it will be neces- 
 sary to choose such words as will express what ■ 
 is here said in the fewest letters possible, as \ 
 Cretans, or Kretam,^ a hundred have deserted, j 
 which expresses the very same idea in much | 
 fewer letters. The following is the manner in 
 which this information will be given. 
 
 The first letter is a K, which is in the second 
 column. Two torches must therefore be lifted 
 to the left, to inform the person who receives 
 the signal, that he must look into the second 
 column. Five torches are then to be lifted up 
 to the right, to denote that the letter sought 
 for is the fifth of the second column, that is, 
 a K. 
 
 Afterwards four torches must be held up to 
 the left, to point out the P,* which is in the 
 fourth column ; then two to the right, to denote 
 that this letter is the second of the fourth co- 
 lumn. The same must be observed with re- 
 spect to the rest of the letters. 
 
 By this method, every event that comes to 
 pass may be communicated in a fixed and de- 
 terminate manner. 
 
 The reason why two sets of lights are used, 
 is because every letter must be pointed out 
 twice ; the first time, to denote the column to 
 which it belongs; and the second, to show its 
 place in order in the column pointed out. If 
 the persons employed on these occasions observe 
 the rules here laid down, they will give exact 
 notice : but it must be practised a long time be- 
 
 fore they will be able to be very quick and exact 
 in the operation. 
 
 This is what is proposed by Poly bins, who, it 
 is well known, was a great soldier and poli- 
 tician, and for this reason his hints ought to be 
 valued. They might be improved, and put 
 in practice on a great many occasions. These 
 signals were employed in a mountainous coun- 
 try. 
 
 A pamphlet was lent me, printed in 1702, 
 
 and entitled. The art of making signals both by sea 
 and land. The pamphlet was dedicated to the 
 king, by the Sieur Marcel, commissioner of the 
 navy at Aries. This author affirms, that be 
 communicated several times, at the distance of 
 two leagues (in as short a space of time as a 
 man could write down and form exactly the 
 letters c^)ntained in the advice he communi- 
 cated), an unexpected piece of news that took 
 up a page in writing. 
 
 I cannot say what this new invention was, 
 nor what success it met with ; but in my opi- 
 nion such discoveries as these ought not' to be 
 neglected. In all ages and nations, men have 
 been very desirous of finding out and enaploying 
 methods for receiving or communicatiug news 
 with speed, and of these, signals by fire are one 
 of the principal. 
 
 In the fabulous times,* when the fifty daugh- 
 ters uf Danaas murdered all their husbands in 
 one night, Hypermnestra excepted, v.ho had 
 spared Lynceus, it is related that when they 
 escaped by flight, and had each arrived at a 
 place of safety, they infonned one another of it 
 by signals made by fire ; and that this circum- 
 stance gave rise to the festival of torches esta- 
 blished in Argi.'S. 
 
 Agamemnon, at his setting out for the Trojan 
 expedition, had promised Clytemnestra, that 
 the very day the city should be' taken, he would 
 give notice of the 'victory by fires kindled for 
 that purpose. He kept his word, as appears 
 from the tragedy of jEschylus, which takes its 
 name from that prince ; in which the sentinel, 
 appointed to watch for this signal, declares he 
 had spent many tedious nights in that uncom- 
 fortable post. 
 
 We also find,^ in the Commentaries of Ju- 
 lius Caesar, that he himself used the same 
 method. 
 
 Caesar gives us an account of another method 
 in use amongst the Gauls. Whenever any ex- 
 traordinary event happened in their countiy, or 
 they stood in need of immediate succour, they 
 gave notice to one another by repeated shouts', 
 which were catched from place to place; so that 
 the massacre of the Romans in Orleans at sun- 
 rise, was known by eight or nine o'clock in the 
 evening in Auverg'ne, forty leagues from the 
 other city. 
 
 We are told of a much shorter method." It 
 is pretended that the king of Persia, when he 
 carried the war into Greece, had posted a kind 
 of sentinels at proper distances, who communi- 
 cated to one another, by their voices, such news 
 as it was necessary to transmit to a great dis- 
 tance ; and that advice could be communicated 
 from Athens to Susa (upwaids of 150 leagues) i 
 in forty-eight hours. j 
 
 \ 5 Pausan. 1. ii. p. 1^0. 
 
 2 The figure of it is annexed at the end of this little ' 6 Celeriter, ut ante Cssar iraperaverat, ignibus signiP. 
 treatise. I catione facta, ex proximis castellis e6 concurium est 
 
 3 The words are disposed in this manner in the Greek, i Oes. Bell. Gall. 1. ii. 
 
 ^ This is the capital letter R in the Greek tongue. I 7 Coel. Rhodig. 1. xviii. c. 8. 
 
4ie 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 It is also related that a Sidoiiian proposed to 
 Alexcxuder the Great,' an infallible method tor 
 establishing a speedy and safe comma meat urn 
 between all the countries subject to him. He 
 required but ave days for giving notice, through 
 1 so^rreat a distance as that between his heredi- 
 i tarv kingdom, and his most remote conquest in 
 1 India- but the kiuir, looking upon this ofter as 
 la mere chimera, rejected it with contempt: 
 1 however, he soon repented it, and very justly ; 
 tor the experiment might have been made with 
 little trouble to himself. , . , . 
 
 riiny relates another method,- which is not 
 altogether i:nprobable. Deciinus Brutus de- 
 fend^ed the i.itv of 31odena, besieged by Antony, 
 who kept him" closely blocked up, and prevented 
 his sending the least advice to the consuls, by 
 draAvinf^ lines round the city, and laying nets 
 in the river. However, Brutus employed pi- 
 creons, to whose feet he fastened letters, which 
 arrived in safety wherever he thought proper to 
 .end them. Of what use, says Fliny,-^ Nvere 
 \ntonv's intrenchments and sentinels to him i 
 Jf what service were all the nets he spread, 
 when the new courier took his route through 
 tliG ci.il' ? 
 
 Travellers relate, that to carry advices from 
 Alexandria to Aleppo, when ships arrive in that 
 harbour, thev make use of pigeons, who have 
 voung ones at Aleppo. Letters, containing the 
 advices to be communicated, are fastened to 
 the pigeons' necks, or feet; this being done, the 
 pigeons take wing, soar to a great height, and 
 fly to Aleppo, where the lettei-s are taken from 
 them. The same method is used in many other 
 Tilaces. 
 
 Description of the instrument employed in sa^nals 
 made bj fire. 
 
 I M. Chevalier, mathematical professor in the 
 1 coval college, a fellow-member with me, and my 
 I particular friend, has been so good as to deline- 
 ate, at mv requtst, the figure of the instrument, 
 i mentioned by Polybius, and to add thetollowing 
 j explication of it. 
 
 In this manner I conceive to hava been con- 
 structedthe instruments described by Polybuis, 
 for communicating advices at a great distance, 
 bv signals made by fire. 
 
 ' AB is a beam about four or five leet long, five 
 or six inches broad, and two or three inches 
 thick. At the extremities of it are, well dove- 
 tailed and fixed exactly perpendicular i" t^^^ 
 middle, two cross pieces of wood, CD, LiS of 
 equal breadth and thickness with the beam, and 
 three or four feet long. The sides of these cross 
 pieces of timber must be exactly parallel, and 
 their upper superficies very smooth. In the 
 middle of the surface of each of these pieces, a 
 ricrlit line must be drawn parallel to their sides ; 
 and consequently these lines will be parallel to 
 one another. At an inch and a half or two 
 inches distance from these lines, and exactly in 
 the middle of the length of each cross piece, there 
 i must be driven in very strongly, and exactly 
 perpendicular, an iron or brass screw (2), \yhosc 
 upper part, which must be cylindrical, and tive 
 
 
 
 or six lines in diameter,^ shall project seven or 
 eight lines above the superficies of these cross 
 pieces. , ,, 
 
 On these pieces must be placed two lioilow 
 tubes or cylinders GlI, IK, through which the 
 observatioiis are made. These tubes must be 
 exactly cylindrical, and foi med of some hard, 
 solid metal, in order that they may not shrink 
 or warp. ihey must be a fwt longer than the 
 cross i)iece on which they are fixed, and thereby 
 will extend six inches beyond it at each end. 
 These two tubes must be fixed on two plates oi 
 tlie same metal, in the middle of whose length 
 shall be a small convexity (8) of about an inch 
 round. In the middle of this part (3; must be 
 a hole exactly round, about half an inch in 
 diameter ; so that applying the plates on which 
 these tubes are fixed, upon the cross pi^^ces ol 
 wood CD, EF, this hole must be exactly filled 
 bv the proiecting and cylindrical part of the 
 screw (2) which was fixed in it, and in such a 
 manner as to prevent its play. The head ot the 
 screw may extend some lines beyond the super- 
 ficies of the plates, and in such a manner as 
 that those tubes may turn, with their plates 
 about these screws, in order to direct them on 
 the boards or screens 1', Q, behind which the 
 signals by fire are made, according to the diiler- 
 ent distances of the places where the signals shall 
 be made, , 
 
 The tubes must be blackened within, in order 
 that when the eye is applied to one of their ends, 
 it may not receive any nfiected rays. Ihere 
 must klso be placed towards the end, on the side 
 of the observer, a perforated ring, the aperture 
 of which must be about three or tour lines ; and 
 at the other end must be placed Uvo threads, the 
 one vertic<il, and the other horizontal, crossing 
 one another in the axis of the tube. 
 
 In the middle of the beam AB must be made 
 a round hole, two inches in diameter, in which 
 must be tixed the foot LMNOP, which sup- 
 ports the whole machine, and round Mhicn it 
 turns as on its axis. This machine may be call- 
 ed a rule and sights, though it ditfers from that 
 which is applied to circumferentors, theodolites, 
 and even geometrical squares, which are used to 
 draw maps, take plans and surveys, &c. but it 
 has the same use, which is to direct the sight. 
 
 The person who makes the signal, and he who 
 receives it, must each have a similar instrument: 
 otherwise^ the man who receives the signal could 
 not distinguish whether the signals are made to 
 the right or left of him who makes them, which 
 is an essential circumstance according to the 
 method proposed by Polybius. 
 
 The two boards or screens, PQ, which are to 
 denote the right and left hand of the man who 
 gives the signals, or to display or hide the fires, 
 according to the circumstances of the observa- 
 tion, ouiht to be greater or less, and nearer ot 
 farther distant from one another, according a^ 
 the distance between the places where tht 
 signals must be given and received is greater oi 
 
 ^^Tn mv description of the preceding machine 
 all I haVe endeavoured is, to explain the mannei 
 how Polybius's idea might be put in execution 
 •n making signals, by fire ; but I do not pretend 
 
 1 VifTcnere, in his rcmr.rks on the seventh bonk of Cae- 
 sar's ^vars in Gaul, relates this without citir.g directly the 
 
 2 Plin. 1. vii. c. S7. 
 
 3 Quid Valium, er vigil obsidio, atque etiatn retia amnc 
 ffitexta profuere Antonio, per coclum eunte nuntio? 
 
 to sav, that it is of use, for giving signals at a 
 considerable distance ; for it is certain that hov 
 large soever this machine be, signals made by d 
 
ALEXANDER S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 417 
 
 ! 8, 4, and 5, torches, will not be seen at 5, 6, or 
 \ more leagues distance, as he supposes. To make 
 j them visible at a greater distance, such torches 
 j must not be made use of, as can be lifted up and 
 down with the hand, but large wide-spreading 
 hres ot whole loads of straw or wood - and 
 consequently, boards or screens of a prodigious 
 size must be employed, to hide or eclipse them. 
 
 lelescopes were not known in Polybius's 
 time ; they were not discovered or improved till 
 the last century. Those instruments would 
 have made the signals in questioa visible at a 
 much greater distance than bare tubes could 
 have done : but I still doubt, whether they 
 could be employed for the purpose mentioned by 
 Jr'olybius, at a greater distance than two or three 
 leagues. However, I am of opinion, that a city 
 besieged might communicate its wants to an ar- 
 my sent to succour it, or give notice how long 
 It could hold out a siege, in order that proper 
 measures might be taken ; and that, on the other 
 wde, the army sent to its aid might communicate 
 Its designs to the city besieged, especially by the 
 assistance of telescopes. 
 
 SECT. VII. 
 
 Philoi^men gains a famous victory near Mantinea, over 
 Machamdas, tyrant of Sparta. The high esteem in 
 
 home mstances of his avarice and cruelty. A general 
 peace concluded between l>hilip and the Romans in 
 which the allies on both sides are included. ' 
 
 . „ The Romans, wholly em- 
 
 A M.3798. ployed iVi the war with 
 Ant. J. C. 206. Hannibal, which they re- 
 , „ , , solved to terminate, inter- 
 
 meddled very little with that of the Greeks, 
 and did not molest them during the two follow- 
 ing years. 
 
 In the first,5 Philopoemen was appointed cap- 
 tain-general of the Achgeans. As soon as he 
 was invested with this employment, which was 
 the highest in the state, he assembled his alli-s 
 before he took the field, and exhorted them to 
 second his zeal with courage and warmth, and 
 support with honour both their fame and his 
 We insisted strongly on the care they ought to 
 take, not of the beauty and magnificence of their 
 dress, which became v/omen only, and those too 
 ot little merit; but of the good condition and 
 splendour of their arms, an object worthy of 
 men ,ntent upon their own glory and the good 
 of their country. ^ 
 
 His speech was received with universal ap- 
 plause, insonriuch that at the breaking up of the 
 assembly, all those who were magnificently 
 dressed vvere pointed at; so great an^•nfluence 
 have the words of an illustrious person, not only 
 m dissuading men from vice, but in inclininir 
 them to virtue ; especially when his actions cor- 
 respond with his words, for then it is scarce 
 possible to resist his exhortations. This was 
 the character of Philopcemen. Plain in™ 
 dress, and frugal in his diet, he took very little 
 care of his body. In conversation he suffered 
 patiently the ill temper of others, even when 
 they used contemptuous expressions: and for 
 himself, he was particularly careful never to 
 give the least offence to any one. It was his 
 study during his life, to speak nothing but the 
 ti uth : and indeed, the slighest expressions of 
 
 5 Polyb. 1, xi. p. 629—631. 
 
 his were heard with respect, and immediately 
 believed. And he was not obliged to employ 
 a great many words to persuade, his conduct 
 being a model of what every body else ought 
 to do. * 
 
 The assembly being dismissed, all returned to 
 their respective cities, in the highest admiration 
 of Philopoemen, whose words as well as actions 
 had charmed them ; and fully persuaded, that 
 as long as he should preside at the head of af- 
 fairs, the state would never suffer any loss 
 He mimediately visited the several cities, and 
 gave the necessary orders in them. He assem- 
 Wexlthe people m every place, acquainted them 
 wuh every thing that was necessary to be done, 
 and raised troops. After spending near eigh 
 months in making the various preparations for 
 the war, he took the field. 
 
 Machanidas,« tyrant of Lacedsmonia, was 
 watching at the head of a powerful army, for an 
 opportumty to subject all Peloponnesus. The 
 naoment advice was brought of his arrival in the 
 territories of Mantinea, Philopoemen prepared 
 to give him battle. ^ ^i-ctieu 
 
 The tyrant of Sparta set out upon his march 
 a day-break, at the head of the heavy-armed 
 infantry, and posted to the right and left on the 
 same hne, but a little more advanced, the light 
 infantry composed of foreigners ; and behind 
 them chariots laden with catapultse,' and darts 
 to sustain them. It appears by the sequel, that 
 before him lay a ditch, that ran along part of 
 each end '""^'"'^ extended at 
 
 .v^i f^";v,''''"t Philopoemen marched his 
 
 aimy in three bodies out of the city. The first 
 
 the right. The second, composed of heavy, 
 
 fh?^/r*' advanced to 
 
 the ditch. The third, composed of lllyrians, 
 cuirassiers, foreignei-s, light-armed troops, and 
 some larentine horse,« were on the left with 
 Philopoemen at their head. 
 
 .rJ^.t ^"""^ ^^"^ the battle approaching, 
 
 and the enemy in view, that general, flying up 
 and down the ranks of the infantry, ^ncourLd 
 his men in few but energetic words. Most of 
 the^m were even not heard ; for he was so dear 
 to his soldiers, and they reposed such confidence 
 in him, that they were sufficiently inclined of 
 themselves to fight with incredible ardour. In 
 a kind of transport they animated their general, 
 and pressed him to lead them on to battle. Al 
 he endeavoured to make them understand was, 
 
 1 1 K ^""^ '"""^ ^" ^^'""^ their enemies 
 would be reduced to an ignominious captivity, 
 
 mo'tauSSettr ' ^^""'""^ 
 
 Machanidas marched his infantry in a kind of 
 column, as if he intended to begin the battle by 
 charging the rtght wing : but when he was ad- 
 vanced to a proper distance, he on a sudden 
 made his infantry wheel about, in order that it 
 might extend to his right, and form a front 
 equal to the left of the Achseans ; and, to cover 
 It, he caused all the chariots laden with catapul- 
 tse to advance forward. Philopcemen plainly 
 saw that his design was to break his infantry 
 by overwhelming it with darts and stones- 
 
 6 Polyb 1. XI. p. 631-637. Pint, in PhiJop. p. S61. 
 R Th' .^"S'T '^^rts or stones, &c. 
 
 1. xxIJ n /s! horses, liv, 
 
 2 D 
 
418 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 however, he did not give him time for it, hut 
 caused the Tarentine horse to hegin the battle 
 with ereat vigour, on a spot where they had 
 room enough to engage in. Machanidas was 
 forced to do the same, and to lead on his laren- j 
 tines. The first charge was very furious, ihe 
 li<rht-armed soldiers advancing a little atter to 
 sustain them, in a moment the foreign troops 
 were universally engaged on both sides : and, 
 as iti this attack they fought man to man, the 
 battle was a long time doubtful. At last the 
 foreigners in the tyrant's army had the advan- 
 tage ; their numbei-s and dexterity, acquired by | 
 experience, giving them the supeiority. ihe 
 Illvrians and cuirassiers, who sustained the for- 
 ei<^n soldiers in Philopremen's army, could not 
 Avithstand so furious a charge. They were en- 
 tirely broke, and fled with the utmost precipi- 
 tation towards the city of Mantinea, about a 
 mile from the field of battle. 
 
 Fhilopcemen seemed now lost to all hopes. 
 On this occasion, says Polybius, appeared the 
 truth of a maxim, which cannot reasonably be 
 ! contested, That the events of war are general- 
 ; ly successful or unfortunate, only in proportion 
 to the skill or ignorance of the generals who 
 command. Fhilopcemen, so far from despond- 
 ing at the ill success of the first charge, or los- | 
 in"- his presence of mind, was solely intent upon 
 takino- advantage of the errors which the enemy ; 
 i might commit. Accordingly they were guilty ] 
 i of a great one, which indeed is but too frequent j 
 ! on these occasions, and for that reason cannot be 
 too strongly guarded against. INIachanidas, af- 
 ter the left wing was routed, instead of improv- 
 ing that advantage, by charging in front that in- 
 stant with his infantry the centre of that of the 
 enemies, and taking it at the same time in flank 
 with his victorious wing, and thereby tei-mina- | 
 ting the whole afi'air, suffers himself, like a I 
 young man, to be hurried away by the fire and j 
 impetuosity of his soldiers, and pursues, with- ^ 
 out order or discipline, those who were flying ; 
 as if, after having given way, fear alone would 
 not have carried them to the gates of the city. 
 
 Fhilopcemen, who upon this defeat had retired 
 to his infantry in the centre, takes the first co- 
 horts, commands them to wheel to the left, and 
 at their head marches and seizes the post which 
 Machanidas had abandoned. By this movement 
 he divided the centre of the enemy's infantry 
 from his right wing. He then commanded 
 these cohorts to stay in the post they had just 
 seized, till farther orders ; and at the same time 
 directed Polybius,^ the Megalopolitan, to rally j 
 all the Illyrians, cuirassiers, and foreigners, who 
 without quitting the ranks, and flying, as the 
 rest had done, had drawn off to avoid the fury I 
 of the conqueror ; and, with these forces, to 
 post himself on the flank of the infantry in his , 
 centre, to check the enemy in their return from 
 the pursuit. 
 
 But now the Lacedsemonian infantry, elate 
 with the first success of their right wing, with- 
 out waiting for the signal, advance with their 
 pikes lowered towards the Achseans as far as 
 the brink of the ditch. When they came up to 
 
 1 The late [French] translator of Polybius mistakes 
 this officer for our historian, and here introduces him 
 
 =. -.1 .v,„ „^;„;.^ol 'Polybius 
 
 indeed 
 
 speaking ; which is otherwise in the original. Polyb 
 t-lie historian was not born at that time. It is true indt.v. 
 that this person had the same name, and was a native of 
 lie same city, which makes the error the more excusa- 
 ble. 
 
 it, whether that from being so near the enemy, 
 they were ashamed not to go on, or that they 
 did not value the ditch, because it was dry and 
 had no hedge ; and besides, being no longer able 
 to retire, because the advanced ranks were push- 
 ed forward by those in the rear, they rushed 
 into the ditch at once. This was the decisive 
 point of time which Fhilopcemen had long 
 awaited, and thereupon he orders the charge to 
 be sounded. His troops, levelling their pikes, 
 fell with dreadful shouts on the Tacedsemonians. 
 The latter, who at their descending into the 
 ditch, had broken their ranis, no sooner saw 
 ! the enemy above them, than they immediately 
 1 fled ; nevertheless, great numbers of thena were 
 1 left in the ditch, having been killed either by the 
 Achseans, or their own soldiers. 
 
 To complete the glory of this action, it now 
 remained to prevent the tyrant from escaping 
 the conqueror. This was Fhilopcemen s only 
 obiect. Machanidas, on his return, perceived 
 that his army fled; and being sensible of his er- 
 ror, he endeavoured, but in vain, to force his 
 way through the Achseans. His troops per- 
 ceiving that the enemy were masters of the bridge 
 which lay over the ditch, were quite dispirited, 
 and endekvoured to save themselves as well as 
 they could. Machanidas himself, finding it im- 
 1 possible to pass the bridge, hurried along the 
 side of the ditch, in order to find a place where 
 ihe might pass it. Fhilopamen knew him by 
 his purple mantle and the trappings of his horse: 
 so that, after giving the necessary orders to his 
 officers, he passed the ditch, in order to stop the 
 tyrant. The latter having found a part ot the 
 ditch which might easily be crossed, claps spurs to 
 his horse, which springs forward in order to leap 
 over. That very instant Fhilopcemen hurled 
 his javelin at him, which laid him dead in the 
 ditch. The tyrant's head being struck ott, and 
 carried from rank to rank, gave new courage 
 to the victorious Achsans. They pursued the 
 fugitives, with incredible ardour, as far as ie- 
 e«a, entered the city with them, and being now 
 masters of the field, the very next day they en- 
 camped on the banks of the Eurotas. ^ 
 
 The Achffians did not lose many men m this 
 battle, but the Lacedaemonians lost not less than 
 iOOO, without including the prisoners, who 
 were still more numerous. The baggage and 
 arms were also taken by the Achseans. 
 
 The conquerors, struck with admiration at 
 the conduct of their general, to whom the vic- 
 tory was entirely owing, erected a brazen statue 
 to him in the same attitude in which he had kill- 
 ed the tyi ant ; which statue they afterwards 
 placed in' the temple of Apollo at Delphi. ^ 
 ' Polybius justly observes, that this signal vic- 
 tory must not be ascribed either to chance, or a 
 concuiTence of circumstances, but entirely to the 
 abilities of the general, who had foreseen and 
 made every necessary disposition for this great 
 event. And, indeed, from the beginning (it is 
 Polvbius who still speaks, and continues his re- 
 flections) Fhilopcemen had covered himselt with 
 the ditch : not to avoid coming to battle, as some 
 have imagined, but because, like a judicious man 
 and a great soldier, he had reflected, that should 
 Machanidas attempt to make his army pass the 
 ditch, before he had examined it, his troops 
 would certainly be cut to pieces, and entirely 
 defeated; or if, being stopped by the ditch, hf 
 should change his resolution, and break his ordei 
 of battle through fear, that he would be thought 
 the most unskilful of generals, in abandoning 
 victory to the enemy, without daring to-come U 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 419 
 
 ' ft battle, and in carrying off no other marks of 
 his enterprise, than the ignominy of having re 
 
 — '■"c iguuuiiiiy or naving i-e- 
 nounced it. Polybius also highly applauds the 
 presence of mind and resolution of Philopoemen, 
 m not desponding or losing courage when his 
 lett wmg was routed ; but in having made that 
 very defeat an occasion of his gaining a glorious 
 victory. o a 
 
 It appears to me that these small battles, where 
 there are not many combatants on either side, 
 and in which, for that reason, one may follow, 
 as It were, with the eye, the several steps of the 
 commanding officers, observe the several orders 
 they give, the precautions they take, and the er- 
 •ors they commit, may be of great service to 
 chose who are one day to command armies ; and 
 rhis is one of the chief advantages resulting from 
 the study of history. 
 
 . It is related that, in the 
 
 A. M. 3799. assembly of the Nem«an 
 Ant. J. C. 205 games, which were solem- 
 nized this year after this fa- 
 mous battle ot Mantinea, Philopcemen being 
 elected general of the Achaeans a second time, 
 and having then no employment for his forces, 
 upon account of the festival, caused his phalanx, 
 very splendidly clothed, to pass in review before 
 all the Greeks, and made them perform their 
 usual exercises, to show with what dexterity 
 strength, and agility, they performed the several 
 military movements, without ever breaking or 
 disordering their ranks. He afterwards went 
 into the theatre, in which the musicians were 
 disputing for the prize in their art, accompanied 
 by those youths in their coats of arms all of a 
 ^u^Ti and in the flower of their age ; 
 
 all hlled with the highest veneration for their 
 general, and fired at the same time with a mar- 
 tial intrepidity; sentiments with which their 
 glorious battles and success, under this illustrious 
 general, had inspired them. 
 
 The very instant that this flourishing troop 
 ot youths entered with Philopcemen, Pylades 
 the musician, who was singing to his lyre the 
 / ersmns of Timotheus,^ happened accidentallv 
 to repeat the following verse : 
 
 The wreath of liberty to me you owe. 
 
 The grandeur of the poetry being finely ex- 
 pressed by the singer, who had an exquisite 
 voice, struck the whole assembly. At the same 
 time all the Greeks cast their eyes upon Philo- 
 pcemen ; and clapping their hands, and raising 
 shouts of joy, they called to mind the glorious 
 ages ot triumphant Greece ; soothing themselves 
 with the pleasing hopes, that they should revive 
 those ancient times, and their pristine glory, so 
 greatly did a general like Philopoemen, increase 
 their confidence, and inflame their courage. 
 
 And indeed, says Plutarch, as we find young 
 colts are always fond of those they are used to, 
 and that in case any other person attempts to 
 mount them, they are restive, and prance about 
 wuh their new rider; the same disposition ap- 
 peared in the Achaean league. The instant they 
 were to embark in a new war, and a battle v/as 
 to be fought, if any other general was appointed, 
 •mmediately the deputies of the confederate 
 powers would be discouraged, and turn their 
 
 2 This was a dithyrambic poet, who lived about the 95th 
 Olympiad, i. e. ';98 years before Christ. One of his pieces 
 was entitled the Persians. ^ 
 
 eyes in quest of Philopoemen; and the mo- 
 ment he appeared, the whole league revived 
 and were ready for action; so strongly were 
 they persuaded of his great valour and abilities ; 
 wdl knowing that he was the onlv general 
 whose presence the enemy dreaded, aiid whose 
 name alone made the enemy tremble. 
 
 Can there, humanly speaking, be more pleas- 
 ing, more affecting, or more solid glory for a 
 general or a prince, than to see himself esteem- 
 ed, beloved, and revered, by the army and by 
 nations, m the manner Philopoemen was ? Is 
 It possible for any man to be so void of taste and 
 sound sense, as to prefer, or even compare, to 
 the honour which the exalted qualities of Phi- 
 lopoemen acquired him, the pretended glory 
 which so many persons of quality imagined 
 they derived from their equipages, buildings, 
 furniture, and the ridiculous expense of their ta- 
 bles:* Philopoemen afi'ected magnificence more 
 than they do; but then he placed it in what it 
 really consists ; the clothing his troops splendid- 
 ly ; providing them good horses and shining 
 arms: supplying, with a generous hand, all 
 their wants both public and private ; distribut- 
 ing money seasonably to encourage the officers, 
 and even the private men : in acting thus, Phi- 
 lopoemen, though dressed in a very plain habit, 
 vi^as looked upon as the greatest and most mag- 
 nificent general of his time. 
 
 Sparta did not recover its ancient liberty by 
 the death of Machanidas, the only consequence 
 of Ti^hich was, its changing one oppressor for 
 another. The tyrant had been extirpated, but 
 not the tyranny. That unhappy city, former- 
 ly so jealous of its liberty and independence, and 
 now abandoned to slavery, seemed by its indo- 
 lence studious of nothing but to make itself new 
 chains, or to support its old ones. Machanidas 
 was succeeded by Nabis, a still greater tyrant 
 than the former, yet the Spartans did not show 
 the least spirit, or make the least effort to shake 
 ott the yoke of slavery. 
 
 NabiSj^* in the beginning of his government, 
 was not desirous to undertake any foreign expe- 
 dition; but employed his whole endeavours in 
 laying the solid foundation of a lasting and cruel 
 tyranny. For that purpose he made it his par- 
 ticular care to destroy all the remaining Spar- 
 tans in that republic. He banished from it all 
 such as were distinguished for their quality and 
 wealth, and gave their estates and wives to the 
 chief men of his party. We shall speak of these 
 persons hereafter under the name of the i:riH 
 He had taken into his pay a great number of 
 toreigners, all plunderers and assassins, and ca- 
 pable of perpetrating the blackest crimes for gain. 
 1 his kind of people, who had been banished their 
 country for their crimes, flocked round the ty- 
 rant, who lived in the midst of them as their 
 protector and king ; employing them as his at- 
 tendants and guards, to strengthen his tyranny, 
 and confirm his power. He was i.ot satisfied 
 with banishing the citizens ; he acted in such a 
 manner, that they could not find any secure 
 asylum, even in foreign countries : some were 
 butchered in their journey by his emissaries- 
 and he recalled others from banishment, with 
 no other view but to murder them. 
 
 Besides these barbarities, he invented a ma- 
 chine which may be called an infernal one, re- 
 presenting a woman magnificently dressed, and 
 
 3 Tolyb. 1. xiii. p. 07^^, 675. 
 2D 2 
 
420 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 exactly resembling his ^^ife. Every time that 
 he sent for any person to extort money froni 
 him, he would first con vei-se with him in the 
 kindest and most gentle terms, on the danger 
 with which the whole country, and Sparta in 
 particular, was menaced by the Achseans ; the 
 number of foreigners he was obliged to keep in 
 pay for the security of the state ; the great sums 
 he expended for the worship of the gods, and 
 Tor the good of the public. In case the person 
 spoken to^vas wrought upon by i is words, he 
 proceeded no farther, this bemg all he wanted •. 
 but, if he was refractory, and refused to give 
 him money, he would say, " Probably the ta- 
 lent of persuasion is not mine ; but I hope that 
 Apega will be able to persuade you. Apega 
 was the name of his wife. He no sooner ut- 
 tered these words than his machine appeared. 
 Nabis, taking her by the hand, raised her fi^m 
 her chair, and led her to the person. Ihe 
 hands, the arms, and breast of this machine, 
 were stuck with sharp iron points, conceale(. 
 under the clothes. The pretended Apega em- 
 braced the unhappy wretch, folded h^-^ ;"J;«J 
 arms ; and laying her's round his waist, clapped 
 him to her bosom, whilst he uttered the most 
 lamentable cries. The machine was made to 
 perform these several motions by secret springs. 
 In this manner did the tyrant put many to 
 death, from whom he could not otherwise ex- 
 tort the sums he demanded. 
 
 Would one believe that a man could be capa- 
 ble of contriving, in cold blood, such a machine, 
 merely to torture his fellow-creatures, and to 
 feed his eyes and ears with the cruel pleasure 
 of seeing their agonies and hearing their groans? 
 It is astonishing that in such a city as Sparta, 
 where tyranny was had in the utmost detesta- 
 tion ; where men thought it glorious to confront 
 death : where religion and the laws, so far trom 
 restraining men as among us, seemed to arm 
 them against all who were enemies to liberty, 
 it is astonishing, I say, that so horrid a monster 
 should be suffered to live one day. 
 
 I have already observed, 
 A. M. 3800. that the Romans, employed 
 Ant J.' C. 204. in a more important war, 
 ■ had intermeddled very little 
 
 with the affairs of Greece.^ The iEtolians 
 finding themselves neglected by that powerful 
 people^ who were their only refuge, made a 
 Seace with Philip. Scarce was the treaty con- 
 cluded, when P. Sempronius the proconsul ar- 
 rived with 10,000 foot, 1000 horse, and thirty- 
 five ships of war. He was very much offended 
 at them for making this peace without having 
 first obtained the consent of the Romans, con- 
 trary to the express words of the treaty ot alli- 
 ance The Epirots also, tired with the length 
 of the war, sent deputies (with the proconsul s 
 leave) to Philip, who now was returned to 
 Macedonia, to exhort him to agree to a general 
 ieace hinting to him, that they were almost 
 sure, if he consented to have an interview with 
 Sempronius, they would easily agree upon the 
 conditions. The king was greatly pleased with 
 these overtures, and went to Epu-us As both 
 parties were desirous of peace ; Phi^^.p, that he 
 might have leisure to settle the affairs of his 
 kingdom ; and the Romans, *at they might be 
 able to carry on the war against Carthage with 
 greater vigour ; a treaty was soon concluded. 
 
 The king caused Prusias king of Bithynia, the 
 Achseans, Boeotians, Thessalians, Acarnanians, 
 and Epirots, to be included in it ; and the Ro- 
 mans included the people of Ihum, king Atta- 
 ins, Pleuratus, Nabis the Spartan tyrant, sue- 
 cessor to Machanidas, the people ot Mis, the 
 Messenians, and the Athenians. In this man- 
 ner the war of the allies was terminated by 3 
 peace which was of no long continuance. 
 
 SECT. VIII. 
 
 The glorious expeditions of Antiochus into Media, Par. 
 thif Hyrcania, and as far as India. At his return to 
 Antioch, he receives advice of i'tolemy Philopator's 
 death. 
 
 The history of the wars in Greece obliged us 
 to interrupt the relation of the transactions in 
 Asia, and therefore we now return to them. 
 
 Antiochus,^ after the death 
 A. M. 3792. of AchEBUs, having employed 
 Ant. J. C. 212. some time in settling his af- 
 fairs in Asia Minor, marched 
 towards the East, to reduce those provinces 
 which had revolted from the empire of Syna. 
 He began by Media, of which the Parthians 
 had iust before dispossessed him. Arsaces, son 
 to him who founded that empire, was their 
 king. He had taken advantage of the troubles 
 in which the wars of Antiochus with Ptolemy 1 
 and Achseus had involved him, and had con- j 
 quered Media. „ , , . . 
 
 This country, says Polybius, is the most 
 powerful kingdom in all Asia, as well for its 
 extent, as for the number and strength ot the 
 men, and the great quantity of horses it pro- 
 duces. Media furnishes all Asia with those 
 beasts ; and its pastures are so good, that the 
 neighbouring monarchs send their studs thither. ! 
 Ecbatana is its capital city. The edifices of 
 this city surpass in richness and magnificence 
 all others in the world, and the king's palace is 
 700 fathoms round. Though all the wood-work 
 was of cedar and cypress, yet not the least piece 
 of timber was visible ; the joints, the beams, 
 the ceilings, and columns which sustamed the 
 porticos and piazzas, being covered with silver 
 or gold plates. All the tiles were of silver 1 he 
 greatest part of these rich materials had been 
 carried off by the Macedonians under Alexan- 
 der the Great, and the rest plundered by Anti- 
 gonus and Seleucus Nicator. Nevertheless, 
 when Antiochus entered this J^ing<J««i' .t.'^e 
 temple of ^na, was still surrounded with gilded 
 columns, and the soldiers found in it a great 
 number of silver tiles, a few golden bricks, and 
 a great many of silver. All this was converted 
 into specie, and stamped ^^^t^^ Antiochus « 
 image ; the whole amounting to 4000 talents, or 
 about 600,000/. sterling. 
 
 Arsaces expected that Antiochus would ad-- 
 vance as far as this temple ; but he never inia- 
 Pfined that he would venture to cross, with his 
 numerous army, a country so barren as that 
 which lies near it; and especially as no water 
 can be found in those parts, none appearing on 
 the surface of the earth. There are indeed 
 rivulets and springs under ground ; but no one, 
 except those that know the country,^ can find 
 them. On this subject, a true story is related 
 bv the inhabitants of the country, that the Per- 
 
 1 Liv. xxix, n. 12. 
 
 2 Polyb. 1. X. p. 5!?7-6(;2. 
 
ALEXANDER S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 421 
 
 83ans, when they conquered Asia, gave to those 
 who should raise water in places where none 
 had been before, the profits arising from such 
 places to the fifth generation inclusively. The 
 inhabitants, animated by these promises, spared 
 neither labour nor expense to convey water un- 
 der ground from mount Taurus, whence a great 
 quantity flows, as far as these deserts; inso- 
 much that at this time, says Polybius, those 
 ■who make use of these waters, do not know 
 from what springs the subterraneous rivulets 
 flow that supply them with it. 
 
 It were to be wished that Polybius, who 
 generally is diffusive enough, had been more 
 circumstantial here, and had explained to us in 
 what manner these subterraneous canals (for 
 such were the wells here spoken of) were con- 
 structed, and the methods employed by Arsaces 
 to stop them. From the account' he gives of the 
 prodigious labour employed, and the vast sums 
 expended to complete this work, we are led to 
 suppose that water had been conveyed into 
 evei-y part of this vast desert, by stone aque 
 
 A. M. 3794. 
 Aiit. J. C. 210. 
 
 The year following hi 
 entered very eai ly into Par- 
 thia, where he was as suc- 
 cessful as he had been the 
 
 this useful contrivance ai)p]ies equally to both countries. 
 It IS strange that Sir John Malcolm, in his elaborate His. 
 tory of Persia, has never mentioned this interesting fact, 
 neither has Sir John Chardin, nor any other traveller men- 
 tioned It : only, that Chardin says that their scarcity of 
 water proceeds from their want of people to dig for it as 
 there IS enough to be found in most places under ground. 
 All this IS the more strange, since we know from Poly. 
 bius, hb. X. c. xxviii. that this practice was common in 
 Media as mentioned in our author's text. He is indeed 
 the only one of the ai^cients who has mentioned this fart : 
 which evinces the superior extent of his information, on 
 this point, to all those of the ancients who have either nre 
 ceded him or wrote after him. As the practice has now fallen 
 into comparative disuse, a stronger proof cannot be given 
 of the fallen state of Persian agriculture, and the inse- 
 curity of property, since the farmers in that country hav( 
 lost what is sti" .7 * " < 
 
 retained by the Afghan pea.santry. 
 
 - .1, , , -1"" I ^^/^P'^i"' fiowever, that, in a country only rendered 
 
 ducts built under ground, with openings at ' ^""^f''^ i" Respite of nature, and by a process .so laborious 
 pi'oper distances, which Polybius calls wells. 1^" expensive, this system can only be kept up 
 
 When Arsaces saw that 
 
 [supported, by an enlightened and stable 
 
 A TVr Q'TQQ A^4.' u '''' ■ that has the sagacity to perceivrthTtTtl'tnie 
 
 A. M. 3793. Antiochus was crossmg the interest is connected with that of the people, and prudenci 
 
 Ant. J. C. 211. deserts, in spite of the diffi- I to PUJ"sue such a hne of policy. f - 
 
 culties which he imagined I .y"^^'^ sovereigns of the Magian faith, the utmost 
 
 would impede his march, he gave orderl for Wu!SlZZ'n!'po^^^^^^^ 
 
 stopping up the wells. But Antiochus, having fwere'employTd i?^£e aid ot,^att pol'if^'renfoJcei:^^ 
 
 foreseen this, sent a detachment of horse, which encourage the cultivation of the soil. The Persians were 
 
 posted itself near these wells, and beat the party enjoined by the precepts of their legislator, Zoroaster, (as 
 
 that came to stop them. The army passed the 'Sf^S^o^tieTrf land^ln.^^""' "f-^"! K'''' '''"^ 
 
 deserts, entered Media, drove Arsac^out of it, v^!Z^^:','l!^%V^^^^ 
 
 and recovered all that province, * ' " " " ^-^ — ■ 
 
 btayed there the rest of the year. 
 
 ^K^^^^ v^i.i, ,1, t^u.^uiijg ail uit; lauours ni agriculture. "He" savs 
 ;. Antiochus the sagacious but interested prophet, who knew that "the 
 
 j^^T, in order to , ^ P°°^ concern if agriculture were 
 
 regulate the affairs of the province, and to make UowKhlV '° scarce of water as Persia, "who 
 
 the preparations necessary for carryin 
 war ' 
 
 on tlK 
 
 tt^II^^kI '"'Ij^^ *° ^^^^^ inconveniences, which 
 more than counterbalance the excellence of its climafP 
 
 wa?er ' tI^^^^/J,^.^'?" '.."^^'^'7. the wint of tret and 
 
 . , ^ ground with care and diligence, acquires a greater 
 jstock of religious merit than he could gain hy repeating 
 (ten thousand prayers."— Zendavistaw, torn i p 224 Bv 
 thus connecting the temporal and future interest of his 
 jtoilowers, agriculture could not but flourish: and hence 
 /under the Sassanian dynasty, Persia rose to as great a 
 pitch of prosperity as could be expected under a de.>;notic 
 government, and the physical disadvantages of a dry and 
 parched soil, the want of navigable rivers, and of com. 
 mercial ports. 
 
 We shall give the account of the contrivance of the 
 
 to thP arJlt^llf ^^^P^.^tS' ,'t tx^ars a striking resemblance • Khanats, or subterranean water-courses, as still practi'^ed 
 o( %S Ar^:!^^^^^ ''^"'"^^ of central Asia, and that : J" Afghanistan, in Elphinston's own words, as it is ust 
 riv-^ in ?hi , ^"^e':^^^- ^here is no navigable he plan anciently pursued in Persia, and which will il us 
 ^r/y. T / ^^""^^ "'^ country between the Tigris trate the quotation from Polybius " 
 dna rtiP inni.= .k, ... .. . author was himself 
 
 and the Indus, and, in many parts, even a well 
 una valuable possession. 
 
 In the more prosperous days of Persia, astonishing 
 nSiSlTft f^H^.^V^!- '"habitants to overcome thi! 
 natural defect; but the frequent revolutions to which 
 this unhappy country has been subjected, have, from time 
 to time undone, in a single day, the labours of a century 
 
 u- • ' the more especially as , 
 
 uthor was himself ignorant of the system, and la ■ 
 ments very properly that Polybius did not give an account i 
 oy whom these were made, nor what methods were em. i 
 ployed by Arsaces to stop up the wells. 
 
 " The next contrivance for obtaining water, is the sort ! 
 of conduit which is called a cauraiz, or cahreez It is ' 
 known by the same name in Persia, but is there most fre. 
 
 ??nrn 1 '^°"'"ses, of which there were not less than ' fluently called a Kaunat, or Khanat It is thus mado 
 l^^t'^l '^^^trict of Nishapoor, in Khorasan, are | T^e spot where the water is to "sue, inust be aSs at 
 
 the foot of a slope extending to a hill ; and the ground 
 
 now in a state of comparative neglect 
 
 The internal structure of the country is laid open on 
 SteriTf/nfh'f'' mountains being the most arid and 
 «r h world, consLsting of dry rocks, without wood 
 or any herbaceous plants. 
 
 The greater part of Media, east of the Zr.gros, is an ele 
 
 ru^VmlV"^""^"'^ ''J"'"' ^"'J ^" thlstreamTt'Ia 
 run from that range to the east, or from the different 
 
 Crpf/s'Jr ' ^'^^ '^^^1' either lo'tTn the 
 
 Great Saline desert, or are mostly dried up during the heat 
 
 bJiC^lirj^d"'^'"' l'^" ^ sky^uninte^rruptediy 
 
 brilliant, and an atmosphere unusually serene and dry 
 I o remedy this inconvenience— namely, the scarcity of 
 water, as necessity is the mother of invention-recourse 
 was haa to the practice of artificial irrigation by means of 
 wheels, which drew up the water from such st"e!ms as 
 la) nearest and conveyed it over the fields, and to the still 
 moie useful and ingenious contrivance, of connecting sue 
 cessiye wells by subterranean conduits, called Khanits in 
 Persia, and Cauraizees in Afghanistan. Elphinston, in his 
 account of the kingdom of Caubul, has given a clekr and 
 succinct account of these modes of supplying the dry and 
 -hirsty soil with this necessary element, which are exactly 
 tlie same as in Persia; and his description, therefore of 
 
 must be examined to ascertain wheihcr'there are snrings" 
 and in what direction they lie. When the .spot is fixed a 
 very shallow well is sunk, and another of greater depth 'is 
 made at some distance up the slope. A succession of wells 
 is made in this manner, and connected by a subterraneous 
 passage from well to well. The wells increase in denth 
 as the ground ascends ; but are so managed, that the pas 
 sage which connects them has a declivity towards the 
 plain^ Many springs are discovered during this proce-i 
 but the workman stops them up, that they m.ay not =nter' 
 rupt his operations, until he has finished the last well 
 when he opens the springs; and the water rushes through 
 the channel, rises in the wells to the height of its source 
 and IS poured out from the lowest into a water-course 
 which conducts it over the fields. When the cauraiz 
 (conduit) is completed, the wells are of no farther use 
 except to a low a man to descend occasionally to clear out 
 
 tlTf- ^''^^'l''' l'^'^^"' we"s varies from 
 
 ten yards to one hundred. It is usually about fifty The 
 dimensions of the channel are generally no more than ne- 
 cessary to allow the maker to work, but some are much 
 larger. I have heard of one near Subzewaur, in Persian 
 Khorassan, through which a horseman mightride with a 
 
422 HISTORY OF 
 
 year before in Media ; Arsaces was forced to 
 retire into Hyrcania, where he imagined that 
 by securing some passes of the mountains which 
 separate it from Parthia, it would be impossible 
 for the Syrian army to disturb him. 
 
 A. M. 3795. However, he was mis- 
 Aut. J. C. 209. taken : for as soon as the 
 season would permit, Anti- 
 ochus took the field ; and after incredible diffi- 
 culties, attacked all those posts at the same time 
 
 lance over his shoulder. The number of wells, and, con. 
 Bequently, the length of the cauraiz, depend on the num- 
 ber of springs met with, as the chain is generally continu- 
 ed, either till water enough has been obtained, or till the 
 wells become so deep as to render it inconvenient to pro. 
 ceed. I have heard of various lengths, from two miles to 
 thirty.six ; but I should suppose the usual length was un- 
 der the shortest of these measures. It may be supposed 
 that the expense of so laborious a structure must be great, 
 but the rich are fond of laying out their money on these 
 means of bringing waste land into cultivation ; and it is by 
 no means uncommon for the poor to associate to make a 
 cauraiz, and to divide the land which it irrigates amongst 
 them. Cauraizees are common in all the west of the coun- 
 trv, and their numbers are on the increase. I know but 
 of one on the east of the range of Solimaun, wluch is at 
 Tuttore in Damaun. They are in use over all Persia, as 
 they have been in Toorkistaun ; but they are now neglect- 
 ed in the latter country : even their name is not known m 
 India." Elphinston's Caubul, vol. i. p. 481, 8vo. edit. 
 
 It is plain, from this account, how much the prosperity 
 of Persia depended on this system ; and equally so, that 
 tlie plan pursued by Arsaces was the most effectual that 
 could be devised, had it not been prevented by the sagacity 
 of Antiochus, to stop the progress of an invading army. 
 Ousely informs us, that, as he was told, « dunng eleven 
 years of the Amin-ad-doulehs government of the territory 
 between Aminabad and Teheraun, includmg that of Ispa- 
 han, this district had been improved by the construction ol 
 140 Khanats, or subterraneous conduits, each of which 
 cost 3,000 tomans— thus forming altogether a sum equal to 
 400 000/ sterling, which was gently levied, by equitable as- 
 sessments, on th^ various districts, in proportion as they 
 benefited by the distribution of water. N ow, this territory 
 lies precisely in the line of the march of Antiochus, being 
 the ancient Media." Vol. iii. p. 96. The territory of Ispa. 
 nan itself is composed of a vast number of naked, parched, 
 and insulated mountains, which crown its suriace ; and 
 which, from the multiplicity of flat and hollow intervals 
 between them, have caused it to be denominated Hetzar- 
 darah, or the Thousand valleys. This tract extends about 
 100 miles east and west, and from 15 to 20 broad from north 
 
 '^^Tlie great Saline Desert of Media commences in the vi- 
 cinity of the cities of Kom and Kashan, 140 miles east of 
 Ecbatana ; and extends thence as far as Mazanderan (Hyr- 
 cania) and Western Khorassan, where it unites with the 
 Great Waste of Seistan— comprehending a surface of 400 
 miles long by 200 miles broad, or 80,000 square mi es 
 The exact nature of this waste may be learned from the 
 narrative of Pottmger, as they are both saline deserts. It 
 abounds with salt marshes, and in many of its dry parts 
 exhibits to the eye either a crusted coat of brittle earth or 
 a succession of sand hills, which have generally the appear- 
 ance of waves, and consist of particles of red sand, so hght 
 as to be hardly palpable, which when scattered by the vio- 
 lent north-west winds that prevail throughout the sum- 
 mer, form a moving cloud which frequently proves alike 
 destructive to both animal and vegetable hfe. 1 he Great 
 Desert of Seistan, with which it unites, comprehends a 
 surface of equal extent. The desert between Kom and 
 Rhev furnishes many petrified shells and other marine 
 productions, as if it had been the bed of a former sea. 
 
 On the route from the former to Teheraun, is a waste so 
 barren as not to yield nourishment hardly to a thistle, con- 
 sisting of saluginous and barren hills in succession, for a 
 pace^of 24 miles. The greater part of this dreary waste 
 is called Melek-al-mmvi-darah, or Valley of the angel oj 
 Death. The nocturnal fears of travellers have peopled 
 this portentous valley with ^agin^^y monsters who de^ 
 light in misleading, terrifying, and often destroying the 
 descendants of Adam. Ouscly, thinking >t "lore probabl 
 that the place produced gams, inquired of a man whom 
 he met while riding through this dreary wafte, 'fit abound 
 ed in antelopes, hares, and partridges: all these he declared 
 Lbrexcee&y scarce; adding, however that GM .. 
 were but too numerous. Inquiring again what creature 
 Thesl were : « Ghfiles," replied he, « are creatures having 
 life-beings that can assume the human form, but gener 
 ally render themselves hideous with horns, tails, and lor 
 midable claws, or talons." The portentous name of thi 
 valley, and the monsters with which superstitious dreac 
 has peopled it, bear a striking resemblance to the descriptioi 
 of Death in the book of Job, where, by an elegant personi 
 
 fication, it is denominated the King of Terrors— and where 
 the approach to it is called, in the xxiii Psalm, the valley 
 of the Shadow of Death. " I will not be afraid," said the 
 royal Psalmist, " though I walk through the valley of the 
 Shadow of Death that is, in other words, he would not 
 be afraid of the approach of the last enemy ; and why ? 
 « For thou art with me,'» replies the Psalmist, « as mt 
 Shepherd, who will guide me through this dreary valley 
 with thy rod and thy staff. Therefore I will not be afraid. 
 
 It is said in the text, that after Antiochus had crossed 
 the deserts in safety, he entered Media. It will be asked, 
 how enter Media ? were not these deserts themselves in 
 Media ? Had he not already taken Ecbatana, and was not 
 that city in Media, nay, was it not the very capital ot that 
 extensive province, and therefore how could it be said 
 that he entered Media ? By Media, here, is meant the 
 north-east part of it at the foot of the Hyrcanian moun. 
 tains : or those of Mazanderan, or the district of Kageiana, 
 mentioned in a former note— corresponding to that of the 
 modern Rhey, of which Rages was the capital, and at that 
 time, as before shown, the residence of the Parthian 
 
 ^"This district was called Media Inferior, or Lower Me- 
 dia, to distinguish it from Matiana, or Mardiana, cr Upper 
 Media, called Al-Jebal, or the mountainous country. It 
 was this Media which Antiochus entered after crossing 
 the deserts above-mentioned and described, and from which 
 he drove Arsaces, as far east as Parthia Proper It may 
 be remarked, that this practice of stopping up the wells, 
 and thereby cutting of the water courses supplied by these 
 wells, and consequently depriving an invading army ol 
 the use of that element, has been resorted to in modern 
 times by the Persian sovereigns. At Sophian, in Aderbu 
 ian. between Marant (the Morunda of Ptolemy) and lau. 
 ris, there is a hill from which there is an extensive view 
 of the neighbouring plains where the Turkish Sultan, Mo- 
 rad IV. encamped, when he besieged Tauris. I he news 
 coming to Shah Sefi, the Persian monarch, that Morad hao 
 taken Tauris and burned it, and was advancing larthei 
 into the country with an immense army, he said—" f el 
 him come, I know how to make him pay for his invasion 
 without any great trouble." The Persian monarch was as 
 good as his word ; for by slopping up the wells and divert- 
 ing the course of the streams, the Turkish army perished 
 for want of water, having imprudently advanced too far 
 towards Ispahan, in the south-east corner of the ancient 
 
 ^It 'appears, however, that although Antiochus was so 
 far successful as to recover Media, yet the ultimate design 
 of the expedition failed. He was compelled to recognizt 
 the independency of the Parthian power. Ihe same want 
 of success attended his efforts to reduce the revolted pro- 
 vince of Bactria ; where he was also forced to leave Eu 
 thydemus in quiet possession of his new kingdom, and tc 
 grant him the regal title. It would appear that the Bactrian 
 kingdom at this time was confined to the north of the Pa- 
 roplmisus and Caucasus, or the Hindoo-Kho ; and that 
 the countries on the south of it, as Seistan, Herat, Ker. 
 man, and Arokhaj, though revolted provinces, were mutu- 
 ally independent, and had no political connection wit*, ei. 
 ther Parthia cr Bactria, and were therefore more easily 
 reduced to their former subjection. But this success was 
 merely temporary, for they were soon reduced by the Bac 
 trians and afterwards by the Parthians. Ihe wars in 
 which Antiochus himself was engaged with the Pergamen- 
 ian king and the Romans, took up all his attention ; and 
 the reduced state of the Syrian power consequent on his 
 disgraceful treaty with the Romans, effectually di& 
 abled his successors from recovering the eastern pro- 
 
 Ztrf India toS GMgenf .s SfoSd . fon.er 
 
 ■ newal or thai wliicb had "ff f,,?'4 and «hich wai 
 
 ■ with SandrocMtus, »1>°"' »,«»''''yjf „ai "e ,ure that 11 
 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 423 
 
 tvith his whole army, which he divided into 
 as many bodies as there were attacks to be 
 made, and soon forced them all. He after- 
 wards re-assembled them in the plains, and 
 marched to besiege Seringis, which was the 
 capital of Hyrcania. Having besieged it for 
 some time, he at last made a great breach, and 
 took the city by storm, upon which the inhabi- 
 tants surrendered at discretion. 
 
 In the meantime Arsaces was very busy.' 
 As he retired, he re-assembled troops, which at 
 last formed an army of 120,000 foot and 20,000 
 horse. He then took the field against the ene- 
 my, and checked their progress with the utmost 
 bravery. His resistance protracted the war, 
 which seemed almost at an end. After many 
 engagements, Antiochus perceiving he gained 
 no advantage, judged that it would be extremely 
 difficult to reduce so valiant an enemy, and 
 drive him entirely out of the provinces,* where 
 by length of time he had so strongly established 
 himself. For this reason, he began to listen to 
 the overtures which were made him for termi- 
 nating so tedious a war. 
 
 At last a treaty was con- 
 A. M. 3796. eluded, in which it was sti- 
 Ant. J. C. 208. pulated that Arsaces should 
 continue in possession of 
 Parthia and Hyrcania, upon condition that he 
 should assist Antiochus in recovering the I'est 
 of the revolted provinces. 
 
 unsuccessful war, Antiochus would find it still more so. 
 A prince who had been baffled in all his attempts for seve- 
 ral successive campaigns, to reduce the revolted provinces 
 of Parthia and Bactria, was by no means in a condition to 
 conquer India ; and, if he had been uns'uccessful, how was 
 he to get back to Syria ? Was it at all probable that 
 the Parthians and Bactrians, whom he hart vainly at- 
 tempted to reduce, would suffer him to return home with 
 a routed and reduced army, through their territories? 
 Would not the other revolted provinces have also opposed 
 his return f We may be certain, that, in such circum. 
 stances, neither he nor his army would ever have seen the 
 land of their fathers. It was well for him that Sopha. 
 gasenus acted as he did, in consenting to renew the an- 
 cient treaty, and accommodate him with a number of 
 elephants. In a country so dry and open as Persia, ele. 
 phant.i cannot subsist. They are only to be found in 
 Bactria and the tract between Baumeeaun and the Indus, 
 to the north of the river of Caubul. It was from thence 
 that the Persian kings, and afterwards the Syrian kings, 
 obtained them. 
 
 The Reviewer of Sir John Malcolm's History of Persia 
 (Quarterly Review, No. 29, p. 275,) is mistaken in affirm, 
 ing that the Persians never used tliem but at the battle 
 of Arbela ; for Artaxerxes Babegan had not less than 700 
 of these animals in his army— a number so great that 
 Gibbon, though he admits the fact, is at a loss to conceive 
 where he got so many. But, if we admit that Bactria, 
 and the country to the west of the Indus, and north of 
 the Kaumeh, abounded in these animals, and that thev 
 were then provinces of the Persian empire, the difficulty 
 will in a great measure vanish. It is also a fact, that they 
 were used in war by the successors of that monarch. In 
 the arched excavation in the cave of Tauk-i-Bostan, are 
 two compartments of figures, representing men and ani- 
 mals ; tue one compartment represents the hunting of the 
 wild boar along the banks of a river, by men in boats and 
 on elephants, and on the opposite side, the same figures 
 on horseback and on elephants, are represented as i)ur- 
 «uing deer. These sculptures are supposed, from their 
 excellence, to be the work of Grecian or Roman artists 
 employed by the famed Khosroo-Parviz, in the sixth 
 century. From these facts, we have abundant evidence 
 that elephants were employed by the Persian monarchs. 
 both in the field of battle and in those of the chase. 
 
 Though southern and western Persia neither did, nor 
 could, produce these animals, yet they abounded on the 
 pastures of the Oxus and the Indus, and hence the Per- 
 sian sovereigns could be supplied with abundance of 
 theni.— ^d. 
 
 1 Justin. 1. xli. c. 5. 
 
 Antiochus, after this peace, 
 
 A. M. 3797. turned his arms against Eu- 
 Ant. J. C. 207. thydemus, king of Bactria. 
 
 We have already shown in 
 what manner Theodotus had disunited Bactria 
 from the empire of Syria, and left it to his son 
 of the same name with himself. This son had 
 been defeated and dispossessed by Euthydemus, 
 a brave and prudent man, who maintained for 
 a long time a war against Antiochus. The lat- 
 ter used his utmost endeavours to recover Bac- 
 tria ;^ but they all were rendered ineffectual by 
 the valour and vigilance of Euthydemus. Dur- 
 ing the course of this war, Antiochus displayed 
 his bravery in the most extraordinary manner. 
 In one of these battles his horse was killed un- 
 der him, and he himself received a wound in 
 the mouth, which, however, was not danger- 
 ous, being attended with only the loss of some 
 of his teeth. 
 
 At last he grew weary of a war in which he 
 plainly perceived that it would be impossible 
 for him to dethrone this prince. He therefore 
 gave audience to Euthydemus's ambassadors, 
 who represented to him, that the war he was 
 carrying on against their sovereign was not 
 just: that he had never been his subject, and 
 consequently that he ought not to avenge him- 
 self on their king, because others had rebelled 
 against him ; that Bactria had thrown off the 
 yoke of the Syrian empire under other mo- 
 narchs long before him ; that he possessed this 
 kingdom by right of conquest over the descen- 
 dants of those chiefs of the rebellion, and pre- 
 served it as the reward of a just victory. They 
 also insinuated to him that the Scythians, ob- 
 serving both parties had weakened themselves 
 by this war, were preparing to invade Bactria 
 with great fury ; and that should they persist 
 obstinately in disputing for 
 
 A. iVi. 3798. it, those barbarians might 
 Ant. J. C. 206. very possibly dispossess both 
 of it. This reflection made 
 an impression on Antiochus, who by this time 
 was grown quite weary of so unprofitable and 
 tedious a war ; and for this reason he granted 
 them such conditions as ended in peace. To 
 confirm and ratify it, Euthydemus sent his son 
 to Antiochus. He gave him a gracious recep- 
 tion ; and judging, by his agreeable mien, his 
 conversation, and the air of majesty conspicuous 
 in his whole person, that he was worthy of a 
 throne, he promised him one of his daughters in 
 marriage, and granted his father the title of 
 king. The other articles of the treaty were 
 put into writing, and the alliance was confirmed 
 by the usual oaths. 
 
 Having received all Euthydemus's elephants, 
 which was one of the articles of the peace, he 
 passed mount Caucasus, and entered India, and 
 then renewed his alliance with the king of that 
 country. He also received elephants from him, 
 which, with those Euthydemus had given him, 
 amounted to 150. He marched from thence 
 into Arachosia, afterwards into Drangiana, 
 thence into Carmania, establishing his autho- 
 rity and good order in all those provinces. 
 
 He passed the winter in 
 
 A. M. 3799. the latter country. From 
 Ant. J. C. 205. thence he returned by Per- 
 sia, Babylonia, and Meso.- 
 potamia, and at last arrived at Antioch, aftci 
 
 2 Folyb 1. X. p. ei'O, GSil, & 1. xi. p. 651, 652. 
 
424 
 
 HISTORY OF ALRXANDER-S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 having spent seven years in this expedition. 
 The vigour of his enterprises, and the prudence 
 with which he had conducted the Avhole war, 
 acquired him the character of a wise and valiant 
 prince, and made him formidable to Eui'ope as 
 well as Asia. 
 
 A little after his arri- 
 A. M. .8800. val at Antioch, advice was 
 Ant. J. C. 204. brought him of the death of 
 I'tolemy Philopator. That 
 
 prince, by his intemperance and excesses, had 
 quite ruined his constitution, which was natu- 
 rally strong and vigorous. He died, as gene- 
 rally happens to those who abandon themselves 
 to pleasure, before he had run half his course. 
 He was little more than twenty years old when 
 he ascended the throne, and reigned but seven- 
 teen years. He was succeeded by PtolemA 
 Epiphanes his son, then five years old. 
 
SEQUEL 
 
 THE HISTORY 
 
 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 J300K XIX. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 Sect. I. 
 
 t'tolemy Epiphanea succeeds Philopator his father in the 
 kingdom of Kgypl. Antiochus and Philip enter into 
 an alliance to invade his dominions. The Romans be- 
 come guardians of the young king. Antiochus subdues 
 Palestine and Ccele-syria. The war of Pliilip against 
 the Athenians, Attalus, and the Rhodians. He besieges 
 Abydos. The unhai)py fate of that city. The Romans 
 declare war against Philip. Sulpitius the consul is sent 
 into Macedonia, 
 
 I RELATED in the pre- 
 ceding book how Ptole- 
 Ant. J. C. 204. my Phiiopator,' worn out 
 with riots and excesses, had 
 closed his life, after having reigned seventeen 
 years. As the only persons present when that mo- 
 narch expired were, Agathocles, his sister, and 
 their creatures, they concealed his death as long 
 as possible from the public, in order that they 
 might have time to carry off all the money, jew- 
 els, and other valuable effects in the palace. 
 They also formed a plan to maintain themselves 
 in the same authority they had enjoyed under 
 the late king, by usurping the regency during 
 the minority of his son, named Ptolemy Epipha- 
 nes, who was then but five years old. They 
 imagined this might easily be done, if they could 
 but take off Tlepolemus, who had succeeded So- 
 sibius in the ministry; and accordingly they 
 concerted measures to despatch him. 
 
 At last they informed the public of the king's 
 
 1 Justin. 1. XXX. c, 2. Polyb. L xv. p. 712— 72a 
 
 death. Immediately a great council of the Ma- 
 cedonians^ was assembled, in which Agathocles, 
 and Agathoclea his sister, were present. Aga- 
 thocles, after shedding abundance of tears, be- 
 gins by imploring their protection for the young 
 king, whom he held in his arms. He tells them, 
 that his royal fathei', in his expiring moments, 
 had committed him to the care of Agathoclea, 
 whom he pointed out to them ; and had recom- 
 mended him to the fidelity of the Macedonians: 
 that for this reason he was come to implore their 
 assistance against Tlepolemus, who, as he was 
 well informed, had meditated a design of usurp- 
 ing the crown. He added, that he had brought 
 witnesses expressly to prove his treason, and at 
 the same time offered to produce them. He 
 imagined that by this weak artifice, Tlepolemus 
 would be immediately despatched, and that in 
 consequence he might easily obtain the regency ; 
 but the artifice was too gross, and the people 
 immediately swore the destruction of Agatho- 
 cles, his sister, and all their creatures. This last 
 attempt recalling to their remembrance their 
 other crimes, all the inhabitants of Alexandria 
 rose against them. The young king was taken 
 out of their hands, and seated on the throne in 
 the Hippodrome. After which Agathocles, hii 
 sister, and CEnanthe his mother, were brought 
 before the king, and all three put to death as by 
 his order. The populace exposed their dead bo- 
 dies to all the indignities possible ; dragging 
 them through the streets, and tearing them to 
 
 2 Polybius gives this name to the Alexandrians who 
 were descended from the Macedonians, and the posterity 
 of the founders of Alexandria, or of those to whom the 
 same privileges had been granted. 
 
HISTORY OP 
 
 pieces. All their relations and creatures met 
 with the same treatment, and not one of them 
 was spared ; the usual and just end of those un- 
 worthy favourites, who ahuse the confidence of 
 their sovereign to oppress the people ; but which 
 does not effect the reformation of those who re- 
 semble them. 
 
 Philammon, the assassin, who had been hired 
 to murder Arsinoe, being returned from Gy- 
 rene to Alexandria two or three days before 
 this tumult broke out, the ladies of honour of 
 that unfortunate queen had immediate notice 
 •>f it, and taking this opportunity, which the 
 distractions of the city gave them, they re- 
 solved to revenge their mistress's death. Ac- 
 cordingly they broke open the door of the house 
 where he was, and killed him with clubs and 
 stones. 
 
 'I'he care of the king's person, till otherwise 
 provided for, was given to Sosibius, son to him 
 who had governed during the last three reigns. 
 History does not inform us whetlier the father 
 was still alive ; but it is certain that he lived to 
 a great age, as he had passed above threescore 
 years in the administration. No minister was 
 ever more cunning or more corrupt than this 
 Sosibius.^ He made no scruple of committing 
 the blackest crimes, provided they conduced to 
 his ends. Polybius imputes to him the murder 
 of Lysimachus, son of Ptolemy, and of Arsinoe, 
 iaughter of that Lysimachus ; of Magas, son of 
 Ptolemy, and of Berenice, daughter of Magas ; 
 of Berenice, mother of Ptolemy Philopator ; of 
 Cleomenes, king of Sparta ; and lastly, of Ar- 
 sinoe, daughter of Berenice. It is surprising 
 that, notwithstanding the inhumanity and cru- 
 elty of his administration, he should have sup- 
 ported himself so long in it, and at last come to 
 a peaceable end. 
 
 Antiochus king of Syria,* 
 A. M. 3801. and Philip king of Mace- 
 Ant. J. C. 203. donia, during the reign of 
 Ptolemy Philopator, had dis- 
 covered the strongest zeal for the interest of that 
 monarch, and were ready to assist him on all 
 occasions. Yet, no sooner was he dead, leaving 
 behind him an infant, whom the laws of hu- 
 manity and justice enjoined them not to disturb 
 in the possession of his father's kingdom, than 
 they immediately joined in a criminal alliance, 
 and excite each other to take off the lawful heir, 
 and divide his dominions between them. Phi- 
 lip was to have Caria, Libya, Cyrenaica, and 
 Egypt ; and Antiochus all tlie rest. With this 
 view, the latter entered Ccele-syria and Pales- 
 tine ; and, in less than two campaigns, made an 
 entire conquest of those two provinces, with all 
 their cities and dependencies. Their guilt, says 
 Polybius, would not have been quite so glaring, 
 had they, like tyrants, endeavoured to gloss over 
 their crimes with some specious pretence ; but 
 so far from doing this, their injustice and cru- 
 elty were so barefaced, that to them was applied 
 what is generally said of fishes, that the larger 
 ones, though of the same species, prey on the 
 lesser. One would be tempted, continues the 
 same author, at seeing the most sacred laws of 
 society so openly violated, to accuse Providence 
 of being indifferent and insensible to the most 
 horrid crimes ; but it fully justified his conduct, 
 by punishing those two kings according to their 
 
 1 Polyb. in Excerpt, p. 64. 
 2 Polyb. 1. ui. p. 159. Id. 1. xv. p. 707 & 708. 
 
 deserts ; and made such an example of them, as 
 ought in all succeeding ages to deter others from 
 following their conduct. For, whilst they are 
 meditating to dispossess a weak and helpless in- 
 fant of his kingdom, by piecemeal, Providence 
 raised up the Romans against them, who en- 
 tirely subverted the kingdoms of Philip and 
 Antiochus, and reduced their successors to aL 
 most as great calamities as those with which 
 they intended to crush the infant king. 
 
 During that time," Philip was engaged in a 
 war against the Rhodians, over whom he gained 
 an inconsiderable advantage, in a naval engage- 
 ment near the island of Lade, opposite to the 
 city of ]Miletus. 
 
 The next year he attacked 
 
 A. M. 3802. Attalus,* and advanced as 
 Ant. J. C. 202. far as Pergamus, the capital 
 of his kingdom. But all his 
 efforts in assaulting that city being to no pur- 
 pose, he turned his rage and fury against the 
 gods ; and not satisfied with burning their tem- 
 ples, he demolished their statues, broke to pieces 
 their altars, and even pulled up the stones from 
 the foundations, that not the least footsteps of 
 them might remain. 
 
 He was not more successful against the Rho- 
 dians. Having already fought them with but 
 indifferent success, he ventured a second battle 
 off the island of Chios. Attains had united his 
 fleet to that of the Rhodians, and Philip was 
 defeated with considerable loss. There were 
 killed, in his army, 3000 Macedonians, and 6000 
 allies ; and 2000 Macedonians and confederates, 
 with 700 Egyptians were taken prisoners. The 
 Rhodians lost but sixty men, and Attalus three- 
 score and ten. 
 
 Philip ascribed all the glory of this engage- 
 ment to himself, and that for two reasons ; the 
 first was, that having repulsed Attalus to the 
 shore, he had taken that prince's ship ; and the 
 second, that having cast anchor near the pro- 
 montory of Argennum, he had taken his station 
 even among the wrecks of his enemies. But 
 though he assumed the best air he coulil, he was 
 sensible of his great loss, and could neither con- 
 ceal it from others nor himself. This prince 
 had never lost so great a number of men either 
 by sea or land in one day. He was highly 
 afflicted upon it, and was forced to abate much 
 of his former vivacity. 
 
 Nevertheless,^ the ill sue- ( 
 
 A. M. 3803. cess of this battle did not | 
 Ant. J. C. 201. make Philip despond. Tlie ; 
 
 character of that prince was ( 
 to be unshaken in his resolutions, and not to be \ 
 dejected by disappointments, but to overcome . 
 difficulties' by inflexible constancy and perse- 
 verance ; and accordingly he continued the war 
 with fresh bravery. 1 am not certain whether | 
 we may not date, about this time, the cruelties ! 
 which Philip exercised over the Cianians ; a i 
 barbaiity with which he is often reproached, j 
 the particulars of which have unhappily been 
 lost. Cios, whose inhabitants are called Cia- ' 
 nians, was a small city of Bithynia. The gov- j 
 ernor of it had been raised to that post by the 
 ^tolians, who at that time were in alliance 
 with Philip. We find that he besieged it at j 
 
 3 Polyb. in Excerpt Vales, p. 70 & 73. j 
 
 4 Polyb. ib. p. 66. Died, ib p. 294. j 
 
 b Polyb. 1. xvi. p. 733—739. Liv. 1. xxxi. n. 16, la I 
 
 Polyb. 1. xvii. p. 743. Liv. 1. xxxi. n. 31. Strab. 1. xii I 
 
 p. 563. Polyb. 1. xv. p. 709—711. j 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 427 
 
 the request of his son-in-law Prusias, king of 
 Bithynia, who pretended to have received some 
 Insult from it. The city was in all probability 
 taken by storm. A great number of the in. 
 habitants suffered the most cruel torments ; the 
 rest were reduced to a state of captivity, which 
 to them was worse than death ; and the city 
 was razed to the very foundations. This bar- 
 barity alienated the jiEtolians from him, and 
 particularly the Rhodians, who were allies and 
 friends to the inhabitants of Cios. Polybius 
 seems to ascribe its destruction to the impru- 
 dence of the Cianians themselves, who used to 
 bestow all posts and preferments on their most 
 worthless citizens, and to follow so blindly their 
 pernicious opinions in every thing, as even to 
 persecute those who ventured to oppose them. 
 He adds, that a people, who act in this manner, 
 plunge voluntarily into the greatest calamities ; 
 and that it is surprising they do not correct 
 themselves in this respect by the experience of 
 all ages; which shows, that the ruin of the 
 most powerful states is solely owing to the ill 
 choice they make of those to whom they confide 
 either the command of their armies, or' the ad- 
 ministration of their political affairs. 
 
 Philip marched afterwards to Thrace and 
 the Chersonesus, where several cities surren- 
 dered voluntarily. However, Abydos shut her 
 gates against him, and even refused to hear the 
 deputies he had sent, so that he was forced to 
 besiege it. This city is in Asia, and stands on 
 the narrowest part of the Hellespont, now 
 called the Dardanelles, and opposite to the city 
 of Sestus in Europe. The distance between 
 these two cities was about two miles. The 
 reader will suppose that Abydos must be a city 
 of great importance, as it commanded the straits, 
 and made those who were possessed of it, mas- 
 ters of the communication between the Euxine 
 sea and the Archipelago. 
 
 Nothing of what is generally practised, in the 
 assaulting and defending of cities, was omitted 
 in this siege. No place was ever defended 
 with greater obstinacy, which might be said at 
 length, on the side of the besieged, to have risen 
 to fury and brutality. Confiding in their own 
 strength, they repulsed with the greatest vigour 
 the first approaches of the Macedonians. On 
 the side next the sea, the machines of war no 
 sooner came forward, than they immediately 
 were either dismounted by the balistse, or con- 
 sumed by fire. Even the ships, on which they 
 were mounted, were in danger; and it was 
 with the utmost difficulty that the besiegers 
 saved them. On the land side, the Abydenians 
 also defended themselves for some time with 
 great courage, and did not despair even of de- 
 feating the enemy. But finding that the out- 
 ward wall was sapped, and thajt the Macedo- 
 nians were carrying their mines under the 
 inward one, which had been raised to supply 
 the place of the other, they sent deputies to 
 Philip, offering to surrender their city upon 
 the following conditions : That such forces, as 
 had been sent them by the Rhodians and king 
 Attalus, should return to their respective sove- 
 reigns under his safe conduct ; and that all free 
 citizens should retire whithersoever they pleased, 
 with the clothes they then had on. Philip an- 
 swering, that the Abydenians had only to choose, 
 whether they would surrender at discretion, or 
 continue to defend themselves valiantly, the de- 
 puties retired. 
 
 This report being made, the besieged, in trans- 
 ports of despair, assemble together, and consider 
 
 what was to be done. They came to this reso- 
 lution : first, that the slaves should be made 
 free, to animate them to defend the city with 
 the utmost vigour : secondly, that all the wo- 
 men should be sliut up in the temple of Diana, 
 and all the children, with their nurses, in the 
 Gymnasium : that they then should bring into 
 the great square all the gold and silver in the 
 city, and carry all the rest of the valuable effects 
 into the Quadrireme of the Rhodians,^ and the 
 Trireme of the Cyzicenians. This resolution 
 having passed unanimously, another assembly 
 was called, in which they chose fifty of the 
 I wisest and most ancient of the citizens, but 
 t who at the same time had vigour enough left 
 to execute what might be determined ; and they 
 were made to take an oath in presence of aT 
 the inhabitants, that the instant they saw the 
 enemy master of the inward wall, they would 
 kill the women and children, set fire to the two 
 galleys laden with their effects, and throw into 
 the sea all their gold and silver which they had 
 heaped together : then sending for their priests, 
 tbey took an oath either to conquer or die, 
 sword in hand ; and after having sacrificed the 
 victims, they obliged the priests and priestesses 
 to pronounce before the altar, the greatest curses 
 on those who should break their oath. 
 
 This being done, they left off countermining, 
 and resolved, the instant the wall should fall, 
 to fly to the breach, and fight to the last. Ac- 
 cordingly, the inward wall tumbling, the be- 
 sieged, true to the oath they had taken, fought 
 in the breach with such unparalleled bravery, 
 that though Philip had perpetually sustained 
 with fresh soldiers those who had mounted to 
 the assault, yet when night separated the com- 
 batants, he was still doubtful with regard to 
 the success of the siege. Such Abydenians as 
 marched first to the breach, over the heaps oi 
 the slain, fought with fury ; and not only made 
 use of their swords and javelins, but, after their 
 arms were broken to pieces, or forced out of 
 their hands, they rushed headlong upon the 
 Macedonians, knocked down some, and broke 
 the sarissse or long spears of others, and with 
 the pieces struck their faces, and such parts of 
 their bodies as were uncovered, till they made 
 them entirely despair of the event. 
 
 When night had put an end to the slaughter, 
 the breach was quite covered with the dead 
 bodies of the Abydenians ; and those who had 
 escaped, were so overwhelmed with fatigue, and 
 had received so many wounds, that they could 
 scarce support themselves. Things being brought 
 to this dreadful extremity, two of the principal 
 citizens, unable to bring themselves to execute 
 the dreadful resolution that had been taken, and 
 which at that time displayed itself to their 
 imaginations in all its horror, agreed, that to 
 save their wives and children, they should send 
 to Philip, by day-break all their priests and 
 priestesses, clothed in their pontifical habits, 
 to implore his mercy, and open the gates to 
 him. 
 
 Accordingly, next morning, the city, as had 
 been agreed, was surrendered to Philip : while 
 the greatest part of the Abydenians who sur^ 
 vived, vented millions of imprecations against 
 their fellow-citizens, and especially against the 
 priests and priestesses, for delivering up to the 
 
 6 Quadriremes were galleys with four benches of oars, 
 and Triremes those with three. 
 
428 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 enemy those whom they themselves had devoted 
 to death with the most dreadful oaths. Philip 
 marched into the city, and seized, without the 
 least opposition, all the rich effects which the 
 Abydenians had heaped together in one place. 
 But now he was greatly terrified with the spec- 
 tacle he saw. Among these ill-fated citizens, 
 whom despair had made furious and distracted, 
 some were smothering their wives and children, 
 and others stabbing them with their own hands ; 
 some were running to strangle them, others 
 were plunging them into wells, whilst others 
 again were precipitating them from the tops of 
 houses ; in a word, death appeared in all its va- 
 riety of horrors. Philip, pierced with grief, 
 and seized with horror at this spectacle, stopped 
 the soldiers, who were eager for plunder, and 
 published a declaration, importing, that he 
 would allow three days to all who were resolved 
 to lay violent hands on themselves. He was in 
 hopes, that during this interval, they would 
 change their determination ; but their resolution 
 was fixed. They thought it would be degenerat- 
 ing from those who had lost their lives in fighting 
 for their country should they survive them. 
 The individuals of every family killed one an- 
 other, and none escaped this murderous expedi- 
 tion, but those whose hands were tied, or were 
 otherwise kept from destroying themselves. 
 
 A little before the city 
 A. M. 3803. surrendered, an ambassador 
 Ant. J. C. 201. from the Romans to Philip 
 arrived. This embassy was 
 sent on various accounts, all which it will be 
 proper to explain. The fame and glory of this 
 people had just before been spread through all 
 parts of the 'woxid, by the victory which Scipio 
 gained over Hannibal in Africa ; an event that 
 so gloriously (with regard to the Romans) ter- 
 minated the second Punic war. The court of 
 Egypt,' being in so much danger from the union 
 that had been formed between Philip and Anti- 
 ochus against their infant king, had had recourse 
 to the Romans for protection, and offered them 
 the guardianship of the king, and the regency 
 of his dominions during his minority ; declar- 
 ing, that the late monarch at his death had re- 
 commended them thus to act. It was the in- 
 terest of the Romans not to suffer the power of 
 Philip and Antiochus to increase by the addition 
 of so many rich provinces, of which the empire 
 of Egypt at that time consisted. It was not 
 difficult to foresee, that they would soon be en- 
 gaged in war with those two princes, with one 
 of whom they already had had some differences, 
 which threatened much greater. For these 
 reasons they had not hesitated in accepting the 
 guardianship ; and in consequence had appointed 
 three deputies, who were ordered to acquaint 
 the two kings with their resolution, and to en- 
 join them not to infest the dominions of their 
 royal pupil, for that otherwise they should be 
 forced to declare war against them. Every 
 reader will perceive, that the declaring so gen- 
 erously in favour of an oppressed infant mo- 
 narch, was making a just and noble use of their 
 power. 
 
 At the same time there arrived in Rome am- 
 bassadors from the Rhodians and from, king 
 Attalus, to complain also of the enterprises of 
 the two kings ; and to inform the Romans, that 
 
 1 Justin. 1. XXX. c. 2 & 3. & 1 xxxi. c. 1. Valcr. Max. 
 L vi. c. 6. Liv. 1. xxxi. n. I, '2, & 18. 
 
 Philip, either in person or by his deputies, was 
 soliciting several cities of Asia to take up arms, 
 and was certainly meditating some great design. 
 This was a fresh motive for hastening the depar- 
 tui-e of the three ambassadors. 
 
 Being arrived at Rhodes, and hearing of the 
 siege of Abydos, they sent to Philip the young- 
 est of their colleagues, named ^Emilius, who, 
 as has been observed, arrived at Abydos, at the 
 very time that the city was upon the point of 
 being surrendered, ^^milius acquainted Philip, 
 that he was ordered, in the name of the senate, 
 to exhort him not to make war upon any of the 
 states of Greece, nor to invade any part of Pto- 
 lemy's dominions ; but to refer to a just arbitra- 
 tion the claims which he had upon Attalus and 
 the Rhodians. That, provided he acquiesced 
 with these remonstrances, he would continue in 
 peace ; but that if he refused, the Romans would 
 proclaim war against him. Philip endeavoured 
 to show, that the Rhodians had occasioned the 
 rupture. " But," says ^milius, interrupting 
 him, " did the Athenians and Abydenians at- 
 tack you first?" Philip,^ who had not been 
 used to hear truth, offended at the boldness ol 
 such an answer addressed to a king ; " Your 
 age," says he to the ambassador, " your beauty 
 (for Poiybius informs us that this ambassadoi 
 had really a fine person), and especially the Ro- 
 man name, exalt your pride to a prodigious de- 
 gree. For my part, 1 wish your republic may 
 observe punctually the treaties it has concluded 
 with me ; but, in case I should be invaded by it, 
 I hope to show, that the empire of Macedonia 
 does not yield to Rome either in valour or repu- 
 tation." * The deputy withdrew from Abydos 
 with this answer, and Philip having taken that 
 city, left a strong garrison in it, and returned to 
 Macedonia. 
 
 jEmilius seems to have gone into Egypt, 
 whilst the two other ambassadors went very 
 probably to Antiochus. Ji^milius, being arrival i 
 at Alexandria, assumed the guardianship ol j 
 Ptolemy, in the name of the Romans, pursuant 
 to the instructions he had received from the se- 
 nate at his setting out ; and settled every thing 
 to as much advantage as the state of affairs in 
 Egypt would then admit. He appointed Aris- 
 tomenes, the Acarnanian, to superintend the 
 education and pei-son of the young monarch, 
 and made him prime minister. This Aristo- 
 menes had grown old in the court of Egypt, 
 and acted with the utmost prudence and fidelity | 
 in the employment conferred upon him. \ 
 
 In the mean time the forces of Philip^ laid 
 Attica waste, the pretence of which invasion 
 was as follows : Two young men of Acarnania 
 being in Athens, at the time when the great 
 mysteries were solemnizing there, had entered \ 
 with the crowd into the temple of Ceres, not 
 knowing that it was forbidden. Though theii 
 fault proceeded entirely from ignorance, ^ they 
 were immediately massaci-ed as guilty of impi- 
 ety and sacrilege. The Acarnanians, justly ex- 
 asperated at so cruel a treatment, had recourse 
 
 2 Insiteto vera audire, ferocior or alio visa est quam 
 qua Imbenda apud regem esset. ^tas, inquit, et forma, 
 et super omnia Komanum nomen te ferociorem facit. Ego 
 autem primam velim vos fcederum memores servare me- 
 cum pacem. Si bello lacesseritis, mihi quoque in aniino 
 est facere, ut regnum Macedonum nomenque hand inuiue j 
 quam Komanum nobile bello sentiatis. Liv. 1. xxxi. u 
 18 
 
 S Liv. \. xxxi. n. 14. 
 
429 
 
 to Philip, who gladly embraced this opportunity, 
 and gave them a body of forces, with which 
 thoy entered Attica, ravaged the whole country, 
 and returned home laden with spoils. 
 
 The Athenians* carried their complaints 
 against this enterprise to Rome, and were join- 
 ed on that occasion by the ambassadors of the 
 Rhodiaiis and king Attalus. The Romans only 
 sought for an opportunity to break with king 
 Philip, at whom they were very much offended. 
 He had infringed the conditions of the treaty of 
 peace, concluded with him three years before, in 
 not ceasing to infest the allies who were includ- 
 ed in it. He had just before sent troops and 
 money to Hannibal in Africa ; and a report 
 was spread, that he was at that time very busy 
 in Asia. This made the Romans uneasy, who 
 called to mind the trouble which Pyrrhus had 
 brought upon them, with only a handful of Epi- 
 rots, a people very much inferior to the Mace- 
 donians, Thus, having ended the war against 
 Carthage, they imagined it advisable to prevent 
 the enterprises of this new enemy, who miglit 
 become formidable, incase they should give him 
 time to increase his strength. The senate, after 
 making such an answer that pleased all the am- 
 bassadors, ordered M. Valerius Levinus, the 
 propraitor, to advance towards Macedonia with a 
 fleet, in order to examine matters nearer at 
 hand, and be in a condition to give immediate 
 aid to the allies. 
 
 In the mean time the Roman senate^ deliber- 
 ated seriously on what was to be done in the 
 I present juncture. At the very time it assem- 
 I bled to consider that important affair, a second 
 j embassy arrived from the Athenians, which 
 i brought advice that Philip was upon the point 
 of invading Attica in person ; and that in case 
 they were not immediately succoured, he would 
 infallibly make himself master of Athens. 
 They also received letters from Levinus the pro- 
 i praetor, and from Aurelius his lieutenant, by 
 which they were informed, that they had the 
 strongest reasons to believe that Philip had some 
 design against them ; and that the danger being 
 imminent, they had no time to lose. 
 
 Upon this news,^ the Ro- 
 A. M. .8804. mans resolved to proclaim 
 Ant. J. C. 200. war against Philip. Ac- 
 cordingly, P. Sulpitius the 
 consul, to whom Macedonia had fallen by lot, 
 put to sea with an army, and soon arrived there. 
 Here he was soon informed that Athens was 
 besieged, and implored his assistance. Pie de- 
 tached a squadron of twenty galleys, command- 
 ed by Claudius Cento, who set sail that instant. 
 Philip had not laid siege to Athens in person, 
 but deputed one of his lieutenants for that pur- 
 pose ; having himself taken the field against 
 Attalus and the Rhodians. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 Expeditions of the consul Sulpitius in Macedonia. The 
 I ^tolianswait for the event, in order to declare them, 
 j selves. Philip loses a battle. Villius succeeds Sulpitius. 
 I No consideral)le transaction happens during his govcrn- 
 j ment. Flainininus succeeds him. Antiochus recovers 
 ! CcDle-syria, of which he had been dispossessed by Aris. 
 I tomenes, tlie prime minister of Egypt. Various expe- 
 
 Liv. 1. xxxi. n. 1 — 3. 
 5 Ibid. n. 5. 6 Ibid. n. 14. 
 
 ditions of the consul into Phocis. The Achajans, aftei 
 long debates, deciaro for the Komans. 
 
 Claudius Cento,^ whom 
 A. M. S80-I. the consul had sent to suc- 
 Ant. J. C. 200. cour Athens, having entered 
 the Pirseeus with his galleys, 
 revived the drooping courage of the inhabitants. 
 He was not satisfied with placing the city and 
 the country round it in a state of security; but 
 as he had been informed that the garrison of 
 Chalcis did not observe the least order or disci- 
 pline, as considering themselves remote from 
 danger, he sailed out with his fleet, arrived near 
 the city before day, and finding the sentinels 
 asleep, entered it without molestation ; set fire 
 to the public magazines, which were full of 
 corn, and to the arsenal that was well provided 
 with machines of war; cut the whole garrison 
 to pieces ; and after carrying on board his ships 
 the immense booty he had amassed, he returned 
 to the Pirseeus. 
 
 Philip, who was then at Demetrias, the in- 
 stant he heard of the disaster which had befallen 
 that confederate city, flew thither, in hopes of 
 surprising the Romans. However, they were 
 gone ; so that he seemed to have come for no 
 other purpose, but to view the mournful spec- 
 tacle presented by that city, still burning and 
 half ruined. He would certainly have treated 
 Athens in the same manner, if one of the couri- 
 ers, called Hemerodromi,^ who perceived the 
 king's troops from the eminence where he was 
 posted, had not carried the news of it immedi- 
 ately to Athens, where the inhabitants were all 
 asleep. Philip arrived a few hours after, but 
 before day-break. Perceiving that his strata- 
 gem had not taken effect, he resolved to attack 
 the city. The Athenians had drawn up their 
 soldiers in order of battle without the walls, at j 
 the gate Dipylos ; Philip, marching at the head 
 of his army, attacked them with vigour, and 
 having killed several of them with his own 
 hand, repulsed them back into the city, whither 
 he did not think it advisable to pursue them. 
 But he wreaked his vengeance on the country 
 seats, on the places for the public exercises, as 
 the Lyceum, and especially on such temples as 
 stood without the city ; setting fire to every 
 thing, and ruining whatever came in his way, 
 not sparing either the tombs or the most sacred 
 places. 
 
 He marched from hence with a view of sur- 
 prising Eleusis, where his project also proved 
 abortive. He then proceeded towards Corinth, 
 when hearing that the Achseans held their as- 
 sembly at Argos, he went thither. 
 
 They were deliberating how to act in regard 
 to Nabis, the tyrant of Sparta, who had succeed - 
 ed Machanidas, and infested the whole country 
 with his incursions. Philip offered to under- 
 take alone the management of that war, and his 
 pi-oposal was received with universal joy. How- 
 ever, he added a condition which abated it very 
 much : that they should furnish him with as 
 many troops as were necessary for garrisonirig 
 Oreum, Chalcis, and Corinth ; that he might I 
 not leave the places behind without defence, ! 
 whilst he was fighting for them. They per- 
 
 7 Uv. 1. xxxi. n. 2Z~26. 
 8 They were so called for running a great number of 
 miles in "one day. 
 
430 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 oelved that his design was to draw out of Pelo- 
 ponnesus all the Achsean youth, in order to 
 make himself master of it, and engage it in the 
 war against the Romans. Cycliadus, who pre- 
 sided in the assembly, eluded the proposal, by 
 observing, that it was not allowed, by their 
 laws, to debate on any subject but that for 
 which the assembly had been summoned. They 
 therefore broke up, after having resolved upon 
 the war against Nabis ; and the hopes of Philip 
 were again defeated. 
 
 He made a second attempt upon Athens, 
 which succeeded no better than the former, ex- 
 cept that he completed the demolition of such 
 temples, statues, and valuable works, as re- 
 mained in that country. After this expedition, 
 he retired into Boeotia. 
 
 The consul,' who was encamped between 
 Apollonia and Dyrrachium, sent to Macedonia 
 a considerable detachment, under the command 
 of Apustius the lieutenant, who laid waste the 
 open country, and took several small ^ cities. 
 Philip, who was returned into Macedonia, car- 
 ried on his military preparations with prodi- 
 gious vigour. 
 
 The great object which both parties had in view, 
 was to engage' the ^tolians on their side. They 
 were now going to hold their general assembly, 
 to which Philip, the Romans, and Athenians, 
 sent their ambassadors ; he who was deputed by 
 Philip spoke first. All he required was, that 
 the iEtolians should observe strictly the condi- 
 tions of the peace which they had concluded 
 three years before with Philip ; having then 
 experienced how useless their alliance with the 
 Romans was to them. He instanced several 
 cities, of which that people had possessed them- 
 selves, upon pretence of succouring them, as 
 Syracuse, Tarentum, Capua ; the last city espe- 
 cially, which was no longer Capua, but the 
 grave of the Campanians, and the skeleton, as 
 it were, of a city, having neither senate, in- 
 habitants, or magistrates ; having been more 
 barbarously used by those who had left it to be 
 inhabited in this condition, than if they had en- 
 tirely destroyed it. " If foreigners," says he, 
 who differ from us more by their language, 
 their manners, and their laws, than by the wide 
 distance of land and sea which separate us from 
 them, should dispossess us of this country, it 
 would be ri-iiculcus in us to expect more hu- 
 mane treatment from them than their neigh- 
 bours have met with. Among us, who are of 
 the same country, whether iEtolians, Acarna- 
 nians, or Macedonians, and who speak the same 
 language, slight disputes may arise of little or 
 no consequence or duration ; but with foreign- 
 ers, with barbarians, we, as Greeks, are, and 
 shall for ever be, at war. In this same assembly 
 three years since you concluded a peace with 
 Philip ; the same causes still subsist ; and we 
 hope that you will act in the same man- 
 ner." 
 
 The Athenian ambassadors, by the consent of 
 the Romans, spoke next. They began by dis- 
 playing, in an affected manner, the impious and 
 sacrilegious fury which Philip had exercised on 
 the most sacred monuments of Attica, on the 
 most august temples, and the most venerated 
 tombs; as if he had declared war, not only 
 against men, and the living,^ but against the 
 manes of the dead and the majesty of the gods. 
 
 That iEtolia and all Greece must expect the 
 same treatment, if Philip should have the like 
 occasion. They concluded with conjuring the 
 ^tolians to take compassion on Athens, and to 
 undertake, under the auspices of the gods, and 
 of the Romans, whose power that of the gods 
 alone could equal, so just a war as that proposed 
 to them. 
 
 The Roman ambassador, after having refuted 
 very circumstantially the reproaches of the Ma- 
 cedonian, with resp'ect to the treatment which 
 Rome had made the conquered cities suffer ; 
 and adduced as an example to the contrary, the 
 instance of Carthage, which, but just before, 
 had been allowed a peace, and was restored to 
 its liberty ; declared, that the only circumstance 
 the Romans had to fear was, that the too great 
 mildness and lenity which they exercised to- 
 wards those they conquered, would prompt other 
 nations to take' up arms against them, because 
 the vanquished might depend on the Roman 
 clemency. He represented in a short, but 
 strong and pathetic speech, the criminal actions 
 of Philip, the murders committed by him on 
 his own family and bis friends; his, infamous 
 debaucheries, which were still more detested 
 than his cruelty; all facts more immediately 
 known to the persons whom he then addi'essed, 
 as they were nearer neighbours to Macedonia. 
 " But to confine my speech to what relates di- 
 rectly to you," says the ambassador, addressing 
 himself to the ^"tolians, "we engaged in the 
 war against Philip, with no other view than to 
 defend you ; and you have concluded a separate 
 peace with him. * Possibly you may observe in 
 your own justification, that seeing us employed 
 in the war against the Carthaginians, av.d be- 
 ing awed by fear, you were obliged to submit tc 
 whatever conditions the victor was pleased tc 
 prescribe ; whilst we, on the other side, em- 
 ployed in affairs of greater importance, neglected 
 a war which you had renounced. However, 
 having now put an end (thanks to the gods) to 
 the Carthaginian war, we are going to turn the 
 whole force of our arms against iNIacedonia. 
 This gives you an opportunity of returning tt 
 our friendship and alliance, unless you slioulc 
 choose to perish ingloriously with Philip, rather 
 than conquer with the Romans." 
 
 Damocritus, the JLtolian pra?tor, plainly per 
 ceived that this speech would gain all tht 
 voices. It is said, that he had been bribed by 
 Philip. Without seeming inclined to eithei 
 side, he represented the affair as too important 
 to be determined immediately, and required 
 time for a more mature deliberation. By this> 
 artifice he eluded the effect which the assembly 
 would otherwise have h-ad ; and boasted his 
 having done a very essential service to the re- 
 public, which now, he said, might wait tht 
 event before it took up arms, and then declare 
 for the strongest army. 
 
 In the meantime,^ Philip was preparing foi 
 a vigoi-ous war both by sea and land ; but tht 
 consul had already begun it. He had enteret 
 Macedonia, and advanced towards the Dassare 
 t£e. Philip also took the field. Neither part) 
 knew which way the enem.y had marched ; bus 
 each sent out a detachment' upon the discovery 
 and the two parties met. As both consiste 
 entirely of chosen troops, a bloody skirmish en- 
 sued, and the victory was doubtful. Fort) 
 
 1 Liv. 1. xxxi. n. 27 — S2. 
 
 -2 Li v. I. xxxi. n. 33—39. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 431 
 
 Macedonian troopers, and thirty-five of the 
 Romans killed on the spot. 
 
 The king, persuaded that the care he should 
 take to hury those who had lost their lives in 
 this skirmish, would contribute very much to 
 gain him the affection of his soldiers, and excite 
 them to behave gallantly in his service, caused 
 their dead bodies to be brought into the camp, 
 in order that the whole army might be eye- 
 witnesses of the honours paid to their me- 
 mory. 
 
 Nothing ^ is less to be relied upon than the 
 sentiments and dispositions of the vulgar. The 
 spectacle, which Philip imagined would ani- 
 mate the soldiers, had quite a contrary effect, 
 and damped their courage. Hitherto he had 
 engaged in a war with none but Greeks and 
 Illyrians, who employed scarce any other wea- 
 pons than arrows, javelins, and lances; and for 
 that reason the wounds they made were not so 
 deep. But when they saw the bodies of their 
 comrades covered with deep and wide gashes, 
 made by the Spanish sabres, whole arms cut 
 off, shoulders lopped away, and heads separated 
 from the bodies, they were terrified at tbo sight, 
 and plainly perceived against what kind of ene- 
 my they were to act. 
 
 The king himself, who had never yet seen 
 the Romans engaged in a regular battle, was 
 terrified at the sight. Being informed by some 
 deserters of the place where the enemy had 
 halted, he took guides, and marched thither 
 with his army, consisting of 20,000 foot and 
 WOO horse ; and posted himself at a little above 
 200 paces from their camp, near the city of 
 Athacus, on an eminence which he fortified 
 with good ditches and strong intrenchments. 
 Surveying from the top of the hill the order 
 and disposition of the Roman camp, he cried 
 out, That what he saw was not the camp of 
 barbarians.* 
 
 The consul and the king were quiet for the 
 first two days, each waiting till the other should 
 make some movement. On the third day, Sul- 
 pitius came out of his camp, and drew up his 
 troops in order of battle. Philip, being afraid 
 of coming to a general battle, detached against 
 the enemy a body consisting of about 1500 men, 
 the one half horse and the other foot ; against 
 whom the Romans opposed an equal number, 
 who had the advantage, and put the other to 
 flight. They avoided, with no less prudence, 
 an ambuscade, which the king had laid for 
 them. These two advantages, the one gained 
 by open force and the other by stratagem, in- 
 flamed the courage of the Roman soldiers. The 
 consul marched them back into the camp, and 
 after allowing them a day's repose, he led them 
 out and offered the king battle, which he did 
 not think proper to accept, and lay close in his 
 camp, in spite of all the insults and reproaches 
 of Sulpitius, who charged him with meanness 
 of spirit and cowardice. 
 
 As foraging, where two armies lay so near 
 one another, would be very dangerous, the con- 
 sul drew off to about eight miles' distance, and 
 advanced towards a village, called Octolophos, 
 where the foragers dispersed themselves all over 
 the neighbouring country in separate platoons. 
 
 3 Nihil tain incertum nec tam inaestimabile est qiiam 
 animi multitudinis. Quod promptiores ad subevindam 
 omnem dimicationem videbatur faciurum, id metum pi- 
 sritiamque incussit. Liv. 
 
 4 The same words are ascribed to Pyrrhus. 
 
 The king at first lay close in his intrenchments, 
 as if afraid of venturing out ; in order that the 
 enemy, growing bolder on that account, might 
 for that reason be less vigilant. This happened 
 directly as Philip had foreseen. When he saw 
 great numbers of them spread over the plains, 
 he quitted his camp on a sudden with all his 
 horse, whom the Cretans followed as fast as it 
 was possible for infantry to march, ana rode 
 full speed to post himself between the Roman 
 camp and the foragers. 
 
 There, dividing his forces, he detached part 
 of them against the foi-agers ; ordering them t<» 
 cut to pieces all who should come in their way, 
 whilst he himself seized all the passes by which 
 they could return. And now nothing was seen 
 on all sides but blood and slaughter ; during 
 which the Romans did not know what was do- 
 ing out of their camp, because such as fled were 
 intercepted by the king's forces ; and those who 
 guarded the passes killed a much greater num- 
 ber than the others detached in pursuit of the 
 enemy. 
 
 At last the melancholy news of the slaughter 
 arrived in the Roman camp ; upon which the 
 consul ordered the cavalry to march out and 
 succour their comrades wherever they could ; 
 as for himself, he made the legions quit the 
 camp, and marched them in a hollow square 
 against the enemy. The troopers, being dis- 
 persed up and down, lost their way at first, 
 being deceived by the shouts and cries which 
 echoed from different places. Many of these 
 parties fell in with the enemy, and skirmishes 
 were fought in different places at the same time. 
 The warmest engagement was where the king 
 himself commanded, and which, by the great 
 number of the horse and foot that composed it, 
 formed almost an army: not to mention that 
 these troops, being prodigiously animated by 
 the presence of the king, and the Cretans, fight- 
 ing in a compact body, and with the utmost 
 vigour, against enemies dispersed and in dis- 
 order, killed great numbers of them. It is cer- 
 tain that, had they not pursued the Romans so 
 vigorously, this day might have decided, not 
 only the present battle, but perhaps the success 
 of the whole war. But, by abandoning them- 
 selves to a rash and inconsiderate ardour, they 
 fell into the midst of the Roman cohorts, who 
 had advanced with their officers. And now 
 the soldiers who fled, perceiving the Roman 
 ensigns, faced about, and pushed their horses 
 against the enemy, who were all in disorder. 
 In an instant the face of the battle was quite 
 changed ; those who pursued before, now flying 
 in their turn. Many were killed in close fight, 
 and many lost their lives in flying; and num- 
 bers fell,* not by the sword alone, as several 
 plunging into morasses, were swallowed up, 
 with their horses, in the mire. The king him- 
 self was in very great danger ; for having been 
 thrown by his horse, w^hich had received a se- 
 vere wound, multitudes were going to attack 
 him, had not a trooper leaped that moment 
 from his horse, and mounted him on it; but I 
 the man himself, being unable to keep pace | 
 with the troopers who fled, was killed by the j 
 enemy. Philip, after having taken a long com- 
 pass round the fens, came at last to the camp, I 
 where he had been given over for lost. \ 
 
 We have already seen on many occasions, and 
 it cannot be too strongly inculcated on those of 
 the military profession, in order to their avoid- 1 
 ing the like error, that battles are often lost by 
 the too great ardour of the officers, who, solely 
 
432 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 intent upon pursuing the enemy, forget and ne- 
 glect what passes in the rest of the army, and 
 suffer themselves to be deprived, through an im- 
 prudent desire of glory, of a victory vrhich they 
 had in their hands, and which they might have 
 
 Philip had not lost a great number of men in 
 this action, but he dreaded coming to a second ; 
 imd was afraid lest the conqueror should advance 
 to attack him suddenly. He therefore despatch- 
 ed a herald to the consul, to desire a suspension 
 of arms, in order to bury the dead. The consul, 
 who was at dinner, sent word that he should 
 have an answer on the morrow. Upon this, 
 Philip, to conceal his march from the Romans, 
 having left a great number of fires in his camp, 
 set out, without noise, the instant it was dark ; 
 and having got a whole night's march before the 
 consul, and part of the following day, he thereby 
 put it out of his power to pursue him. 
 
 Sulpitius began his march the next day,' not 
 knowing which way the king had taken. Phi- 
 lip had flattered himself with the hopes of inter- 
 : cepting him at some passes, the entrance of 
 which he fortified with ditches, intrenchments, 
 and great works of stones and trees; but the 
 patience of the Romans was superior to all these 
 difficulties. The consul, after laying waste the 
 country, and seizing upon several fortresses of 
 importance, marched his army back to Apollo- 
 nia, from whence he had set out in the begin- 
 ning of the campaign. 
 
 The JStolians, who only waited the event in 
 order to choose their side, no longer hesitated to 
 declare for the Romans, and the Athamanians 
 followed their example. Both nations made 
 some incursions into Macedonia, but with ill 
 success, Philip having defeated them on several 
 occasions. He also defeated the Dardanians, 
 who had entered his country during his ab- 
 sence; and with these small advantages con- 
 soled himself for his ill success against the Ro- 
 mans. 
 
 In this campaign the Rom.an fleet joined that 
 of Attalus,2 j^nd came into the Pirseeus, to the 
 great joy of the Athenians. The hatred they 
 bore to Philip, which fear had forced them to 
 dissemble for a long time, now broke out im- 
 moderately, at the sight of so powerful a suc- 
 cour. In a free city like that of Athens,^ where 
 eloquence was all-powerful, the orators had 
 gained so great an ascendant over the minds of 
 the people, that they made them form whatever 
 resolutions they pleased. Here the people, at 
 their request, ordained that all the statues and 
 images of Philip and his ancestors should be 
 destroyed : that the festivals, sacrifices, and 
 priests, established in honour of them, should be 
 abolished : that every place where any monu- 
 ment had been set up, or inscription engraved 
 relating to them, should be declared impure and 
 profane : that the priests, every time they offer- 
 ed up prayers to the gods for the Athenians, 
 their allies," their armi'es, and fleets, should also 
 denounce imprecations and curses of every kind 
 against Philip, his children, and kingdom, his 
 forces both by sea and land ; in a word, against 
 the Macedonians in general, and all that belonged 
 to them. To this decree was added, that what- 
 
 1 Liv. 1. xxxi. n. 59—43. 2 Tbid. n. 44—47. 
 
 3 Nec iiiiquam ibi desunt lingiize promptsp ad plebem 
 concitandam ; quod genus, ciim in omnibus liberis civita- 
 tibus, turn pracipue Athenis, ubi oratio pluriinunn poUet, 
 favore raultitudiais alitur. Liv. 
 
 ever might be afterwards proposed, which tend- 
 ed in any manner to dishonour and bring an 
 odium on Philip, would be grateful to the peo- 
 ple : and that whosoever should dare to say or 
 do any thing in favour of Philip, or against the 
 decrees in question, might be killed on the spot, 
 without any formality. The last clause was, 
 that whate^'er had been enacted against the Pi- 
 sistratidse, should likewise be enacted against 
 Philip. In this manner the Athenians made 
 war against Philip by their decrees and ordi- 
 nances,* which at that time were their only 
 strength. Carrying all things to extren^es, they 
 now lavished encomiums, honours, and homage 
 of every kind on Attalus and the Romans. 
 
 The fleet, at its leaving Pirseeus, attacked and 
 took several fortresses and small islands ; after 
 which Attalus and the Romans separated and 
 went into winter-quarters. 
 
 In Rome the year foUow- 
 A. M. 3805. ing,^ new consuls being cho- 
 Ant. J. C. 199. sen, Villius had Macedonia 
 for his province. 
 Philip, whilst he made preparations for car- 
 rying on the ensuing campaign, was exceedingly 
 anxious with regard to the success of the war 
 he had undertaken. Besides his having to deal 
 with powerful and formidable enemies, he was 
 afraid that the hope of protection from the Ro- 
 mans, would draw off many of his allies from 
 him ; and that the Macedonians, uneasy at, and 
 dissatisfied with, his government, would rebel 
 against him. 
 
 To obviate these dangers, he gave up some ci- 
 ties to the Achseans, thinking to attach them the 
 more strongly to his interest by this unexpected 
 generosity ; and at the same time he sent am- 
 bassadors into Achaia, to make the allies take 
 the oath which was to be renewed every year. ] 
 But could he possibly look upon this ceremony 
 as a strong tie, and one capable of keeping the 
 confederates in their duty; when he himself pro- 
 fessed an open violation of all oaths, and did not 
 make the least scruple to forfeit his promise, nor 
 show the least veneration for the Supreme Be- 
 ing, religion, and all that mankind consider as 
 most sacred ? 
 
 As to the Macedonians,^ he endeavoured to 
 recover their love and atfection, by sacrificing 
 Heraclides, one of his ministers and confidants, 
 whom the people hated and detested on accoiint 
 of his rapine and grievous oppressions ; all which 
 had made the government odious to them. He 
 was of very mean extraction, and born in Ta- 
 rentum, where he had exercised the meanest and 
 most contemptible offices, and had been banish- 
 ed from thence, for attempting to deliver up the 
 city to the Romans. He had fled to Philip, 
 who, finding him a man of sense, of a lively 
 genius, a daring spirit, and at the same time so 
 insatiably ambitious as not to scruple the com- 
 mission of the blackest crimes, had attached him 
 to himself in a particular manner, and trusted 
 him with all his secrets ; a fit instrument for a 
 prince, who had neither probity nor honour. ( 
 Heraclides, says Polybius, was born with all 
 those qualities which constitute the consummate 
 villain, irrom his most tender years he had 
 prostituted himself in the most infamous man- 
 ner. Haughty and terrible to all his inferiors. 
 
 4 Atlienienses quidem literis verbisque, quibus solis va- 
 Icnt, bcUum adversQs Philippum gerebant. Liv. 
 
 5 Liv. 1. xxxi. n. 49. & 1. xxxii. n. 3. 
 6 Poljb. 1. xiii. p. 672, 673. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCE^ISORS. 
 
 433 
 
 ^n^l^ 1 tJie meanest and most grovel- \ country,'" and was thought to be one of the 
 
 mg adulation towards his superiors. He was I bravest and most experienced gene, 
 in such great credit and authority with Philip, I time. • • ' - - 
 
 als of hif) 
 h 
 
 <i„. " ,. , — "-"J J. .^mj., uiiiic. When the time of continuing in his pm 
 
 IStrr"^"'^ fV?- 'T' almost ; ployment expii^d, he had flattered In-msd whh 
 
 ruined a powerful kingdom, by the universal the hopes of being continued in it, but was liTao 
 
 discontent which his injustice and oppression pointed. This give him disgust s^ t t } Te ft 
 
 occasioned. At last the king caused him to be ^tolia, and englged in the sfrvice^f l^^e k ni of 
 
 seized and thrown into prison, which occasion- Egypt. Scopas had such good success in \L 
 
 ed a universal joy amongst the people. As we levies, that he^ brought 6000^soldierrf^om ^to 
 
 ^^h7T^•^^''^f'^"'""^^•^^ ^^^y*^"*^ « g^"^ reinforcement for the SvSu 
 
 subject, history does not inform us what becar-° '^-'v-' j:>g.Apiian 
 
 aject 
 
 of Heraclidesj'nor whether he came to the end 
 
 his crimes deserved. 
 
 Nothing considerable was transacted during 
 this campaign any more than the foregoing, be- 
 cause the consuls did not enter Macedonia till 
 very late; and the rest of the time was spent in 
 slight skirmishes, either to force certain passes, 
 or to carry off convoys. 'T. 
 A. M. 3806. QuintiusFlamininus^havii); 
 Ant. J. C. 198. 
 
 army. 
 
 . The administration of Al- 
 
 A. M. 3805. exandria," seeing Antiocbus 
 Ant. J. C. 199. employed in Asia Minor, in 
 ^ , the war which had brokon 
 
 out between him and Attalus king of PeiPa- 
 mus, sent Scopas into Palestine and Ccele-svi ia 
 to endeavour to recover these provinces. ' He 
 earned on the war there so successfully, that he 
 , . , , , S recovered several cities, retook Judea, threw a 
 
 been nominated consul, and garrison into the citadel of Jerusalem, and 
 Macedonia falling to him by ' - - 
 
 lot, he did not follow the example of his prede- 
 cessors, but set out for Rome at the opening of 
 the spring, with Lucius his brother, who, by 
 
 leave of the senate, was to command the fleet. 
 
 At the beginning of this year, Antiocbus at- 
 tacked Attalus very vigorously both by sea and 
 land. The ambassadors of the latter king came 
 to Rome, and informed the senate of the great 
 danger to which their sovereign was exposed. 
 They entreated the Romans in Attalus's name, 
 either to undertake his defence with the forces 
 of the republic, or to permit king Attalus to re- 
 call his troops. The senate made answer, that 
 as nothing could be more just and reasonable 
 than Attalus's demand, he therefore was at full 
 liberty to recall his forces; that the Romans 
 never intended to incommode their allies in any 
 manner ; but that they would employ all their 
 influence with Antiocbus, to dissuade him from 
 molesting Attalus. Accordingly, the Romans 
 sent ambassadors to the formeV, who remon- 
 strated to him, that Attalus had lent them his 
 troops as well as ships, which they now em- 
 ployed against Philip their common enemy: 
 that they should think it an obligation, if he 
 would not invade that prince ; that it was fitting 
 that such kings as were confederates and friends 
 to the Romans should be at peace with each 
 other. These remonstrances being made to An- 
 tiocbus, he immediately drew off his forces from 
 the territories of king Attalus. 
 
 The instant he had, at the request of the Ro- 
 mans, laid aside his designs against that prince, 
 he marched in person into Co?le-syria, to recover 
 those cities of which Aristomedes had dispos- 
 sessed him. The Romans had intrusted this 
 general with the administration of Egypt. The 
 first thing he had endeavoured was, to do- 
 fend himself against the invasion of the two con- 
 federate kings, and for this purpose he raised 
 the best troops he could. 
 
 A. M. 3804. He sent Scopas into ^tolia 
 Ant. J. C. 200. with large sums of money," 
 to levy as many troops "as 
 possible ; the J^tolians being at that time looked 
 upon as the best soldiers. This Scopas had 
 formerly enjoyed the highest posts in his own 
 
 j 7 Liv. 1. xxxii. n. 9—15. 
 
 I 8 Plutarch calls him Flaminius, but it is an error, Uiase 
 I being two different families. 
 ■{ 9 Liv. 1. xxxi. n. 43. 
 
 11. 
 
 A. M. SS06. 
 Ant. J. C. 198. 
 
 7' ^'•'luci ui usaiem, ana, upon 
 
 tHe approach of winter, returned to Alexandria • 
 whither he brought fbesifips the glory of his vic- 
 tories) exceeding rich spoils taken in the con-, 
 quered countries. We Cnd by the sequel, that 
 the great success of this campaign was owing 
 principally to Antiochus's being absent, and 
 to the little resistance which had therefore been 
 made. 
 
 He no sooner arrived there 
 in person,'^ than the fa. e of 
 things changed immediately, 
 and victory declared in his 
 favour. Scopas, who was returned with an I 
 army, was defeated at Paneas, near the source ! 
 of the river Jordan, in a battle wherein a great j 
 slaughter was made of his troops. He was 
 forced to fly to Sidon, where he shut himself up I 
 with the 10,000 men he had left. Antiocbus ! 
 besieged him in it, and reduced him to such ex- 
 tremities, that being in absolute want of provi- 
 sions, he was forced to surrender the city, and 
 content himself Avith having his life spared. 
 However, the government of Alexandria had 
 employed its utmost efforts to relieve him in Si- 
 don, and three of the best generals at the head of 
 the choicest troops of the state had been sent to 
 raise the siege. But Antiocbus made such ju- 
 dicious arrangements, that all their efforts were 
 defeated, and Scopas was obliged to accept of the 
 ignominious conditions above mentioned ; after 
 which he turned to Alexandria, naked and dis- 
 armed. 
 
 Antiocbus went from thence to Gaza,'-' where 
 he met with so strong a resistance as exasper 
 ated him ; and accordinglj', having taken the 
 city, he abandoned the plii^ider of it to his sol- 
 diei-s. This being done, he secured the passes 
 through which the troops were to come that 
 might be sent from Egypt; and returning back, 
 subjected all Palestine^'and Ccele-syria. 
 
 The instant that the Jews,'- who at that time 
 had reason to be displeased with the Egyptians, 
 knew that Antiocbus was advancing towards 
 their country, they came very zealously to meet 
 him, and deliver up the keys of all their cities; 
 and when he came to Jerusalem, the priests and 
 
 10 i;xcerpt Pclyb. p. fiO. 
 
 n Hieron. in c. xi. Dan. Joseph Am\q 1. xil c. 3. 
 
 n Liv. 1. xxxii. n. 8. Excerpt, ex Polylx p. 77, &r. 
 loseph. Antiq. 1. xii. c. 3. 
 
 l:> Excerpt, ex Polyb. n. 87, & Exc, Lee. 72. JLiv. t 
 xxxiii. n. 19. 
 
 14 Ji,,q,li .i,t,tiq 1. xii. c. 3. 
 2 E 
 
434 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 march, he was afraid to move too far trom the 
 sea, from whence he had all his provisions. For 
 this reason, he resolved to go over the moun- 
 tains, and to force the passes, whatever might 
 be the consequence. 
 
 Philip having in vain made proposals of peace, 
 in an interview between him and the consul, in 
 which they could not agree upon terms, was 
 obliged to 'have recourse again to arms. Ac- 
 cordingly, several slight skirmishes were fought 
 in a pretty large plain ; the Macedonians com- 
 
 elders came out in pomp to meet him, paid him 
 all kinds of honour, and assisted him in driving 
 out of the castle the soldiers which Scopas had 
 left in it. In return for these services, Anti- 
 ochus granted them a great many privileges; 
 and enacted, by a particular decree, that no 
 stranger should be allowed access to the inner 
 part of the temple ; a prohibition which seerned 
 visibly to have been made on account of Philo- 
 pator's attempt, who would have forced his way 
 
 *^Am^ochus,' in his eastern expeditions, had ; ing"downV platoons from then- mountains 
 received so many services from the Jews of ! attack the enemy, and afterwards retreating by 
 Babylonia and Mesopotamia, and depended so [steep craggy ways. Ihe Roinans, hurried on 
 much on their fidelity, that when a sedition | by the fury of the battle, pursuing them to those 
 S-oke out in Phrygia and Lydia, he sent 2000 places, were greatly annoyed ; the Macedonians 
 Jewish families to quell it, and keep the coun- [having planted on all these rocks catapultse and 
 try in peace, and granted them a variety of jbalist*, overwhelmed them with stones and^ar- 
 extraordinary favours. From these Jews, trans- 
 planted at this time, descended many of those 
 who were dis])ersed or scattered abroad,^ whom we 
 shall afterwards find so numerous, especially in 
 tlie gospel times. 
 
 Antiochus, having thus subjected all Coile- 
 syria and Palestine, resolved, if possible, to 
 make the like conquests in Asia Minor. The 
 great object he had in view was, to raise the 
 empire of Syria to its pristine glory, by re- 
 uniting to it all that his predecessors had ever 
 possessed, and particularly Seleucus Nicator, its 
 founder. As it would be necessary,^ for suc- 
 ceeding in his design, to prevent the Egyptians 
 from molesting him in his new conquests, at a 
 time that he should be at a distance from his 
 1 kingdom, he sent Eucles the Rhodian to Alex- 
 i andria, to offer his (laughter Cleopatra in mar- 
 riage to king Ptolemy ; but on this condition, 
 that they should not celebrate their nuptials till 
 they should be a little older ; and that then, on 
 the very day of their marx-iage, he would give 
 up those provinces to Egypt as his daughter's 
 dowry. This proposal being accepted, the treaty 
 was concluded and ratified; and the Egyptians, 
 relying on his promises, suffered him to carry 
 on his conquests without molestation. 
 
 1 now resume the affairs 
 A, M. 3806. of Macedonia. I observed 
 Ant. J. C. 19S. that Quintius Flamininus 
 (by either of which names I 
 shall call him hereafter) had set out from Rome 
 as soon as he had been appointed consul, and 
 had carried with him Lucius his brother to 
 command the fleet. Being arrived in Epirus, 
 he found Villius encamped in presence of Phi- 
 lip's army, who, for a long time, had kept the 
 passes and defiles along the banks of the Apsus 
 t\ river of the country of the Taulantians, be- 
 tween Epirus and Illjria. Having upon him- 
 self the command of the forces, the first thing 
 he did was to consider and examine the situa- | 
 tion of the country. As this pass seemed im- 
 practicable to an army, because there was but 
 one narrow steep path in it, cut in the rock, 
 and that the enemy were masters of the emi- 
 nences ; he therefore was advised to take a large 
 compass, as this would bring him to a wide 
 smooth i-oad. But, besides that he must have 
 employed too much time in this circuitous 
 
 1 Joseph, Antiq. 1. xii. c. 3. . 
 2 Tliey are thus called by St. James and St. Peter. To 
 the twelve tribes which are scattered abroad. Jarnes i. 1. 
 To the strangers scattered throughout Pontus, Cappado- 
 cia, Galatia, Asia, and Bythynia. 1 Peter i. 1. 
 
 3 Hieron. in c. xi. Daniel. 
 
 rows. Great numbers were wounded on both 
 sides, and night separated the combatants. 
 
 Matters being in this state, some shepherds, 
 who fed their sheep in these mountains, came 
 and told Flamininus, that they knew a by-way, 
 which was not guarded ; and promised to guide 
 him to the top of the mountains, in three days 
 at farthest. They brought with them, as their 
 guarantee, Charops, a person of the greatest 
 distinction among the Epirots, who secretly 
 favoured the Romans. Flamininus having such 
 a voucher, se^ds a general with 4000 foot and 
 300 horse. These shepherds, whom the Ro- 
 mans had chained together for fear of a sur- 
 prise, led thelletachment. During these three 
 days, the consul contented himself with only a 
 few slight skirmishes to amuse the enemy. But 
 on the fourth, at day-break, he caused his whole 
 army to stand to their arms ; and having per- 
 ceived on the mountains a great smoke, which 
 was the signal agreed upon between them, he 
 marches directly against the enemy, perpetually 
 exposed to the darts of the Macedonians, and 
 still fighting hand to hand against those who 
 guarded the passes. The Romans redouble their 
 efforts, and repulse the enemy with great vi- 
 gour into the most craggy ways ; making great 
 shouts, in order that they might be heard by 
 their comrades on the mountain. The latter 
 answered from the heights, Avith a most dread- 
 ful noise ; and at the same time fall upon the 
 Macedonians, who, seeing themselves attacked 
 both in front and rear, are struck with a panic, 
 and fly with the utmost speed. However, not 
 above 2000 of them were killed, the paths being 
 so craggy and steep, that it was impossible to 
 pursue them far. The victors plundered their 
 camp, and seized their tents and slaves. 
 
 Pliilip had marched at first towards Tics- 
 sal y ; but being afraid that the enemy would 
 follow and attack him again there, he turned 
 off towards Macedonia, and haltea at Tempe, 
 that he might be the better able to succour such 
 cities as should be besieged. 
 
 The consul marched by Epirus, but did not 
 lay waste the country, although he knew that 
 all the persons of the greatest distinction in it, 
 Charops excepted, had opposed the Romans. 
 However, as they submitted with great cheer- 
 fulness, he had a greater regard to their pre- 
 sent disposition, than to their past fault ; a 
 conduct that won him entirely the hearts of 
 the Epirots, and conciliated their affection. 
 From thence lie marched into Thessaly. The 
 ^tolians and Athamanians had already taken 
 several cities in that country; and he made 
 himself mastei- of the most considerable of them. 
 Atrax, a city he besieged, detainetl him a Ion? 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 43^ 
 
 time, and made so stout a defence, that he at 
 last was forced to leave it. 
 
 In the meantime, the Roman fleet,* rein- 
 forced by those of Attains and the Rhodians, 
 was also active. They took two of the chief 
 cities of Euboea, Eretria, and Carystus, garri- 
 soned by Macedonians, after which, the three 
 fleets advanced towards Cenchrea, a port of Co- 
 rinth. 
 
 The consul having marched into Phocis, most 
 of the cities surrendered voluntarily. Elatia 
 was the only city that shut her gates against 
 him ; so that he was obliged to besiege it in 
 form. Whilst he was carrying on this siege, 
 he meditated an important design ; and this 
 was, to induce the Achaeans to abandon Philip, 
 and join the Romans. The three united fleets 
 were upon the point of laying siege to Corinth ; 
 however, before he began it, he thought proper 
 to offer the Achseans to make Corinth enter 
 again into their league, and to deliver it up to 
 thsm, provided they would declare for the Ro- 
 mans. Ambassadors sent in the consul's name 
 by Lucius, his brother, and in the name of At- 
 tains, the Rhodians, and the Athenians, carried 
 this message. The Achaeans gave them audi- 
 ence in Sicvon. 
 
 The Achaeans were very much at a loss in 
 regard to the resolution it was necessary to take. 
 The power of the Lacedaemonians, their jxm 
 petual enemies, kept them in awe ; and, on the 
 other side, they were in still greater dread 
 the Romans. — They had received, from time 
 immemorial, and very lately, great favours from 
 the Macedonians ; but Phiiip was suspected, on 
 account of his perfidy and cruelty; and they 
 were afraid of being enslaved by him, when the 
 war should be terminated. Such was the dis- 
 position of the Achaeans. The Roman ambas- 
 sador spoke first, and afterwards those of At 
 talus, the Rhodians, and Philip ; the Athenians 
 were appointed to speak last, in order that they 
 might refute what Philip's ambassadors should 
 advance. They spoke with greater virulence 
 against the king, because no people had been so 
 cruelly treated by him ; and they gave a long 
 detail of his injustice and cruelty in regard to 
 them. These speeches took up the whole day, 
 so that the assembly was put off" till the mor- 
 row. 
 
 All the members being met, the herald, as 
 was the custom, gave notice, in the name of the 
 magistrates, that all those who intended to 
 speak, might begin. But no one rose up; and 
 all, gazing upon one another, continued in a 
 deep silence. Upon this Aristaenus, chief ma- 
 gistrate of the Achaeans, in order that the as- 
 sembly might not break up without doing busi- 
 ness, spoke as follows : « What then is become 
 of that warmth and vigour, with which you 
 used to dispute, at your tables, and in your 
 conversations, about Philip and the Romans • 
 which generally rose to so great a height, that 
 you were ready to cut one another's throats ? 
 And now, in an assembly summoned for no 
 other purpose, after hearing the speeches and 
 arguments on both sides, you are mute ! Surely, 
 it the love of your country cannot loose your 
 tongues, ought not the party zeal which has 
 biassed each of you in private, either for or 
 against Philip and the Romans, to oblige you 
 to speak ; especially as there is none of you but 
 
 4 Liv I, xxxii n. 16—26. 
 
 knows that it will be too late, after the resolu- 
 tion should be once taken?'' 
 
 These reproaches, though so judicious and 
 reasonable, and made by the principal magis- 
 trate, could not prevail with any of the mem 
 hers to give his opinion ; nor e\en occasion the 
 least murmur, the least noise in this assembly, 
 though so very numerous, and composed of the 
 representatives of so many states. Every body 
 continued dumb and motionless. 
 
 Aristaenus then spoke again to this eff'ect ; 
 " Chiefs of the Achaeans ; 1 perceive plainly that 
 you want courage more than counsel, since not 
 one among you dares to speak his sentiments, 
 with regard to the common interest, at the risk 
 of danger to himself. Was I a private man, 1 
 possibly might act as you do ; but being the 
 chief magistrate of the Achaeans, it is my opi- 
 nion, either that the ambassadors should not 
 have been allowed a seat in our assembly, or 
 that they should not be dismissed without some 
 answer. Now, how will it be possible for me 
 to make any, unless you authorize me by a de- 
 cree ? But, since not one among you is will- 
 ing, or dares to speak his thoughts, let us sup- 
 pose for a moment, that the speeches of tlie 
 ambassadors which we heard yesterday, are so 
 many counsels they give, not for their own in- 
 terest, but purely for ours ; and let us weigh 
 them maturely. The Romans, the Rhodians, | 
 and Attains, desire our friendship and alliance; 
 and they request us to assist them in their war 
 against Philip. On the other side, the latter 
 puts us in mind of the treaty which we con- 
 cluded with him, and sealed and ratified by an 
 oath : one moment he requires us to join with 
 him, and the next he insists upon our observing 
 a strict neutrality. Is no one among you sur- 
 prised to hear those who are not vet our allies, 
 demand more than he who has long been one ? 
 Doubtless, it is not either modesty in Philip, 
 nor temerity in the Romans, which prompts 
 tliem to act and speak as they do. This diff"er- 
 ence in their sentiments, arises fiom the dis- 
 parity of their strength and situation. Mv 
 meaning is ; we see nothing here belonging t(! 
 Philip, but his ambassador; whereas the Ro- 
 man fleet now lies at anchor near Cenchrea, 
 laden with the spoils of Euboea ; and the consul 
 and his legions, who are but at a little distance 
 from the fleet, lay waste Phocis and Locris 
 with impunity. You are surprised that Cleo- 
 medon, Philip's ambassador, should have ad- 
 vised you, in so fearful and reserved a manner, 
 to take up arms in favour of the king against 
 the Romans. If, in consequence of the trcaiy 
 in question, and of the oath on which he lays 
 such stress, we should require Philip to defeiid 
 us against Nabis, the Lacedaemonians, and the 
 Romans ; he would not have any answer to 
 make, much less would he be able to give ns 
 any real succour. This we experienced last 
 year, when, notwithstanding the express words 
 of our alliance, and the mighty promises he 
 made us, he suffered Nabis and the Lacedse- 
 monians to ravage our lands without any oppo- 
 sition. In my opinion, Cleomedon seemed evi- 
 dently to contradict himself in every part of 
 his speech. He spoke with contempt of the 
 war against the Romans, pretending^ it would 
 have the same success as that which they had 
 already made with Philip. Why then does he 
 implore our succour at a distance, and by an 
 ambassador; instead of coming and defending 
 us in person (we who are his ancient allies) 
 against Ndoia and the Romans.-' Vv hv did he 
 2E2 ^ ' 
 
436 
 
 HISTORY 01 
 
 suffer Eretria and Carystus to be taken ? Why 
 has he abandoned so many cities of Thessaly, 
 and every part of Phocis and Locris? VVny 
 doe« he suffer Elatia to be besieged at this in- 
 stant ? Was it superior strength ; was it fear, 
 or his own will, that made him abandon the de- 
 nies of Epirus, and give up to the enemy those 
 insuperable barriers, to go and conceal himself 
 in the most remote part of his kingdom ? If he 
 has voluntarily abandoned so many allies to the 
 mercy of the enemy, ought he to keep them from 
 providing for their own safety ? If he was ac- 
 tuated by fear, he ought to forgive the same 
 weakness in us. If he has been forced to it, do 
 you, Cleomedon, believe, that it is possible for 
 us, Achseans, to make head against the Roman 
 arms, to which the Macedonians have been 
 obliged to submit ? No comparison can be made 
 between the past and the present war. The 
 Romans, at that time employed in affairs of 
 greater importance, gave their allies little or no 
 aid. Now, that they have put an end to the 
 Punic war, which they sustained sixteen years 
 in the very heart of Italy, they do not send suc- 
 cours to the ^EtoliaPS, but they themselves, at 
 the head of their armies, invade Philip both by 
 sea and land. Quintus, the third consul whom 
 they have sent against him, having tound him 
 in a post which seemed inaccessible, did never- 
 theless force him from it, plundered his camp, 
 pursued him to Thessaly, and took, almost in 
 his sight, the strongest fortresses belonging to 
 his allies. I will take it for granted, that what- 
 ever the Athenian ambassador has advanced con- 
 I cerningthe cruelty, the avarice, and the excesses, 
 I of Philip, is not true ; that the crimes which he 
 I committed in Attica do not any way affect us, 
 j any more than those he perpetrated in many 
 J other places against the gods, celestial and iiifer- 
 1 nal ; that we even ought to bury in everlasting 
 I oblivion the injuries we ourselves have suffered 
 I from him. In a word, let us suppose that we 
 ' are not treating with Philip, but with Antigo- 
 nus, a mild and just prince, and from whom we 
 ill have received the greatest services 
 
 the other fivo protested against it, upon pretence 
 that the laws forbade both the magistrate to 
 propose, and the assembly to pass any decree 
 contrary to the alliance concluded with Philip. 
 This day was entirely spent in quarrels and tu- 
 multuous cries. There remained but one day 
 more, as the laws appointed the assembly to ejid 
 at that time. The debates grew so hot, with 
 regard to what was to be concluded in it, that 
 fathers could scarce forbear striking their sons. 
 Memnon of Pellene was one of the five magis- 
 trates who refused to refer the debate. His fa- 
 ther, whose name was Rhisiases, entreated and 
 conjured him a long time, to let the Achseans 
 provide for their osvn safety ; and not expose 
 them by his obstinacy, to inevitable ruin. Find- 
 ing his prayers could not avail, he swore that he 
 would kill him with his own hands, if he did 
 not come into his opinion, considering him not 
 as his son, but the enemy of his country. These 
 terrible menaces made such an impression on 
 Memnon, that he at last suffered himself to yield 
 to paternal authority. 
 
 The next day, the majority in the assembly 
 desiring to have the affair debated, and the peo- 
 ple discovering plainly enough their own senti- 
 ments, the Dymeans, Megalopolitans, and some 
 of the Argives, withdrew from the assembly be- 
 fore the decree passed : and no one took offence 
 at this, because they had particular obligations 
 to Philip, who had even very lately done them 
 considerable services. Gratitude is a virtue 
 common to all ages and nations, and ingratitude 
 is abhorred every where. All the other states, 
 when the votes were to be taken, confirmed im- 
 mediately, by a decree, the alliance with Attains 
 and the Rhodians ; and suspended the entire 
 conclusion of that with the Romans, till ambas- 
 sadors should be sent to Rome, to obtain the ra- 
 tification from the people, without which nothing 
 could be concluded. 
 
 In the mean time, three ambassadors were 
 sent to Qaintius ; and the whole army of the 
 Achseans marched to Corinth, which Lucius, 
 would he ! the consul's brother, had already besieged, hav- 
 
 make a demand like that which has been insisted 
 on to-day, so evidently adverse to our safety and 
 preservation ? In case Nabis and his Lacedse- 
 monians should come and invade us by land, 
 and the Roman fleet by sea, will it be possible 
 for the king to support us against such formida- 
 ble enemies, or shall we be able to defend our- 
 selves ? Past transactions point out to us what 
 wc must expect hereafter. The mediupa whkh 
 is proposed, of our standing neuter, will infal- 
 libly render us a prey to the conqueror, who will 
 not" fail to attack us as cunning politicians, who 
 waited for the event, before we would declare 
 ourselves. Believe what I say, when I assure 
 you there is no medium. We must either have 
 the Romans for our friends or for our enemies ; 
 and they are come to us with a strong fleet, to 
 offer us'their friendship and their aid. lore- 
 fuse so advantageous an offer, and slight so la- 
 vourable an occasion, which will never return, 
 ivould be the highest folly, and show, tnat we 
 run voluntarily on our own destruction. _ 
 
 This speech was followed by a great noise and 
 murmuring throughout the whole assembly, 
 some applauding it with joy, and others oPPOSing 
 it with violence. The magistrates, called Ue- 
 miurgi, were no less divided among themselves. 
 Of these, who were ten in number, five declared 
 that each of them would deliberate upon the af- 
 fair in his assembly, and before his people ; and 
 
 ing before taken Cenchrea. They at first car- 
 ried on the attack but very faintly, from the 
 hopes that a quarrel would soon arise between 
 the garrison and the inhabitants. However, 
 finding the city was quiet, the machines of war 
 were made to approach on all sides, and various 
 assaults were made, which the besieged sustained 
 with great vigour, and always repulsed the Ro- 
 mans. There was in Corinth a great number 
 of Italian deserters, who, in case the city was 
 taken, expected no quarter from the Romans, 
 and therefore fought in despair. Philocles, one 
 of Philip's captains, having thrown a fresh re- 
 inforcement into the city, and the Romans de- 
 spairing to force it, Lucius at last acquiesced in 
 the advice of Attains, and accordingly the siege 
 Avas raised. The Achseans being sent away, 
 Attains and the Romans returned on board the 
 fleet. The former sailed to the Pirsecus, and 
 the latter to Coi'cyra. . 
 
 Whilst the fleets besieged Corinth, T. Qain- 
 tius the consul was employed in the siege of 
 Elatia, where he was more successful ; for, 
 after the besieged had made a stout and vigorous 
 resistance, he took the city, and afterwards the 
 citadel. . . 
 
 At the same time such of the inhabitants ot 
 Argos as had declared for Philip, found mea is 
 to deliver up their city to Philocles, one of his 
 generals. I'hus, notwithstanding the allifinre 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 437 
 
 which the Achaeans had just before concluded 
 with the Romans, Philip still possessed two of 
 their strongest cities, Corinth and Argos. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 Flamininus is continued in the command as proconsul. 
 He has a fruiUess interview with Philip about conclud- 
 ing a peace. The ^tolians, and Nabis, tyrant of Spar- 
 ta, declare for the Romans. Sickness and death of At. 
 talus. Flaimininus defeats Philip in a battle near Sco. 
 ^■fif ^^^..Cynoscephale in Thessaly. A peace concluded 
 with Fnihp, which puts an end to the Macedonian war. 
 Ihe extraordinary joy of the Greeks at tlie Isthmian 
 games, when proclamation is made that they are restored 
 to their ancient liberty by the Romans. 
 
 . ^ New consuls were an- 
 
 A. M. 3807. pointed at Rome;' but as 
 Ant. J, C. 197. the slow progress which had 
 , . heen made in the alrairs of 
 
 'Macedonia was justly ascribed to the frequent 
 changing of those who were charged with them, 
 i^lamininus was continued in his command, and 
 recruits were sent him. 
 
 The season being already ad vanced,^ Quintius 
 had taken up his winter-quarters in Phocis and 
 , i^ocris, when Philip sent a herald to him, to de- 
 i ^'^"^^.f" interview. Quintius complied very 
 ! readily, because he did not yet know what had 
 I been resolved upon at Rome with regard to 
 himselt; and a conference would give him the 
 liberty, either to continue the war, in case he 
 should be continued in the command, or to dis- 
 pose matters so as to bring about a peace, if a 
 successor were appointed him. The time and 
 place being agreed upon, both parties met. Phi- 
 ; hp was attended by several Macedonian noble- 
 i men, and Cycliadus, one of the chiefs of the 
 I Achajans, whom that people had banished a lit- 
 tJe before. 1 he Roman general was accompa- 
 nied by Amynander, king of Athamania, and 
 by deputies from all the allies. After some dis- 
 putes with regard to the ceremonial, Quintius 
 inade hjs proposals, and every one of the allies 
 their demands. Philip answered them : and as 
 he began to inveigh against the ^tolians, Phe- 
 neas, their magistrate, interrupted him in these 
 words : " We are not met here merely about 
 words; our business is, either to conquer sword 
 
 in hand, or to submit to the most powerful." 
 
 « A blind man may see that," replied Philip, 
 ridiculing Pheneas, whose sight was bad. Phi- 
 lip was very fond of jests,^ and could not re- 
 frain from them, even in treating on the most 
 serious affairs; a behaviour very unbecoming in 
 a prince. ^ 
 
 This first interview being spent in altercation, 
 they met again the next day. Philip came very 
 late to the place of meeting, which it was believed 
 he did purposely, in order that the iEtoliansand 
 Achaeans might not have time sufficient for an^ 
 swering him. He had a private conference with 
 Quintius, who, having acquainted the confeder- 
 ates, with his proposals, not one approved them • 
 and they were upon the point of breaking off the 
 conference, when Philip desired that the deci- 
 sion might be suspended till the next day; pro- 
 mising that he himself would comply, in case it 
 
 I were not in his power to bring them into his 
 opinion. At their next meeting, he earnestly 
 I entreated Quintius and the allies not to oppose 
 ■ a peace; and he now merely requested time for 
 sending ambassadors to Rome, promising, either 
 to agree to a peace on the conditions which he 
 himself should prescribe, or accept of such as the 
 senate might require. They could not refuse so 
 reasonable a demand ; and accordingly a truce 
 was agreed upon, but on condition, that his 
 troops should immediately leave Phocis and Lo- 
 cris. After this, the several parties sent ambas- 
 sadors to Rome. 
 
 Being arrived there, those of the allies were 
 i^if-K ^^^^ inveighed heavily against 
 
 Philip upon several accounts; but they endeav- 
 oured particularly to prove, by the situation of 
 the places, that in case he should continue pos- 
 sessed of Demetrias in Thessaly, Chalchis in 
 li^ubcea, and Corinth in Achaia (cities which he 
 himself justly, though insolently, called the 
 shackles of Greece), it would be impossible for 
 that country to enjoy its liberty. The king's 
 ambassadors were afterwards called in. As they 
 began a prolix harangue, they were interrupted 
 and asked at once, whether they would give up 
 the three cities in question or not ? Having an- 
 swered, that no orders or instructions had been 
 given them on that head, they were sent back 
 without being gratified in a single demand. It 
 was left to the option of Quintius, either to con- 
 clude a peace, or carry on the war. By this he 
 perceived that the senate would not be dissatis- 
 fied at the latter ; and he himself was much bet- 
 ter pleased to put an end to the war by a victory, 
 than by a treaty of peace. He therefore would 
 not agree to an interview with Philip; and sent 
 to acquaint him, that hereafter he would never 
 agree to any proposals he might offer with re- 
 gard to peace, if he did not engage by way of 
 preliminary entirely to quit Greece. 
 
 Philip now seriously engaged in making the 
 necessary preparations for war.* As it would 
 be difficult for him to preserve the cities of 
 Achaia, on account of their great distance from 
 his hereditary dominions, he thought it expedi- 
 ent to deliver up Argos to Nabis, tyrant of 
 5>parta, but only as a trust, which he was to 
 surrender back to him, in case he should be vic- 
 torious in this war; but, if things should fall 
 out otherwise, he then was to possess it as his 
 own. Ihe tyrant accepting the conditions, was 
 brought in the night into the city. Immediate- 
 ly the houses and possessions of such of the 
 principal men as had fled were plundered : and 
 those who stayed behind were robbed of all their 
 
 ' crnin cinrl cilir^^-n a. i _• « 
 
 Plut. in 
 
 1 Liv. 1. xxxii. n. 27 & 28. 
 
 2 Ibid. n. 32—37. Polyb. 1. xvii. p. 742—752. 
 1' 'ami n. p. 371. 
 
 3 Erat dicacior natiirS quam regem decet, et ne inter, 
 eeria quidera nsu satis temperans. Liv. 
 
 gold and silver, and taxed in very heavy sums. 
 Ihose who gave their money readily and cheer- 
 fully, were not molested farther , but such as 
 were either suspected of concealing their riches, 
 or discovering only part of them, were cruelly 
 whipped with rods like so many slaves, and 
 treated with the utmost indignity. At lengt) 
 Nabis having summoned the assembly, the first 
 decree he enacted was for abolishing of debts • 
 .and the second for dividing the lands equally 
 j among the citizens. This is the double bait 
 , generally hung out to win the affections of th* 
 I ^5^^!^™°" people, and exasperate them against tht 
 
 I The tyrant soon forgot f»om whom, and on 
 j what condition he held the city. He sent ain- 
 
 Uv. 1. xxxii. n. 38-40. Plut. in Flamin. p. 372 
 
i38 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 bassadors to Quintius and to Attalua, to ac- 
 quaint them that he was master of Argos ; and 
 to invite them to an interview, in which he 
 hoped that they would agrt^e, without difficulty, 
 to the conditions of a treaty which he was de- 
 sirous of concluding with them. His proposal 
 was accepted ; in consequence of which the pro- 
 consul and the king had an interview with him 
 near Argos ; a step which seemed very unbe- 
 coming the dignity of either. In this meeting 
 the Romans insisted that Nabis should furnish 
 them with troops, and discontinue the war with 
 the Achseans. The tyrant agreed to the first 
 article, but would consent only to four months' 
 truce with the Achseans. The treaty was con- 
 cluded on those conditions. This alliance with 
 such a tyrant as Nabis, so infamous for his in- 
 justice and cruelty, reflects dishonour on the 
 Romans ; but in war, soldiers think themselves 
 allowed to take all advantages, at the expense 
 even of honour and equity. 
 
 Nabis, after putting a strong garrison into 
 Argos, had plundered all the men, and deprived 
 them of all their riches: a little after he sent 
 his wife thither, to use the ladies in the same 
 manner. Accordingly, she sent for the women 
 of the greatest distinction, either separately or 
 in company; when, partly by civility, and partly 
 by thi-eats, she extorted from them at different 
 times, not only all their gold, but also their 
 richest clothes, their most valuable furniture, 
 ami all their precious stones and jewels. 
 
 When the spring was come ' (for the incidents 
 I have here related happened in the winter), 
 Quintius and Attains resolved, if possible, to 
 secure the alliance of the Bojotians, who till 
 then had been uncertain and wavering. In this 
 l iew they went, with some ambassadors of the 
 tonfederates, to Thebes, which was the capital 
 cf the country, and the place where the common 
 fcssembly met. They were secretly favoured 
 und supported by Antiphilus the chief magis- 
 trate. The Boeotians thought at first that they 
 /ad come without forces and unguarded; but 
 were greatly surprised when they saw Quintius 
 followed by a considerable detachment of troops, 
 whence they immediately judged that things 
 would be carried on in an arbitrary manner in 
 the assembly. It was summoned to meet on 
 the morrow. However, they concealed their 
 grief and surprise ; and indeed it would have 
 been of no use, and even dangerous, to have dis- 
 covered them. 
 
 Attains spoke first, and expatiated on the ser- 
 vices which his ancestors and himself had done 
 to all Greece, and the republic of the Bceotians 
 in particular. Being hurried away by his zeal 
 for the Romans, and speaking with greater vehe- 
 mence than suited his age, he fell down in the 
 midst of his speech, and seemed half dead ; so 
 that they were forced to carry him out of the 
 assembly, which interrupted their deliberations 
 for some time. Aristsenus, captain general of 
 the Achseans, spoke next : and after him, Quin- 
 tius, who said but little ; and laid greater stress 
 on the fidelity of the Romans, than on their 
 power or arms. Afterwards the votes were 
 taken, when an alliance with the Romans was 
 unanimously resolved upon ; no one daring to 
 oppose, or speak against it. 
 
 As Attalus's disorder did not seem dangerous, 
 Quintius left him at Thebes, and returned to 
 
 Elatia : highly satisfied with the double alli- 
 ance he had concluded with the Achseans and 
 Bceotians, which entirely secured him behind, 
 and gave him an opportunity of employing his 
 whnlf. attention and efforts on the side of Mace- 
 
 whole attention and efforts on the 
 donia. 
 
 As soon as Attains had recovered a little 
 strength he was carried to Pergamus,^ where 
 he died soon after, aged threescore and twelve 
 years, of which he had reigned fifty-four. Poly- 
 bius observes, that Attains did not imitate most 
 men, to whom great riches are generally the 
 occasion of plunging into vices and irregularities- 
 of every kind. His generous and magnificent 
 use of riches, directed and tempered by pru- 
 dence, gave him an opportunity of enlarging hi? 
 dominions, and of adorning himself with the 
 title of king. He imagined he was rich, only 
 that he might do good to others ; and thought 
 that he put out his money at a high and very 
 lawful interest, in expending it in acts of bounty, 
 and in purchasing friends. He governed his 
 subjects with the strictest justice, and always 
 observed inviolable fidelity towards his allies. 
 He was a generous friend, a tender husband, 
 an affectionate father ; and perfectly discharged 
 all the duties of a king, and of a private man. 
 He left four sons, Eumenes, Attains, Philetse- 
 rus, and Athenseus, of whom we shall have oc- 
 casion to speak in the sequel. 
 
 The armies on both sides had set out npon 
 their march,' in order to terminate the war by 
 a battle. The forces were pi'etty equal on both 
 sides, and each consisted of about 26 or 26,000 
 men. Quintius advanced into Thessaly, where 
 he was informed the enemy were also arrived ; 
 but being unable to discover exactly the place 
 where they were encamped, he commanded his 
 soldiers to cut stakes, in order to make use of 
 them upon occasion. 
 
 Here Polybius, and Livy who frequently co- 
 pies him, show the different manner in which 
 the Greeks and Romans used the stakes with 
 which they fortified their camp. Among the 
 former, the best stakes were those round whose 
 trunk a great number of branches were spread, 
 which made them so much the heavier ; besides, 
 as the arms of the Grecian soldiers were so pon- 
 derous that they could scarce support them, 
 they consequently could not easily carry stakes 
 at the same time. Now the Romans did not 
 leave above three, or at the most four, branches 
 to each stake they cut, and all of them on the 
 same side. In this manner the soldier was able 
 to carry two or three of them, when tied to- 
 gether, especially as he was not incommoded 
 with his arms ; his buckler being thrown over 
 his shoulders, and having only two or three 
 javelins in his hand. 
 
 Besides, the latter kind of stakes do much 
 greater service. Those of the Greeks might 
 very easily be pulled up. As this stake, whost 
 trunk was large, was single and detached from 
 the rest ; and besides, as the branches of it were 
 strong and many in number, two or three sol- 
 diers could easily pull it out, and by that means 
 open a way to the camp ; not to mention that 
 all the stakes near it must necessarily have been 
 loosened, because their branches were too^ short 
 to interweave one with the other. But it was 
 
 2 L'.v. 1. xxxiv. n. HI. Polyb. in Excerpt, p. 101, 102 
 
 3 I'olyb. 1. xvii. p. 754—762. Liv. 1. xxxiii. n. 3—11 
 Plut. in Flamin. p. 372, 373. Justin, t. xxx c. 4. 
 
1 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS, 4.qft 
 
 rot so with the stakes cut by the Koiiiaiis 
 their branches being so closely interwoven, tha 
 It was scarce possible to discover the stake t 
 which they belonged. Nor could any man pul 
 up those stakes by thrusting his hand into th< 
 branches, as they were so closely entwined, tha 
 no vacant place was left ; besides which, all th< 
 ends of them were sharp-pointed. But ever 
 supposing any hold could have been laid on 
 them, yet the stake could not easily be torn up 
 for two reasons; first, because it was driven sc 
 deep in the ground, that there was no moving 
 It ; and secondly, because the branches were so 
 closely interwoven, that it was impossible to 
 pull up one without forcing away several others 
 at the same time. Though two or three men 
 put their whole strength to them, it yet was 
 impossible for them to force the stakes away. 
 And yet, even if by shaking and moving them 
 about, they at last were forced out of their 
 places, still the opening made in that manner 
 was almost imperceptible. Thus these kind of 
 Atakes were preferable, on three accounts, to 
 those of the Greeks : they were to be had every 
 where, could be carried with ease, and were a 
 strong palisade to & camp, which could not easily 
 be brokien through. 
 
 These sort of digressions, made by so great a 
 master as Polybius, which relate to the usages 
 and practices of war, commonly please persons 
 ot the military profession, to whom they may 
 furnish useful hints : and, in my opinion, I 
 ought to neglfcct nothing that may in any re- 
 spect conduce to the public utility. 
 
 After the general had taken the precautions 
 above mentioned, he marched out at the head of 
 all his forces. After some slight skirmishes, in 
 which the ^tolian cavalry signalized themselves 
 and were always victorious, the two armies 
 halted near Scotussa. Exceeding heavy rains 
 attended with thunder, having fallen the night 
 before, the next day was so cloudy and dark, 
 that a man could scarce see two paces before 
 hino. Philip then detached a body of troops, 
 with orders to seize upon the summit of the 
 hills called Cynoscephale, which separated his 
 camp from that of the Romans. Quintius also 
 detached ten squadrons of horse, and about 1000 
 Iight-armed troops, to reconnoitre the enemy ; 
 and at the same time directed them, in the 
 strongest terms, to beware of ambuscades, as 
 the weather was so very gloomy. This detach- 
 ment met that of the Macedonians which had 
 seized the eminences. At first both parties 
 were a little surprised at meeting, and after- 
 wards began to skirmish. Each party sent ad- 
 1 vice to their general of what was going forward. 
 1 1 he Komans, being severely handled, despatched 
 i a courier to their camp to desire a reinforce- 
 1 ment. Quintius immediately sent Archedamus 
 1 and Eupolemus, both ^tolians, and with them 
 two tribunes, each of whom commanded 1000 
 1 men, with 600 horse, which, ioining the for- 
 mer, soon changed the face of the engagement, 
 the Macedonians behaved valiantly enough- 
 but being oppressed with the weight of their 
 arms, they lied to the hills, and from thence 
 sent to the king for succour. 
 
 Philip, who had detached a party of his sol- 
 diers for foraffe. beinp' infnrmprJ r>f iV,,^ 
 
 '"^"6^' ucujK iiiiuiiiieu oi me danger 
 
 his first troops were m, and the sky beginnine 
 to clear up, despatched Heraclides, who com- 
 manded the Thessalian cavalry, Leo, who com- 
 manded that of Macedonia, and Athenagoras 
 under whom were all the hired soldiers, those 
 ot Ihrace excepted. When this reinforcement 
 
 ; joined the first detachment, he courage of the 
 t Macedonians revived, they returned to the 
 ? charge, and drove the Romans from the hiUs. 
 1 Ihey even would have gained a complete vic- 
 5 tory, had it not been for the resistance made by 
 t the ^tolian cavalry, who fought with asto- 
 i nishing courage and intrepidity. This was the 
 best of all the Grecian cavalry, and was parti- 
 cularly famous for skirmishes and single com- 
 bats. These so well sustained the impetuous 
 charge of the Macedonians, that had it not been 
 for their bravery, the Romans would have been 
 repulsed into the valley. At some distance 
 from the enemy they took breath a little, and 
 afterwards returned to the fight. 
 
 Couriers came every moment to inform Phi- 
 lip, that the Romans were terrified and fled, 
 and that the time was come for defeating them 
 entirely. Philip was not pleased either with 
 the place or the weather, but could not with- 
 stand the repeated shouts and entreaties of his 
 soldiers, who besought him to lead them on to 
 battle ; and accordingly, he marched them out 
 ot his intrenchments. The proconsul did the 
 same, and drew up his soldiers in order of 
 battle. 
 
 The leaders on each side, in this instant 
 which was going to determine their fate, ani- 
 mated their troops by all the most affecting mo- 
 tives. Philip represented to his soldiers, the 
 Persians, Bactrians, Indians, in a word all 
 Asia and the whole East, subdued by their vic- 
 torious arms ; adding, that they ought now to 
 behave with the greater courage, as they now 
 were to fight, not for sovereignty, but for liber- 
 ty, which, to valiant minds, is more dear and 
 valuable than the empire of the universe. The 
 proconsul put his soldiers in mind of the victo- 
 ries they had so lately gained: on one side, 
 bicily and Carthage ; on the other, Italy and 
 bpain, subdued by the Romans ; and to say all 
 in a word, Hannibal, the great Hannibal, cer- 
 tainly equal, if not superior to Alexander, 
 driven out of Italy by their triumphant arms : 
 and, which ought to rouse their courage the 
 more, this very Philip, whom they now were 
 going to engage, defeated by them more than 
 once, and obliged to fly before them. 
 
 Hred* by these speeches, the soldiers, who, 
 on one side, called themselves victors of the 
 East; and on the other, conquerors of the 
 West; the former, elated with the glorious 
 achievements of their ancestors, and the latter, 
 proud of the trophies and the victories they had 
 so lately gained, prepared on each side for bat- 
 tle. Flamininus, having commanded the right 
 wing not to move from its post, placed the ele- 
 phants in the front of this wing ; and, marching 
 with a haughty and intrepid air, led on the left 
 wing against the enemy in person. And now 
 the skirmishers seeing themselves supported by 
 the legions, return to the charge, and beein the 
 attack. ^ ^ 
 
 Philip with his light-armed troops, and the 
 right wing of his phalanx, hastened towards 
 the mountains ; commanding Nicanor to march 
 the rest of the army immediately after him 
 When he appro£.ched the Roman camp, and 
 found his light-armed troops engaged, he was 
 
 4 His adhortationibus utrinque concitati irilites. vreeVio 
 concurrunt, alten Orieiitis, alteri Occidentis imperio elo. 
 names, forentesque in bellum, alii majorum suorum anti 
 quam et obsoletam gloriam, alii virentem recentibus ex. 
 H-nmentis virtutis florem. Justin 
 
 I 
 
440 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 L'xc€edinglv pleased at, the sight. However, not 
 long after seeing them give way, and in exceed- 
 ing want of support, he was obliged to sustain, 
 them, and engage in a general battle, though 
 the greatest part of his phalanx was still upon 
 their march towards the hills where he then was. 
 In the mean time he receives such of his troops 
 as had been repulsed; posts them, whether 
 horse or foot, on his right wing ; and commands 
 the light-armed soldiers and the phalanx to dou- 
 ble their files, and to close their ranks on the 
 right. 
 
 This being done, as the Romans were near, 
 he commands the phalanx to march towards 
 them with their pikes presented, and the light- 
 armed to extend beyond them on the right and 
 left. Quintius had also, at the same time, re- 
 ceived into his intervals those who had begun the 
 fight, and now charged the Macedonians. The 
 onset being begun, each side sent up the most 
 dreadful cries. Philip's right wing had visibly 
 all the advantage; for as he charged with im- 
 petuosity from the heights with his phalanx on 
 the Romans, the latter could not sustain the 
 shock of troops so well closed and covered with 
 their shields, and whose front presented att im - 
 penetrable hedge of pikes. The Romans were 
 obliged to give way. , 
 
 But it was different with regard to i bitip s 
 left wing, which was but just arrived. As its 
 ranks were broken and separated by the hillocks 
 and uneven ground, Quintius flew to his right 
 wing, and charged vigorously the left wing of 
 the Macedonians : persuaded that if he could but 
 break it, and put it in disorder, it would draw 
 after it the other wing, although victorious. 
 The event answered his expectation. As this 
 wing, on account of the unevenness and rugged- 
 ness of the ground, could not keep in the form 
 of a phalanx, nor double its ranks to give it 
 depth, in which the whole strength ot the body 
 consists, it was entirely defeated. 
 
 On this occasion a tribune, who had not above 
 twenty companies under him, made a move- 
 ment that contributed very much to the victory. 
 Observing that Philip, who was at a great dis- 
 tance from the rest of the army, was charging 
 the left wing of the Romans with vigour, lie 
 leaves the right where he was (it not being in 
 want of support), and consulting only his own 
 reason, and the present disposition of the armies, 
 he marches towards the phalanx of the enemy s 
 right wing, and charges them in the rear with 
 all his troops. The phalanx, on account of the 
 prodigious length of the pikes, and the closeness 
 of its ranks, cannot face about to the rear, nor 
 fight man to man. The tribune breaks into it, 
 killing all before him as he advanced ; and the 
 Macedonians, not being able to defend them- 
 selves throw down their arms and fly. Whpt 
 increased the slaughter was, that the Romans 
 who had given way, having rallied, were re- 
 turned to attack the phalanx in front at the same 
 
 time. , . , x^i 
 
 Philip, judging at first of the rest of the battle 
 from the" advantage he had obtained in his 
 wing, assured himself of a complete victory. 
 But when he saw his soldiers throw down their 
 arms, and the Romans pouring upon them be- 
 hind, he drew off with a body of troops to some 
 distance from the field of battle, and from 
 thence took a survey of the whole engagement; 
 when perceiving that the Romans, who pursued 
 the left wing, extended almost to the summit oi | 
 Mie mountains, he got together all the Thracians ^ 
 
 and Macedonians he o«uld assemble, and endeav 
 cured to save himself by flight. 
 
 After the battle, in every part of which vic- 
 tory had declared for the Romans, Philip retired 
 to Tempe, where he halted to wait for those who 
 had escaped the defeat. He had been so prudent 
 as to send orders to Larissa to burn all his pa- 
 pers, that the Romans might not have an op- 
 portunity of distressing any of his friends. Ihe 
 Romans pui-sued for some time those who fled. 
 The ^.tolians were accused of having occasioned 
 Philip's escape, for they amused themselves in 
 plundering his camp, whilst the Romans were 
 employed in pursuing the enemy ; so that when 
 they returned, they found scarcely any thing m 
 it. They reproached them at first on that ac- 
 count, and afterwards quarrelled outright,^ each 
 side loading the other with the grossest invec- 
 tives. On the morrow, after having got toge- 
 ther the prisoners and the rest of the spoils, thej 
 marched towards I.arissa. The Romans lost 
 about 700 men in this battle, and the Macedoni- 
 ans 13,000, whereof 8000 died in the field, and 
 5000 were taken prisoners. Thus ended the bat- 
 tle of Cvnoscephale. j , 
 
 The ^tolians had certainly signalized them- 
 selves in this battle, and contributed very much 
 to the victory : but they were so vain, or rather 
 insolent, as to ascribe the success of it entirely to 
 themselves ; declaring, without reserve or mo- 
 desty, that thev were far better soldiers than the 
 Romans ; and' spread this report throughout all 
 Greece Quintius, who was already offended 
 at them, for their greedy impatience in seizing 
 the plunder without waiting for the Romans, 
 was still more enraged at them for their insolent 
 reports in regard to their superior valour. I<rom 
 that time he behaved with great coldness towards 
 them, and never informed them of any thing 
 relating to public affairs, affecting to humble 
 their pride on all occasions. 
 
 These reports seem to have made too strong 
 an impression on Quintius, who did not act with 
 due prudence and caution towards allies so use- 
 ful to the Romans ; for by thus alienating their 
 affection, he paved the way, at a distance, tor 
 that open defection, to which the resentment of 
 the iEtolians afterwards carried them. But had 
 he dissembled wisely, had he shut his eyes and 
 ears to many things, and appeared sometimes 
 ignorant of what the ^tolians might say or do 
 improperly, he might perhaps have remedied 
 every thing. ^ , 
 
 Some days after the battle, Philip sent ambas- 
 sadors to Flamininus, who was at Larissa, upon 
 pretence of desiring a truce for burying theii 
 dead : but in reality, to obtain an interview with 
 him. The proconsul agreed to both requests, 
 and was so polite as to bid the messenger tell the 
 king, " that he desired him not to despond. 
 The ^tolians were highly offended at this mes^- 
 saffe. As these people were not well acquainted 
 ■th the character of the Romans, and judged 
 j:„..^ow;,^^ ffnm fVipir own. thev ima- 
 
 witn ine cuaiauiei ui mc j^v^...*. — , 7*' . =" 
 of their disposition from their own, they ima- 
 crined that Flamininus would not have appeared 
 favourable to Philip, if the latter had not corrupt- 
 ed him with bribes ; and they were not ashamed 
 to spread such reports among the allies. 
 
 The Roman general set out, with the confed- 
 erates, for the appointed place of meeting, whu h 
 was at the entrance of Tempe. He assembled 
 them before the king arrived, to inquire what 
 thev thought of the conditions of peace. Amy- 
 na.ider, king of Athamania, who spoke in the 
 name of the rest, said, that such a treaty ought 
 
ALRXANDRH S SUCCFSSORS. 
 
 ^41 
 
 to he conduded as might enable Greece to 
 serve peace and liberty even in the absence oi the 
 Romans. 
 
 Alexander the u^^tolian spoke next, and said, 
 that if the proconsul imagined, that in conclud- 
 ing a peace with Philip, he should procure a so- 
 lid peace for the Romans, or lasting liberty for 
 tfie Greeks, he was greatly mistaken : that the 
 only way to put an end to the Macedonian war, 
 would be to drive Philip out of his kingdom; 
 and that this might be very easily effected, pro- 
 vided he would take the advantage of the present 
 occasion. After corroborating what he had ad- 
 vanced with several reasons, he sat down. 
 
 Quinfius, addressing himself to Alexander ; 
 " You do not know," says he, " either the eha- 
 i-acter of the Romans, my views, or the interest 
 of Greece. It is not usual with the Romans, 
 after they have engaged in war with a king, 
 other power, to ruin him entirely; and of this 
 Hannibal and the Carthaginians are a manifest 
 proof. As to myself, I never intended to make 
 an irreconcileable war against Philip ; but have 
 always been inclined to grant him a peace, 
 whenever he should yield to the conditions that 
 should be prescribed him. You yourselves, 
 iEtolians, in the assemblies which were held for 
 that purpose, never once mentioned depriving 
 Philip of his kingdom. Should victory inspire 
 us with such a design? How shameful are such 
 sentiments ! When an enemy attacks us in the 
 field, it is our business to repel him with brav- 
 ery and haughtiness ; but when he is fallen, it 
 is the duty of the victor to show moderation, 
 gentleness, and humanity. With regard to the 
 Greeks, it is their interest, I confess, that the 
 kingdom of Macedonia should be less powerful 
 than formerly ; but it no less concerns their wel- 
 fare, that it should not be entirely destroyed. 
 That kingdom serves them as a barrier against 
 the Thracians and the Gauls,' who were they 
 not checked by it, would certainly pour down 
 upon Greece, as they have frequently done be- 
 fore." 
 
 Flamininus concluded wilh declaring, that his 
 opinion and that of the council was, that if Philip 
 would promise to observe faithfully all the con- 
 ditions which the allies had formerly prescribed, 
 that then a peace should be gi-anted him, after 
 having consulted the senate about it ; and that 
 the ^tolians might adopt whatever resolution 
 they pleased on this occasion. Phseneas, praetor 
 of the ^tolians, having represented, in very 
 strong terms, that Philip, if he should escape 
 the present danger, would soon form new pro- 
 jects, and light up a fresh war : " I shall take 
 care of that," replied the proconsul; "and 
 shall take effectual methods to put it out of 
 his power to undertake any thing against us." j 
 
 The next day Philip arrived at the place ap- 
 pointed for the conference ; and three days after, 
 the council being met again, became into it, and 
 spoke with so much prudence and wisdom, as 
 softened the whole assembly. He declared that 
 he would accept, and execute, whatever condi- 
 tions the Romans and the allies should prescribe ; 
 and that with regard to every thing el^e, he 
 would rely entirely on the discretion of the se- 
 tiate. Upon these words the whole council 
 were silent. Only Phaeneas the ^tolian start- 
 ed some difficulties, which were altogether 
 
 iiiiproj.' r, and for that reason entirely disre- 
 garded. 
 
 But what prompted Flamininus to urge the 
 conclusion of the peace was, his having advice, 
 that Antiochus, at the head of an army, was 
 marching out of Syria, in order to make an ir- 
 i'UDtion into Europe. He apprehended that 
 Philip might think of putting his cities into a 
 condition of defence, and thereby might gain 
 rime. Besides, he was sensible that should afi- 
 other consul come in his stead, all the honour of 
 vhat war would be ascribed to him. These rea- 
 sons prevailed with him to grant the king a four 
 months' truce; whereupon he received 400 ta- 
 lents^ from him, took Demetrius his son, and 
 some of his friends, as hostages; and gave him 
 permission to send to Rome to receive such far- 
 ther conditions from the senate, as they should 
 prescribe. Matters being thus adjusted, the 
 parties separated, after having mutually pio- 
 mised, that in case a peace should not be con- 
 cluded, Flamininus should return Philip the ta- 
 lents and the hostages. This being done, the 
 several parties concerned sent deputations to 
 Rome ; some to solicit peace, and others to throv/ 
 obstacles in its way. 
 
 Whilst these measures were concerting to 
 bring about a general peace,^ some expeditions, 
 of little importance, were undertaken in several 
 places. Androsthenes, who commanded under 
 the king, at Corinth, had a considerable body of 
 troops, consisting of above 6000 men : he was 
 defeated in a battle by Nicostratus, praetor of the 
 Achaeans, who came upon him unawares, and 
 attacked him at a time when his troops were dis- 
 persed up and down the plains, and plundering 
 the country. The Acarnanians were divided 
 in their sentiments, some being for Philip, and 
 others for the Romans. The latter had laid siege 
 to Leu(;as. News being brought of the victory 
 gained at Cynoscephale, the whole co-untry sub- 
 mitted to the conquerors. At the same time 
 the Rhodians took Perea, a small country in 
 Cai'ia, which, as they pretended, belonged to 
 them, and had been unjustly taken from them 
 by the Macedonians. Philip, on the other side, 
 repulsed the Dardanians, who had made an in- 
 road into his kingdom, in order to take advan- 
 tage of the ill state of his affairs. After this ex- 
 pedition, the king retired to Thessalonica. 
 
 At Rome,'* the time for 
 
 A. M. S808. the election of consuls being 
 Ant. J. C. 196. come, L. Furius Purpureo 
 and M. Claudius Marcellus 
 weie chosen. At the same time letters arrived 
 from Quintius, containing the particulars of his 
 victory over Philip. They were first read be- 
 fore the senate, and afterwards to the people ; 
 and public prayers, during five days, were order- 
 ed, to thank the gods for the protection they 
 had granted the Romans in the war against 
 Philip. ^ 
 
 Some days after, the ambassadors arrived to 
 treat of the intended peace with the king of 
 Macedonia. The affair was debated in the se- 
 nate. Eaeh of the ambassadors made long 
 speeches, according to their respective views and 
 interests ; but, at last, the majority were for 
 peace. The same affair being brought beforti 
 
 1 A great number of Gauls had settled in the countries 
 adjoining to Thrace. 
 
 2 Four hundred thousand French crowns. 
 3 Liv 1. xxxiii. n. 14—19. 
 rolyb Excerpt. Legat. p. 79.", 794. lAv. I. xxxiii. 
 
41.2 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 thepeople, Marcellus, who passionately desired 
 to command the armies in Greece, used his ut- 
 most endeavours to break the treaty, but all to 
 j no purpose ; for the people approved of Flami- 
 ninus's proposal, and ratified the conditions. 
 The senate then appointed ten of the most illus- 
 trious citizens to go into Greece, in order to 
 settle, in conjunction vrith Flamininus, the 
 affairs of that country, and secure its liberties. 
 In the same assembly, the Achaeans desired to 
 be received as allies of the people of Rome ; but 
 that affair meeting with some difficulties, it was 
 referred to the ten commissioners. 
 
 A sedition had broken out in Bceotia, be- 
 tween the partisans of Philip and those of the 
 Romans, which rose to a great height. Never- 
 theless, it was not attended with any ill con- 
 sequences, the proconsul having soon appeased 
 it. 
 
 The ten commissioners,' who had set out from 
 Rome to settle the affairs of Greece, arrived 
 soon in that country. The chief conditions of 
 the treaty of peace, which they settled in con- 
 cert with Flamininus, were as follow : That all 
 the other ^ cities of Greece, both in Asia and 
 Europe, should be free, and be governed by their 
 own laws : that Philip, before the celebration 
 of the Isthmian games, should evacuate those in 
 which he then had garrisons ; that he should 
 restore to the Romans all the prisoners and de- 
 serters, and deliver up to them all the ships that 
 had decks, five feluccas excepted, and the galley 
 having sixteen benches of rowers : that he should 
 pay 1000 talents ;^ one half immediately, and 
 the other half in ten years, fifty every year, by 
 way of tribute. Among the hostages required 
 of him, was Demetrius his son, who accordingly 
 was sent to Rome. 
 
 In this manner Flamininus ended the Mace- 
 donian w&r, to the great satisfaction of the 
 Greeks, and very happily for Rome. For, not 
 to mention Hannibal, who, though vanquished, 
 might still have an opportunity of finding the 
 Romans considerable employment ; Antiochus 
 seeing his power considerably increased by his 
 glorious exploits, which had acquired him the 
 surname of Great, was at that time meditating 
 to carry his arms into Europe. If, therefore, 
 Flamininus, by his great prudence, had not 
 foreseen what would come to pass, and had not 
 speedily concluded this peace ; had the war 
 against Antiochus been joined, in the midst of 
 Greece, with the war carrying on against Phi- 
 lip ; and had the two greatest and most power- 
 ful kings then in the world (uniting their views 
 and interests) made head against Rome at the 
 same time; it is certain the Romans would have 
 been engaged in as many battles, and in as gi'eat 
 dangers, as those they had been obliged to sus- 
 tain in the war against Hannibal. 
 
 As soon as this treaty of peace was known, 
 all Greece, JEtol'm excepted, received the news 
 of it with universal joy. The inhabitants of 
 the latter country seemed dissatisfied, and in- 
 veighed privately against it among the confede- 
 rates, affirming, 'that it wrs nothing but empty 
 
 I Folyb. Excerpt. Legat. p. 79.'j— 800. Liv. 1. xxxiii. 
 a.. 30— 35. Plut. in Flam. p. 374—376. 
 
 •2 This word other, is put here in opposition to such of 
 the Grecian cities as were subject to Philip, part of which 
 only were restored to their liberties, because the Romans 
 tbcmght it necessary to garrison Chalcis, Demetrias, and 
 Corinth. 
 
 3 About UtO.OOO/. 
 
 words : that the Greeks were amused with tht 
 name of liberty ; with which specious term the 
 Romans covered their interested views : that 
 they indeed suffered the cities in Asia to enjoy 
 their freedom ; but that they seemed to reserve 
 to themselves those of Europe, as Oreum, Ere- 
 tria, Chalcis, Demetrias, and Corinth. That 
 therefore Greece, strictly speaking, was not 
 freed from its chains ; and, at most, had only 
 changed its sovereign. 
 
 These complaints made the proconsul so much 
 the more uneasy, as they were not altogether 
 without foundation. The commissioners, pur- 
 suant to the instructions they had receiv >d from 
 Rome, advised Flamininus to restore all the 
 Greeks to their liberty ; but to keep possession 
 of the cities of Corinth, Chalcis, and Deme- 
 trias, which were the keys of Greece ; and to 
 put strong garrisons into them, to prevent their 
 being seized by Antiochus. He obtained, in 
 the council, to have Corinth set at liberty ; but 
 it was resolved there, that a strong garrison 
 should be put into the citadel, as well as in the 
 two cities of Chalcis and Demeti'ias ; and this 
 for a time only, till they should be entirely rid 
 of their fears with regard to Antiochus. 
 
 It was now the time in which the Isthmian 
 games were to be solemnized ; and the expecta- 
 tion of what was there to be transacted, had 
 drawn thither an incredible multitude of people, 
 and persons of the highest rank. The conditions 
 of the treaty of peace, which were not yet en- 
 tirely made public, formed the topic of all con- 
 versations, and various opinions were enter- 
 tained concerning them ; but very few could be 
 persuaded, that the Romans would evacuate all 
 the cities they had taken. All Greece was in 
 this uncertainty, when, the multitude being as- 
 sembled in the stadium to see the games, a 
 herald comes forward, and publishes with a 
 loud voice :— " The senate and people of Rome, 
 and Titus Quintius the general, having over- 
 come Philip and the Macedonians, set at liberty 
 from all garrisons, and taxes, and imposts, the 
 Corinthians, the Locrians, the Phocians, the 
 Eubceans, the Pthiot Achseans, the Magnesians, 
 the Thessalians, and the Perrhsebians ; declare 
 them free, and ordain that they shall be go- 
 verned by their respective laws and usages." 
 
 At these words,* which many heard but im- 
 perfectly, because of the noise that interrupte<i 
 them, all the spectators were filled with excess 
 of joy. They gazed upon, and questioned one 
 another with* astonishment, and could not be- 
 lieve either their eyes or ears ; so like a dream 
 was what they then saw and heard. It was 
 thought necessary for the herald to repeat the 
 proclamation, which was now listened to with 
 the most profound silence, so that not a single 
 word of the decree was lost. And now fully 
 assured of their happiness, they abandoned them- 
 selves again to the highest transports of joy, and 
 
 4 Audita voce prasconis, majus gaudium fuit, quam 
 quod universum homines caperent. Vix satis credere se 
 quisque audisse: alii alios intueri, mirabundi velut sorrnii 
 vanam speciera : quod ad quemque pertincret, suarum 
 aurium fidei minimum credentes, proximos interrogabant. 
 Revocatus preeco — iterum pronunciare eadem. Tum ab 
 certo jam gaudio tantus cum clamore plausus est ortus, 
 lotiesque repetitus, ut facild appareret, nihil omnium bo- 
 norum multitudini gratius, quSm libertatem, esse. lAidi- 
 crum deinde ita raptim peractum est, ut nullius nec animi 
 nec oculi spectaculo intenti essent. Ade5 unum gaudium 
 praeoccupaverat omnium aliaium sensum voluptatum 
 J.iv 1. xxxiii. n. 3?. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 443 
 
 broke into such loud and repeated acclamations, 
 that the sea resounded with them at a great dis- 
 tance ; and some ravens, which happened to fly 
 that instant over the assembly, fell down in the 
 stadium : so true it is, that of all the blessings 
 of this life, none are so dear to mankind as 
 liberty ! The games and sports were hurried 
 aver, without any attention being paid to them ; 
 for so great was the general joy upon this oc- 
 casion, that it extinguished all other senti- 
 ments. 
 
 The games being ended, all the people ran in 
 crowds to the Roman general ; and every one 
 being eager to see his deliverer, to salute him, 
 to kiss .his hand and throw crowns and festoons 
 of flowers over him ; he would have run the 
 nazara of being pressed to death by the crowd, 
 had not the vigour of his years (for he was not 
 above thirty-thi-ee years old), and the joy which 
 o glorious a day gave him, sustained and ena- 
 »ied him to undergo the fatigue of It. 
 
 And indeed I would ask, whether any mortal 
 ever experienced a more happy or a more glo- 
 rious day than this was for Flamininus and 
 Che Roman people ? What are all the triumphs 
 of the world in comparison with what we have 
 seen on this occasion ? Should we heap together 
 all the trophies, all the victories, all the con- 
 quests of Alexander and the greatest captains, 
 how little would they appear, when opposed to 
 this single action of goodness, humanity, and 
 justice? It is a great misfortune to princes, 
 that they are not so sensible as they ought to be, 
 to so refined a joy, to so affecting and exquisite 
 a glory, as that which arises from doing good to 
 mankind. 
 
 , The remembrance of so delightful a day,' and 
 hf the valuable blessings then bestowed, was 
 •continually renewed, and for a long time formed 
 the only subject of conversation at all times and 
 in all places. Every one cried in the highest 
 transports of admiration, and a kind of enthu- 
 siasm, " That there was a people in the world, 
 who at their own expense and the hazard of 
 their lives, engaged in a war for the liberty of 
 other nations; and that, not for their neigh- 
 bours, or people situated on the same continent, 
 but who crossed seas, and sailed to distant 
 !;limes, to destroy and extirpate unjust power 
 from the earth, and to establish, universally, 
 law, equity, and justice. That by a single 
 word, and the voice of a herald, liberty had been 
 restored to all the cities of Greece and Asia. 
 That a great soul only could have formed such 
 a design ; but that to execute it was the effect 
 at once of the highest good fortune, and the 
 most consummate virtue." 
 
 They called to mind all the great battles,** 
 which Greece had fought for the sake of Li- 
 berty. " After sustaining so many wars," said 
 they, "never was its valour crowned with so 
 blessed a reward, as when strangers came and 
 took up arms in its defence. It was then, that 
 
 h Nec prassens omnium mod6 effusa lastitia est ; sed per 
 niultos dies gratis et cogitationibus et sermonibus revo- 
 cata. Esse aliquam in terris gentem, qua sua impensS, 
 siio labore ac periculo, bella gerat pro libertate aliorum : 
 nec hoc finitimis, aut propinquae vicinitatis hominibus, 
 aut terris continenti junctis prasstet : maria trajiciat, ne 
 quod toto orbe terrarum injustum imperium sit, et ubique 
 jus., fas, lex potentissima sint. UnA voce praEConis libera, 
 tas omnes Grseciae atque Asia> urbes. Hoc spe concipere, 
 audacis animi fuisse: ad effectum adducere, virtutis et 
 fortunse ingentis, Liv. n. 33. 
 
 6 Plut. in Flamin. 
 
 almost without shedding a drop of blood, or 
 losing scarce one man, it acquired the greatest 
 and noblest of all prizes for which mankind can 
 contend. Valour and prudence are rare at all 
 times; but of all virtues, justice is most rare. 
 Agcsilaus, Lysander, Nicias, and Alcibiades, 
 had great abilities for carrying on war, and 
 gaining battles both by sea and land ; but then 
 it was for themselves and their country, not 
 for strangers and foreigners, they foiight. That 
 height of glory was reserved for the Romans." 
 
 Such were the reflections the Greeks made 
 on the present state of the affairs : and the effects 
 soon answered the glorious proclamation made 
 at the Isthmian games; for the commissioners 
 separated, to go and put their decree in execu 
 tion in all the cities. 
 
 Flamininus, being returned from Argos, was 
 appointed president of the Nemean games. He 
 discharged perfectly well all the duties of that 
 employment, and used his utmost endeavours 
 to add to the pomp and magnificence of the fes- 
 tival ; and he also published by a herald at these 
 games, as he had done at the others, the liberty 
 of Greece. 
 
 As he visited the several cities, he established 
 good regulations in them, reformed the admin- 
 istration of justice, restored amity and concord 
 between the citizens, by appeasing quarrels and 
 seditions, and recalling the exiles ; infinitely 
 more pleased with being able by the means of 
 persuasion to reconcile the Greeks one to an- 
 other, and to re-establish unity amongst them, 
 than he had been in conquering the Macedo- 
 nians ; so that even liberty seemed the least of 
 the blessings they had received from him. And, 
 indeed, of what service would liberty have been 
 to the Greeks, had not justice and concord been 
 restored among them ? What an example is 
 here for governors of provinces ! How happy 
 are the people under magistrates of this cha- 
 racter ! 
 
 It is related that Xenocrates the philosophei, 
 having been delivered at Athens, by Lycurgus 
 the orator, out of the hands of the tax-gatherers, 
 who were dragging him to prison, in oi-der to 
 make him pay a sum which foreigners were 
 obliged by law to pay into the public treasury, 
 and meeting soon after the sons of his deliverer, 
 he said to them, " I repay with usury the kind- 
 ness your father did me ; for I am the cause 
 that all mankind praise him." But the grati- 
 tude which the Greeks showed Flamininus and 
 the Romans, did not terminate merely in caus- 
 ing them to be praised, but also infinitely con- 
 duced to the augmentation of their power, by 
 inducing all nations to confide in them, and rely 
 on the faith of their engagements. For they 
 not only received such generals as the Romans 
 sent them, but requested earnestly that they 
 might be sent ; they called them in, and put 
 themselves into their hands with joy. And not 
 only nations and cities, but princes and kings, 
 who had complaints to offer against the injus- 
 tice of neighbouring powers, had recourse to 
 them, and put themselves in a manner under 
 their safeguard ; so that, in a short time, from 
 an effect of the Divine protection (to use Plu 
 tarch's expression),' the whole earth submitted 
 to their empire. 
 
 Cornelius, one of the commissioners who had 
 dispersed themselves up and down, came to the 
 
 7 Btov ffuyi<^»:T'r6fA(vco. 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 fFPembly of the Greeks which was held at 
 Thermae,' a city of ^tolia. He tnere made a 
 long speech, to exhort the ^tolians to continue 
 firmly attached to the party for whom they had 
 declared ; and never to infringe the alliance they 
 had made with the Romans. Some of the prin- 
 cipal /Etolians complained, but with modesty, 
 that the Romans, since the victory they had ob- 
 tained, did not show so much favour as before 
 to their nation. Others reproached him, but in 
 harsh and injurious terms, that had it not been 
 for the jEtolians, the Romans not only would 
 never have conquered Philip, but would never 
 have been able to set foot in Greece. Cornelius, 
 to prevent all disputes and contests, which are 
 always of pernicious consequence, was so pru- 
 dent as only to refer them to the senate, assur- 
 ing them that all possible justice would be done 
 them. Accordingly they came to that resolu- 
 tion ; and thus ended the war against Philip. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 Complaints being made and suspicions arising concerning 
 Antiochus, the Romans send an embassy to him, which 
 lias no other effect, than to dispose both parties for an 
 open rupture. A conspiracy is formed by Scopas the 
 jEtolian against Ptolemy. He and his accomplices are 
 put to death. Hannibal retires to Antiochus. War of 
 Flamininus against Nabis, whom he besieges in Sparta; 
 lie obliges him to sue for peace, and grants it him. He 
 enters Rome in triumph. 
 
 The war in Macedonia had ended very sea- 
 sonably for the Romans, who otherwise would 
 have had upon their hands at the same time, 
 two powerful enemies, Philip and Antiochus: 
 for it was evident, that the Romans would soon 
 be obliged to proclaim war against the king of 
 Syria, who enlarged his conquests daily, and 
 undoubtedly was preparing to cross over into 
 Europe. 
 
 After having left himself 
 A. M. 3808. nothing to fear on the side of 
 Ant. J. C. 196. Ccele-syria and Palestine,^ 
 by the alliance he had con - 
 cluded with the king of Egypt, and possessed 
 himself of several cities of Asia Minor, and 
 among them that of Ephesus, he took the most 
 proper measures for the success of his designs ; 
 and the reinstating himself in the possession of 
 all those kingdoms which he pretended had for- 
 merly belonged to his ancestors." 
 
 1 According to Livy, it was at ThermopyliE. It is 
 loubted whether he has justly translated Polybius in this 
 ilace. It/ t^i/ toov erO^ohot. This is said of an 
 issembly of .Sltolians in the city of Thcrma*, which is of 
 Etoiia. 
 
 2 Liv, 1. xxxiii n. 38— 41. Polyb. 1. xvii. p. 769, 770. 
 Appian. de bellis Syr. p. 86—88. 
 
 3 In pursuance of his ambitious design, of restoring the 
 Syrian empire to its pristine glory, and to that extent 
 which it possessed in the days of his great ancestor Seleu- 
 cus, when it reached to the Hellespont and Bosphorus, 
 he sent his sons, Arduas and Mithridatcs, early in tlie 
 spring succeeding his treaty with the Egyptian regency, 
 before him to Sardis, with the land forces, with orders to 
 wait for him there ; whilst he himself set out with a large 
 tieet to strike terror into all the southern coasts of Asia 
 Minor. This fleet consisted of 100 large ships of war, and 
 zOO other smaller vessels, of different descriptions. He 
 intended first to reduce the cities of Cilicia, Pamphylia, 
 I.ycia, and Caria ; and then advance personally to the aid 
 of his old friend Philip,— then engaged in his unsuccessful 
 war with the Romans. 
 
 As he sailed along^t the coasts of these rugged countries, 
 many of their maritime cities voluntarily submitted to 
 
 Smyrna, Lampsacus, and the other Greciai 
 cities of Asia who enjoyed their liberty at that 
 time, seeing plainly that he intended to bring 
 them under subjection, resolved to defend tbem- 
 
 him. Amongst these were Soli, Zephyrium, Aphrodisias, 
 and Corica. Soli is the modern Mezetlu ; it was also 
 called Pompeiopolis, or the city of Pompey. It lay to the 
 south-west of the ancient Tarsus : to this place, then in a 
 deserted state, Pompey removed such of the Cilician pi. 
 rates as he judged most worthy of clemency and protection 
 — hence its name. Between Soli and Tarsus lay the cities 
 of Zephyrium and Anchiale, situated a little above the 
 shore; " Above it," (Anchiale) says Strabo, " is the for. 
 I tress of Quinda, where the Macedonians kept their trea- 
 sures, and from which the unfortunHte Demetrius, son of 
 Antigonus, took 1^00 talents which had been left there by 
 his father. Above this place and Soli," continues the 
 same geographer, " are mountainous districts, where is 
 the city Olbus, with a temple founded by Ajax the son of 
 Teucer, and dedicated to Jupiter." 'Ihecityof Zephyri- 
 um, taken by Antiochus, lay in Cilicia Issensis, at the 
 small projection of the coast which exists at the mouth of 
 the river of Mersin, 120 stadia north-east of Soli, accord, 
 ing to an ancient anonymous Periplus ; and must be care- 
 fully distinguished from Cape Zephyrium, which lies far 
 to the south-west, in Cilicia Trachea, or the Stony — being 
 that projection of the coast which exists at the mouth of 
 the Calycadnus. The river Latmos, to the south-west of 
 Soli, is, according to Strabo, the boundary between Cilicia 
 Trachea and Cilicia Issensis ; so that Soli, Zephyrium, 
 Anchiale, and Tarsus, lay on the coast of the latter. The 
 Cape Zephyrium of Strabo and Ptolemy, is evidently the 
 Cape Calycadnus of Appian in Cilicia 'I'rachea, and 80 
 stades to the east of Cape Sarpedonia, according to the 
 anonymous Periplus. This work, entitled Stadiasmos 
 rini ddXcto-ffYi?, was extracted from a manuscript in the 
 Royal Library at Madrid, and published in 1769, by the li- 
 brarian Iriarte. 
 
 Pliny makes no mention of Cape Zephyrium, stating the 
 order of names westward as follows : — " Calycadnus, pro- 
 montorium Sarpedon, oppida Olme, Myle, promontorium 
 et oppidum Veneris a quo proxime Cyprus insula." Lib. v. 
 c. 27. Cape Sarpedon, now called Lissan-cl.Kahpeh, was 
 the place beyond which the ships of Antiochus were for. 
 bidden to sail, by his disgraceful treaty with the Romans. 
 The Aphrodisias, which the fleet of Antiochus captured, 
 is just the promontorium et oppidum Veneris of Pliny, 
 mentioned above, and the anonymous Periplus ; and 
 which appears to have stood on the coast, between Celen- 
 deris and Cape Sarpedon, on that part of it which lay near, 
 est to Cyprus, and nearly north of Cape Aulion, in that 
 island. 
 
 This city, though unnoticed by Strabo, is mentioned by 
 Stephen of Byzantium, Diodorus, and Livy. It is diffi- 
 cult, however, to ascertain the exact site of this anciein 
 city, from the confused account of the places between Ce. 
 lenderis and Sarpedonia, in the anonymous Periplus. If, 
 however, the gulf of Berenice be supposed to be identical 
 with the bay of Celenderis, it seems probable, that the 
 Aphrodisias of the text being marked at 170 stades from 
 tl ie gulf of Berenice, and at 120 stades from Sarpedonia, 
 (which is pretty nearly the real distance between Lissan- 
 cl-Kahpeh and the bay of Kelendri) it should be found at 
 rather more than half way between these two — at the har. 
 hour of Porto Cavaliere, the cape on the outside of which, 
 called Cape Cavaliere, is actually the most projecting point 
 of the coast, and may be said to be nearly opposite tlie 
 eastern extremity of Cyprus, now Cape St. Andrea, and 
 anciently Cape Aulion. 
 
 Corica is the next place mentioned as captured by An- 
 tiochus. It is probably the same as Corycus, now called 
 Korghos ; and lay between the rivers Calycadnus and La- 
 mos, to the east of the former and to the west of the latter. 
 It is further said, that from Corica he doubled the pro. 
 montory of Anemurium. 1 suspect a transposition in the 
 narrative, and that it should be read Aphrodisias instead 
 of Corica, and then the order of his naval operations will 
 be the following : first, Zephyrium ; then Soli, or Pompei. 
 opolis, now Mezetlu ; then Corica, or Corycus, next 
 which is the famed Corycian cave, now Korghos ; then 
 Aphrodisias, from which he doubled Cape Anamur, the 
 ancient Anemurium Promontorium. It must be observed 
 that Strabo mentions two capes of that name ; the one to 
 the south-west of the Calycadnus, which the fleet of Anti. 
 ochus doubled, and the other to the north-east of the Ca. 
 lycadnus, between it and the promontory of Corycus. 
 " Next to Calycadnus," says he, " is the rock Pcecile, cut 
 into steps, leading to Seleuceia. Then is Anemurium, a 
 cape of the same name as the former, and the islai .d Cram. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 445 
 
 selves. But being of themselves unable to re- 
 sist so powerful an enemy, they had recourse to 
 the Romans for protection, which was readily 
 granted. The Ramans saw plainly that it was 
 
 busa, and the promontory of Corycus, iO stades above 
 which is the Corycian cave." Lib. xiv. p. 387, torn. ii. 
 
 The Anemurium promontorium doubled by Antiochus, 
 is the most southern projection of the Asiatic Peninsula, 
 in 36o north latitude, and 33o cast longitude of Greenwich, 
 400 British miles south-eastof Constantinople, and 100 miles 
 Bouth-west of Soli— both in direct distance ; so that either 
 Slrabo is wrong in placing Anemurium 820 stades south, 
 east of Coracesium, and 500 from Soli, or that a transposi- 
 tion in the words has taken place by the carelessness of the 
 copjist, as tHe direct reverse is the case, — Anemurium 
 being only 500 stadps, or 60 nautical miles, south-east of 
 Coracesium, and 820 stades, or 100 miles, south-west of 
 Soli. Anemurium is at present a small town, and the 
 residence of a Turkman prince. 
 
 The Calycadnus is the largest stream that enters the sea 
 on the south coast of AsIh Minor, and is really navigable, 
 as says Strabo, up to Seleuceia, now Selefke. It is com. 
 posed of two large streams— the Erminakand the Gera- 
 ma, or Mout Soui, or river of Mout— both descending from 
 the southern face of Mount Taurus, and running from 
 north-west to south-east, t:ll they unite and form the Ca- 
 lycadnus a little below Mout— a village of 200 huts, built 
 amid the ruins of the ancient Philadelphia. Both these 
 branches are unfordable, except at particular seasons ; and 
 It is customary, when the waters are full, for travellers to 
 swim, supported on bladders, or rather inflated skins, 
 while their baggage is transported on the Ijacks of the 
 lurk man shepherds, who live in the vicinity. The ford 
 of the Errainak, where Kinnier crossed the stream, a^is 
 260 yards across, and the river ran with great rapidity ; 
 and Kinnier had nearly lost one of his horses, which be- 
 ing carried away by the force of the current, did not gain 
 the opposite bank without extreme difficulty. The name 
 of Erminak, bestowed on this branch, is taken from a rao. 
 dern city, or, perhaps, rather village, of that name, placed 
 on its banks ; and, in Kinnier's opinion, the ancient Ho. 
 monada, a capital of a district of the ancient Pisidia. The 
 whole course of the Calycadnus, from its most distant 
 source, in the Bedleren Dagh, is not above 70 British miles 
 in a direct line. The Mout branch of that stream, is also 
 called Kiuk Su, or Sky blue river. 
 
 Having doubled Anemurium, he sailed north-west along 
 the coast, passing by the rugged shore of Platanistus, the 
 castle of Charadrus, the rock Cragus, and then landed at 
 and captured the city of Selinus. Upon the bare news of 
 his approach, all the cities in the vicinity sent deputies to 
 nim, owning his authority, and declaring themselves ready 
 to receive his troops. Coracesium was the only city in that 
 coast which sustained a siege, though invested with all his 
 forces. While thus employed, the Rhodians, not in the 
 least terrified at his formidable power, sent an embassy to 
 nim, requiring him not to extend his conquests farther, 
 and to withdraw his troops out of Cilicia, else they should 
 be compelled to resist him, and stop his further progress. 
 Antiochus, accustomed to command others, was highly 
 incensed at this bold me-sage from a small insular state, 
 lie, however, commanded himself so far as not to express 
 any great resentment, and only answered, that he desired 
 not to quarrel with the Rhodians, but to keep up a good 
 understanding with them, and would take care to renew 
 the ancient treaties his ancestors had made with Rhodes. 
 He then sent ambassadors to Khodes, but still continued 
 thesiege of Coracesium, which at length was taken bv storm 
 According to Strabo, this city was the last city of Cilicia 
 1 racheia, or Aspera, westward ; so that the whole coast of 
 this part of Cihcia extended 160 British miles from Corace. 
 Slum to nigh Soli, at the river Latmos. The testimonies 
 ot Strabo, Ptolomy, Scylax, and the anonymous Periplus 
 concur in fixing Coracesium at the modern town of Alaia • 
 the extraordinary situation of which, on a rocky promon! 
 tory, precipitous on one side, and on the other extremely 
 ste.'p, IS well suited to that fortress which resisted Anti- 
 ochus when all the rest of the coast of Cilicia Aspera had 
 submitted to him. 
 
 " Of Cilicia beyond Taurus," says Strabo, " a part is call- 
 ed i racheia, (rugged) and a part Pedias (plain). Of the 
 rugged, the maritime part is narrow, and has very little 
 or no level country. Mount Taurus rises above it, being 
 oadly inhabited as far as the northern parts, which are 
 ^ne■^r Isaura, and the Homonadese, who extend to Pisidia 
 It IS called I'racheiotis, and the inhabitants Tracheiotee 
 Cihcia Pedias (Cilica Issensis) extends from Soli and Tarl 
 8U8 as far a,s Lssus ; and although Taurus, on the northern 
 Bide of which are the Cappadocians, overhangs it it 
 abounds for the most part in plains and a fertile land 
 
 their interpst to check the progress of Anti- 
 ochus towards the West; and how fatal the 
 consequence would be, should they suffer him 
 to extend his power by settling on the coast ot 
 
 rhe first fortress of Cilicia (Tracheiotis) is Coracesium, built 
 on a precipitous rock. Diodotus, surnamed Tryph->n 
 made use of it as an arsenal, when, with varying success, 
 he headed an insurrection of Syria against its kings, but 
 was at length forced to put an end to his own life upon be- 
 iiig blockaded there, by Antiochus, the son of Demetrius 
 J ryphon set the example of piracy to the Cilicians This 
 infamous practice was also encouraged by the indolence of 
 the princes, who then successivelv governed Cilicia and Sy- 
 na." Tom ii. hb. xiv. p. 383, 384. 
 
 'I"he position of Coracesium particularly assisted the i)i. 
 rates, and it was the last strong hold where they ventured 
 to make any united attempt against the fleet of Pompey. It 
 IS now called Alaiah. From Cape Selenti (the ancient Se- 
 linus above mentioned) to Coracesium, or Alaiah, the first 
 half of the dist.mce is composed of a steej) rocky shore ot 
 the high cliffs and headlands, above which are very lofty 
 mountains caped with snow. Further on, the mountains 
 retire more inland, and leave a fertile plain, increasing in 
 breadth as we approach Alaiah. 'J his jilace is situated on a 
 rocky hill, jutting into the sea, from the outer or western 
 angle of the plain. It bears a strong resemblance to Gibral. 
 tar, the hill being naturally fortified on the western side, l)y 
 l-erpendicular cliffs of vast height ; and falling, in the oppo. 
 site direction, by a very deep slope to the sea. The whole I 
 face of the hill is surrounded with high solid walls and 
 towers, biitthe lower part only is occupied by the town, 
 which is about a mile in circumference. The ground on 
 which it stands is so steep that the houses rise above one an- 
 other in terraces ; so that, in many pla. es, the flat roofs of 
 one row of houses serve for a street to those above them. 
 Eastward of the town is an anchorage for large ships, and 
 small vessels are drawn up on the beach. In tlie middle of 
 the sea front are some large vaulted structures, even with 
 the edge of the water, intended for sheltering gallies, and 
 constructed, perhaps, by the Genoese. These now serve for 
 building the vessels denominated Girlavgitsh, by the Turks, 
 generally formed of three masts and a bowsprit, all bearing 
 triangular sails ; of these, and other vessels nearly resem- 
 bling them, of from 20 to 60 tons burden, there are several 
 belonging to Alaiah. 
 
 The modern name of Coracesium is taken from AU- 
 oddin Kaikobad, son cf Kaikhosru, the tenth prince ol 
 the Seljookian dynasty, and founder of the Caramanian 
 dynasty. In the old maps it is called Castel Ubaldo; 
 plainly an Italian name bestowed on it by the Genoese 
 and Venetians, when possessed of this and other strong 
 holds on the Caramanian coast. It seems to have become 
 the principal maritime city and naval arsenal of the sue 
 cessors of Alaoddin. In 1471, the prince of Karaman, 
 then engaged in an unsuccessful struggle for independence 
 with Mohammed the Great, was put in possession of Ala- 
 iah, and several other places on the coast, by the Venetians, 
 then in alliance with him, against the Othman Sultan. 
 
 The pirates of Cilicia were the most formidable band of 
 sea-robbers to be met with in ancient history. Through the 
 increasing weakness of the Syrian power, and the opposite 
 political interest of the princes of Egypt, Cyprus and Pcrga- 
 mus, who were all inimical to the Syrian princes, and 
 therefore disposed to diminish the power of Svria, the pi- 
 rates daily increased in power and daring boldness, till the 
 whole Mediterranean was infested with them. The increas. 
 ing wealth of the Romans also contributed to their power 
 After the conquest of Carthage and Corinth, the Romans 
 fell into the practice of using slaves ; so that Italy, in pro. 
 cess of time, was filled with them ; and the labours, whether 
 of the field or of domestic economy, were managed by them. I 
 The demand for slaves annually increased, and the Cili- i 
 cian pirates became the great men.stealers and slave deal. ! 
 ers of those days Delos, the birth place of Apollo and ' 
 Diana, became the great emporium of the slave trade : ! 
 and there, as Strabo declares, many thousands of these 
 unhappy beings were bought and sold daily ; and the great ' 
 supply was from the pirates, who had large fleets, and 
 made frequent descents on the coasts of the Mediterrane- 
 an, and carried off innumerable captives, and brought , 
 them thither for sale, and obtained high prices for them. ! 
 As long as these slave dealers did not meddle with the ' 
 Romans themselves, they allowed the trade of piracy to go | 
 on and increase, till they became so daring as to attack 
 their best customers. This was not to be endured ; for 
 however they might be permitted to make slaves of others, 
 and sell them to the Romans, they were not to be allowed 
 to carry off the Romans themselves, and sell them for 
 slaves. Therefore an expedition was fitted out against i 
 them to stop their depredations, and the command was I 
 
4<4« HISTORY OF 
 
 Asia, according to the plan he had laid down. 
 They were therefore very glad of the opportu- 
 nity those free cities gave them, of opposing it ; 
 and immediately sent an embassy to him. 
 
 Before the ambassadors had time to reach 
 Antiochus, he had already sent off detachments 
 from his anny, which had formed the sieges ot 
 Smyrna and Lampsacus. That prince had i 
 
 eiven to M. Antonius, the father of the triumvir. He set 
 out with great confidence in search of them, and engaged 
 them off the island of Crete, but was utterly defeated to 
 his ereat mortification ; saw most of his ships taken, and 
 his men hanged to the masts with the chams they had 
 orepared for the enemy. So great was his grief at this 
 defeat, that he died m a few days. 
 
 Fublius Servilius was sent against them, who tooK 
 Isaure, their capital, as also Phaselis, Olympus, and Co- 
 •vcus ; all places on the eastern coast of the Lycian penin. 
 ,Lila The mountain Olympus, behind the town of the 
 same name, now called Deliktash, was the seat of Zenu 
 cetus, a chief of these pirates. On the summit of this 
 mountain he had a fortress, whence he had a view of all 
 ihe sea coasts of I.ycia, Famphylia, and Pisidia. feervilius 
 having reduced this mountain-fortress, Zenicetus burnt 
 himself with all his household. Corycus, and Phaselis 
 and many places of Famphylia, belonged to hiin, all which 
 fell into the power of Servilius, who was called Isauncus 
 from his conquest of Isauria. . ^ ^i. 
 
 Still however, like the various expeditions against the 
 Barba^y states of modern times, the pirates, though chas- 
 tised, were not subdued. Like the hydra of Lerna, as 
 soon as one head was cut off another appeared m its place. 
 Protected by the famed Mithridates, king of Pontus, they 
 equipped a fleet of 1000 galleys, and scoured all the coasts 
 of the Mediterranean, and spared not one temple that was 
 famous for its wealth on the coasts of Italy, Greece, and 
 Asia. All the country-seats on the sea-shore were plun- 
 dered by them. They took .laves without number, blocked 
 up all the ports of the Roman sUte, pillaged the city of 
 Cdieta, in Naples, (Gaeta,N sunk part of a consular fleet at 
 0.tia, at the mouth of the Tiber itself, and making a de. 
 scent near Misenum, carried off the daughter of the old 
 consul Antonius, and sister of the noted triumvir, with 
 several other persons of distinction. They even sur. 
 orised, and carrried off, two Roman prstors, Sextihus and 
 Bellinus, in their purple robes, with their lictors and at- 
 tendants. If any of the captives declared himself to be a 
 Roman, the pirates in derision threw themselves at his 
 feet, begging his pardon and imploring his protection. 
 After they had thus insolently sported with their prisoner, 
 they often dressed him in a Toga, (the gown worn by Ro- 
 mans of distinction,) and then, casting out a ship s ladder, 
 desired him to return home, and wished him a good voy- 
 age If he refused to leap into the sea, they threw him 
 overboard, saving, that the.y would not by any means 
 keep a free-born Roman in captivity. 
 
 But the greatest calamity these sea-robbers caused, was 
 the scarcity of provisions ; which was felt, not m Europe 
 alone, but also in Asia and Africa; no vessel ventunng 
 without being taken. The cry of famine was even heard 
 in Rome itself, which derived its chief supplies by impor- 
 tation. Pompey, therefore, was appointed to clear the 
 seas of the Cilician pirates, and extirpate them trom tne\r 
 strongholds ; and a period of three years was given hirn 
 to finish the war. He was allowed 500 ships of war, and 
 130 i.(X) soldiers, with 25 senators as his lieutenants, and 
 two QUffistors. For the expenses of this just and necessary 
 warfare, 6000 talents, or 1,182,550/. sterling, were paid hira 
 before he left Rome. With this mighty armament, Pom- 
 nev finished the campaign in four months, instead of three 
 vekrs captured 1300 vessels ; cut 10,000 of the pirates in 
 pieces ; and reduced 120 fortresses and towiis, on the 
 loasts of Famphylia and Cilicia, which they had seized 
 and fortified ; took above 20,000 prisoners, whom he sent 
 to people the deserted cities of the latter ; as Mallos, Adana, 
 Epiphania and Soli ; and, finally, liberated an incredible 
 number of captives. <• »u„ „o,. thoxr 
 Notwithstanding this decisive result of the war, they 
 still continued to exercise their usual vocation until a late 
 period ; for, we are informed by Constaniine Porphyro- 
 Lennetus, that, in the 10th century. Side in Famphylia, 
 wa St 11 the work-shop of the pirates. The commodious 
 ports, and strong positions of the coast, combinet with the 
 strength of the 'liurLan chain behind and the disputes of 
 the political powers of the day, contributed much to the r 
 succLs in th^ time -^^X^-^^f^.^,^^^^^^^ 
 suspect, that, were the lurks driven out ot -^"/OP^' ^'^ 
 coasts of Lycia, Famphylia, and Cilicia ^0" ^ become 
 nests of Turkish pirates, like their brethren of the Bar 
 barv states, on the African shore. 
 
 The province of Cilicia Aspera is at present called Itchii 
 and its interior, from the coast to the great plain of Ico 
 nium or Koniyeh,may be denominated an immense fores 
 of oak, beech, junii>er, and pines ; and is inhabited by a tevi 
 straggling tribes ol 'Turkmans, who breed camels horses 
 
 and black cattle : the latter of a diminutive size, 'whilst the 
 camels are strong, and covered with shaggy hair. No sheep 
 are seen, but numerous flocks of goats, protected by huge 
 shaggy dogs, remarkable for their sagacity, ferocity, and 
 strength. It yields but a slender revenue to the sultan, 
 600 horses being the chief tribute. The roads are bad, 
 impassable for cannon, and the whole is a country m ev ery 
 respect difficult of access. ni,«„in-,.n 
 Bocbart deduces the name Cilicia from the Phoenician 
 Challekim stones, as being very stony, and to this Jay 
 C.hcia is called by the Turks ^ilieth or he stony 
 province. It must be remarked, that the Cilicia Aspera 
 of the ancients was also called Isauria in later times by 
 Ammianus Marcellinus, whilst the original Isauria, which 
 lay to the north-west, lost its original name, which was 
 merged in the larger district of Fisidia. Straboalso applies 
 the name Isauria to Cilicia Aspera, or Iracheia. 
 
 Having taken Coracesium, the sea-coast of Pamphylia 
 and Lycia underwent the same fate, both submitting tc 
 Antiochus. The coast of Pamphylia extends from A laiab 
 to Satalia, the ancient Attalia, a space of /a British miles 
 Strabo makes the circumnavigation of Pamphylia to be 
 640 stades from Olbia (Attalia) to Coracesium, which at 
 8 stades per mile, makes 80 Roman miles, whilst the 
 anonymois Periplus makes it 720 stadia. There can be 
 no reasonable doubt, but that Attains built Attalia on he 
 site of the ancient Olbia, at the north-west angle of the 
 gulf of Satalia, and to the west of the Catarractes. Ihis is 
 1 very deep and rapid stream, and so denominated from 
 its falling over a cliff into the sea with a great sound, says 
 Strabo; «' Hie, quia se praecipitat, ita dictus,' says Mela j 
 and the anonymous Periplus uses the plural number m 
 deccribing this river, tov; K«t«j?««t<»?, the Cataracts.' 
 " Cataracti fluminis Ostia," says Ptolemy, p. 119. Ihw 
 river, on approaching the coast, divides itself into several 
 branches, which, in falling over the cliffs that border the 
 coast from Laara to Adalia, form, upon their upper part, 
 a mass of calcareous deposition, projecting considerabiy 
 beyond the perpendicular line of the cliffs. 1 hrough this 
 calcareous crust the water issues to the sea, and being thus 
 separated into several streams by a natural process, which 
 has been rapidly increasing in the process of time, tnt 
 river has now no determinate mouth, (as it may once have 
 had,) excepting after heavy rains when as I saw it, say.s 
 colonel Leake in passing along the coast, it precipitates it. 
 self over the cliffs near the most projecting part ol tiit 
 coast, a little to the west of Laara. 
 
 Besides the natural phenomenon which divides the Ca- 
 tarractes into separate streams, its main stream is furthei 
 diminished by the derivations which turn the mills and 
 supply water to the gardens and town of Satalia. Ihe 
 sources of this river are more than 100 British miles in- 
 land, in Phrygia, to the east of Sandukly, and this river is 
 now called the Duden Su. 
 
 The fleet of Antiochus next reduced several cities of 
 JEoWs and Ionia, but Caunus, Myndus, Halicarnassus, and 
 the island of Samos were preserved by the power of the 
 Rhodiaiis, who sent them supplies of men and provisions. 
 Having thus reduced most of the maritime cities of Asia 
 Minor: he came to Ephesus, where he wintered, having 
 nreviously reduced it, concerting such schemes with his 
 officers, as seemed best adapted for the entire conquest of 
 all those provinces which had formerly belonged to the 
 
 ^^While^s^peaking of the maritime expedition of Anti. 
 ochus alongst the southern coast of Asia Minor, it iray 
 not be improper hereto correct a mistake in a former 
 note, respecting the position of the bay of Marmorice. 
 'I here it was placed on the west of Lycia, at the south- 
 east angle of the Sinus Glaucus, or Gulf of Macri, where- 
 as, by the description given of it by colonel Leake, m 
 Walpole's Memoirs of Asiatic 'i urkey, p. 2o2— 4. and ex- 
 tracted from the Journal of Dr. Hume, it appears to be a 
 large inland bay, on the coast of the ancient ^^fsa Rho 
 diorum, a small province of Caria frontmg the Rhodian 
 sea, and formerly subject to the Rhodian republic, i he 
 bay is bounded on the west by the isthmus that connecte 
 the peninsular Peraea Rhodiorum with the contmen and 
 which separates this bay from the head of the gulf ol 
 Doris, on the north and east by the continental Peraa 
 Rhod orum, and on the south by the sea of Rhodes. Ihe 
 ent?ance to this large inland bay lies between a range o 
 h?gh mountains, scfme of ^^ich covered with m^^^^^ 
 
 t others shrouded bv trees, so shut up the entrance, tliat. 
 had it not been for a >loop of war cruizing of! on purpose 
 
 , to leld in the British fleet, it would not have been kiiowr 
 
ALEXANDERS SUCCESSORS. 
 
 447 
 
 passed the Hellespont in person with the rest a few years before) he began to rebuild it, with 
 
 of it, and possessed himself of all the Thracian 
 Chersonesus. Finding the city of Lysimachia' 
 all in ruins (the Thracians having demolished it 
 
 1 This city stood on the isthmus or neck of the penin- 
 sula. *^ 
 
 the design of founding a kingdom there for Se 
 leucus his second son ; to bring all the country 
 round it under his dominion, and to make thia 
 city the capital of the new kingdom. 
 
 At the very time that he was revolving all 
 these new projects, the Roman ambassadors ar- 
 rived in Thrace. They came up with him at 
 Selymbria, a city of that country, and were at^ 
 tended by some deputies from the Grecian cities 
 in Asia. In the first conferences, the whole 
 time was passed in mutual civilities, which ap- 
 peared sincere ; but when they proceeded to 
 business, the face of affairs was soon changed. 
 L.^ Corne ius, who spoke on this occasion, re- 
 quired Antiochus to restore to Ptolemy the sev- 
 eral cities in Asia which he had taken from him ; 
 to evacuate all those which had been possessed 
 by Philip : it not being just that he should reap 
 the fruits of the war, which the Romans had 
 carried on against that prince ; and not to mo- 
 lest such of the Grecian cities of Asia as enjoy- 
 ed their liberty. He added, that the Romans 
 were gi-eatly surprised at Antiochus, for cross- 
 ing into Europe with two such numerous ar- 
 mies, and so powerful a fleet; and for rebuilding I 
 Lysimachia, an undertaking which could have j 
 no other view but to invade them. 
 
 To all this Antiochus answered, that Ptolemy 
 should have full satisfaction, when his marriage, 
 
 that such a fine bay existed. The entrance to it is so nar. 
 row, that a line of battle ship, or even a frigate, is not ahle 
 to work with a foul wind ; when, however, the projecting 
 point of land that conceals the entrance is once passed, a 
 vast basin of water, presenting an expanse of 20 miles, 
 with its shores rising to a great height and covered with 
 wood, bursts upon the view. There are two entrances 
 into it, formed by a small island and a peninsula, at the 
 mouth. That between the island and the peninsula is the 
 main entrance — the other, between the island and the wes. 
 tern continent, bemg more crooked with shallower water. 
 The main entrance lies in 36o 47' 43" north latitude, '20 
 miles direct north of Rhodes ; and in '28o 32' 26" east lon- 
 gitude from Greenwich The town of Marmorice itself 
 lies near the northern extremity of the eastern side of the 
 bay, 5 miles from tlie entrance. It stands on a small rocky 
 eminence, and is very irregularly built— having no street, 
 but merely a few dirty and crooked lanes that separate the 
 houses. These are very ordinary buildings, and bear a 
 itrikmg resemblance to the cottages in Scotland, which, ir 
 barren districts, are built of whin stone. 
 
 In the highest part of the town is a modern castle al 
 most in ruins, having a few rusty cannons planted on ifs 
 walls, of small callibre. Behind the town is a smrJl 
 mosque, very plain, but neat ; within, it has no ornament 
 except a few Arabic sentences written on the wall. When 
 looking in, some of the inhabitants of the place were ob- 
 served kneeling in prayer. In the cemetry near tl e 
 faosque, were small stones set up in the form of the an- 
 cient cippi. 
 
 A little way to the south-east of the isthmus which con- 
 nects the projecting peninsula with the main land, is the 
 fine bay of Karagatch ; which, though smaller, is equally 
 srtfe with that of Marmorice, and as picturesque. The 
 Turks in this part of the country are stout handsome men, 
 with swarthy complexions, and dark piercing eyes ; and 
 all armed with muskets and pistols, or with sabres or long 
 knives, stuck in their girdles. The sabres and knives have 
 generally silver or plated handles, and the barrel and wood 
 of their fowling pieces bound together with small circles of 
 brass ; but they are, in every respect, of clumsy work- 
 manship. Near Marmorice are wild boars in the neigh- 
 bouring woods. Jackalls are numerous, and several dro- 
 medaries are seen in the vicinity; sheep are few in num. 
 ber, but the black long haired goat is quite common, and 
 so is a small breed of black cattle, like those of the Scot- 
 tish Highlands. Before the arrival of Sir Sidney Smith 
 on this coast, subsequent to Buonaparte's attack on 
 Kgypt and Acre, the fine harbours of Marmorice and 
 Macri seem to have been quite unknown — their position, 
 at least, had been determined accurately by no chart. 
 
 There are no remains of the ancient Physcus, which 
 stood near the site of Marmorice. Only part of a shaft ol 
 a column, 2 1 feet in diameter, among some low wood, 
 about a mile to the west of Marmorice, is all that has been 
 yet fourid. Physcus lay 20 miles north-west of Caunus, 
 and 45, in the same direction, from the most eastern point 
 of the Sinus Glaucus, or gulf of Telmessus, now the gulf 
 of Macri. Mermeris is the ancient name of Marmorice, 
 and plainly points out the site of the ancient Marmarians, 
 *ho occasioned such trouble to the army of Alexander. 
 
 It may be thought that we have dwelt too long in de- 
 scribing the southern coast of Asia Minor. But it must 
 i)e remembered that, till very lately, we had little or no 
 knowledge of this coast, all the way from the gulf of Issus, 
 
 I'^'Tk '°A^'"^'''^f" ,^^Ptain Beaufort, who was employed .ui«c...s, uie anuieni proprietors ; ana nence the origin oj 
 by the Admiralty to exainme the southern coast of Asia the name Olympus, and corruption of the Phoenician Cba- 
 'Imor, commonly, though erroneously, called the coast of mirah, its ancient name. 
 
 mains of antiquity discovered there by Captain Beaufort, 
 Dr. Clarke, and others, evidently prove it to have been 
 one of the most opulent regions in the old world. It will 
 not do to say that, because at present it is of no political 
 importance, it is not v.orth while to describe it,— it may 
 yet regain its pristine opulence and former importance. 
 Toe present arduous struggle of the long oppressed 
 Greeks, and the increasing inability of the Turkish power 
 to repress them, may pave the way for this most desirable 
 event. A careful perusal of the xivth book of Strabo, and a 
 comparison of that with modern geographical knowledge, 
 will clearly show the exceeding defective state of the lat- 
 ter. 
 
 It may be further observed, that Olympus is the Greek 
 appellation of the far famed Lycian mountain that emitted 
 a constant flame. Chimcera, the name by which it is known 
 in poetic mythology, is evidently Phoenician ; and a corrup- 
 tion ofChamirah, adusta, burned or scorched. See spanheim 
 de Prsestantia et usu numismatum, p. 267. There are two 
 passages, one in the Bibliotheca of Pliotius, and another in 
 Maximus Tyrius, respecting this singular mountain, which 
 deserve to be quoted. " I saw," says Methodius, " on 
 Olympus, a mountain in Lycia, fire rising spontaneous, 
 ly near the summit of the mountain, from the earth be. 
 low. Around grew the Agnus, a plant so flourishing, 
 green, and shady, that it appeared rather to spring from a 
 fountain." Photii Bibhotn. p. 924. " Trees, brushwood 
 .ind weeds, grow close around this crater." Beaufort's 
 Caramania, p. 48. " Olympus sends out a fire, not like 
 that of iEtna, but quiet and regular." Max. Tyr. Diss 
 viii. " It was never accompanied," said Captain Beau- 
 fort's Guide, " by earthquakes, or noises ; and it ejects 
 neither stones, smoke, nor noxious vapour." Beaufort, p 
 49. It must also be remembered, that the southern coast 
 of Asia Minor, from Halicarnassus east to the Issic gulf, 
 was peopled t»y numerous Greek colonies. 1 he Lycians 
 were a Greek colony who drove out the Milyans and Soly 
 mjeans, the ancient proprietors ; and hence the origi 
 
 Caramania, has given an excellent chart of it, as far east 
 as Pamphylia, performed in the years 1811 and 1812; and 
 an excellent account of the coasts, from Pampliyha, east 
 as far as Soli, to the west of Tarsus, has been given by 
 Colonel Leake, by the aid of an anonymous Greek Peri- 
 plus, compared with Strabo's veiy minute and accurate de. 
 
 The Pamphylians, we are told by Herodotus, lib. vii. c. 
 51, originated from the soldiers who wandered with Am 
 philochus and Chalcas ; and the former chief, with Mop- 
 tus, founded many maritime towns in Cilicia. Among 
 the colonies of a later period, the former being imiredii 
 ately subsequent to the Trojan war, were those of Nagidbs 
 
 scription of that part of the coast, aided by such ob^el•v.a- 1 and Celenderis, founded by the Samians; Aspendus, by 
 tionsas he hiinself was enabled to make durmg his voyagej the Argives; Side, by the Cum^ans; Selge, by the llcl 
 
 clasmonians ; Caunus, Physcus, Phaselis, GagEB, and Cory. 
 
 dallus, by the Rhodians; and Soh, by the Argives; and 
 'thers by a colony from Attica Hence the corrupted 
 
 along the coast ; together with general Kochler's journey 
 along the shore, from Alaiah (Coracesium) to Satalia (At- 
 talia) ; an account of both which will be found in W VU- 
 polc's Asiatic Turkey, p IS.'>— 28!). 
 
 Poor and deserted as it now i-i, the very numerous rc- 
 
 < ?reek of that coast, and its admixture with the dialect 
 liic original native.s. — Ed. 
 
I us 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 which was ali-eadv com-luded, should be so- 
 lemnized: that with regard to such (jrecian ci- 
 ties as desired to retain their liberties, it was 
 from him and not from the Romans they were 
 to receive it. With respect to Lysiraachia, he 
 declared, that he rebuilt it with the design ot 
 making it the residence of Seleucus his son ; that 
 Thrace, and the Chersonesus, which was part 
 of it, belonged to him ; that they had been con- 
 quered from Lvsimachus by Seleucus JSicator, 
 one of his ancestors ; and that he came thither 
 as into his own patrimony. As to Asia, and 
 the cities he had taken there from Philip, he 
 knew not what right the Romans could have to 
 them ; and therefore he desired them to inter- 
 fere no farther in the affairs of Asia than he did 
 with those of Italy. 
 
 The Romans desiring that the ambassadors ot 
 Smyrna and Lampsacus might be called in, thev 
 accordingly were admitted. They spoke with 
 so much freedom, as incensed Antiochus to that 
 degree, that he cried in a passion, that the Ro- 
 mans had no business to judge of those affairs. 
 I'pon this the assembly broke up in great disor- 
 der ; none of the parties received satisfaction, 
 and every thing seemed to tend to an open rup- 
 ture. 
 
 During tliese negotiations, a report was spread 
 that Ptolemy Epiphanes was dead. Antiochus 
 immediately thought himself master of Egypt, 
 and accordingly went on board his fleet, in order 
 to go and take possession of it. He left his son 
 Seleucus at Lysimachia with the army to com- 
 plete the projects he had formed with regard to 
 those parts. He first landed at Ephesus, where 
 he caused all his ships in that port to join his 
 fleet, in order to sail as soon as possible for 
 Egypt. On his arrival at Patara in Lycia, cer- 
 tain advice was brought, that the report which 
 was spread concerning Ptolemy's death was 
 false. He then changed his course, and made 
 for the island of Cyprus, in order to seize it ; 
 but a storm that arose sunk many of his ships, 
 destroyed a great number of his men, and frus- 
 trated all his measures. He thought himself 
 very happy in having an opportunity of entering 
 the'harboLir of Seleucia with the remnant of his 
 fleet, which he there refitted, and went and 
 wintered at Antioch, without making any new 
 attempt that year.' 
 
 The foundation of the rumour which was 
 spread of Ptolemy's death,^ was from a conspi- 
 racy having been "really formed against his life. 
 This plot was contrived by Sropas. That gen- 
 eral seeing himself at the head of all the foreign 
 troops, the greatest part of which were Jitoli- 
 ans as well as himself, imagined that with so 
 formidable a body of well-disciplined veteran 
 forces, it would be eas^ for him to usurp the 
 crown during the king's minority. His plan 
 was already formed ; and had he not let slip the 
 opportunity, by wasting the time in consulting 
 and debating with his friends, instead of acting. 
 
 1 The stonn which dispe-sed the fleet of Aiitiochus, 
 took place near iho mouth of the Sarus ; and the Seleucia 
 into which he was forced to put, was not Seleucia at the 
 mouth of the Orontes ; but Seleucia 'lYacheiotis, about 12 
 miles from the sea, on the river Calycadnus, described in 
 I the former note. That city is now m ruins, and has not 
 I been visited by any European, as far as I know. Kinnier, 
 who had previously landed at Kelendri from Cyprus, 
 would fain have visited them, but was prevented by the re- 
 fusal of the villagers, who were afraid of beinir robbed by 
 Ihievcs who infested the road to tliat place. — Ed. 
 
 2 I'olj b. 1. xvii. p. Til— lis. 
 
 he would certainly have succeeded. Aristo- 
 menes, the prime minister, being apprised of the 
 conspiracy, laid Scopas under an an-est ; after 
 which he was examined before the council, found 
 guilty, and executed with all his accouiplices. 
 This plot made the government confide no long- 
 er in the ^tolians, who till then had been in 
 gi-eat esteem for their fidelity ; most of them 
 were removed from their employments, and sent 
 into their own country. After Scopas's death, 
 immense treasures were found in his coffers, 
 which he had amassed, by plundering tht- pro- 
 vinces over which he commanded. ^ As Scopas, 
 during the course of his victories in Palestine, 
 had s^Libiected Judsea and Jerusalem to the 
 Egyiiria'n empire, the greatest part of his trea- 
 sures arose, no doubt, from thence. The transi- 
 tion from avarice to perfidy and treason is often 
 very short ; and the fidelity of that general, who 
 discovers a passion for riches, cannot be safel> 
 I'elied on. 
 
 One of Scopas's principal accomplices was 
 Dicsearchus, who had formerly been admiral to 
 Philip, king of Macedonia. A very strange ac- 
 tion is related of this man. That prince having 
 commanded him to fall upon the islands called 
 Cyclades, in open violation of the most solemn 
 treaties ; before he came out of the harboui", he 
 set up two altars, one to Injustice and the other 
 to Impiety ; and offered sacrifices on both, to 
 insult, as one would imagine, at the same time 
 both gods and men. As this wretch had so 
 greatly distinguished himself by his crimes, 
 Aristomenes distinguished him also from the 
 rest of the conspirators in his execution. He 
 despatched all the others by poison, but as_ for 
 Dichsearchus, he caused him to die in exquisite 
 torments. 
 
 The contrivers of the conspiracy being put to 
 death, and all their measures entirely defea'.ed, 
 the king was declared of age, though he had not 
 yet quite attained the years appointed by the 
 laws, and was set upon the throne with great 
 pomp and solemnity. He thereby took the gov- 
 ernment upon himself, and accordingly began to 
 transact business. As long as Aristomenes was 
 in administration under him, all things went 
 well ; but when the king conceived disgust for 
 that faithful and able minister, and not long af- 
 ter put him to death (to rid himself of a man 
 whose virtue was offensive to him), the remain- 
 der of his reign was one continued series of dis- 
 order and confusion. His subjects laboured 
 now under as many evils, and even greater, than 
 in his father's reign, when vice was moat tri- 
 umphant. 
 
 When the ten commission- 
 ers,^ who were sent to settle 
 the affairs of Philip, were 
 returned to Rome, and made 
 told their senate, that they 
 must expect and prepare for a new war, which 
 would be still more dangerous than that they 
 had iust before terminated : that Antiochus had 
 crossed into Europe with a strong army, and a 
 considerable fleet : that upon a false report 
 which had been spread concerning Ptolemy's 
 death, he had set out, in order to possess himselt 
 of Egypt, and that otherwise he would have 
 made "Greece the seat of the war : that the iEto- 
 lians, a people naturally restless and turbulent, 
 and ill-affected to Rome, would certainly rise 
 
 A. M. 3809. 
 Ant. J. C. 195. 
 
 their report, they 
 
 Liv. 1. xxxiii. 11. 44—49. Justin. 1. xxxi. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 449 
 
 on that occasion: that Greece fostered in its 
 own bosom a tyrant (Nabis) more avaricious 
 and cruel than any of his predecessors, who was 
 meditating how to enslave it; and that thus 
 having been restored in vain to its liberty by 
 the Romans, it would only change its sovereign, 
 and would fall under a more grievous captivity 
 than before especially if Nabis should continue 
 in possession of the city of Argos. 
 
 Flamininus was commanded to have an eye 
 on Nabis, and they were particularly vigilant 
 over all Antiochus's steps. He had just before 
 left Antioch, in the beginning of the spring, in 
 order to go to Ephesus ; and had scarce left it, 
 when Hannibal arrived there, and claimed his 
 protection. That general had lived unmolested 
 j in Carthage, during six years from the conclu- 
 : sion of the peace with the liomans: but he was 
 j now suspected of holding a secret correspond- 
 I ence with Antiochus, and dt' forming with him 
 the design of carrying the war into Italy. His 
 enemies sent advice of this secretly to the Ro- 
 mans, who immediately deputed an embassy to 
 Carthage, to inform themselves more particu- 
 larly as to the fact; with orders, in case the 
 proof should be manifest, to require the Cartha- 
 ginians to deliver up Hannibal to them. But 
 that general had too much penetration and fore- 
 sight,* and had been too long accustomed to pre- 
 pare for storms, even in the greatest calms, not 
 to suspect their design ; so that before they had 
 an opportunity to execute their commission, he 
 withdrew privately, got to the coast, and went 
 on board a ship which always lay ready by his 
 order against such an occasion. He escaped to 
 Tyre, and went from thence to Antioch, where 
 he expected to find Antiochus, but was obliged 
 to follow him to Ephesus. 
 
 He arrived there exactly at the time that the 
 prince was in suspense whether he should en- 
 gage in a war with the Romans. The arrival 
 of Hannibal gave him great satisfaction. He 
 did not doubt, but with the counsel and assist- 
 ance of a man who had so often defeated the 
 Romans, and who had thereby justly acquired 
 'che reputation of being the greatest general of 
 the age, he should be able to complete all his de- 
 signs. He now thought of nothing but victo- 
 ries and conquests ; accordingly war was re- 
 solved, and all that year and the following were 
 employed in making the necessary preparations. 
 Nevertheless during that time, embassies were 
 sent on both sides, upon pretext of an accommo- 
 dation ; but, in reality to gain time, and see 
 what the enemy were doing. 
 
 With regard to Greece,-^ all the states except 
 the ^tolians, whose secret discontent I noticed 
 before, enjoyed the sweets of liberty and peace, 
 and in that condition admired no less the tem- 
 l perance, justice, and moderation, of the Roman 
 victor, than they had before admired his courage 
 and intrepidity in the field. Such was the state 
 of thmgs, when Quintius received a decree from 
 Rome, by which he was permitted to declare 
 war against Nabis. Upon this, he convenes 
 the confederates at Corinth, and after acquaint- 
 ing them with the cause of their meeting, " You 
 perceive," says he, " that the subject of the pre- 
 sent deliberation solely regards you. Our busi- 
 
 4 Sed res Annibalem non diu latuit, virum ad prospi. 
 cieiid: cavendaque pericula peritum ; nee tYiinOs in sc. 
 cundis adversa, quam in adversis secunda coeitantein 
 Justin. 
 
 5 Liv. 1. xxxiv. n. 22—43. 
 
 ness is to determine, whether Argos, an ancient 
 and most illustrious city, situated in the midst 
 of Greece, shall enjoy its liberty in common I 
 with the rest of the cities: or whether it shall I 
 continue subject to the tyrant of Sparta, who I 
 has seized it. This affair concerns the Romans 
 no otherwise, than as the slavery of a single 
 city hinders their glory in having delivered all 
 Greece from being full and complete. Consider 
 therefore what is to be done, and your resolu- 
 tions shall determine my conduct." 
 
 No doubt could be entertained as to the senti- 
 ments of the assembly: the ^tolians alone could 
 not forbear showing their resentment against 
 the Romans, which they carried so high, as to 
 charge them with a breach of faith in keeping 
 possession of Chalcis and Demetrias, at a time 
 that they boasted their having restored liberty 
 to the whole of Greece. They inveighed no 
 less against the rest of the allies, who, in their ' 
 turn, desired to be secured from the rapine of I 
 the ^tolians, who were Greeks only in name, I 
 but real enemies in their hearts. The dispute I 
 growing warm, Quintius obliged them to debate | 
 only on the subject before tliem ; upon which it | 
 was unanimously resolved, that war should be I 
 declared against Nabis, tyrant of Sparta, in case I 
 he should refuse to restore Argos to its former | 
 liberty; and every one promised to send a i 
 speedy succour; which was faithfully per- ] 
 formed. Aristsenus, general of the Acheeans, 
 joined Quintius near Cleonie, with 10,000 foot 
 and 1000 horse. j 
 
 Philip, on his part, sent 1600 men, and tlie 
 Ihessalians 400 horse. Quintius's brother ar- | 
 ^"'v*'^ also with a fleet of forty galleys, to which j 
 the Rhodians and king Eumenes joined theirs. ! 
 A great number of Eacedsemonian exiles came I 
 to the Roman camp, in hopes of having an op- ; 
 portunity of returning to their native country, i 
 Ihey had Agesipolis at their head, to whom I 
 the kingdom of Sparta justly belonged. When 
 but an infant, he had been expelled by Ey- ' 
 curgus, the tyrant, after the death of Cleo- I 
 menes. 
 
 The allies designed at first to besiege Argos, 
 but Quintius thought it more advisable to 
 march directly against the tyrant. He had 
 greatly strengthened the fortifications of Sparta ; 
 and had sent for 1000 chosen soldiers from 
 Crete, whom he had joined to the other thou- 
 sand he had already among his forces. He had 
 3000 other foreign troops in his service; and, 
 besides these, 10,000 natives of the country, ex- 
 clusively of the Helots. 
 
 At the same time he also concerted measures 
 to secure himself from domestic commotions. 
 Having caused the people to come unarmed to 
 the assembly, and having posted his guards 
 armed round them ; after some little preamble, 
 he declared, that as the present juncture ol 
 affairs obliged him to take some precautions for 
 his own safety, he therefore was determined to 
 imprison a certain number of citizens, whom 
 he had just cause to suspect ; and that the in- 
 stant the enemy should be repulsed (whom, he 
 said, he had no reason to fear, provided things 
 were quiet at home), he would release thosi 
 prisoners. He then named about eighty youths 
 of the principal families ; and throwing then» 
 into a secure prison, ordered all their throats to 
 be cut the night following. He also put U 
 death in the villages a great number of the He- 
 lots, who were suspected of a design to dce^ert to 
 the enemy. Having by this barbarity spread 
 ur vversal terror, he prepared for a v'gorous de^ 
 
450 HISTORY OF , 
 
 (ence; firmly resolved not to quit the city dur- I that the liberty of Greece was restored: that 
 ing the ferment it was in, nor hazard a battle | the Romans could not make any kind of treaty 
 against troops much superior in number to his 
 
 own. 
 
 Quintius having advanced to the Eurolas, 
 which runs almost under the walls of the city, 
 whilst he was foi'ming his camp, Nabis de- 
 tached his foreign troops against him. As the 
 Romans did not expect such a sally, because 
 they had not been opposed at all upon their 
 march, they were at first put into some dis- 
 order, but soon recovering themselves, they re- 
 pulsed the enemy to the walls of the city. On 
 the morrow, Quintius leading his troops in 
 order of battle, near the river on the other side 
 of the city ; when the rear-guard had passed, 
 Nabis caused his foreign troops to attack it. 
 The Romans instantly faced about, and the 
 charge was very violent on both sides ; but, at 
 last the foreigners were broken and put to 
 flight. Great numbers of them were killed ; 
 for the Achseans, who were well acquainted 
 with the country, pursued them every where, 
 and gave them no quarter. Quintius encamped 
 near Amyclae ; and after ravaging all the beau- 
 tiful plains that lay round that city, he re- 
 moved his camp towards the Eurotas; and from 
 thence laid waste the valleys, at the foot of 
 Mount Taygetus, and the lands lying near the 
 sea. 
 
 At the same time, the proconsul s brather, 
 who commanded the Roman fleet, laid siege to 
 Gythium, at that time a strong and very im- 
 portant city. The fleet of Eumenes and the 
 Rhodians came up very seasonably ; for the be- 
 sieged defended themselves with great courage. 
 However, after making a long and vigorous re- 
 sistance, thev surrendered. 
 
 The tyrant was alarmed at the taking of this 
 city ; and therefore sent a herald to Quintius, 
 to 'demand an interview, which was granted. 
 Besides several other arguments in his own fa- 
 vour, on which Nabis laid great stress, he in- 
 sisted strongly on the late alliance which the 
 Romans, and* Quintius himself, had concluded 
 with him in the war against Philip: an alliance 
 on which he ought to rely the more, as the 
 Romans professed themselves faithful and reli- 
 gious observers of treaties, which they boasted 
 their never having violated : that no change had 
 taken place on his part since the treaty : that 
 he was then what he had always been ; and had 
 Tjever given the Romans any new occasion for 
 complaints or reproaches. These arguments 
 were very just ; and, to say the truth, Quintius 
 bad no solid reasons to oppose to them. Ac- 
 cordingly, in his answer, he only expatiated in 
 random complaints, and reproached him with 
 his avarice, cruelty, and tyranny : but was he 
 less covetous, cruel, and tyrannical, at the time 
 of the treaty? Nothing was concluded in this 
 first interview. 
 
 The next day, Nabis agreed to abandon the 
 city of Argos, since the Romans required it ; as 
 also, to give them up their prisoners and de- 
 serters. He desired Quintius, in case he had 
 any other demands, to put them into writing 
 in order that he might deliberate upon them 
 with his friends; to which Quintius consented. 
 The Roman general also held a council with 
 his allies. Most of them were of opinion, that 
 they should continue the war against Nabis, 
 which could only terminate gloriously, either 
 by extirpating the tyrant, or at least his tyran- 
 ny ; for that otherwise, nobody could be assured 
 
 with Nabis, without acknowledging him in a 
 solemn mannei*, and giving a sanction to his 
 usurpation. Quintius was for concluding a 
 peace, because he was afraid that the Spartans 
 were capable of sustaining a long siege, during 
 which the war with Antiochus might break out 
 on a sudden, and he not be in a condition to act 
 with his forces against him. These were his 
 pi-etended motives for desiring an accommoda- 
 tion ; but the true reason was, his being appre- 
 hensive that a new consul would be appointed 
 to succeed him in Greece, and by that means 
 deprive them of the glory of having terminated 
 this war: a motive which commonly influenced 
 the resolutions of the Roman generals, more 
 than the good of the public. 
 
 Finding that none of his reasons could make 
 the least irapi'ession on the allies, he pretended 
 to accede to their opinion, and by that artifice 
 brought them all over to his own. " Let us 
 besiege Sparta," says he, " since you think it 
 proper, and exert ourselves to the utmost for 
 the success of our enterprise. As you are sen- 
 sible that sieges are often protracted to a gi-eater 
 length than is generally desired, let us resolve 
 to take up our winter- quarters here, since it 
 must be so ; this is a resolution worthy of your 
 courage. 1 have a sufficient number of troops 
 for carrying on this siege ; but the more numer- 
 ous they are, the greater supply of provisions 
 and convoys will be necessary. The winter 
 that is coming on, exhibits nothing to us but a 
 naked, ruined country, from which we can have 
 no forage. You. see' the great extent of this 
 city, and consequently the great number of cata- 
 puitse, battering-rams, and other machines of 
 all kinds, that wiU be wanting* Write each of 
 you to your cities, in order that they may fur- 
 nish you speedily, in an abundant manner, with 
 ail things necessary. We are obliged in honour 
 to carry on this siege vigorously : and it would 
 be shameful for us, after having begun it, to be 
 reduced to abandon our enterprise." Every 
 one then making his own reflections, perceived 
 a great many difficulties which he had not fore- 
 seen ; and was fully sensible that the proposal they 
 were to make to their cities would meet with a 
 very ill reception, when private persons would 
 find themselves obliged to contribute, out of 
 their own purses, to the expense of the war. 
 Changing therefore immediately their opinion, 
 they gave the Roman general full liberty to act 
 as iie should think proper, for the good of his 
 republic, and the interests of the allies. 
 
 Upon which Quintius, admitting none into 
 his council but the principal officers of the 
 ai-my, agreed, in concert with them, on the 
 cond'itions of peace to be offered the tyrant. 
 The chief were : that, within ten days, Mabis 
 should evacuate Argos, and all the rest of the 
 cities of Argolis, garrisoned by his troops : that 
 he should restore'to the maritime cities all the 
 galleys he had taken from them ; and that he 
 himself should keep only two feluccas, with 
 sixteen oars each : that he should surrender up 
 to the cities in alliance with the Romans, all 
 their prisoners, desei'ters, and slaves : that he 
 should also restore to the Laoedsemonian exiles, 
 such of their wives and children as were will- 
 ing to follow them, without, however, forcing 
 them to do so: that he should give five hostages, 
 be chosen by the Roman general, of which 
 
 his son should be one • that he should pay down 
 
ALEXANDERS SUCCESSORS, 
 
 451 
 
 ]00 talents of silver,' and afterwards fifty ta- 
 ints, annually, during eight years. A truce 
 was granted for six months, that all parties 
 might have time to send ambassadors to Rome 
 m order that the treaty might be ratified there 
 
 Ihe tyrant was not satisfied with any of 
 these articles : but he was surprised, and thought 
 himself happy that no mention had been made 
 of recalling the exiles. When the particulars 
 of this treaty were known in the city, it raised 
 a general sedition, from the necessity to which 
 It reduced private persons, of restoring many 
 things they were not willing to be deprived of 
 Ihus, no farther mention was made of peace, 
 and the war began again. 
 
 Quiotius was now resolved to carry on the 
 siege with gi-eat vigour, and began by examin- 
 ing very attentively the situation and condition 
 of the city. Sparta had been a long time with- 
 out walls ; disdaining every other kind of forti- 
 fication than the bravery of its citizens. Walls 
 had been built in Sparta, only since the tyrants 
 governed it ; and those alone in places which 
 lay open, and were easy of access ; all the other 
 parts were defended only by their natural situa- 
 tion and by bodies of troops posted In them. 
 As tiuintiuss army was very numerous Ccon- 
 sisting of above 50,000 men, because he had sent 
 for all the land as well as naval forces), he re- 
 solved to make it extend quite round the city 
 and to attack it at the same time on all sides, in 
 order to strike the inhabitants with terror, and 
 render them incapable of knowing on which 
 side to turn themselves. Accordingly, the city 
 being attacked on all sides at the same instant 
 and the danger being every where equal, the 
 tyrant did not know how to act, what ordei-s to 
 give, or to which quarter to send succours, and 
 was quite distracted. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians sustained for some time 
 the attacks of the besiegers, as long as they 
 fought in defiles and narrow places. Their 
 darts and javelins did little execution, because, 
 as they pressed on one another, they could not 
 stand hrm on their feet, and had not their arms 
 at liberty to discharge them with strength. The 
 Romans drawing near the city, found them- 
 selves on a sudden overwhelmed with stones 
 and tiles, thrown at them from the house tops. 
 However, laying their shield over their heads, 
 they came forward in the form of the testudo, 
 or tortoise, by which they were entirely covered 
 from the darts and tiles: when the Romans ad- 
 vanced into the broader streets, the Lacedse- 
 nionians being no longer able to sustain their 
 enforts, nor make head against them, fled and 
 withdrew to the most craggy and rugged emi- 
 nences. Nabis, imagining the city was taken, 
 
 Rn?^ /r,?'''^''^-'^ how to make his escape. 
 Uut one of his chief commanders saved the city 
 by setting fire to such edifices as were near the 
 wall. The houses wn-e soon in flames: the 
 fire spread on all sides; and the smoke alone 
 was capable of stopping the enemy. Such as 
 were without the city, and attacked the walT 
 were forced to move to a distance from it • and 
 those who were got Into the city, fearing that 
 the spreading of the flames would cut ofl^ their 
 communication, retired to their troops. Qnin 
 tius then caused a retreat to be sounded fand' 
 after having almost taken the city, was obliged 
 to march his troops back into the camp 
 
 1 A hundred thousand crowns. 
 
 I The three following days he took advantage 
 of the terror with which he had filled the in- 
 habitants, sometimes by making new attacks, 
 and at other times by stopping up different 
 places with works ; in order that the besieged 
 might have no opportunity to escape, but be lost 
 to all hopes. Nabis, seeing things desperate, 
 deputed Pythagoras to Quintius, to treat of an 
 accommodation. The Roman general refused 
 at first to hear him, and commanded him to 
 leave the camp. But the petitioner, throwing 
 himself at his feet, after many entreaties-, at last 
 obtained a truce upon the same conditions as 
 had been prescribed before. Accordingly the 
 money was paid, and the hostages delivered to 
 tiiiintius. 
 
 Whilst these things were doing, the Argives, 
 who, from the repeated accounts they had one 
 after another, imagined that I.aced«mon was 
 taken, restored themselves to liberty, by driving 
 out their garrison. Quintius, after gnintinff 
 Nabis a peace, and taking leave of Eumenes, 
 the Rhodians, and his brother (who returned to 
 their respective fleets), repaired to Argos, whose 
 inhabitants he found in incredible transports of 
 joy. The Nemsean games, which could not be i 
 celebrated at the usual time because of the war ' 
 had been put ofl' till the arrival of the Roman 
 general and his army. He performed aU the 
 honours of them, and distributed the prizes • or 
 rather, he himself was the show. The Argives 
 especially, could not take off their eves fi^m a 
 man, who had undertaken that war merely on 
 their account, had freed them from a cruel and 
 Ignominious slavery, and restored them to their 
 ancient liberty. 
 
 The Achseans were greatly pleased to see the 
 city of Argos again united to their league, and 
 restored to all its privileges : but Sparta being 
 still enslaved, and a tyrant suff"ered in the midst 
 of Greece, gave an alloy to their joy, and ren- 
 dered it less perfect. 
 
 With regard to the ^tolians, it may be 
 affirmed that the peace granted to Nabis was 
 their triumph. From the time of that shame- 
 ful and inglorious treaty (for so they called it) 
 they exclaimed in all places against the Ro- 
 pi!"r" They observed, that in the war against 
 -ffiilip, the Romans had not laid down their 
 arms, till after they had forced that prince to 
 evacuate all the cities of Greece : that here, on 
 the contrary, the usurper was maintained in 
 the peaceable possession of Sparta ; whilst the 
 lawful king rmeaning Agesipolis), who had 
 served under tlie proconsul, and so many illus- 
 trious citizens of Sparta, were condemnel to 
 pass the remainder of their days in banishment- 
 in a word, that the Romans had made theml 
 selves the tyrant's guards and protectors. The 
 ^tolians, in these complaints, confined theii 
 views solely to the advantages of liberty : but in 
 great affairs, men should have an eye to all 
 things, should content themselves with what 
 they can execute with success, and not attempt 
 a thousand schemes at once. Such were the 
 motives of Quintius, as he himself will show 
 hereafter. 
 
 Quintius returned from Argos to Elatia 
 from whence he had set out to carry on the wai' 
 with Sparta. He spent the whole winter in 
 administering justice to the people, in recon- 
 ciJmg cities and private families, in regulatine 
 the government, and establishing order in al 
 
 places; things which, properly speaking, are the 
 leaf fruits of peace, the most glorious employ- 
 ment of a conqueror, and a certain proof of a 
 
452 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 war's being undertaken on just and reasonable 
 motives. The ambassadors of Nabis being ar- 
 rived at Rome, demanded and obtained a rati- 
 fication of the treaty. ^ , , . . . ^, 
 In the beginning of the 
 A. M. 3810. spring, Quintius went to 
 Ant. J. C. 194. Corinth, where he had con- 
 vened a general assembly of 
 the deputies of all the cities. There he repre- 
 sented to them, the joy and ardour with which 
 the Romans had complied with the entreaties 
 of the Greeks when they implored their suc- 
 cour; and had made an alliance with them, 
 which he hoped neither side would have occa- 
 sion to repent. He gave an account, in few 
 words, of the actions and enterprises of the Ro- 
 man generals his predecessoi-s ; and mentioned 
 his own with a modesty of expression that 
 heightened their merit. He was heard with 
 universal applause, except when he began to 
 speak of Nabis ; on which occasion, the as- 
 sembly, by a modest murmur, discovered their 
 grief and surprise, that the deliverer of Greece 
 should have left, in so renowned a city as 
 Sparta, a tyrant, not only insupportable to his 
 own country, but formidable to all the rest of 
 the cities. n i_ 
 
 Quintius, who was not ignorant of the dispo- 
 sition of people's minds with regard to him, 
 thought proper to give an account of his con- 
 duct in a few words. He confessed, that no 
 accommodation ought to have been made with 
 the tyrant, could this have been done without 
 hazarding the entire destruction of Sparta. But 
 as there was reason to fear, that this consider- 
 able city would be involved in the same ruin 
 with Nabis, he therefore had thought it more 
 prudent to let the tyrant live, weakened and 
 incapable of doing harm, as he now was, than 
 perhaps to run the hazard, should they employ 
 too violent remedies, of destroying the city, and 
 that by the very endeavours employed to de- 
 liver it. 
 
 He added to wliat he had said of past trans- 
 actions, that he was preparing to set out for 
 Italy, and to carry with him the whole army 
 thither : that before ten days were elapsed, they 
 should hear that the garrisons of Demetrias and 
 Chalcis were withdrawn, and that he would 
 before their eyes surrender to the Achaeans the 
 citadel of Corinth: that this would show, 
 whether the Romans or ^tolians were most 
 worthy of belief: whether the latter had the 
 least foundation for the report they spread uni- 
 versally, that nothing could be of more dan- 
 gerous* consequence to a people, than to trust 
 the Romans with their liberties ; and that they 
 only shifted the yoke, in accepting that re- 
 public for their master instead of the Mace- 
 donians. He concluded with saying, that it 
 was well known the ^.tolians were not over 
 prudent and discreet either in their words or 
 actions. 
 
 He hinted to the other cities, that they ought 
 to judge of their friends, not from words but 
 actions ; to be cautious whom they trusted, and 
 against whom it was proper for them to guard. 
 He exhorted thera to use their liberty with mo- 
 deration ; that with this wise precaution, it was 
 of the highest advantage to private persons as 
 well as to cities ; but that without moderation, 
 it became a burden to others, and even perni- 
 cious to those who abused it: that the chief 
 men in cities, the different orders that compose 
 them, and the citizens themselves in general, 
 should endeavour to preserve a perfect har- 
 
 mony : that so long as they should be united, 
 neither kings nor tyrants would be able to dis- 
 tress them, that discord and sedition opened a 
 door to dangers and evils of every kind, because 
 the party which finds itself weakest within, 
 seeks for support without ; and chooses rather 
 to call in a foreign power to its aid, than 
 submit to its fellow-citizens. He concluded his 
 speech with conjuring them, in the mildest and 
 most gentle terms, to preserve and maintain 
 by their prudent conduct, the liberty which 
 they owed to foreign arras; and to make the 
 Romans sensible, that in restoring them to 
 their freedom, they had not afforded their pro- 
 tection and beneficence to persons unworthy 
 of it. 
 
 This counsel was received as the advice of a 
 father to his children. Whilst he spoke in this 
 manner, the whole assembly wept for joy, and 
 Quintius himself could not refrain from tears. 
 A gentle murmur expressed the sentiments of 
 all that were present. They gazed upon one 
 another with acJmiration ; and every one ex- 
 horted his neighbour to receive, with gratitude 
 and respect, the words* of the Roman general, 
 as so many oracles, and imprint the remem- 
 brance of them deeply on their hearts. 
 
 After this, Quintius causing silence to be 
 made, desired that they would inquire strictly 
 after such Roman citizens as might stiU remain 
 in slavery in Greece, and send them to him in 
 Thessaly in two months ; adding, that it would 
 ill become them to leave those in captivity to 
 whom they were indebted for their freedom. 
 All the people replied with the highest ap- 
 plauses, and thanked Quintius in particular, for 
 hinting to them so just and indispensable a 
 duty. The number of these slaves was very 
 considerable. They were taken by Hannibal 
 in the Punic war; but the Romans refusing to 
 redeem them, they had been sold. It cost the 
 Achfeans alone 100 talents, that is 100,000 
 crowns, to reimburse the masters the price they 
 had paid for the slaves, at the rate of about 
 121. 10s. a head ;' consequently the number here 
 amounted to 1200. The reader may form a 
 judgment, in proportion, of all the rest of 
 Greece. Before the assembly broke up, the 
 garrison was seen marching down from the 
 citadel, and afterwards out of the city. Quin- 
 tius followed it soon after, and withdrew in the 
 midst of the acclamations of the people, who 
 called him their saviour and deliverer, and im- 
 plored Heaven to bestow all possible blessings 
 upon him. 
 
 He withdrew in the same manner the gam- 
 sons* from Chalcis and Demetrias, and was re- 
 ceived in those cities with the like acclamations. 
 From thence he went into Thessaly, where he 
 found every thing in need of reformation, so 
 general was the disorder and confusion. 
 
 At last he embarked for Italy, and upon liis 
 arrival at Rome entered it in triumph. The 
 ceremony lasted three days, during which he 
 exhibited to the people (amidst the other pomp) 
 the precious spoils he had taken in the wars 
 against Philip and Nabis. Demetrius, son of 
 the former, and Armenes, of the l&tter, were 
 among the hostages, and graced the victor s tri- 
 umph. But the noblest ornament of it was the 
 Roman citizens, delivered from slavery, who 
 followed the victor's car, with their headf 
 
 1 Five hundred denarii. 
 
ALKXANDERS SUCCESSORS. 
 
 453 
 
 shaved as a mark of the liberty to which they I 
 had been restored. 
 
 Scarce were they gone, when ambassadors 
 
 SECT. V. 
 
 ^^^"jversal preparations for the war between Antiochusand 
 the Romans. Mutual embassies and interviews on both 
 sides, which come to nothing. The Romans send troops 
 against Nabis, who had infringed the treaty. Fhilopoe- 
 men gains a victory over him. The ^tolians implore 
 the assistance of Antiochus. Nabis is killed. Anti. 
 ochus goes at last to Greece. 
 
 A. M. 3811. 
 Ant. J. C. 193. 
 
 I . Antiochus and the Ro- 
 
 mans were preparing for 
 war.^ Ambassadors were 
 arrived at Rome, in the 
 name of all the Greeks, from a great part of 
 Asia Minor, and from several kings. They 
 were favourably received by the senate ; but as 
 the affairs of king Antiochus required a long 
 examination, it was referred to Quintius and 
 the commissioners who had been in Asia. The 
 debates were carried on with great warmth on 
 both sides. The ambassadors of the king were 
 surprised, as their sovereign had sent them 
 merely to conclude an alliance and friendship 
 with the Romans, that the latter should pre- 
 tend to prescribe laws to him as to a conquered 
 monarch ; and nominate those cities which he 
 might keep, and such as he was to abandon. 
 Quintius, in concert with his colleagues, after a 
 great many speeches and replies, declared to the 
 king's ambassadors, that the Romans persisted 
 in the resolution they had taken to deliver the 
 Grecian cities of Asia, as they had done those 
 of Europe ; and that the ambassadors might see 
 whether Antiochus would approve of that con- 
 dition. They answered, that they could not 
 enter into any engagement that tended to lessen 
 the dominions of their sovereign. On the mor- 
 row, all the rest of the ambassadors were again 
 introduced into the senate. Quintius reported 
 what had been spoken and transacted in the 
 conference, and entreated each of them in par- 
 ticular, to inform their respective cities, that 
 the Romans were determined to defend their 
 liberties against Antiochus, with the same ar- 
 dour and courage as they had done against Phi- 
 lip. Antiochus's ambassadors conjured the 
 senate, not to form any rash resolution in an 
 affair of so much importance ; to allow the king 
 time to reflect on matters ; and to weigh and 
 consider things maturely on their side, before 
 they passed a decree, in which the tranquillity of 
 the whole world would be involved. They did 
 not yet come to a decision, but deputed to the 
 king Sulpitius, Villius, and ^lius, the same 
 ambassadors who had already conferred with 
 him at Lysimachia.^ 
 
 2 Liv. 1. xxxiv. n. 57—62. 
 3 Nothing contributed so much to fix Antiochus in his 
 design of making war, as the arrival of the great Hanni- 
 j bal, and the imperious manner which the Romans assum- 
 ed in their conferences with the ambassadors whom he had 
 ' sent to Kome, On their arrival at Rome, they were not 
 received with that politeness and respect which the dignity 
 I and reputation of their sovereign required. The proposal 
 j of the alliance between their master and Rome, was not 
 I at all relished by the major part of the senators. They 
 1 made a show of compounding matters with the ambassa- 
 dors of the Syrian monarch, and of setting bounds to their 
 i master's pretensir)ns. Even before they gave their an- 
 I swer, they used indirect methods to affront them ; would 
 j not admit them into the senate, but referred them to the 
 j ten commissioners who had been formerly sent into Mace- 
 I donia to conclude a peace with Philip, and settle the af. 
 fairs of Greece. Flamininus, w" 
 
 who was then at Rome, was 
 
 from Carthage arrived at Rome, and acquainted 
 the senate, that Antiochus, at the instigation of 
 Hannibal, was certainly preparing to make war 
 
 at the head of the commission, which did not a little dis- 
 please the ambassadors, as they remembered how he had 
 received the embassy sent him by their master while he 
 commanded the Roman array in Greece. 
 
 Before this new court, however, the ambassadors com. 
 peared, not as a matter of choice, but of necessity. Me- 
 nippus, wh.0 was at the head of the embassy, which con- 
 sisted of two others besides himself, namely, Hegcsinax 
 and Lysias, commenced the business by saying, " Why 
 are all these delays made, and indirect methods taken, togive 
 us a plain answer ? Our proposal is very plain, and contains 
 no manner of dilficulty. We desire the friendship and aU 
 liance of the Roman people. We do not come to treat 
 with you as a conquered people with their conqueror; or as 
 nations at war with one another to settle their differences 
 in an amicable manner; Antiochus and the Romans are 
 neither upon the footing of enemies nor of conquerors. 
 Why, then, do you pretend to give law to us? What right 
 have you to dKspose of the cities of Europe and Asia? 
 What authority have you to direct us to withdraw our 
 garrisons from some places, and not to seize on others? 
 You may, indeed, treat Philip in this manner ; but do the 
 laws of nations give you a right to assume such an autho. 
 rity over Antiochus ?" Flamininus answered this discourse 
 of Mennipus with an imperious air, in the following man- 
 ner :— " Since you insist upon a direct answer, I \vUl give 
 you one: Antiochus shall not be our friend and ally but 
 upon two conditions. The first is, that he keep within the 
 bounds of Asia. Tne s.econd, that if he comes into Eu- 
 rope, he shall not take it amiss, that the Romans protect 
 the Greek cities in Asia, and enter into an alliance with 
 them." At these words Hegesinax could not contain 
 himself, but exclaimed, «' What injustice; your design 
 plainly is to dispossess Antiochus of the dominions of his 
 ancestors. The Chersonesus and all 'I hrace belonged to 
 his great-grandfather, whose right has descended entire to 
 him. The possession which he has lately taken of his in. 
 heritance, was no more than rescuing it out of the hands of 
 usurpers. Has Rome so good a right as this to the Greek ci- 
 ties in Europe and Asia ? By what title do you pretend to 
 justify your conquering them, or your depriving the king 
 of Syria of them ? He desires, indeed, your friendship, 
 but in an honourable way :— he is not fond of purchasing 
 It at so dear a rate." Flamininus could not answer these 
 solid reasonings in any other way than by saying, " that 
 Rome was determined to pursue the resolution she had 
 taken of procuring the Greeks their liberty. jEolis and 
 Ionia," said he, «' are inhabited colonies from Greece, and 
 we have formed a design of setting all the Greeks at liber, 
 ty. Those of Europe are already secured against the ty- 
 ranny of Philip ; and it is now our business to protect i 
 those of Asia against Antiochus. \Vhat can be more hu. ' 
 mane or commendable ?" j 
 
 This answer of Flamininus, if Livy may be credited, 
 confounded Hegesinax ; who, by his silence, showed his 
 confusion, 'ihe final answer of the Ten commissioners 
 was haughty and categorical. « Take your choice. Either 
 let Antiochus forbear ever setting foot in Europe, or do 
 not be surprised if we send our troops over into Asia." 
 1 he ambassadors declared, That their master would not 
 enter into an alliance with Rome on such disgraceful 
 terms ; but would prefer a war, to the loss of his ancient 
 right, to va; t countries in Europe and Asia, 
 
 The great question here is, whether, in these debates, the 
 Romans or Antiochus were in the right ? Antiochus was 
 bent on the recovery of all the dominions which had for- 
 merly belonged to his great-grandfather Seleucus, which 
 ne deemed his by hereditary right. In the prosecution of 
 this design he had reduced Achaeus, who had set himself 
 up as an independent prince at Sardis ; had subdued Alex- 
 ander and Molo, governors of Media and Persia ; con. 
 quered Atropatia ; and finally, had made a vain and fruit- 
 less attempt to resubjugate the Parthians and Bactrians. 
 In doing this, Antiochus had done no more than all other 
 sovereigns have done in similar circumstances, and, there- 
 fore, no more blame could attach to him than to any other 
 government which endeavours to reduce its revolted suK 
 jects. 
 
 His views were now directed westwards, to reduce those 
 territories which had either revolted and declared them, 
 selves free, or had passed into the hands of others. In 
 pursuance of this design, he reduced the whole sea coasts 
 of Cilicia, Pamphylia, Lycia, and Caria. The Greek cities 
 and the Rhodians took the alarm at the growing power of 
 the Syrian monarch ; although Miletus, one of the former 
 had been delivered by Antiochus Theos, th? grandson o; 
 
454 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 I gainst the Romans. I have observed before, I embark iu this war. The presence and coun- 
 that Hannibal had fled for refuge to this prince, | sels of such a general contributed very much to 
 and had arrived at his court at the very instant 1 determine him to it. His opinion at that time 
 the king was deliberating whether he should (and he always persisted in it) was, that be 
 
 Seleucus, from the tyranny of Timocrates, governor of 
 Caria for the king of Egypt ; for which they had impious- 
 ly given him the epithet of Theos, or God ; and the Lem- 
 nians had placed Seleucus and Antiochus in the number 
 of their gods — and the Smyrnaeans had erected lemples to 
 Stratonice, the wife of Antiochus Soter. He also reduced 
 ^olis, and Ionia, and then passed into Europe ; where he 
 reduced the Chersonesusof Thrace, and rebuilt Lysimachia. 
 
 In all this Antiochus did nothing else than reduce what 
 had formerly belonged to his ancestors ; and Thrace was 
 really his, as being conquered from Lysimachus by Seleu- 
 cus. He was not invading the territories of independent 
 princes or states, v/ho had either never acknowledged the 
 Syrian dominion, or had obliged them to acknowledge such 
 independence by solemn treaty. According to the laws 
 settled among the captains of Alexander, who survived 
 that prince and divided his conquests, the claim of Anti- 
 ochus to the Thracian Chersonesus and Lysimachia, was 
 just. The strongest took from the weakest the share he 
 had usurped on the division of Alexander's conquests : and 
 by this rule, Thrace, which Lysimachus had seized, belong, 
 ed to Seleucus, who had conquered him ; and consequent, 
 ly, to Antiochus his descendant. The Romans, of course, 
 had no just right to interfere in the business — no more 
 than Antiochus would have'had, if, on application from 
 some of the revolted states of Italy, he had presumed to 
 listen to such applications, and desired the Romans to de- 
 sist from their claims. The Greek cities of Asia Minor, 
 indeed, applied to the Romans to assist them against An- 
 tiochus ; but that could form no just claim for Roman in- 
 terference. It was interfering to protect revolted subjects 
 against their sovereign. On such a plea as this no state 
 would be safe. A discontented faction, or a revolted pro- 
 vince, would have nothing more to do, than to desire a 
 neighbouring, or hostile state, to interfere and protect 
 them ; and consequently, no state would dare to reduce its 
 revolted subjects; or, which would be equally prejudicial 
 to the common interest, such interference would prove a 
 source of endless wars, continual animosities, and constant 
 jealousies. 
 
 These Greek cities in .ffiolis, Doris, and Ionia, toge- 
 ther with those on the Hellespont, were so many inde- 
 pendent petty republics ; which, for want of proper union 
 and regard to their mutual interests, had been repeatedly 
 subjected to the Persian power, and then to that of Alex- 
 ander and his successors. The extent of sea-coast which 
 these colonies possessed, with the innumerable fine har- 
 bours for shipping, which lay alongst it, and the easy com- 
 munication which the maritime shores of this south- west 
 portion of Asia Minor presented, from one city to an- 
 other—together with the constant commercial intercourse 
 which they had, both with the numerous islands of the 
 Archipelago, and with the continent of Greece, might have 
 laid the foundation of a sure and durable independence ; 
 had they had the sagacity to see and improve these advan- 
 tages — by erecting themselves into a confederated mari- 
 time republic ; or, incorporated themselves into one great 
 political body, governed by representatives chosen out of 
 the whole of the maritime cities, and their immediate de- 
 pendencies, and fixed the seat of government in a city 
 whose position seemed most favourable and convenient 
 for conducting the political affairs of the Union. This 
 unfortunately, however, was not the disposition of the 
 Greeks. Nothing could ever make them act in cordial 
 concert for the good of the whole, but when immediate 
 danger appeared ; and even then, the union was seldom 
 hearty, and often too late. 
 
 It is true, indeed, that the .S;olians, lonians, and Do- 
 rians, had each a confederation of their own— the first 
 having twelve cities, including Smyrna, the second twelve 
 cities, and the third six. In each of these confederacies 
 the cities were independent of each other, and governed 
 by their own laws, while the confederacies themselves 
 were governed by their respective general assemblies. 
 Had all the three formed one general confederation, it 
 would have been much more politic, as they all spoke the 
 same language, a difference of dialect excepted ; wor- 
 shipped in common the same deities, or had, at least, an 
 intercommunity of them ; and had the same customs and 
 manners which were peculiar to the Greeks. Had the 
 whole agreed to incorporate themselves into one body po- 
 litic, and to be governed by a system of laws common to 
 all, and these to be enacted by a general assembly, or re- 
 presentative body, chosen out of each of the cities, propor- 
 tioned to their magnitude and commercial importance, 
 they might thus, consolidated together, have preserved 
 
 the common independence. But this did not suit Greek 
 notions. A number of small independent communities, 
 that might or might not unite, just as it suited them, was 
 the delight of the Greeks, and it was always the policy of 
 their monarchical neighbours to divide them or set tbem 
 together by the ears, and sometimes to take part with one 
 party and sometimes with another, and thus made them 
 dissipate their strength in petty hostihties, by which they 
 were rendered a comparatively easy prey to the commoa 
 enemy. . , , 
 
 However formidable they might be when united, sucL 
 unition was sure not to last. As by their frequent dis. 
 sensions they were made incapable of extending their 
 political power, so it was only by the powerful ascendency 
 of a commanding genius, that had the art and the energy 
 to overawe them, to rule them, to bind them together, 
 and render them subservient to some great political 
 design, in his contemplation, that ever rendered them 
 truly formidable, by concentrating all the strength and 
 talent of a highly gifted community in one common 
 focus. This happened only once urwler the Great Alexan- 
 der, who made them for their hour lords of the ascendant 
 and masters of Asia. But this union was soon dissolved 
 after the death of the hero of Macedon, and none of his 
 successors had either the fortune or the ability to preserve 
 it. The Greeks were never able to play a capital game 
 in politics after that event, but merely acted an under 
 part to the kings of Macedon or to the Roman republic, 
 which, after having used them as allies to serve her am- 
 bitious designs, rendered them her vassals when she no 
 longer needed their aid in the conquest of the world. It 
 was this defect in their political institutions, that rendered 
 the Greek states of the south-west coast of Asia Minor 
 not only not formidable to the successors of Seleucus, but 
 rendered them an easy conquest whenever a prince of 
 any talent wore the crown of Seleucus or of Ptolemy; 
 and hence it was that these small Greek states applied foi 
 aid to the Romans against Antiochus, to whose ancestors 
 they had been formerly subject; conscious of their in- 
 herent inability to oppose the power of a prince who had 
 the treasures and the troops of the Syrian monarchy at his 
 command. The Romans were now a rising state. They 
 had conquered the warlike Hannibal, because he was 
 not supported by his thoughtless country till it was too 
 late; and called into Greece, by the foolish .Etolians, to 
 act as allies, and then as umpires, they had virtually con- 
 quered that country, and reduced the once powerful 
 Macedon to a state of political inertia The Greeks had 
 been delighted at seeing the Romans vanquish Philip, and 
 still more so at receiving their independence as a boon at 
 the hands of a foreign power. But they did not recollect 
 that what the victor gave, the victor might take away. 
 'I he balance of power was now lost. The very power that 
 could have protected them, in the hour of need, against a 
 foreign enemy, was now virtually annihilated, and to thai 
 annihilation they themselves had mainly contributed, in 
 the blessed expectation of political independence. But 
 they had merely changed masters ; and they were suffered 
 to enjoy tlveir own independence, so long as the Romans 
 found it politically necessary, and no longer. Ihe final 
 conquest of Perseus, and the reduction of Carthage, were 
 soon followed by the capture of Corinth, and the subver. 
 sion of the Achaean league, that feeble relict of Grecian 
 liberty. 'I'his want of union among the states of Greece 
 was the proximate cause of their ruin, and the same was 
 the case of the .ffiolic, Ionian, and Doric confederacies of 
 Asia Minor. 
 
 It was the want of a system of political union, of a re- 
 gard for the good of the whole, paramount to all petty, 
 selfish, intriguing interests, that proved the ultimate ruin 
 of Grecian independence, and subjected them to the Ro- 
 man yoke. Instead of acting in close concert against their 
 political enemies, the Persians and the Macedonians, and 
 thereby securing the balance of political liberty, against 
 those who were ever on the watch to destroy it, tiiey pur. 
 sued opposite interests, continually squabbled with one an- 
 other, and were played off against each other by means ol 
 Persian darics or Macedonian gold. Each petty state waa 
 jealous of another, or acted in subserviency to some chief 
 state, against its political rival, as Athens, Sparta, or 
 Thebes, and shifted sides just as the political wind blew, 
 in favour of one or other of these states. Enamoured of 
 liberty, they were always in terror of losing it- whether 
 by a change at home or by invasion from without. Each 
 petty state was jealous of another, and as much afraid to 
 fall under its dominion as under that of a despot Eacli 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 455 
 
 j ought to carry his arms into Italy: that by this | mans, and that Italy could never be conquered 
 [ means the enemy's country would furnish them but in Italy. He demanded but 100 galleys, 
 T^ith troops and provisions ; that otherwise, no 10,000 foot, and 1000 horse. He declared, that 
 i orincc nor people could be superior to the Ro- with this fleet he would first go into Africa, 
 
 tate pursued its own little selfish interests, and that state 
 was all the world to its own members. 
 This immense subdivision of small states, both in Greece 
 i and the south-west coast of Asia Minor, for ever preclud- 
 j ed internal political harmony. There was a constant col- 
 lision of interests, and this was constantly kept up by po- 
 litical agitators, which swarmed in every city. They 
 agreed in nothing but hatred of tyrants, admiration of 
 themselves, and contempt of all others— whom they, with 
 the same spirit, designated Barbarians. Yet they could 
 never be brought to act in unison either against the one or 
 the other, ihe Achasan league was hut a feeble confed- 
 eracy, and acted in complete subserviency to the Macedo- 
 nians, and then to the Romans; with the latter of whom 
 its members at last differed, and were conquered for their 
 presumption. The ^tolians, also, formed a confedera- 
 tion similar to that of the Achsans, and for the same 
 purpose; but it was the most pernicious in its ultimate 
 consequences to Greece, both internally and externally, 
 of any that had ever been formed in that country. 
 Whilst the Achajan league viewed the Macedonian kings 
 as its allies and protectors, the iEtolians pursued a quite 
 different policy. ITiese latter were a ferocious, cruel, tur- 
 I bulent people ; seldom at peace amongst themselves, and aL 
 j ways quarrelling with their neighbours. They were stran- 
 I gers to all sense of amicable deahngs, or principles of honour; 
 I ready to betray their friends on the least prospect of advan- 
 tage from treachery; and were, in short, looked upon, by the 
 other Grecian states, as a set of outlaws and public robbers. 
 This is their character by Polybius, himself an Ach^an* 
 j and of course it may be supposed no friend to them. But 
 i his portrait of them is by no means overcharged, as it is 
 borne out by facts. The -ffitolians were jealous of their own 
 liberties, but perfectly well disposed to tyrannize over others, 
 j They were the most resolute opposers of the ambitious de- 
 1 signs of the Macedonian princes, and bore an irreconcilea- 
 ! ble hatred to the Achsan league. The Cleomenic war, and 
 I that of the allies, called the Social war, were kindled by them 
 j in the heart of Peloponnesus, just to humble their rivals 
 ! the Achsans. Out of pure hatred at Macedon, they were 
 the first to introduce the Romans into Greece, and aided 
 j them with all their power against Philip —in order, as 
 j they foolishly supposed, to preserve the independence of 
 ■\ Greece :— a most dangerous precedent ; for while it freed 
 I Greece from all fear of subjugation to Macedon, it de- 
 i stroyed the only power to which Greece could have looked 
 [ up with any hope to preserve her own independence against 
 a much more powerful, and therefore dangerous, enemy, 
 the Romans. The Romans having once got in their hand 
 j by their means, the Greeks virtually lost their indepen- 
 j dence. Nothing could be done without consulting the Ro- 
 ; man senate, or Roman consuls, or Roman commissioners. 
 I ITie Romans, the most sagacious politicians of antiqui- 
 I ty, understood the temper of the Greeks perfectly well ; 
 I and under colour of protecting them against the kings of 
 I Macedon and Syria, and making a show of setting their 
 i cities at liberty, by a public decree, obtained a complete po- 
 ! litical ascendancy over them, and made them at once the 
 dupes of their subtle policy, and the instruments of fur- 
 : thering their ambitious views. The loquacious, but short, 
 sighted Greeks, by conferring on their pretended allies and 
 dehverers, the office of umpireship in all their disputes, for 
 such a host of small republics could not exist without them, 
 made them their masters. They had not the sagacity to 
 perceive that in thus acting, they were surrendering the 
 very thing of which they were so morbidly jealous — their 
 political independence. 
 
 The Romans having, by means of the .ffitolians, got in 
 their little finger, never rested till they got in their whole 
 body. The jEtolians, however, were the first to see their 
 own injudicious conduct, and that by aiding the Romans to 
 conquer Philip, they had unwittingly been helping them to 
 subjugate Greece— that all this time they had been merely 
 fighting for a change of masters. These stupid politicians 
 were now mad at the Romans because they had made a peace 
 j with Philip on terms sufficiently humiliatingto him, though 
 they had left him in possession of Macedon, his hereditary 
 I domain. " Philip," said these sogacioMS republicans, " must 
 i be driven out of his kingdom. Greece can never be safe 
 while Philip is allowed to keep Macedon." The Romans 
 were just as willing as they, to deprive Philip of all his do- 
 minions, but it was not yet the proper time. The fear of 
 having Antiochus on their hands at the same time, com- 
 bined with the difficulty of making an entire conquest of 
 the mountainous country of Macedon, supported as Philip 
 might be by the arms of Antiochus, who could not be sup. 
 
 posed willingly to see his neighbouring king ana ally fall, 
 and that without making an effort in his defence, moved 
 the consul, Flamininus, to grant a peace, or rather a re- 
 prieve to Philip. The consul himself made a show of mo- 
 deration in his conduct, and affected to remonstrate with 
 his good friends, the .IEtolians, on the impolicy of their re- 
 quest, as it would destroy the balance of power, and de 
 prive Greece of a strong and necessary barrier against her 
 northern enemies, the Thraciaos, the Bas^arnee, and the 
 Gauls, or Scordisci. They were also displeased at the Ro- 
 mans for not giving them some cities which they claimed, 
 and thought their services very ill rewarded by their for- 
 eign friends. 
 
 They were now as zealous enemies to the Romans as 
 they had formerly been to Philip ; but they were unable 
 to contend single-handed with Rome, backed as she was 
 by all the other Greeks. The political power of Philip 
 was gone, and they could not for once imagine that a 
 prince, to whose ruin they had contributed so much, 
 would risk the chances of a new war with an exhausted 
 treasury, and diminished resources, to oblige his old ene- 
 mies the .ffitolians. What was therefore to be done in this 
 crisis ? They could not apply to the Achseans, their wont, 
 ed rivals. Still, however, they made the attempt both with 
 Philip and the Achaeans; but, as might be expected, with, 
 out success, though now backed with the influence of the 
 Syrian monarch. Him they had lately invited into 
 Gi eece as they had previously done the Romans ; but it 
 was now too late. The Romans, with their wonted saga, 
 city, had obtained the complete ascendancy Over the Gre. 
 cian states, by a train of artful, but conciliating policy. 
 I'hey pretended to be the real and firm friends of that liberty 
 which was ever uppermost in the hearts of the Greeks,.and 
 made use of that very passion to accomplish their designs 
 against Macedon and Syria. They pretended, not only to 
 set all the Greek cities in Greece, strictly so called, at li- 
 berty, but carried it still farther. They took on themselves 
 the office of also setting at liberty the Greek cities in Asia, 
 though these had nothing to do with Greece, politically, 
 but merely spoke the same language, and were branches of 
 the same parent stock. But this increased their popularity 
 in Greece, and made them sure of friends in Asia. It wa.s 
 no matter to the Romans whether they had been formerly 
 subject to the ancestors of Antiochus or not The question 
 of abstract right never troubled them. It gave them a 
 pretence for quarrelling with Antiochus, as they had now 
 no enemy to fear or contend with but him Therefore, 
 the liberty of the Greek cities in Asia Minor was made 
 use of as a handle, or pretext, by them, to prevent Anti. 
 ochus from recovering them, as parts of his hereditary do- 
 minions, and becoming, by this accession of former power, 
 formidable to them ; or, if he still persisted in refusing to 
 set them free, to declare war against him. 
 
 Ihe. conduct of the Romans in this was most unjust. 
 What was the Roman argument against Antiochus, re- 
 specting these ci'ties ? «' iEolis and Ionia," said Flamini- 
 nus, " are inhabited by colonies from (ireece, and we have 
 formed a design of setting all the Greeks at hbeirtv." If 
 this argument were to hold good, Antiochus would have ' 
 hardly had a single sea port in all Asia Mil, or — as the 
 whole coast, round from the bay of Issus to the Hellespont, 
 with a few exceptions, was peopled by Greek colonies, as 
 well as .ffiolis and Doris. This doctrine, if carried legiti- 
 mately to its full conclusion, would have sanctioned the 
 most unjust proceedings of the Romans. A Greek city in 
 any part of Antiochus' dominions, had but to rebel 
 and claim the benefit of Roman protection, by showing 
 their right to be set free on the plea that they were the 
 descendants of a Greek colony. Nothing could be weaker 
 than the ground on which Flamininus argued ; for if 
 Thrace, .ffiolis, Doris, and Ionia, belonged to Antiochu.s 
 l)y hereditary right, founded on ancient conquest, could 
 the pretence for restoring them to their ancient freedom 
 be a just reason, either for withdrawing Ihem from their 
 obedience to their legal sovereign, or aiding them in their 
 rebellion against him. The design of setting a prince's 
 subjects at liberty, is not surely a sufficient reason for 
 others to make war against him. It wa-s no wonder, there- 
 fore, if, on finding the Romans interfere between him and 
 his Greek subjects, and telling him in plain terms, that he 
 must not meddle with them, they were Greek colonists, 
 and, therefore, must be free, though, according to the law 
 of nations, they were his subjects; that Antiochus should 
 also put in his claim to interfere between the .ffitolians, or 
 such other Greeks as should feel themselves indisposed to 
 comply with the demands of the Romans. It must, thero 
 
456 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 where he hoped to be able to persuade the Car- 
 thaginians to join him ; but that, should he not 
 succeed, he would sail directly for Italy, and 
 there find effectual means to distress the Ro- 
 mans : that it was necessary that the king 
 should go over into Europe with the rest of his 
 forces, and halt in some part of Greece, and not 
 go immediately into Italy, though he should al- 
 ways seem upon the point of doing it. 
 
 The king highly approving this pi'oject at first, 
 Hannibal sent a Tyrian, in whom he could con- 
 tide, to Carthage, to sound the citizens : for he 
 (lid not dare to venture letters, lest they should 
 be intercepted ; not to mention that business is 
 transacted much better by word of mouth than 
 by writing. But the Tyrian was discovered, 
 and. escaped with great difficulty. The Cartha- 
 ginian senate sent immediate advice of this to 
 the Romans, who apprehended being engaged 
 at the same time in a war with Antiochus and 
 the Carthaginians. 
 
 No people,' at this time, 
 A. M. .3812. hated the Romans more than 
 Ant. J. C. 192. the iEtolians. Thoas, their 
 general, was for ever incens- 
 ing them ; representing, in the most aggravating 
 terms, the contempt the Romans had for them 
 since thoir last victory, though it was chiefly 
 owing to them. His remonstrances had the in- 
 tended effect ; and Damocritus was sent ambas 
 sador to Nabis, Nicander to Philip, and Dicee- 
 archus, Thoas's brother, to Antiochus, charged 
 with particular instructions in regai'd to each of 
 those princes. 
 
 The first represented to the tyrant of Sparta, 
 that the Romans had entirely enervated his 
 power, by dispossessing him of his maritime 
 towns, as they furnished him with galleys, sol- 
 diers, and sailors: that, confined within his own 
 walls, he had the mortification to see the Achae- 
 ans reign over Peloponnesus : that he would 
 never have so favourable an opportunity for re- 
 covering his ancient power, as that which then 
 presented itself : that the Romans had no army 
 in Greece : that he might easily seize upon Gy- 
 thium, which was situated vei'y commodiously 
 for him : and that the Romans would not think 
 it worth while to send their legions again into 
 Greece, on account of the capture of a city of so 
 little consequence. 
 
 Nicander employed still stronger motives to 
 rouse Philip, who had been thrown down from 
 a much superior height of greatness, and de- 
 prived of abundantly more than the tyrant. 
 Besides which he enlarged on the ancient glory 
 of the kings of Macedonia, and the conquest of 
 the whole world by their arms ; that the pro- 
 posal he made him would not expose him to any 
 danger ; that he did not desire him to declare 
 war, till Antiochus should haA^e passed into 
 Greece with his army; and that if he (Philip), 
 unassisted by Antiochus, had, with only his own 
 forces, sustained so long a war against the Ro- 
 mans and the ^tolians united, how would it be 
 possible for the Romans to resist him, when he 
 should have both Antiochus and the ^tolians as 
 
 fore, be granted, that the war which the Romans waged 
 with Antiochus, was unprovoked, ambitious, and unjust. 
 The Romans had got the habit from the Greeks, of inter, 
 meddling in other people's concerns, and were not content 
 till they got both the people and their business entirely 
 into their own hands,— which, no doubt, saved the loqua- 
 cious Greeks a great deal of time, uselessly spent in con- 
 tention, debate, and intrigue — Ed. 
 
 1 Li v. 1. XXXV. n. 12 
 
 allies ? He did not forget to mention Hannibal, 
 the sworn enemy to the Romans, of whose gen- 
 erals more had been defeated by him than were 
 living at that time. 
 
 Dicaearchus employed other arguments with 
 Antiochus. He observed particularly, that in 
 the war against Philip, the Romans had taken 
 the spoils, but that the whole honour of the vic- 
 tory had been due to the iEtolians ; that they 
 alone had opened them an entrance into Gieece, 
 and had enabled them to overcome the enemy, 
 by aiding them with their troops. He gave a 
 long detail of the number of horse and foot with 
 which they would furnish him ; and the strong 
 towns and sea-ports possessed by them. He did 
 not scruple to affirm, though without foundation, 
 that Philip and Nabis were determined to unitt 
 with him against the Romans. 
 
 These are the steps the ^tolians took, toraist 
 up enemies against Rome on every side. How- 
 ever, the two kings did not comply with them 
 at that time ; and did not take their resolution 
 till afterwards. 
 
 With regard to Nabis, he sent immediately to 
 all the maritime towns, to excite the inhabitants 
 of them to a rebellion. He bribed many of the 
 principal citizens, and secretly despatched those 
 who were inflexibly determined to adhere to the 
 party of the Romans. Quintius, at his leaving 
 Greece, had ordered the Achseans to be very vi- 
 gilant in defending the maritime cities. They 
 immediately sent deputies to the tyrant to put 
 him in mind of the treaty he had concluded with 
 the Romans ; and to exhort him not to infringe 
 a peace which he had so earnestly solicited. At 
 the same time they sent troops to the relief of 
 Gythium, Avhich the tyrant had already besieg- 
 ed ; and ambassadors to Rome, to inform the 
 senate and people of what was doing. 
 
 Antiochus did not yet declare himself openly,* 
 but took secret measui'es for promoting the great 
 design he meditated. He thought it advisable 
 to strengthen himself by good alliances with his 
 neighbours. In this view, he went to Raphia, 
 a frontier city of Palestine towards Egypt. He 
 there gave his daughter Cleopatra in marriage 
 to Ptolemy Epiphanes ; and resigned to that 
 prince, as her dowry, the provinces of Ctele-sy- 
 ria and Palestine, but upon condition, as had 
 been before stipulated, that he should himself 
 receive half the revenues. 
 
 At his return to Antioch, he gave another 
 daughter, Antioch is by name, in marriage to 
 Ariarathes king of Cappadocia. He would 
 have been very glad to have bestowed the third 
 on Eumenes king of Pergamus ; but that prince 
 refused her, contrary to the advice of his three 
 brothers, who believed that an alliance with so 
 great a monarch would be a great support to 
 their house. However, Eumenes soon con- 
 vinced them, by the reasons he gave, that he 
 had examined that affair more deliberately than 
 they. He represented, that should he marry 
 , Antiochus's daughter, he would be under a ne- 
 cessity of espousing his interest against the Ro- 
 mans, with whom he plainly saw this monarch 
 would soon be at variance : that, should the Ro- 
 mans get the better (as it was highly probable 
 they would), he should be involved in the same 
 ruin with the vanquished king, which would in- 
 fallibly prove his destruction : that, on the other 
 
 a Polyb. 1. iii. p. 167. Li v. 1. xxxv. n. 13—20. Appi 
 n, in Syriac. p. 88—92. Joseph. Antiq. I. xii. c. 3. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 4 57 
 
 side, should Antiochus have the advantage In 
 this war, the only benefit that he (Eumenesj 
 could reap by it, would be, that having the hon- 
 our to be his son-in-law, he should be one of 
 the first to become his slave. P'or they might 
 be assured that should Antiochus get the better 
 of the Romans in this war, he would subject all 
 Asia, and ohlige all princes to do him homage : 
 that they should have much better terms from 
 the Romans : and therefore he was resolved to 
 continue attached to their interests. The event 
 showed that Eumenes was not mistaken. 
 
 After these marriages, Antiochus went with 
 great diligence into Asia Minor, and arrived at 
 Ephesus in the depth of winter. He set out 
 fi-om thence again in the beginning of the spring 
 to punish the Pisidians, Avho were inclined to 
 revolt ; after having sent his son into Syria, for 
 the security of the provinces in the East.^ 
 
 I have said above, that the Romans had de- 
 puted Sulpitius, ^lius, and Villius, on an em- 
 bassy to Antiochus. They had been ordered to 
 go first to the court of Eumenes, and accor- 
 dingly they went to Pergamus, the capital of 
 his kingdom. That prince told them, that he 
 desired nothing so much as that war should be 
 declared against Antiochus. In times of peace, 
 the having so powerful a king in his neighbour- 
 
 3 Pisidia was a large province of Asia Minor, imme- 
 diately to tlie north of mount Taurus, by which it was 
 separated from ihe maritime province of FamphyVia, on 
 the south, and by the same ridge from Phrygia on the 
 west and north-west, and by a parallel range of Taurus on 
 the north and north-east, by which it was parted from the 
 original Isauria, though in later times it was made to 
 comprehend this latter, whilst the nam.e Isauria was con- 
 fined to the coast of Cilicia Tracheia. In other words, 
 Pisidia comprehended the great elevated valley inclosed 
 by three ridges of mount Taurus, the northernmost of 
 which is called Sultan Dagh, and divided Pisidia from 
 Phrygia Parorias. 
 
 Three large valleys were comprehended between the 
 ridges of the great Taurian range, mentioned above, each 
 being lower than its southern neighbour, and forming, as 
 it were, so many intermediate steps between the southern, 
 most ridge fronting the Mediterranean, and the common 
 level of the great body of Asia Minor; as first, that of 
 Pisidia including Isauria, that of Phrygia Parorias lower 
 than Pisidia, and the valley of Lycaonia lower than both, 
 and then the great interior level of Asia Minor. 
 
 Antiochus, in his war with the Pisidians, took the cities 
 of Se!ga and Side, the former lying near the source of the 
 Cestrus, at the foot of the range dividing Pamphylia from 
 P.'sidia. It was situate in a very fertile tract, but very 
 difficult of access, and was founded by a Lacedtemonian 
 colony. Its ruins have not yet been discovered, no Eu. 
 ropean traveller having visited that part of the country. 
 The site of Side has been accurately fixed, and its fine 
 ruins described by Captain Beau/ortin his Caramania, to 
 the south-ea.-t of Aspendus on the Eurymedon, between 
 a small nameless river and the Melas, which lies to the 
 east of Side. 1 his nameless river is the only stream on 
 this part of the coast that affords either shelter or en- 
 trance, even to a boat, the mouths of the Cestrus and 
 Eurymedon being shut up by sand bars. The latter is 
 now called the Capri-Su from the ancient city of Capria, 
 which appears to have stood two miles distant from the 
 sea, on the banks of a lake of the same name, which occu- 
 pied a part of the maritime tract between the Eurymedon 
 and Cestrus. A number of Greek inscriptions have been 
 found at the ruins of Side. 
 
 The inhabitants of Side were the descendents of a Greek 
 colony from Cuma, who by frequent colloquial intercourse 
 with the natives, gradually lost their original Greek, and 
 uttered a strange language, not that of the neighbouring 
 barbarians, but a new and peculiar idiom, as we are in- 
 formed by Arrian. Though the modern Turks are so ig- 
 norant as to give it the name of Eski-Adalia, (old Attalia,) 
 the name of Side was not unknown to the'r geographeis 
 150 years ago, being mentioned by Hadjy. Khalifa. The 
 Greeks are equally ignorant in giving the name llocXottct 
 la-raXia, to the ruins of Perga. The Melas is now called 
 Menovgat-Su.— 
 
 liood gave him very just alarm. In case oi a 
 war, he did not doubt but Antiochus would ex- 
 perience the same fate as Philip, and thereby 
 either be entirely ruined ; or, should the Ro- 
 mans grant him a peace, Eumenes assured him- 
 self that part of his spoils and fortresses would 
 be given him, which would enable him to de- 
 fend himself, without any foreign aid, against 
 his attacks : that, after all, should things take a 
 different turn, he had rather run the worst 
 hazard, in concert with the Romans, than be 
 exposed, by breaking with them, to submit 
 either voluntarily, or through force, to Anti- 
 ochus. 
 
 Sulpitius being left sick in Pergamus, "Vil- 
 lius, who had received advice that Antiochus 
 was engaged in the war of Pisidia, went to 
 Ephesus, where he found Hannibal. He had 
 several conferences with him, in which he en- 
 deavoured, but in vain, to persuade him, that 
 he had no reason to be under any apprehensions 
 jfrom the Romans. He had better success in 
 [the design he proposed, by treating Hannibal 
 Jwith great courtesy, and making him frequent 
 |Visits; which was, by such conduct, to render 
 him suspected to the king ; which accordingly 
 happened, as we shall soon see. 
 
 Livy, on the authority of some historians, re- 
 lates that Scipio was on this embassy, and that 
 it was at this time that Hannibal made him 
 !the celebrated answer I have related elsewhere,* 
 'when speaking of the most illustrious generals, 
 Ihe gave the first place to Alexander, the second 
 I to Pyrrhus, and the third to himself. Some 
 authors look upon this embassy of Scipio as im- 
 probable, and the answer of Hannibal to be 
 jmore so. 
 
 j Villius went from Ephesus to Apamea, whi- 
 ther Antiochus repaired, after having ended the 
 war against the Pisidians. In their interview, 
 they spoke on much the same topics, as those 
 on which the king's ambassadors had debated 
 with Quintius in Rome. Their conferences 
 broke off, on that prince's receiving advice of 
 the death of Antiochus, his eldest son. He re- 
 turned to Ephesus to lament his loss. But 
 notwithstanding these specious appearances of 
 affliction, it was generally believed that his 
 show of grief was merely political; and that he 
 himself had sacrificed him to his ambition. He 
 was a young prince of the greatest hopes, and 
 had already given such shining proofs of wis- 
 dom, goodness, and other royal virtues, as had 
 secured to him the love and esteem of all who 
 knew him. It was prettnded that the old king, 
 growing jealous of him, had sent him fr'^-n 
 Ephesus into Syria, under the pretext of having 
 an eye to the security of the provinces of the 
 East ; and that he had caused some eunuchs to 
 poison him there, to rid himself of his fears. A 
 king, and at the same time a father, ought not 
 to be suspected of so horrid a crime, without 
 the strongest and most evident pi'oofs. 
 
 Villius, that he might not be importunate ai 
 a time of mourning and sorrow, was returned 
 to Pergamus, where he found Sulpitius per- 
 fectly recovered. The king sent for them soon 
 iifter. They had a conference with his minis- 
 ter, which ended in complaints on both sides ; 
 after which, they returned to Rome, without 
 having concluded any thing. 
 
 The instant they were gone, Antiochus held 
 
 4 Vol. I. History of the Carthaginians . 
 
458 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 i a great council on the present affairs ; in which 
 I every one exclaimed against the Romans, know- 
 ing- that to be the best method of making their 
 court to the king. They aggi'avated the haugh- 
 tiness of their demands, and said it was strange, 
 that they should attempt to prescribe laws to 
 the greatest monarch of Asia, as if they were 
 treating with a conquered Nabis. Alexander 
 of Acarnania, who had great influence with the 
 king, as if the matter in deliberation were, not 
 whether they should make war, but how and 
 in what manner they should carry it on ; as- 
 sured the king, that he would be infallibly vic- 
 torious, in case he should cross into Europe, 
 and settle in some part of Greece : that the 
 iEtolians, who were in the centre of it, would 
 be the first to declare against the Romans ; that 
 at the two extremities of this country, Nabis, 
 on one side, to recover what he had lost, would 
 raise all Peloponnesus against them ; and that 
 on the other, Philip, who was still more dis- 
 gusted, would not fail at the first signal of war 
 to take up arms also : that they had no time to 
 lose ; and that the decisive point was, to seize 
 upon the most advantageous posts, and to make 
 sure of allies. He added, that Hannibal ought 
 to be sent immediately to Carthage, to perplex 
 and employ the Romans. 
 
 Hannibal, whom his conferences with Vil- 
 li us had rendered suspected to the king, was 
 not summoned to this council. He had per- 
 ceived on several other occasions, that the king's 
 friendship for him was very much cooled, and 
 that he no longer reposed the same confidence 
 in him. However, he had a private conference 
 with him, in which he unbosomed himself 
 without the least disguise. Speaking of his in- 
 fant years, in which he had sworn on the altars 
 to be che eternal enemy of the Romans, " It is 
 this oath," says he, " it is this hatred, that 
 prompted me to keep the sword drawn during 
 thirty-six years ; it was the same animosity that 
 occasioned my being banished from my country 
 in a time of peace, and forced me to seek an 
 asylum in your dominions. If you defeat my 
 hopes, guided by the same hatred, which can 
 never expire but with my life, I will fly to 
 every part of the world where there are soldiei's 
 and arms, to raise up enemies against the Ro- 
 mans. 1 hate them, and am hated by them. 
 As long as you shall resolve to make war against 
 them, you may consider Hannibal as the first 
 <!f your friends ; but if there are any motives 
 which incline you to peace, take counsel of 
 others, not of me." Antiochus, struck with 
 these words, seemed to restore him his confi- 
 dence and friendship. 
 
 The ambassadors being returned to Rome, it 
 appeared evidently from their report, that a 
 war with Antiochus was inevitable ; but they 
 (lid not think it yet time to proclaim it against 
 him. They did not act so cautiously with re- 
 gard to Nabis, who had been the first to violate 
 the treaty, and was then actually besieging 
 Gythium, and laying waste the territories of 
 the Achaeans. Acilius, the pra;to7% was sent 
 with a fleet into Greece, to protect the allies. 
 
 Philopo-'men was general 
 A. M. S813. of the Achaeans that year.' 
 Ant. J. C. 191. He was not inferior to any 
 captain with respect to land 
 service, but had no skill in naval affairs. Not- 
 
 I Liv. 1. XXXV. n. 25—30. Plut. in Philop. p. 363, 364. 
 
 withstanding this, he took upon himself thv 
 command of the Achaean fleet,^ flattering him- 
 self that he should be as successful by sea as he 
 had been by land : but he learned, to his cost, 
 not to depend so much upon his own judgment, 
 and found how greatly useful experience is on 
 all occasions ; for Nabis, who had fitted out 
 some vessels with expedition, defeated Philo- 
 poemen, and he narrowly escaped being taken 
 prisoner. This disaster however did Jiot dis- 
 courage him, but only made him more prudent 
 and circumspect for the future. Such is the 
 use judicious men ought to make of their errors, 
 which, by that means, are frequently more ad- 
 A^antageous to them than the greatest successes. 
 Nabis triumphed now, but Philopoemen trusted 
 to make his joy of short duration. Accordingly, 
 a few days after, having surprised him when he 
 least expected him, he set fire to his camp, and 
 made a great slaughter of his troops. In the 
 meantime Gythium surrendered, which very 
 much augmented the pride and haughtiness of 
 the tyrant. 
 
 Philopoimen saw plainly that it was neces- 
 sary to come to a battle. In this lay his chief 
 talent, and no general equalled him in drawing 
 up an army, in making choice of fit posts, in 
 taking all advantages, and profiting by all the 
 errors of an enemy. On this occasion, fired by 
 jealousy, and animated with revenge against 
 Nabis, he employed all his ability in the art of 
 war. The battle was fought not far from 
 Sparta. In the first attack, the auxiliary forces 
 of Nabis, which formed his greatest strength, 
 broke the Achaeans, threw them into disorder, 
 and forced them to give way. It was by Phi- 
 lopcemen's order that they fled, to draw the 
 enemy into ambuscades he had laid for them. 
 Accordingly they fell headlong into them ; and 
 whilst they were shouting as victorious, those 
 who fled faced about, and the Achaeans charged 
 them on a sudden from their ambuscades, and 
 made a great slaughter. As the country was 
 full of thickets, and very diflBcult for the cavalry 
 t^ act in, from the rivulets and morasses with 
 which it was intersected, the general would not 
 suffer his troops to abandon themselves to their 
 ardour, in pursuing the enemy ; but causing a 
 retreat to be sounded, he encamped on that very 
 spot, though long before it was dark. As he 
 was fully persuaded, that as soon as it should 
 be night, the enemy would return from their 
 flight, and retire towards the city in small par- 
 ties, he posted ambuscades on all the passes 
 round, on the rivulets and hills, who killed or 
 took great numbers of them ; so that Nabis 
 hardly saved a fourth of his army. Philopce- 
 men, having blocked him up in Sparta, ravaged 
 Laconia for a month ; and after having con- 
 siderably weakened the forces of the tyrant, he 
 returned home, laden with spoils and glory. | 
 
 This victory did Philopoemen great honour, 
 because it was manifestly owing solely to his i 
 prudence and ability. A circumstance is re- 
 lated of him, which is perhaps peculiar to him; 
 
 2 The great prince of Conde thought and spoke much 
 more wisely. In a conversation upon a sea-fight, the 
 prince said, he should be very glad to see one, purely for 
 his own instruction. A sea-officer who was present, re- 
 plied, " Sir, were your hij^hness in a sea.fight, there is no 
 admiral but would be proud of obeying your orders." — 
 " My orders !" interrupted the prince, " I should not pre. 
 sume even to give my advice; but should stand quietly 
 on the deck, and observe all the motions and operations 
 of the battle, for my own instruction." 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSOHS. 
 
 and which young officers should propose to 
 themselves as a model. Whenever he was upon 
 a march, whether In times of peace or war, and 
 came to any difficult pass, he halted, and asked 
 'limself (in case he were alone), or else inquired 
 of those who were with him, in what manner 
 it would be necessary to act, in case the enemy, 
 should come suddenly upon them ; if he charged 
 them in front, flank, or rear; if he came on in 
 order of battle ; or in less order, as when an 
 army is on its march ; what post would it be 
 proper for him to take ? In what places to dis- 
 pose of his baggage, and how many troops would 
 be necessary to guard it ? Whether it would be 
 convenient for him to march forward, or to re- 
 turn back the way he came? Where to pitch 
 his camp? Of what extent it ought to be ? By 
 what method he could best secure his forage, 
 and provide water? What route he should take 
 the next day, after he should decamp, and in 
 what order it were best to march? He had 
 i accustomed himself so early, and exercised him- 
 self so much, in all these parts of military know- 
 ledge, that nothing was new to him; and he 
 never was disconcerted by any unforeseen acci- 
 dent, but resolved and acted immediately as if 
 he had foreseen every thing that happened. 
 These things form the great captain : but the 
 only method to be such, is to love one's profes- 
 sion, to think it an honour to succeed in it, to 
 study it seriously, and to despise the common 
 1 1 topics of discourse of the indolent and insignifi- 
 i I cant part of an army, who have neither eleva- 
 j i tion of mind, nor views of honour and glory. 
 I i During this expedition of the Achaeans against 
 j I Nabis,^ the iEtolians had sent ambassadors to 
 { I Antiochus, to exhort him to cross into Greece. 
 I They not only promised to join him with all 
 j their forces, and to act in concert with him, but 
 I also assured him, that he might depend upon 
 I Philip king of Macedon, on Nabis king of Lace- 
 daemonia, and on several other Grecian powers, 
 who hated the Romans in their hearts, and only 
 awaited his arrival to declare against them. 
 Thoas, the first of the ambassadors, expatiated 
 upon all these advantages in the strongest and 
 most pompous terms. He observed to him, that 
 the Romans, by drawing their army out of 
 Greece, had left it in a defenceless condition ; 
 that this would be the finest opportunity for 
 I him to possess himself of it ; that all the Greeks 
 [ would receive him with open arms ; and that 
 I the instant he came among them, he would be 
 master of the country. This flattering descrip- 
 tion of the state of the Grecian affairs made so 
 deep an impression on him, that he could scarce 
 give himself time to deliberate in what manner 
 it would be most proper for him to act. 
 
 The Romans, on the other side, who were 
 not ignorant of the measures taken by the JEto- 
 lians to disengage their allies from their inte- 
 rest, and increase their enemies on all sides, had 
 sent ambassadors into Greece, among whom 
 was Quintius. At his arrival he found all the 
 nations very well disposed with regard to the 
 Romans, except the Magnesians, who had been 
 alienated from them, by the report which was 
 spread of their intending to restore to Philip his 
 son, who had been given them as a hostage ; 
 and to deliver up to that monarch the city of 
 Demetrias, which belonged to the Magnesians. 
 It was necessary to undeceive them, but in so 
 
 3 Liv, 1. XXXV. n. 31—34 
 
 4,59 
 
 dexterous a manner as not to disgust Philipj 
 whom it was much more their interest to 
 oblige. This Quintius effected with great ad- 
 dress. The author of these false reports was 
 Eurylochus, at that time chief magistrate. As 
 he let drop some harsh and injurious expres- 
 sions against the Romans, which gave Quintius 
 an opportunity of severely reproaching the Mag- 
 nesians with their ingratitude ; Zeno, one of 
 the oldest among them, dii*ected himself to 
 Quintius and the rest of the ambassadors, with 
 tears conjured them not to impute to a whole 
 people the rancour of one man, who, he said, 
 ought alone to be answerable for it : that the 
 Magnesians were obliged to Quintius and the 
 Romans, not only for their liberty, but for 
 whatever else is most dear and valuable among 
 men : that as for themselves, they would sooner I 
 part with their lives than renounce the friend- ! 
 ship of the Romans, and forget the obligations | 
 they owed to them. The whole assembly ap- ; 
 plauded this speech, and Eurylochus, perceiv- 
 ing plainly that there was no longer any safety 
 for him in the city, took refuge amongst the 
 ^tolians. 
 
 Thoas, the chief man of that people, was re- 
 turned from Antiochus's court, from whence j 
 he had brought Menippus, whom the king had | 
 sent as his ambassador to the Jitolians. Before I 
 the general assembly was convened, these two i 
 had endeavoui'ed, in concert, to prepare and 
 prepossess the people, by exaggerating the king's \ 
 forces by sea and land ; his numerous bodies of j 
 horse and foot ; the elephants he had caused to j 
 be brought from India; and above all (which 
 was the strongest motive with regard to the 
 populace) the immense treasures which the king 
 would bring with him, sufficient to buy even 
 the Romans themselves. 
 
 Quintius had regular notice sent him of 
 whatever was said or done in iEtolia. Though I 
 he looked upon all things as lost on that side, i 
 yet, that he might have nothing to reproach I 
 himself with, and to lay the blame still more | 
 on the side of the ^tolians, he thought proper i 
 to depute to their assembly some ambassadors \ 
 from the confederates, to put them in mind of • 
 their alliance with the Romans, and to be ready I 
 to reply freely to whatever Antiochus's ambas- I 
 sador might advance. He gave this commission j 
 to the Athenians ; the dignity of their city, and | 
 their former alliance with the iEtolians, mak- I 
 ing them more proper to execute it than any 
 other people. 
 
 Thoas opened the assembly, by announcing 
 that an ambassador was arrived from Anti- 
 ochus. Being introduced, he began with say- 
 ing, that it would have been happy for the 
 Greeks, as well as Asiatics, had Antiochus con- 
 cerned himself sooner in their affairs, and be- 
 fore Philip had been reduced ; that then every 
 people would have preserved their rights, and 
 all would not have been subjected to the Roman 
 power. " But still," says he, " if you execute 
 the designs you have formed, Antiochus may, 
 by the assistance of the gods and your aid, re- 
 store the affairs of Greece to their ancient 
 splendour, how desperate soever their condition 
 may be." 
 
 The Athenians, who were next admitted to 
 audience, contented themselves (without saying 
 a word of the king) with putting the ^tolians 
 in mind of the alliance they had concluded with 
 the Romans, and the service Quintius had done 
 to all Greece ; conjuring them not to form any 
 rash resolution in an affair of so much impor- 
 
160 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 tance as that in question : that bold resolutions, 
 adopted with heat and vivacity, might have a 
 pleasing- prospect at first, but that the difficulty 
 of putting them in execution appeared after- 
 wards, and that they were very rarely success- 
 ful ; that the Roman ambassadors, among whom 
 was Quintius, were not far off : that as things 
 were still undecided, it would show more wis 
 dom to weigh and examine deliberately, in peace- 
 able interviews, their several claims and preten- 
 sions, than to involve precipitately Europe and 
 Asia in a war, of which the consequences could 
 not but be deplorable. 
 
 The populace, who are ever greedy of novelty, 
 were entirely for Antiochus, and were even 
 against admitting the Romans into the assem- 
 bly ; so that the oldest and wisest among them 
 were forced to employ all their influence, before 
 they could prevail to have them called in. Ac- 
 cordingly Quintius came thither not so much 
 j from any hopes he entertained, of being able to 
 I make the least impression on minds so preju- 
 I diced, as to prove to all mankind, that the ^to- 
 lians were the sole cause of the war which was 
 1 going to break out ; and that the Romans would 
 j be forced to engage in it against their wills, and 
 ! merely through necessity. He began, by recall- 
 j ing to their memories the time in which the 
 ^tolians had concluded an alliance with the 
 Romans ; he made a transient mention of the 
 many points in which they had infringed it; 
 and after saying very little with regard to the 
 cities which were the pretext of their quarrel, 
 he only observed, that if they imagined them- 
 selves aggrieved, it would appear much more 
 reasonable to make their remonstrances to the 
 senate, who were always ready to hear their 
 complaints; than out of mere wantonness to 
 kindle a war between the Romans and Anti- 
 ochus, which would disturb the peace of the 
 universe- and infallibly terminate in the ruin of 
 those who promoted it. 
 
 The event proved the truth of his representa- 
 tions, which however wei"e disregarded at that 
 time. Thoas, and those of his faction, were 
 heard with great attention ; and obtained with- 
 out delay, and even in the presence of the Ro- 
 mans, that a decree should be made, to invite 
 Antiochus to come and deliver Greece, and be 
 the arbiter of the differences between the iEto- 
 lians and Romans. Quintius desiring a copy of 
 this decree, Damocritus (then in office) was so 
 inconsiderate as to answer in the most insolent 
 tone, that he had business of much greater con- 
 sequence upon his hands at that time; but that 
 he himself would soon carry this decree into 
 Italy, and encamp on the banks of the Tiber : 
 60 violent and furious a spirit had seized all the 
 iEtolians, and even their principal magistrates. 
 Quintius and the rest of the ambassadors re- 
 turned to Corinth. 
 
 The ^tolians,' in a private council, formed 
 in one day three very astonishing resolutions ; to 
 seize by a treacherous stratagem, Demetrias, 
 t halcis, and Lacedeemon ; and three of the 
 principal citizens were charged with the execu- 
 tion of these three expeditions. 
 
 Diodes set out for Demetrias, where, being 
 Assisted by the faction of Eurylochus, who was 
 an exile, but appeared then at the head of the 
 forces which Diodes had brought, he made him- 
 self master of the city. 
 
 But Thoas was not so successful in Chalcis, 
 
 1 Lit. 1. xxxr. n. 34 — 39. 
 
 which he had imagined he should be able to 
 seize by the help of an exile : for the magis- 
 trates, who were strongly attached to the Ro- 
 mans, having received advice of the attempt that 
 was meditating against their city, put it in a i 
 good posture of defence, and secured it against | 
 all attacks. Thus Thoas, failing in his design, 
 returned back in the utmost confusion. 
 
 The enterprise against Sparta was much more 
 delicate, and of greater importance. No access 
 could be had to it, but under the mask of friend- 
 ship. Nabis had long solicited the aid of the 
 ^tolians. Alexamenes was therefore ordered 
 to march 1000 foot thither. To these were add- 
 ed thirty young men, the flower of the cavalry, 
 who wei'e strictly enjoined by the magistrates 
 to execute punctually their leader's oi'ders, of 
 what nature soever they might be. The tyrant 
 received Alexamenes with great joy. Both used 
 to march out their troops every day, and exer- 
 cise them in the plain on the side of the Euro- 
 tas. One day Alexamenes, having given the 
 word to his troopers, attacks Nabis, whom he 
 had purposely drawn into a solitary place, and I 
 throws him from his horse. Immediately all 
 the troopers fall on, and cover him with wounds. 
 Alexamenes, without losing time, returns to the 
 city to sieze on Nabis's palace. Had he con- 
 vened the assembly that instant and made a 
 speech suitable to the occasion, his business 
 would have been done, and Sparta had declared 
 for the jiEtolians : but he spent the remainder of 
 the day, and the whole night, in searching after 
 the tyrant's treasures, and his troops, by bis ex- 
 ample, began to plunder the city. The Spar- 
 tans taking up arms, make a great slaughter of 
 the ^tolians dispersed in quest of booty, and 
 march directly to the palace, where they kill 
 Alexamenes, whom they found with little or no 
 guard, and solely intent upon securing his rich 
 spoils. Such was the result of the enterprise 
 against Sparta. 
 
 Philopoemen,^ general of the Achaeans, no 
 sooner heard of Nabis's death, than he marched 
 a considerable body of troops towards Sparta, 
 where he found all things in the utmost disor- 
 der. He assembled the principal citizens, made 
 a speech to them, as Alexamenes ought to have 1 
 done, and prevailed so far between arguments i 
 and compulsion, that he engaged that city to join j 
 in the Achaean league. 
 
 This success greatly increased the reputation , 
 of Philopcemen with those states; his having j 
 brought over to the league a city of so great 
 power and authority as Sparta, being justly es- 
 teemed a service of no small importance. By 
 this means he also gained the friendship and con- 
 fidence of the worthiest men in Lacedsemonia, 
 who hoped he would prove their guarantee, 
 and the defender of their liberty. For this 
 reason, after the palace and furniture of Nabis 
 had been sold, they resolved, by a public decree, 
 to make him a present of the monies arising 
 from that sale, amounting to 120 talents;^ and 
 sent him a deputation to desire his acceptance of 
 them. j 
 
 On this occasion, says Plutarch, it was very j 
 evident, that the virtue of this gi*eat personage i 
 was of the purest and most perfect kind; end j 
 that he not only appeared a good and virtuous ! 
 man, but was really such : for not one of the ' 
 Spai'tans would undertake the commission of 
 
 2 Plut. in Philop. p. 364, 565. 
 S A liundred and twcKtv ttiousarvd crowiB. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 4G1 
 
 oflfering him that present. — Struck with venera- 
 tion and fear, they all excused themselves ; and 
 therefore it was at last resolved to send Timo- 
 laus, who had formerly been his guest. 
 
 When he arrived at Megalopolis, he lodged at 
 the house of Philopoemen, who gave him the 
 kindest reception. Here he had an opportunity 
 of considering the gravity of his whole conduct, 
 the greatness of his sentiments, the frugality of 
 his life, and the regularity of his manners, that 
 rendered him invincible and incorruptible by 
 money. Timolaus was so astonished at all he 
 saw, that he did not dare so much as to mention 
 to Philopoemen the present he was come to offer 
 him ; so that, giving some otlier pretence to his 
 journey, he returned as he came. Timolaus 
 was sent again, but was not more successful than 
 before. At last, going a third time, he ventured 
 (but with great reluctance) to acquaint Philo- 
 poemen with the good will of the Spartans. 
 
 Philopoemen heard him with great tranquilli- 
 ty ; but the instant he had done speaking, he 
 went to Sparta; where, after expressing the 
 highest gratitude to the Spartans, he advised 
 them not to lay out their money in bribing and 
 corrupting such of their friends as were men of 
 probity, because they might always enjoy the 
 benefit of their virtue and wisdom without ex- 
 pense to themselves ; but to keep their gold to 
 purchase and corrupt the wicked, and those 
 who, in councils, perplexed and divided the city 
 by their seditious discourses ; in order that, be-- 
 ing paid for their silence, they might not occasion 
 60 many distractions in the government. " For 
 it is much more advisable," added he, " to stoj) 
 an enemy's mouth, than that of a friend. 
 Such was the disinterestedness of Philopoemen. 
 Let the I'eader compare these great and noble 
 sentiments with the baseness of those grovel- 
 ling wretches whose whole study is to heap up 
 riches. 
 
 Thoas had repaired to the court of Anti- 
 ochus,^ and by the mighty promises he made 
 that prince, by all he told him concerning the 
 present state of Greece, and especially of the re- 
 solutions which had been taken in the general 
 assembly of the ^tolians, he engaged him to 
 set out immediately for that country. He wert 
 with such precipitation, that he did not give! 
 himself time to concert the necessary measures j 
 for so important a war, nor carry with him a I 
 sufficient number of troops. He left behind! 
 him Lampsacus, Troas, and Smyrna, three [ 
 powerful cities, which he ought to have reduced | 
 before he declared war; but Antiochus, with- I 
 out waiting for the troops that were marching 
 to join him from Syria and the East, brought 
 only 10,000 foot and 500 horse. These troops 
 would hardly have sufficed, had he been to pos- 
 sess himself only of a naked and defenceless 
 country, without having so formidable an ene- 
 my as the Romans to oppose. 
 
 He arrived first at Demetrias ; and from 
 thence, after receiving the decree which had 
 been sent by the /Etolians and their ambassp- 
 dor, he went to Lamia, where their assemblj 
 was held. He was received there with the 
 highest demonstrations of joy. He began with 
 apologizing for his being come with much fewei 
 troops than they expected; insinuating that his 
 expedition was a proof of the zeal he had for 
 their interest, since, at the first signal they gave 
 
 4 Liv 1. XXXV. n. to— 15. 
 
 him, he was come, notwithstanding the incle- 
 mency of the season, and without waiting till 
 all things were ready; but that their expecta- 
 tions should soon be answered : that as soon as 
 the season for navigation should arrive, they 
 should see all Greece filled with arms, m.en, and 
 horses, and all the sea-coasts covered with gal- 
 leys: that he would spare neither expense, pains, 
 nor danger, for the deliverance of Greece, and 
 to acquire for the iEtolians the first rank in it . 
 that, with his numerous armies, there would 
 arrive from Asia convoys of every kind : that 
 all he desired of them was, only to provide his 
 troops with whatever might be necessary for 
 their present subsistence. Having ended his 
 speech, he withdrew. 
 
 The most judicious in the assembly saw plain- 
 ly that Antiochus, instead of an eifectual and 
 present succour, as he had promised, gave them 
 little more than hopes and promises. They 
 could have wished that they had chosen him 
 only as an arbiter and mediator between them 
 and the Romans, and not leader of the war. 
 However, Thoas having gained a majority, 
 caused Antiochus to be nominated generalissimo. 
 Thirty of their principal men were appointed 
 for his council whenever he should think proper 
 to deliberate with them. 
 
 SECT. VL 
 
 Antiochus endeavours to bring over the Acha?ans to his 
 interest, but in vain. He possesses himself of Chalcis 
 and all Eubcea. The Romans proclaim war against him, 
 and send Manias Acilius the consul into Greece. An- 
 tiochus makes an ill use of Hannibal's counsel — He 
 is defeated near Thermopylee. The iEtolians submit to 
 the Romans. 
 
 The first subject on which 
 A. M. 3813. the king and the ^tolians 
 Ant. J. C. 191. deliberated was,^ with what 
 enterprise they should begin. 
 It was thought advisable to make a second at- 
 tempt on Chalcis; and thereupon the troops set 
 out for that city without loss of time. When 
 they were near it, the king permitted the prin- 
 cipal ^tolians to have a conference with such 
 citizens of Chalcis, as were come out of it 
 on their arrival. The ^tolians urged them 
 in the strongest terms to conclude an alliance 
 with Antiochus, but without breaking their 
 treaty with the Romans. They declared, that 
 this prince was come into Greece, not to make 
 it the seat of war, but actually to deliver it, and 
 not merely in words as the Romans had done : 
 that nothing could be of gi'eater advantage to the 
 cities of Greece, than to live in amity with both 
 those powers, because that the one would al- 
 ways defend them against the other, and that by 
 these means they would hold both in respect: 
 that they would do well to consider, in case they 
 should not agree to the proposal now made 
 them, the gi-eat danger to which they would ex- 
 pose themselves, as the aid they might expect 
 from the Romans was at a great distance, 
 whereas the king was present and at their gates. 
 
 Miction, one of the principal citizens of Chal- 
 cis, replied, that he could not guess what peoph 
 it was that Antiochus came to deliver, and for 
 whose sake he had left his kingdom, and was 
 zome into Greece : that he knew of no city gar- 
 
 5 Liv. 1. XXXV. n. ie—51. Appian in Syriac. p. 92. 1 
 
4G2 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 risoned by Roman soldiers, nor that paid the ^ 
 least tribute to the Romans, or complained of 
 being oppressed by them : that as for the in- 
 habitants of Chalcis, they had no occasion for a 
 deliverer, as they were free ; nor of a defender, 
 as they enjoyed the sweets of peace, under the 
 protection, and with the amity, of the Romans: 
 that they did not refuse the amity, either of the 
 king or of the i$:tolians ; but that, if they would 
 show themselves friends, the first thing they 
 were desired to do was, to leave their island : 
 that they were fully determined, neither to ad- 
 mit them into their city, nor to make any alli- 
 ance with them, but in concert with the Ro- 
 mans. 
 
 When this answer was reported to the "king, 
 as he had brought but few troops, and was not 
 able to force the city, he resolved to return to 
 Demetrias. So imprudent and ill-concerted a 
 first step did him no honour, and was no good 
 omen with regard to the future. 
 
 They now addressed themselves to another 
 quarter, and endeavoured to bring over the 
 Achseans and Athamanians. The former gave 
 audience to the ambassadors of Antiochus and 
 those of the ^tolians at Mge, where their as- 
 sembly was held, in presence of Quintius the 
 Roman general. 
 
 Antiochus's ambassador spoke first. He was 
 a vain man (as those generally ai-e who live in 
 the courts and at the expense of princes) aad 
 fancying himself a great orator, he spoke with 
 an imposing and emphatical tone of voice. He 
 told them, that an innumerable bod^ of cavalry 
 was passing the Hellespont into Europe, con- 
 sisting partly of cuirassiers, and partly of bow- 
 men, who, even when they were flying on 
 horseback, turned about, and discharged their 
 arrows with the surest aim. To this cavalry, 
 which, according to him, was able by itself to 
 overwhelm the united forces of Europe, he add- 
 ed a more numerous infantry ; the Dahse, the 
 Medes, the Elymseans, the Cadusians, and many 
 other terrible unknown nations. With regard 
 to the fleet, he aflSrmed that it would be so 
 large, that no harbour of Greece could contain 
 it ; the right wing was to be composed of Ty- 
 rians and Sidonians; the left of Aradians and 
 the Sidetes of Pamphylia ; nations who were 
 allowed univei'sally to be the best and most ex- 
 perienced mariners in the world : that it would 
 be to no purpose to enumerate the immense 
 sums which Antiochus was bringing with him, 
 every one knowing that the kingdoms of Asia 
 had always abounded in gold : that they wi?re 
 to judge, in proportion, of the rest of the mili- 
 tary preparations : that consequently the Romans 
 would not now have to do with a Philip or a 
 Hannibal; the latter being only a citizen of 
 Carthage, and the former confined within the 
 narrow limits of Macedonia; but with a prince 
 who was sovereign of all Asia and part of Eu- 
 i-ope ; that nevertheless, though he was come 
 from the most remote parts of the East, purely 
 to restore the liberty of Greece, he did not re- 
 quire any article from the Achseans, that should 
 interfere with the fidelity they might imagine 
 they owed the Romans, their first friends and 
 allies : that he did not desire them to unite 
 their arms with his against that people, but 
 
 i Is, ut plerlque quos opes regiae alunt, vaiiiloquup 
 maria terrasque inani sonitu vcrhorum coinpleverat.- 
 
 only to stand neuter, and not declare for either 
 party. 
 
 Archidamus, the ^tolian ambassador, spokt 
 to the same effect ; adding, that the safest and 
 wisest course the Achseans could take, would 
 be, to remain mere spectators of the war, and 
 to wait in peace for the event without sharing 
 in it, or incurring any hazard. Then growing 
 warmer as he went on, he threw out invectives 
 and repi'oachcs against the Romans in general, 
 and against Quintius in particular. He called 
 them an ungrateful people, who had forgotten 
 that they owed to the bravery of the iEtolians, 
 not only the victory they had gained over Phi- 
 lip, but their general's life, and the safety of 
 their army. For what, continued he, did Quin- 
 tius do in this battle, worthy a great captain ? 
 He declared, that he himself had observed him 
 during the engagement wholly employed in con- 
 sulting the auspices, in sacrificing victims, and 
 off'ering up vows, like an augur, or a priest, 
 whilst himself was exposing his person and life 
 to the enemy's darts, for his defence and pre- 
 servation. 
 
 To this Quintius answered, that it was plain 
 which party Archidamus had studied to please 
 by this speech ; that knowing the Achseans were 
 perfectly acquainted with the disposition and 
 character of the ^tolians, whose courage con- 
 sisted solely in words, not in actions, he had 
 not endeavoured to conciliate their esteem, but 
 bad studied to ingratiate himself with the king's 
 ambassadors, and, by their means, with the king 
 himself: that if the world had not known till 
 now, what it was that had formed the alliance 
 between Antiochus and the iEtolians, the 
 speeches made by the ambassadors showed it 
 visibly enough, that on both sides, nothing but 
 boasting and falsehood had been employed : that 
 by vaunting of troops which they did not pos- 
 sess, they seduced and puffed up the vanity ol 
 each other by false promises and vain hopes ; 
 the ^tolians asserting boldly on one side (as 
 you have just now heard) that they had de- 
 feated Philip, and preserved the Romans ; and 
 that all the cities of Greece were ready to de- 
 clare for ^tolia; and the king, on the other 
 side, affirming, that he was going to bring intc 
 the field innumerable bodies of horse and foot, 
 and to cover the sea with his fleet. " This," 
 says he, " puts me in mind of an entertainment 
 given me in Chalcis, by a friend of mine, a very 
 worthy man, who ti-eats his guests in the best 
 manner. Surprised at the prodigious quantity 
 and variety of dishes that were served up, we 
 asked him how it was possible for him, in the 
 month of June, to get together so great a quan- 
 tity of game. My friend, who was not vain- 
 glorious like these people, only fell a-laughing, 
 and owned sincerely, that what we took for 
 game was nothing but swine's flesh, seasoned 
 several ways, and cooked up with diff"erent 
 sauces. The same thing may be said of the 
 king's troops which have been so highly ex- 
 tolled, and whose number has been vainly mul- 
 tiplied in mighty names. For these Dahse, 
 Medes, Cadusians, and Elymseans, are all but 
 one nation, and a nation of slaves rather than 
 of soldiers. Why may not I, Achseans, repre- 
 sent to you all the movements and expeditions 
 of this great king, who one moment hurries to 
 the assembly of the ^tolians, there to beg for 
 provisions and money ; and the next goes in 
 person to the very gates of Chalcis, from which 
 he is obliged to retire with ignominy. Anti- 
 ochus has very injudiciously given credit to the 
 
403 
 
 /Etolians, and they, with as little judgment, 
 have believed Antiochus. This ought to teach 
 you not to suffer yourselves to be imposed upon, 
 but to rely upon the good faith of the Romans, 
 which you have so often experienced. I am 
 surprised they can venture to tell you, that it 
 will be safest for you to stand neuter, and to 
 remain only spectators of the war. That would, 
 indeed, be a sure method ; I mean, to become 
 the prey of the victor." 
 
 The Achseans were neither long nor divided 
 in their deliberations, and the result was, that 
 they should declare war against Antiochus and 
 the ^tolians. Immediately, at the request of 
 Quintius, they sent 600 men to the aid of Chal- 
 cis, and the like number to Athens. 
 
 Antiochus received no greater satisfaction 
 from the Boeotians, who answered, that they 
 would deliberate upon what was to be done, 
 when that prince should come into Boeotia. 
 
 In the meantime, Antiochus made a new at- 
 tempt, and advanced to Chalcis with a much 
 greater body of troops than before. And now 
 the faction against the Romans prevailed, and 
 the city opened its gates to him. The rest of 
 the cities soon following their example, he made 
 himself master of all Euboea. He fancied he 
 had made a great acquisition, in having reduced 
 so considerable an island in his first campaign. 
 But can that be called a conquest, where there 
 are no enemies to make opposition ? 
 
 But terrible ones were 
 
 A. M. 3813. making preparations against 
 Ant. J. C. 191. that prince.'* The Romans, 
 after consulting the will of 
 the gods by omens and auspices, proclaimed war 
 against Antiochus and his adherents. Proces- 
 sions were appointed during two days, to im- 
 plore the aid and protection of the gods. They 
 made a vow to solemnize the great games for 
 ten days, in case they should be successful in 
 the war, and to make offerings in all the tem- 
 ples of the gods. What a reproach would so 
 religious, though blind a paganism, reflect on 
 Christian generals, who should be ashamed f 
 piety and religion ! 
 
 At the same time they omitted no human 
 means to their success. The senators and in- 
 ferior magistrates were forbidden to remove to 
 any distance from Rome, from which they 
 could not return the same day ; and five sena- 
 tors were not allowed to be absent from it at 
 the same time. The love of their country took 
 place of every thing. Acilius the consul, to 
 whom Greece had fallen by lot, ordered his 
 troops to assemble at Brundusium on the 15th 
 of May ; and set out from Rome himself some 
 days before. 
 
 About the same time ambassadors from Pto- 
 lemy, Philip, the Carthaginians, and Masinissa, 
 arrived there, to offer the Romans money, corn, 
 men, and ships. The senate said, that the peo- 
 ple ot Rome thanked them, but would accept of 
 nothing except the corn, and that upon condi- 
 tion of paying for it. They only desired Philip 
 to assist the consul. 
 
 In the meantime Antiochus, after having so- 
 licited many cities, either by his envoys or in 
 person, to enter into an alliance with him, went 
 to Demetrias, and there held a council of war 
 with the chief commanders of his army, on the 
 operations of the campaign that was going to 
 
 1 I^iv, 1. xxxvi. n. I—IS. AppL'n. in Syriac. p. 93—96. 
 
 open. Hannibal, who was now restored to 
 favour, was present at it, and his opinion was 
 first asked. He began, by insisting on the para- 
 mount necessity of using the utmost endeavours 
 to engage Philip in Antiochus's interest ; which, 
 he said, was so important a step, that if it suc- 
 ceeded, they might assui'e themselves of the suc- 
 cess of the war. " And indeed," says he, " as 
 Philip alone sustained so long the whole weight 
 of the Roman power, what may not be ex- 
 pected from a war in which the two greatest 
 kings of Europe and Asia will unite their foi- 
 ces ; especially as the Romans will have those 
 against them in it, who gave them the superi- 
 ority before ; I mean the iEtolians and Atha- 
 manians, to whom alone, as is well known, they 
 were indebted for victory. Now, who can 
 doubt but Philip may easily be brought over 
 from the Roman interest, if what Thoas has 
 so often repeated to the king, in order to induce 
 him to cross into Greece, be true, that this 
 prince, highly incensed to see himself reduced 
 to a shameful servitude under the name of 
 peace, waits only an opportunity to declare him- 
 self? And could he ever hope one more favour- 
 able than that which now offers itself?" If 
 Philip should refuse to join Antiochus, Hanni- 
 bal advised him to send his son Seleucus, at the 
 head of the army he had in Thrace, to lay 
 waste the frontiers of Macedonia, and by that 
 means to render Philip incapable of assisting 
 the Romans. 
 
 He insisted on a still more important point, 
 and asserted, as he had always done, that it 
 would be impossible to reduce the Romans, ex- 
 cept in Italy ; which had been his reason for 
 always advising Antiochus to begin the war 
 there : that since another course had been taken, 
 and the king was at that time in Greece; it 
 was his opinion, in the present state of affairs, 
 that the king ought to send immediately for all 
 his troops out of Asia ; and not rely on the 
 -lEtolians, or his other allies of Greece, who 
 possibly might fail him on a sudden: that the 
 instant those forces should arrive, it would be 
 proper to march towards those coasts of Greece, 
 which are opposite to Italy, and order his fleet 
 to set sail thither also ; that he should employ 
 half of it to alarm and ravage the coasts of 
 Italy ; and keep the other half in some neigh- 
 bouring harbour, in order to seem upon the 
 point of crossing into Italy ; and actually to 
 keep himself in readiness to do so, in case a 
 favourable opportunity should present itself. 
 By this means, said he, the Romans will be 
 kept at home, from the necessity of defending 
 their own coasts ; and, at the same time, it will 
 be the best method for carrying the war into 
 Italy, the only place (in his opinion) where the 
 Romans could be conquered. " These," con- 
 cluded Hannibal, "are my thoughts, and if I 
 am not so well qualified for presiding in another 
 war, I ought at least to have learned, by my 
 good and ill successes, how to act in the field 
 against the Romans. My zeal and fidelity may 
 be depended upon. As to the rest, I beseech 
 the gods to prosper all your undertakings, what- 
 soever they may be." 
 
 The council could not but approve at that | 
 time of what Hannibal had said, and indeed it 
 was the only good advice that could be given 
 Antiochus in the present posture of his affairs. 
 However, he complied only with the article t 
 which related to the troops of Asia; and imme- 
 diately sent orders to Polyxenides, his admiral, 
 to bring them over into Greece. With regard 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 to all the rest of Hannibal's plan, his courtiers 
 and flatterers diverted him from putting it in 
 execution, by assuring him that he could not 
 fail of being victorious : that should he follow 
 Hannibal's plan, all the honour would be as- 
 cribed to Hannibal, because he had formed it : 
 that the king ought to have all the glory of the 
 war, and for that reason it was necessary for 
 him to draw up another plan, without regard- j 
 ing that of the Carthaginian. In this manner 
 are the best counsels frustrated, and the most 
 powerful empires ruined. 
 
 The king, having joined the troops of the al- 
 lies to his own, made himself master of several 
 cities of Thessaly ; he was however obliged to 
 raise the siege of Larissa, Bebius, the Roman 
 praetor, having sent it a speedy aid, after which 
 he retired to Demetrias, 
 
 P>om thence he went to Chalcis, where he 
 fell distractedly in love with the daughter of the 
 person at whose house he lodged. Though he 
 was upwards of fifty, he was so passionately 
 fond of that girl, who was not twenty, that he 
 resolved to marry her. Forgetting the two 
 gi-eat enterprises he had formed, the war against 
 the Romans and the deliverance of Greece, he 
 spent the rest of the winter in feasts and diver- 
 sions on the occasion of his nuptials. This taste 
 
 Antiochus imagined he had provided suffi- 
 ciently for his security against the Romans,* 
 who were advancing against him, by having 
 seized the pass of Thermopylae, and strengthen- 
 ing the natural fortifications of that place with 
 intrenchments and walls. The consul came for- 
 ward, determined to attack him. Most of his 
 officers and soldiers had been employed in the 
 war against Philip. These he .^inimated, by 
 putting them in mind of the famous victory they 
 had gained over that king, who was a much 
 braver prince, and infinitely more practised^ in 
 military affairs, than Antiochus; who, being 
 newly married, and enervated by pleasures and 
 revelling, vainly fancied that war was to be car- 
 ried on in the same manner as nuptials are so- 
 lemnized. Acilius had despatched Cato, who 
 acted under him as lieutenant, with a large de- 
 tachment, in quest of some by-path that led to 
 the hill above the enemy. Cato, after inexpres- 
 sible fatigues, went over the mountains through 
 the same path where Xerxes and Brennus after- 
 wards opened themselves a passage ; when fall- 
 ing suddenly on sonie soldiers, whom he met 
 there, he soon put them to flight. Immediately 
 he orders the trumpets to sound, and advances at 
 the head of his detachment sword in hand, and 
 with great shouts. A body of 600 Jitolians, 
 
 for pleasure soon communicated itself from the who guarded some of the eminences, seeing him 
 king to the whole court, and occasioned a uni- | come down the mountains, take to flight, and 
 versal neglect of military discipline. 1 retire towards their army, where they spread 
 
 He did not wake out of the lethargy into [ universal terror. At the same instant the con - 
 which this efi'eminate life had thrown him, till isul attacks Antiochus's intrenchments with all 
 news was brought, that Acilius the consul was jhis troops, and forces them. The king, having 
 
 his teeth shattered by a stone, was in such ex- 
 cessive pain, that he was forced to leave the field. 
 After his retreat, no part of his army dared to 
 stand their ground, and wait the coming up of 
 
 ^ . , , the Romans. The rout now became general in 
 
 was impossible for them, though they had used a place where there were scarcely any outlets to 
 their utmost endeavours, to bring more forces escape through ; for on one side they were stop- 
 nto the field ; he then found, but too late, how ped by deep fens, and on the other by craggy 
 
 advancing towards him in Thessaly with the 
 utmost diligence. Immediately the king set 
 out ; and finding at the place appointed for the 
 rendezvous but a very small number of the con- 
 federate troops, whose officers told him, that it 
 
 much he had been imposed upon by the splendid 
 promises of Thoas ; and the truth of Hannibal's 
 words, that it would not be safe for him to rely 
 on the troops of such allies. AH he could do at 
 that time was^ to seize the pass of Thermopylae, 
 and to send to the ^Etolians for a reinforcement. 
 Either the inclemency of the weather, or con- 
 trary winds, had prevented the arrival of the 
 Asiatic forces, which Polyxenides was bringing, 
 and the king had only those troops which he had 
 brought the year before, which scarce exceeded 
 10,000 men.' 
 
 1 It was certainly an act of great folly in Antiochu.s to 
 imaginethatanarmyof only 10,000 men, and these Asiatics, 
 could do much in Greece. But he was duped by the rest- 
 less and turbulent jEtolian=— a people generally detested by 
 the rest of the Greeks. They had told him what great 
 wonders his very presence would produce, and endeavour- 
 ed all in their power to persuade the rest of the Greeks to 
 make common cause with them and Antiochus agamst 
 the Romans. Bui their efforts were fruitless: a great 
 many resolved to stand neuter, and wait the issue ot the 
 contest, whilst the Achasans and others declared for the 
 Romans. The Eleans, Epirots, Breotians, and Athamani- 
 ans, declared for him, but they did him no service; and 
 though they had it would have been of little avail. 1 he Epi- 
 rots were at a distance, the Athamanians and Eleans were 
 mere petty cantons. The great point should have been to 
 gain Philip ; without that there could be no rational hope 
 of succeeding. The advice of Hannibal was rejected, and 
 the counsel of the jEtolians prevailed 
 
 All the men the .^lolians couid raise to aid Antiochus, 
 amounted only to 4'JOO men— most of whom were the:r 
 own clients and vassals. 'I'hese, with the Syrian troops, 
 amounted, in whole, to 1-1,500, and were by no means a 
 
 rocks ; so that there was no getting off either on 
 the right or left. The soldiers, however, crowd- 
 ing and pushing forward, to avoid the enemy's 
 swords, threw one another into the morasses and 
 down the precipices, in which manner a great 
 number of them perished. 
 
 After the battle was over, the consul embraced 
 Cato a long time in his arms, who was still hot 
 and out of breath ; and cried out aloud, in the 
 transports of his joy, that neither himself nor 
 the Romans could ever reward his services as 
 they deserved. Cato, who was now lieutenant- 
 general under Acilius, had been consul, and 
 had commanded the armies in Spain : but he did 
 not think that the accepting of a subaltern em- 
 ployment for the service of his coimtry, was any 
 
 match for a Roman army of 20,000 legionaries, besides 
 2()00 cavalry, all of whom had seen service, and were be- 
 sides aided by Phdip and the Achsans. It js plain that 
 Antiochus expected that the Greeks would join him, and 
 hail him as their deliverer from the Roman yoke, in ai ree. 
 ment with the representations of the iii,tolians ; and il is as 
 plain, that there was a total want of prudence and enc rgy 
 n the conduct of Antiochus ; that he loitered away his 
 time most shamefully at Chalcis, and brought none ot those 
 numerous forces, whether of men or of sh.p?, that his am- 
 bassadors had boksted of to the Greeks. . He should either 
 have brought over his numerous forces 
 the Romans were prepared to act, or returned bark into Asia 
 when he saw the^lckwardne-s the Greeks to make 
 common cause with him, ami si ice Ph.hp could "ot be in. 
 duccd to enter into a new war w.lh tl'^^"";^'^^ "f. f ' ... 
 
 2 Liv. 1. XXXV. n. Iti-'n. Flat, in ( aton. p. oi.i, o44 
 Appian in. Syr. p 96—^18. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 disgrace to him ; and this was a frequent prac- 
 tice among the Romans. In the mean time the 
 victorious army continued the pursuit, and cut 
 to pieces all Antiochus's forces, 500 excepted, 
 with whom he escaped to Chalcis. 
 
 Acilius sent Cato to Rome, with the news of 
 
 465 
 
 tw.c . • J T , wnn tne news o 
 
 this victory, and related in his letters how great 
 ly his lieutenant had contributed to it. It is 
 noble in a general to do justice in this manner 
 to the merit of another, and not to suffer so mean 
 a passion as jealousy to harbour in his heart. 
 1 he arrival of Cato at Rome filled the citizens 
 with a joy so much the greater, as they had been 
 very apprehensive of the success of the war 
 against so powerful and renowned a prince 
 Orders were thereupon given for public prayers 
 %*^"fi««f *«. ^ offered up to the gids, by 
 way of thanksgiving, for three days together. 
 
 Ihe reader has doubtless often observed, with 
 admiration, how careful the heathens were to be- 
 gin and end all their wars with solemn acts of 
 voS'""'/"'^^^-^'*™^ fi^-st place, by 
 
 i thZl '^i^ ^fu'^T' the fkvour of 
 
 i those whom they honoured as gods, and after- 
 wards returning them public and solemn thanks 
 , foi the success of their arms. This was a dou- 
 ble testimony which they paid to an important 
 , and capital truth the trp.dition which To? equa 
 , antiquity with the world) has been preserved 
 Jy/11 nations; that there is a Supreme Being 
 and a Providence, which presides over all hu? 
 man events. This laudable custom is observed 
 I J-egulariy among us, and it is only among Chris- 
 rS^ i^*':'^*^^^^ «f speech, that it may be 
 called a religious custom. I only wish that one 
 practice were added to it, which certainly cor- 
 iesponds With the intention of our superiors 
 as well ecclesiastical as political; I mean, thS 
 fhnlT the'sameTme for 
 
 ttewT^^.u"'!^.?'^ soldiers who have shed 
 their blood in the defence of their country. 
 
 lowpdhr^?""^^^'""? over Antiochus was fol- 
 lowed by the surrender of all the cities and for- 
 
 Sallvorrh^.*?'"* P/ince had taken, and espe- 
 aftp/M« • f '^''^^.**^" The consul,' 
 
 after his victory, discovered such a moderation 
 
 XL .V''*'?i!''"'-' reflected greater honour on 
 him than the victory itself. 
 
 S.J?'*"/'' ^tolians,* by their iriiurious and 
 ZtT r.^!*^?"*' themselves un- 
 
 worthy of the least regard, Acilius, however, en- 
 deavoured to bring them over by gentle methods. 
 
 T^''"i*!?,' ^^t^ experience ought to teach 
 them, how little they could depend on Anti- 
 ochus; that it was not yet too late for ?hem to 
 have recourse to the clemency of the Romans 
 that, to give an unexceptionable proof of the 
 sincerity of their repentance, they m«st surren! 
 der to him Hefaclea, their capital city. These 
 remonstrances being all to no purpose, he saw 
 plainly that he should be obliged to employ 
 
 wl'th'.ll V that p£e 
 
 with all his troops. Heraclea was a very stVong 
 city of great extent, and able to make a long and 
 tifXT.^"*'"'?'' The consul having empfoyed 
 the bahst^ catapultae, and all the other eLines 
 
 f.Z"tir^l'^X/t-''%^ places af?he 
 
 ^me time. The besieged defended themselves 
 
 r'''^'? "'^rather fury. S 
 
 immediateiy repaired such parts of the wall ^ 
 
 d. -M ,4. xxxvi. n. 22—26. 
 
 laidSon"lt'''^ postvictoriam. quam ipsS victoria. 
 II. 
 
 were beaten down. In their frequent sallies 
 they charged with a violence it was scarce nos' 
 sible to support, for they fought in the highest 
 
 tT'""^ .J u""""^"* ^" ^" ^"^t^^t the greatest 
 pait of the machines employed against them. 
 1 he attack was continued in this manner for 
 tour-and-twenty days, without the least inter- 
 mission, either day or night. 
 
 It was plain, as the garrison did not consist of 
 near so many forces as the Roman army it 
 must necessarily be greatly weakened bv such 
 violent and continued exertions. And now the 
 
 thrrJf T^^f / P'""- H« discontinued 
 
 the attack at twelve every night, and did not 
 renew it till about nine the next rooming Th * 
 ^tohans not doubting that this proceeded from 
 the excessive fatigue of the besiegers, and per- 
 
 thP^f/''^*/^!"^.^*"" much exhausted as 
 themselves, took advantage of the repose allowed 
 them, and retired at the same time with Ihe 
 Romans. They continued this praSce for 
 some time ; but the consul having dVawn off his 
 ^•oops at midnight, as usual, at thrTe in the 
 morning assaulted the city in three places only 
 placing at the fourth a body of troops, who we^re 
 
 greriuciry.",™'"^ a sig/ai shouw 
 
 given, {such ^tolians as were asleep, beins 
 very drowsy and heavy from fatigue werf 
 waked with the utmost difficulty \nd t^ose 
 who were awake ran up and down at random 
 wherever the noise called them. At day-break 
 the signal being given by the consul, the assauk 
 was made on that part of the city which had 
 not yet been attacked ; and from whence Jhe be- 
 sieged, on that account, had drawn off^Lrr peo: 
 r ^"^^ "1 an instant, and the i 
 
 tfe c rd'el ''''S*^ the utmost precipitation intl 
 the citadel. The general suffered the city to be 
 plundered, not so much from a spirit of hatred 
 and revenge, as to reward the soldiers, who till 
 now, had not been allowed to plunde7any o 
 wL'/ ? ^-^^ the citadel was in 
 
 want of provisions, it could not hold out lon^ 
 and accordingly at the first assault the garrisfn 
 surrendered. Among the prisoners was Demo 
 tT. f distinction among 
 
 the ^tohans, who, in the beginning of the wa/ 
 had answered Quintius, « That he would bS 
 to him in Italy the decree by which he had in J 
 before called 15 Antiochus." l^ad just 
 
 * ^^'^T^ ^^'^'^ besieging La- 
 
 mia,^> which was but seven miles from Hera- 
 
 wrs'taien"'^"'* '^"^ ^'"'^ *^«^tSr 
 
 Some days before the surrender of Heraclea 
 rL^'fT- ha^^«P»ted ambassadoi-rwiTh 
 Thoas at their head, to Antiochus. The king 
 mXtelv*^/"* ^ speedy succour, gave them im? 
 w;^?^ ^ considerable sum of money, and 
 kept Thoas who stayed very willingly with him, 
 
 '^r'*'^*^? execution of his promises. 
 o«.7. ^^tohans,*- who were exceedingly dis- 
 ZZ f^ the taking of Heraclea, considered 
 1,^ Jt^j; might best put an end to a war 
 which had already been attended with very un- 
 happy effects, and might have been much worse, 
 i^ut the populace not approving the conditions 
 of peace which were prescribed, the negotia- 
 tion came to nothing. s"*^"*- 
 In the mean time, the consul laid siege to Nau- 
 pactus, m which the ^tolians had shut them- 
 
 5 Both Lamia and Heraclea were in Phthioffs 
 6 Liv. 1. xxxvi, n. 27. 35 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 selves up with all their forces. The siege had 
 already been carried on two months, when 
 Quintius, who during this time had been em- 
 ployed in Greece, in various concerns, came 
 thither and joined the consul. The destruction 
 of that city would involve almost the whole 
 nation in the same fate. The usage which 
 Quintius had met with from the ^tolians, had 
 given him the greatest reason to be dissatished 
 with them. However, he was moved with 
 compassion, when he saw them on the brink ot 
 
 destruction ; and therefore he advanced so near ^ , . ^ -.^ i ^ i * tirr.^ 
 
 the walls, as to be known by the besieged* I had overcome Antiochus, it was but lost time 
 
 I to continue the siege of those two cities, and 
 
 The city was reduced to the last extremiiies. 
 A rumour being spread that Quintius was ap- 
 proaching, immediately the citizens ran from 
 all quarters to the walls. Those unfortunate 
 people stretching forth their hands towards 
 Quintius, and calling him by his name, all 
 burst into tears, and implored his assistance 
 with the most mournful cries. Quintius, 
 moved with their condition even to shedding of 
 tears, expressed by his gesture that he could do 
 nothing for them, and returned to the consul. 
 In their conversation he represented, that as he 
 
 1 It was not so much compassion, as our author says, 
 as policy that actuated the conduct of Flaminmus. lhat 
 nersonage had merely the interest of Rome at heart, and 
 was angry at the conduct of the consul in wasting his time 
 in the reduction of two cities, since the victory at Iher. 
 mopvlffi. He was not at all pleased with the progress 
 which the consul suffered Philip to make during the 
 course of the campaign. He was perfectly willing that 
 the Romans should reap benefit by the aid of Phi ip 
 against Antiochus and the ^tolians, but not that Philip 
 ^ould reap any advantage to himself from the contest, 
 from either the one or the other, as that would retrieve 
 the power of a fallen enemy, and render him again formi- 
 dable to the Romans. Philip was now an humbled prince, 
 and such he was to remain. He was merely to act as a 
 vassal prince, who held his kingdom by sufferance. What, 
 ever advantages were to be gained, none of these were to 
 his, but to belong solely to the Romans. Though he 
 
 that the year of his command was near ex- 
 piring. Acilius agreed with him; but being | 
 ashamed to raise the siege, he left Quintius at ; 
 liberty to act as he pleased. The latter ad- I 
 vancing near the walls a second time, the 
 mournful cries were again heard, and the citi- 
 zens besought him to take compassion of them. 
 Quintius, by a sign with his hand, bid them 
 send deputies to him ; when immediately Phse- 
 neas and the principal citizens came out, and 
 threw themselves at his feet. Seeing them in 
 that humble posture ; " Your calamity," says 
 he, "banishes from my mind all thoughts of 
 resentment and revenge. You now find that 
 all things have happened as I foretold you they 
 would ; and you have not the consolation of 
 
 forSthe sLge of Lamia in conjunction with them for were owing to yourselves. But destined as 1 
 ^ = " " am, by Providence, to preserve Greece, your 
 
 a time, he was commanded by the consul to raise it when 
 he had almost taken it, not with a design to save the city, 
 but that he might take it himself. He was allowed to 
 carry his arms into Athamania, Dolopia, Aperantia, and 
 Ferrhffibia, districts which had been taken by the JEto. 
 Hans, and recover them from his old enemies. Flaniini- 
 nus could not endure that an humbled prince, hke Phi- 
 lip should recover districts, whilst the consul had spent 
 almost a whole summer in the siege of two cities, 
 and hence hastened from Chalcis, in Euboea, where 
 he had resided in the quality of political arbitrator among 
 the Greeks, to the camp of the consul, whom he thus 
 abruptly addressed: "Are you aware what a produ 
 Kious pains you are taking to ruin the affairs of the 
 republic ?" The consul Acilius, surprised at these words, 
 desired an explanation. On which Flamininus replied, 
 " You are endeavouring to lessen the power of ittolia, 
 and, at the same lime, suffer a far more dangerous enemy 
 to increase his, beyond measure. Consider the true inte- 
 rest of Rome, raise this troublesome siege, leave Naupac- 
 tus, and deliver Greece from impending ruin " This was 
 the real source of the compassion Flamininus extended to 
 the besieged. It was the fear of the increase of Philip s 
 
 ''°No'^sooner had Philip re-conquered these districts, than 
 complaints were made against him at Rome, and commis- j ochus in Greece, 
 sioners were immediately appointed to hear and deter, 
 mine. Having, consequently, summoned all parties before 
 them, and heard both sides, they, as might be expected, 
 pronounced sentence against Philip, and ordered him to 
 be content with Macedon, his hereditary kingdom. Stung 
 with resentment at such a mortifying sentence, he could 
 not help saying, " That he had not seen his last sun set. 
 It was humiliatino: for a once independent prince to be cited 
 before the tribunal of his enemies, who were interested in 
 the diminution of his power, and who could not therefore, 
 one would suppose, be considered as altogether mpar. 
 tial umpires, and be compelled to adhere to the deci- 
 sion, whatever that might be. The custom the Greeks 
 
 ingratitude shall not cancel my inclination to 
 do good. Depute therefore some persons to the 
 consul, and beg a truce for as much time as 
 may suffice for sending ambassadoi-s to Rome, 
 in order to make your submissions to the senate. 
 I will be your mediator and advocate with the 
 consul." They followed Quintius's advice in 
 every thing. The consul granted them a truce, 
 broke up the siege, and marched back his army 
 to Phocis. 
 
 King Philip sent ambassadors to Rome, to 
 congratulate the Romans on ttie happy success 
 of this campaign, and to offer presents and sacri- 
 fices to the gods in the Capitol. They were 
 received there with the highest marks of dis- 
 tinction, and the Romans gave up to them De- 
 metrius, the son of Philip, who had been a 
 hostage in their city. Thus ended the war 
 which the Romans carried on against Anti- 
 
 SECT. VIL 
 
 had adopted of continually applying to the Romans, in 
 every dispute, in fact vested them with a power, both 
 political and judicial, over all Greece. The Greeks in 
 helping to ruin Macedon, ultimately ruined themselves. 
 
 The speech of Philip to Nicander, an ^tolian intriguer 
 and partisan, who had been brought a prisoner by a Mace- 
 donian party to Philip, is too remarkable to be omitted, as 
 it might have brought the iEtolians to their senses, but it 
 was now out of time. You are not in the power of an 
 enemy, but of a friend. Are you not at last sensible that 
 the iEtolians, your countrymen, are the authors of all our 
 misfortunes ? They first brought the Romans into Greece, 
 and assisted them in the reduction of my dominions ; then 
 they grew weary of their new masters and drew Anti- 
 ochus into these parts. However, 1 forget all that is past, 
 and will not insult you in your misery ; only let the diet 
 
 Polyxenides, admiral of Antiochus's fleet is defeated by 
 Livius. Li. tScipio, the new consul, is appointed to carry 
 on the war against Antiochus. Scipio Africanus, his 
 brother, serves under him. The Rhodians defeat Han- 
 nibal in a sca-tight. The consul marches against Anti- 
 ochus, and crosses into Asia. He gains a signal victory 
 over him near Magnesia. The king obtains a peace ; 
 and gives up, by a treaty, all Asia on this side mount 
 Taurus. Dispute between Eumenes and the Rhodians, 
 in presence of the Roman senate, relating to the Gre- 
 cian cities of Asia. 
 
 Whilst the affairs I have 
 A. M. 3813. just related were passing in 
 Ant. J. C. 191. Greece,^ Antiochuslived easy 
 and undisturbed in Ephesus, 
 
 at Hypata know, that it is high time for them to lay aside 
 their hatred to me. As for you, Nicander, remembei 
 that I now give you your life, and be grateful."— £a. 
 2 Liv. I. xxxvi. n. 41—45. Appian. in Syriac, p. 99 
 
 100. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 4G7 
 
 I relying on the assui'ances of his flatterers and 
 I courtiers, that he had no reason to be under any 
 apprehensions from the Romans, who (they de- 
 clared) did not intend to cross into Asia. Han- 
 nibal was the only person capable of rousing 
 him from this lethargy. He told the king 
 plainly, that instead of entertaining vain hopes, 
 and suffering himself to be lulled asleep by ir- 
 rational and improbable discourse, he might be 
 assured, that he would soon be forced to fight 
 the Romans both by sea and land, in Asia, and 
 I for Asia ; and that he must resolve, either to 
 I renounce the empii'e of it, or to defend it sword 
 i in hand, against enemies, who aspired at no 
 less than the conquest of the whole world. 
 
 The king then became sensible of the great 
 danger he was in, and immediately sent orders 
 to hasten the march of the troops from the East 
 which were not yet arrived. He also fitted out 
 a fleet, embarked, and sailed to the Chersonesus. 
 ! He there fortified Lysimachia, Sestos, Abydos, 
 j and other cities in that neighbourhood, to pre- 
 j vent the Romans from crossing into Asia by 
 ] the Hellespont; and this being done, he re- 
 I turned to Ephesus. 
 
 1 Here it was resolved, in a great council, .to 
 j venture a naval engagement. Polyxenides, ad- 
 I miral of the fleet, was ordered to go in search 
 I of C. Livius, who commanded that of the Ro- 
 i mans, which was just before arrived in the 
 j ^gean sea, and to attack it. They met near 
 I mount Corychus in Ionia. The battle was 
 I fought with great bravery on both sides; but at 
 ! last Polyxenides was beaten, and obliged to fly. 
 i Ten of his ships were sunk, thirteen taken, and 
 he escaped with the rest to Ephesus. The Ro- 
 mans sailed into the harbour of Cause, in ^olis, 
 drew their ships ashore, and fortified with a 
 strong intrenchment and rampart, the place 
 where they laid them up for the whole winter,' 
 
 3 Polyxenides, the admiral of Antiochus, had pre- 
 viously sent the king notice that the Roman fleet had 
 appeared in the ^gean sea off the isle of Delos. He was 
 consequently ordered to go in fearch of it, and venture an 
 engagement. His fleet, amounting to 100 sail according 
 to some, and 200 according to others, weighed anchor 
 I from the port of Ephesus, and steered their course to- 
 wards PhocEea in JEolis. The Roman fleet, commanded 
 by Caius Livius, and composed of 80 sail, left the coast 
 of Delos, soon as they heard that the Syrian fleet was 
 in quest of them, and having doubled the cape of Corycus, 
 or the Corycion Promontorium in Ionia, met the enemy's 
 fleet near Cyssus. It was the conduct of Eumenes, king 
 of Pergamos, that decided the fortune of the day, Livius 
 having the advantage in the right wing and Polyxenides in 
 the left ; for, being placed in the rear with 15 ships, Eu- 
 menes fell upon Polyxenides, put their right wing in dis- 
 order, and thus determined the victory in favour of the 
 Romans. The Syrians on all sides betook themselves to 
 flight, and Livius pursuing them, took 30 of their ships, 
 after having sunk 10 in the engagement. The Romans 
 lost but one ship, which was taken in the very commence- 
 ment of the battle, but the whole crew leaped overboard, 
 and escaped slavery by swimming to the Roman vessels. 
 Polyxenides put in no where till he got to Ephesus, 
 whither Livius pursued him ; but finding that he would 
 not venture out, he sent Eumenes and the Rhodians 
 home, and retired himself to Canas, a sea-port in iEolis. 
 
 There are three mountains and cities of the name of 
 Corycus in Asia Minor, one before described in Cilicia 
 Aspera, another in Lycia, between the cities of Olympus 
 and Phaselis, on the eastern shore of the Lycian penin- 
 sula, and the third in Ionia. This last is the most southern 
 headland of the peninsula of Clazomenae, 40 geographical 
 miles south-west of Smyrna, and the same distance from 
 Ephesus north-west, but much more by the curve of the 
 coast that runs along the head of the gulf of Ionia. 
 
 Cyssus, near whicl) the contending fleets met, seems to 
 correspond to the modern Chisme, so famous, in modern 
 times, for the destruction of the Turkish fleet by five ships 
 sent into the harbour bv admiral Elphinston, the Russian 
 
 Antiochus,* at the time this happened^ was 
 in Magnesia, assembling his land forces. News 
 being brought that his fleet was defeated, he 
 marched towards the coast, and resolved to 
 equip another so powerful, as might be able to 
 preserve the empire of those seas. For this 
 purpose, he refitted such ships as had been 
 brought off, reinforced them with new ones, 
 and sent Plannibal into Syria, to fetch those of 
 Syria and Phoenicia. He also gave part of the 
 army to Seleucus his son, whom he sent into 
 iEolis, to watch the Roman fleet, and awe all 
 the country round, and marched in person with 
 the rest into winter-quarters in Phrygia. 
 
 During these transactions,^ the -aStolian am- 
 bassadors arrived at Rome, where they pressed 
 to be admitted to an audience, because the truce 
 was near expiring. Quintius, who was re- 
 turned from Greece, employed all his influence 
 in their favour. But he found the senate very 
 much exasperated against the iEtolians. They 
 were considered, not as common enemies, but 
 as a people so very uncivilized and unsocial that 
 it would be to no purpose to conclude an alli- 
 ance with them. After several days' debate, in 
 which they were neither allowed nor refused 
 peace, two proposals were made to them, and 
 left to their option ; these were, either to sub- 
 mit entirely to the will of the senate, or to pay 
 1000 talents,^ and to acknowledge all those for 
 their friends or enemies, who were such to the 
 Romans. As the .^tolians desired to know 
 particularly how far they were to submit to the 
 will of the senate, no express answer was made 
 to them. They therefore withdrew without 
 obtaining any thing, and were ordered to leave 
 Rome that very day, and Italy in a fortnight. 
 
 The next year the Ro- 
 A. M. 3814. mans gave the command of 
 Ant. J. C. 190. the land armies, which Aci- 
 lius had before, to L. Cor- 
 nelius Scipio, the new consul, under whom 
 Scipio Africanus, his brother, had offered to 
 serve as lieutenant. The senate and people of 
 Rome were very desirous of trying, whether of 
 the two, Scipio or Hannibal, the conqueror or 
 the conquered, would be of the greater service 
 to the army in which he should fight. The 
 command of the fleet, which Livius had before, 
 was given to L. -.Emilius Regillus. 
 
 The consul being arrived in -^tolia, did not 
 trifle away his time in besieging one town after 
 another ; but, wholly attentive to his principal 
 view, after granting the -^tolians a six months 
 truce, in order that they might have full tim - 
 for sending a second embassy to Rome, he re 
 solved to march his army through Thessaly, 
 Macedonia, and Thrace, and from thence tc 
 cross over into Asia. However, he thought it 
 
 naval commander in 1770. It lay to the north-west of 
 the Corycian promontory about 10 miles, and was the sea- 
 port of Erythrse, one of the 12 Ionian cities, in the penin- 
 sulse of Clazomenae, at the foot of mount Mimas, over 
 against the island of Chios, the modern Scio. Canae, now 
 called Coloni, was a city at the promontory of the same 
 name, at the south entrance of the gulf of Pergamus and 
 Adramyttium, in 39° north latitude, 10 geographical 
 miles south-west of Elea, the port of Pergamus, and 25 
 geographical miles to the south-west of the latter, neai 
 the mouth of the Caicus, or Mysius river. This promon 
 tory lay also over against the south-east coast of the ancient 
 Lesbos, or Mytilene, now the moilern Metelin. — Ed. 
 
 4 Liv. 1. xxxvii, n. 8. Appian. in Syriac. p. 100. 
 
 5 Liv. 1. xxxvii. n. 1. 6 About 190,000/. 
 
 7 Liv. 1. xxxvii. n. 1—7 Appian. in Syriac. p. 99. 
 
468 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 advisaWe previously to inform himself how Phi- 
 lip might stand affected. This prince gave the 
 army such a reception as might be expected trom 
 the most faithful and most zealous ally. At its 
 arrival, as well as departure, he furnished it 
 with all necessary refreshments and supplies, 
 with a truly loyal munificence. In the enter- 
 tainments which he made for the consul, his 
 brother, and the chief officers of the Romans, he 
 discovered an easy graceful air ; and such a po- 
 liteness as was very pleasing to Scipio Atricanus. 
 For this great man, who excelled in every thing, 
 was not an enemy to a certain elegance ot man- 
 ners and noble generosity, provided they did not 
 degenerate into luxury. ^ • • • u- 
 
 The praise which Livy gives Scipio in this 
 place, is also very honourable to Philip. He 
 had at that time for his guests, the most illustri- 
 ous personages in the world, a Roman consul, 
 and at the same time general of the armies of 
 that republic ; and what was still more, Scipio 
 African us, that consul's brother. Profusion is 
 usual, and in some measure pardonable, on 
 these occasions ; and yet nothing of that kind 
 appeared in the reception which Philip gave to 
 his guests. He regaled them in such a manner 
 as became a great prince ; and with a magnifi- 
 cence that suited their dignity and his own, 
 which, however, at the same time was far from 
 discovering the least pomp or ostentation, and 
 was much heightened by his engaging demean- 
 our, and by the care he took to set before his 
 guests with taste and decorum whatever might 
 be most agreeable to them. Multa in eo dexten- 
 tas et humanilas visa. These personal qualities, 
 in the opinion of Scipio, did Philip greater hon- 
 our, and gave his guests a more advantageous 
 idea of him, than the most sumptuous profusion 
 could have done. This excellent taste on both 
 sides, so uncommon in princes and great men, 
 is a fine model for persons of their high rank. 
 
 The consul and his brother, in return for the 
 noble and generous reception which Philip had 
 given the army, remitted him in the name of the 
 Roman people, who had invested them with full 
 powers for that purpose, the remainder of the 
 sum he was to pay them. 
 
 Philip seemed to make it his duty, as well as 
 pleasure, to accompany the Roman army ; and 
 to supply it with necessaries of every kind, not 
 only in Macedonia but as far as Thrace. His 
 experience how much the Roman forces were 
 superior to his own, and his inability to shake 
 off the yoke of obedience and submission, always 
 grating to kings, obliged him to cultivate the 
 good opinion of a people on whom his future fate 
 depended ; and it was wise in him to do that 
 with a good grace, which he would otherw^ise in 
 some measure have been obliged to do. For in 
 reality it was scarce possible for him not to re- 
 tain a very strong resentment against the Ro- 
 mans, on account of the condition to which they 
 had reduced him ; for kings are never able to 
 accustom themselves to depend on and submit to 
 others. 
 
 In the mean time the Roman fleet advanced 
 towards Thrace,^ to favour the passage of the 
 consul's troops into Asia. Polyxenides, Anti- 
 
 ochus's admiral, who was a Khodian exile, by e 
 stratagem, defeated Pausistratus, who com- 
 manded the Rhodian fleet, which had been sent 
 to the assistance of the Romans. He attacked 
 him by surpi-ise in the harbour of Samos, and 
 burned or sunk nine-and-twenty of his ships i 
 and Pausistratus himself lost his life in this en- 
 gagement.^ The Rhodians, so far from being 
 
 1 Multa in eo et dexteritas ethumanitas visa, quse r.om- 
 mendabilia apud Africanura erant; virum, sicut ad cete- 
 ra egregium, ita S comitate, quEe sine luxuriS esset, non 
 aversum. Liv. . . „ 
 
 2 Liv. 1. xxxvii. n. 9—11, & n. 18—22. Appian. in Syr, 
 i. 101—103, 
 
 3 In the ensuing spring the Koman fleet being joined by 
 thjtt of the Rhodians and Eumenes, sailed under Livius 
 from Canze, where it had wintered, to secure the straits ol 
 the Hellespont, and a safe passage for the Roman army. 
 With this view he made himself master of faestos, on tne 
 European side, and invested Abydos, on the Asiatic side 
 of the strait. While thus employed, the Rhodian fleet in 
 the harbour of Samos was attacked unexpectedj>', and de. 
 stroyed by Polyxenides, the Syrian admiral. The strata, 
 gem by which this was effected was the following :—l he 
 Rhodians were the most zealous adherents of the Romans 
 who had obliged them by putting them in possession of 
 Stratonice, and the best port of Caria, by the articles of 
 the peace made between Fhilip and them. They there- 
 fore sent Pausistratus, their admiral, with 30 ships, to join 
 Livius, and act conjointly with him and Eumenes against 
 Antiochus. Polyxenides, the Syrian admiral, «pas himself 
 a Rhodian, but having been banished Rhodes had eritered 
 the Syrian service, and become the naval commander ot 
 the maritime forces. Pausistratus had advanced with the 
 Rhodian fleet as far as the isle of Samos, when he received 
 an express from Polyxenides, telling him, that, as be was 
 now master of the Syrian fleet, it was in his power to do 
 Pausistratus and his country signal service, provided 1 au- 
 sistratus would engage, in the name of his republic, to re. 
 store him to his native country, and to the honours he en- 
 joyed before his banishment. Pausistratus, thinking that 
 such a proposal ought neither to be implicitly believed nor 
 absolutely neglected, desired Polyxenides to explain him- 
 self more fully, and promised secrecy. Then tne latter 
 sent a second express, informing him, that he was to de- 
 liver up the fleet of Antiochus, provided only he might be 
 permitted to return to his country, and be reinstated in his 
 former condition. This proposal .seemed of too much im- 
 portance to Pausistratus to be rejected ; and, in order to 
 give Polyxenides time to follow him, he retired with nis 
 squadron to Panormus, a Samian port, and waited there 
 to see the issue of the affair. Prom thence he sent an ex- 
 press to Polyxenides, promising him whatever he demand- 
 ed; and Polyxenides, in reply, sent him a letter written 
 with his own hand, promising to deliver up the Syrian 
 fleet upon this open declaration. 
 
 Pausistratus was now no longer in doubt. He had it in nis 
 power to ruin Polyxenides, and he could not believe that a 
 wise man would make a promise which might cost him his 
 life, without designing to fulfil it. Nothing, therefore, now 
 remained, but to take the proper means to accomphsh what 
 was intended. For this purpose Polyxenides engaged to 
 cause all duty to be neglected on board the Syrian fleet, 
 to separate the officers and men under several pretences, 
 to send them away from the port of Ephesus, where his 
 fleet then lay, and thus expose them to be captured with- 
 out any difficulty. This method pleased Pausistratus, who 
 affected the same negligence, which he was assured he 
 would find in the enemy's fleet, and quietly waited for no- 
 tice when he should go and attack them m the port ot 
 Ephesus. In the mean time Polyxenides, the better to 
 cover his real design, sent away some of his galleys, or- 
 dered the harbour to be cleansed, and seemed in no haste 
 to put to sea. . _ , , . 
 
 While Pausistratus was daily expecting to be called to 
 Ephesus, a private person happened to come from that city 
 to Samos ; who, being questioned by Pausistratus concern- 
 ing the proceedings of Polyxenides, and the state of his 
 fleet, ingenuously told him, that the port of Ephesus was 
 full of ships, that the soldiers and mariners were all assem- 
 bled at a place within reach of it, and that the Syrian ad- 
 miral was making great preparations, as if he had some 
 great action in view. Notwithstanding this sincere report 
 of a neutral person, Pausistratus was so prepossessed with j 
 the belief of the promise of an artful enemy, that he still , 
 continued at Samos, in hopes of being soon sent for to taKe 
 possession of the Syrian fleet. But Polyxenides acted quite 
 differently. He sailed from Ephesus with 70 ships tf war, 
 steering his course to Pygela, a city on the coast of lonia, 
 whence the Asiatic fleets generally set out tor fcreece. 
 But, before he weighed anchor, he ordered Nicander, com. 
 mander of a squadron of privateers, to make ^ descent on 
 the isle of Samos, and conceal his men there till the rest 
 , of the fleet arrived. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 4G9 
 
 discouraged by this great loss, meditated only 
 how to revenge it. Accordingly, with incredi- 
 ble diligence, they fitted out a more powerful 
 fleet than the former. It joined that of ^Emi- 
 
 From Pygela Polyxenides set sail for Panormus, where, 
 arriving in the night, he found all the Khodians lying on 
 the shore without the smallest apprehension of an enemy. 
 But the noise of a fleet entering the harbour soon roused 
 them, as they were all veteran troops. Pausistratus, now 
 convinced of the treachery, thought it more advantageous 
 to make use of them in a fight at land than at sea, and ac- 
 cordingly drew them up in order of battle, to the right 
 and left, upon two promontories, which formed the mouth 
 of the harbour. They were scarce drawn up, when, to 
 their great surprise, they were attacked in the rear by 
 Nicander, who had therein followed the directions of the 
 J Syrian admiral. The Rhodians, fearing to be surrounded, 
 j retired precipitately to their ships. But the mouth of the 
 harbour being shut up by the Syrian ships, they were 
 I compelled to force their way through them in order to 
 gam the open sea. The galley on board of which was 
 Pausistratus, first faced the enemy at the mouth of the 
 port, and broke through the fleet in spite of all opposition. 
 But, being immediately surrounded by five quinqueremes, 
 commanded by Polyxenides in person, she was over, 
 powered and sunk. Thus perished Pausistratus, whose 
 death was soon followed by the destruction of the Rhodian 
 fleet, some of the galleys being taken in sight of the port, 
 others in the port itself, in attempting to force their way 
 out, insomuch that of all this great armament seven ships 
 only escaped ; namely, five belonging to Rhodes and two 
 to Coos. These, in order to force their way through the 
 enemy's fleet, lighted great fires in their prows, and from 
 thence held out long poles with kettles full of burning 
 bitumen, which, by the terror they gave the enemy, fa- 
 voured their escape. In their flight they were met by 
 some Erythrajan galleys that were coming to their assist- 
 ance, and, with them, they turned towards the Helles- 
 pont, where they joined the Roman fleet which, under the 
 command of Livius, was carrying on the siege of Abydos. 
 This disaster compelled Livius to abandon the siege of 
 that city, and hasten to the defence of such ships as he 
 had left at Canje, before described. In addition to this, 
 it was necessary to put a stop to the military progress of 
 Seleucus, who, as before-mentioned in the text of our 
 author, had been appointed by his father to watch the 
 motions of the Roman fleet, and overawe the surrounding 
 country. In pursuance of this, he had already made some 
 progress in reducing the coast, having captured Phocaa 
 Cyme and some other maritime cities. 
 
 The first attempt of Livius was to retake Phoc£e. But 
 finding, on his arrival oflT that place, the garrison to be 
 very numerous, he only made a descent, and ravaged the 
 neighbouring country. From thence, in company with 
 the fleet of Eumenes, he sailed to Samos, where he was 
 soon joined by another Rhodian fleet, speedily equipped 
 to sujiply the want of that which had been captured in the 
 way above-mentioned. It was commanded by Eudamus, 
 who, though less brave and experienced than the former 
 admiral, was more cautious and circumspect. Livius, 
 now reinforced by his allies, left Samos, and sailing to 
 Ephesus, insulted the Syrian fleet in that port. Some of 
 the Romans landed and laid waste the vicinity of Ephesus, 
 but the garrison marching out against them, compelled 
 them to abandon their plunder and make for the fleet. 
 1 he next day Livius challenged the Syrians to an engage- 
 nrvent on shore, but they declining it, returned to Samos, 
 and there resigned the command to his appointed succes- 
 sor .Emilius. 
 
 No sooner was this person in possession of his naval 
 charge, according to Livy, lib. xxxvii. c. 14. than 
 he summoned a council of war, to advise with the chief 
 officers, what course he should pursue in his naval opera- 
 tions. Livius, who had just resigned his command^ being 
 f.rst asked for his opinion, gave it, says Livy, like an art- 
 ful man, who was jealous of the success his successor 
 iEmilius might have. His pretence was specious : but 
 his real design was to cause iEmilius to lose the whole cam- 
 paign, by engaging in a trifling project ; and which was, 
 therefore, rejected. He advised him to shut up the port 
 of Ephesus, and there keep the Syrian fleet confined. For 
 attaining this purpose, he advised them to sink some old 
 barks, filled with stones, at the entrance of the harbour. 
 That by this means, being now become sole masters at 
 sea, they might ravage the coasts at plea.sure, and force 
 the maritime cities to surrender. Eumenes, who saw the 
 drift of Livius's scheme, thus replied : " After we have 
 stojjped up the mouth of the port, shall the Roman fleet 
 continue before it or not? If it continues there, the 
 enemy's fleet will be in a better state than ours. They 
 
 lius, and both fleets sailed toward Elea, to aid 
 Eumenes, whom Seleucus was besieging in his 
 capital. This succour arrived very seasonably, 
 Eumenes being just on the point of being re- 
 
 will be covered and sheltered by a great city, which will 
 be supplied by land with provisions from all parts of Asia, 
 whereas we shall be exposed to winds and storms, and 
 lose time in a road, without gaining any advantage, but 
 that of continuing inactive, and giving the enemy leisure 
 to make the necessary preparations against the ensuing 
 campaign. If we do not continue before Ephesus, the 
 Syrian fleet will undoubtedly clear the mouth of the port, 
 and sail out j so that we shall have lost our labour, time, 
 and expense, to no purpose." 
 
 Eudamus, the Rhodian commander, disapproved the 
 advice of Livius, without proposing any other. This 
 scheme of Livius strongly resembles that projected in the 
 administration of Lord Sidmouth ; which was, to fill a 
 number of vessels with large stones, and shut up the mouth 
 of Brest harbour with them, and thus prevent the French 
 fleet from getting out. The scheme was actually adopted, 
 and a number of vessels despatched for the purpose, 
 loadened with these ponderous materials. But the Stone 
 ExpeditioUy as it was humorously styled, proved abortive ; 
 and was therefore abandoned, after having cost the coun- 
 try a great expense, and exposed both the contrivers and 
 the administration to merited ridicule. 
 
 But Epicrates, an inferior oflScer in the Rhodian fleet, 
 was for sending part of the fleet against Patara, in Lycia, 
 and reducing that place. 'I'his scheme was approved of, 
 and Livius detached for that purpose. This city, while 
 in the hands of Antiochus, was a great check upon the 
 Rhodians. But Livius failed in the attempt. As for 
 iEmilius, he still blockaded the port of Ephesus, till he 
 was forced off' the place by a storm. Then remembering 
 the affront the Romans had incurred in the attempt on 
 Patara, he flew thither with a design to besiege it ; but 
 soon desisted, in consequence of remonstrances from his 
 officers ; that, in spending his time before that place, the 
 allies would be left to the mercy of the enemy, from ttie 
 absence of the Roman fleet. He therefore again returned 
 to Samos. 
 
 In the meantime Antiochus on the one side, and his 
 son Seleucus on the other, whilst the Roman fleet was at 
 Patara, invaded the kingdom of Pcrgamus. Seleucus, 
 passing the Caicus from iEolis, where he had wintered, 
 entered the dominions of Eumenes by the way of Elsea' 
 the port of Pergarnus, whilst Antiochus advancing to 
 Sardis, and from thence to the Caicus, encamped at a 
 small distance from his son. Antiochus had a body of 
 4000 Gauls m his army, whom he employed in plundering 
 the country, whilst Seleucus, at the head of his army, ap- 
 peared before Pergamus, and besieged it in form. No 
 sooner was Eumenes apprized of the imminent danger ot 
 his capital by Attains, whom he had left there to take 
 care of his dominions in his absence, than he sailed back 
 from Samos to the port of Ela;a, and reached his capital 
 before the enemy had notice of his approach. The Ro. 
 man and Rhodian fleet followed him without delay. 
 
 All the troops on board made a descent without opposi. 
 tion. News at the same time arriving from all parts of 
 Asia, that the Romans were advancing by great marches 
 through Macedonia, and would soon reach the Hellespont 
 and enter Asia, struck Antiochus with as much terror as 
 he had given Eumenes. He therefore retired to an emi- 
 nence near Elrea, and having entrenched himself there, 
 sent an embassy to the Roman admiral ^milius, desiring 
 a treaty with him. iEmilius, thinking it would redound 
 greatly to his glory should he conclude a peace before the 
 arrival of the two Scipios, readily listened to the proposi- 
 tion, and desired Eumenes and the Khodians to come to 
 his camp and deliberate concerning the subject of Anti. 
 ochus's proposal. 
 
 The Rhodians were not disinclined to pacific measures; 
 but Eumenes opposed the measure, and by his arguments 
 prevailed upon the council to return this answer to the 
 messengers of Antiochus— " that nothing could be deter, 
 mined before the arrival of the Scipios." Hereupon An- 
 tiochus, leaving his son to ravage the country of Perga. 
 mus, marched into the Troade, which adhered to the 
 Romans, and encamped near Adramyttium, at the foot of 
 mount Ida, which in this part joins with mount Teranos. 
 This city stands at the head of the gulf of the same name 
 25 geographical mile.? north of Pergamus. ^milius there-' 
 fore v/ith Eumenes hastened to the assistance of those 
 faithful allies. Attains still continued at Pergamus to 
 oppose Seleucus, and was there reinforced by 1000 foot 
 and 100 cavalry, sent him by the Achaans, headed hy 
 Diophanos, an officer of great courage and military skill 
 for, with this small body he sallied forth, gained a con- 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 470 
 
 duced by the enemy. Diophanes the Achae- 
 an, who had formed himself under the famous 
 Philopoemen, obliged the enemy to raise the 
 siege. He had entered the city with 1000 foot 
 
 and 100 horse. At the head of his own troops 
 oSlv and in sight of the inhabitants who did 
 not'^daie to follow him he Performed actions 
 of such extraordinary bravery, as obliged Se- 
 
 siderable advantage over Seleucus, and obliged him to 
 Se the siege of Pergamus, and quit the dominions of 
 
 ^^Xphanes, who had been bred up under the great Phi- 
 locffimen spent the two first days after his arriva , in ob- 
 Swhe Syrian intrenchments, and the method they 
 took tf make themselves masters of the city. He noticed 
 from the^ramparts, that they posted an advanced guard at 
 the foot of a hill, to overawe the city, and then, dispersing 
 thImTelves over the plains, pillaged the country. As no- 
 body durst venture out against the advanced guard, the 
 Svrians wasted the countrf at pleasure. 'Ihis mac ion of 
 the besieTed lulled the besiegers into a state of careless se- 
 curitv - insomuch, that they spent much of their time in 
 diversions, and were often observed to fall asleep even 
 unoTeuard. Diophanes, therefore, concluded, and that 
 Kry,^"bat it would be no difficult matter to surprise 1 
 them He acquainted Attalus with his design of attack- 
 S!The advanced guard. Attalus, who, it appears, was no 
 hero? was with much difficulty brought to sanction th^ at- 
 1 tempt, by submittting his own judgment to that of an old 
 
 '"'Hiving obtained liberty to make the attempt, Dio- 
 phane'sw'ith Ws Acha^ans inarched out ^the -t-^^^^ 
 crowded to the ramparts to witness the affair, and tne re 
 slw thaJ the appearance of so small a body did not even 
 driw off SI S??ians from their sports. At first Diophanes 
 stood still as if he had marched out only to watch the ene- 
 ?Ly's motions But when he observed that the enemy 
 took no notice of him, he marched, at the head of his 100 
 horse dSly up to a body of 300 of the enemy, ordering 
 his idoS foot to attack 4000 Syrians who were posted near 
 tv.P<iP SOO horse The onset was so sudden, and the shout 
 onhe A^h^an so terrific, that the enemy;s horse were 
 fmmediatelv thrown into disorder. Their mfantry having 
 s^aTce had ime to form themselves in order of battle after a 
 fainfre^sta^ce, took to their heels, and were pursued with 
 
 ^^SeS£y,7hfsT£ns"postedt^ at agrea.er 
 
 ^rve Hrpiful'havock-the foremost hurrying to reach the 
 
 ?h^"s^"rianrt l afseleucus to raise the siege. 
 
 'IM^e timid Attalus, and not less timid Pergamenians be 
 hefd'a^Uhls ffom the walls o/^the city^ a^^^^^ 
 
 SSvlia where he was told, by the inhabitants of Aspen- 
 Sufthlt Hannibfl's fleet appeared off'Sida (before descr.b- 
 ecu It coSed of 37 large ships, three of which were sep^ 
 t remes four hexaremes,\nd ten triremes; whereas the 
 iSian fleet consisted of 32 quadriremes, and four tn- 
 
 remes When the Syrians discovered the Rhodian fleet ad. 
 ^ngto attack them, they made a large front and faced 
 Jhe enemv- Hannibal commanded the right wing, and 
 
 out, but did not leave room enough for his galleys to ne 
 draWn up with the due distances in one line. 1 his in ad 
 vertency caused some disorder in his fleet, "o^^^er 
 
 Sunset began, and not one of the Rhodian g« hey s attack - 
 
 possible for him to do his master the least ^^rv^c^ ^ Uiaru 
 '*'Th1-loss of thU battle not .he fault of Ha'mibal, bm 
 
 ^'Sfoctf S^m'^el^s^^^^ necessity of doing some. | 
 thin?to preven the arrival of his most formidable enemy. [ 
 He had been defeated in his attempt to draw over the Bi- 
 
 mardied with hif land forces to Notium, a small town on 
 S'E^iesus ,0 Colophon, ™ fadta ■„ a d.;e« ,ne h« 
 ways sure of the victory ; ^^'l^fj^l^l'^^^ue last hai-d to 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 471 
 
 leucus at length to raise the siege, and quit the 
 country. 
 
 The Rhodian fleet being afterwards detached 
 in quest of Hannibal,' who was bringing to the 
 
 I Liv. 1, xxxvii. n. 23, 24. Appian. in Syr. p. 100. Cor. 
 Nep. in. Hannib. c viii. 
 
 grammarian and poet, Nicander, who lived in the time of 
 the first Attalus, father of Eumenes ; and was also one of 
 the seven cities that contended for the honour of Homer's 
 birth, who lived there some time, as Herodotus informs 
 us in his life of that immortal poet, c. viii. It had been 
 long troublesome to the fleet of Antiochus ; for, as it was 
 seated, as before mentioned, on the slope of Mount Gal- 
 ] Iffisius, the inhabitants saw all that passed in the harbour 
 ; of Ephesus, and gave the Romans notice of it. Antiochus 
 j hoped that the Roman fleet would fly to the assistance of 
 I their allies, and it was his aim to draw it out of Samos, 
 j that his admiral might have an opportunity of sailing out 
 I of port and attacking it. 
 
 I It so happened as he expected, for the Colophonians im- 
 I mediately sent advice of their Danger to iEmilius, desiring 
 j his aid against an enemy, which they had drawn upon 
 I themselves solely by their fidelity to Rome. The mea- 
 I sures of the Roman admiral were broke by this message, 
 I as he had previously determined to sail to the Hellespont 
 with the first fair wind, and assist the disembarkation of 
 the Scipio's. Eudamus, however, who had joined him 
 with a squadron, induced him to alter his purpose, and he 
 accordingly ordered the fleet to get ready for sailing. But 
 before he attacked Antioclms, he resolved to touch at 
 Chios, and take in provisions there, as it was the grand de- 
 pot of the Romans, both in their land and sea forces. 
 
 From thence he sailed to Teos, not an island, as Pliny 
 makes it, but a city, on the south side of the peninsula of 
 ClazomenEB ; and the birth place of the famed Anacreon, 
 the Teian bard, and Hecatscus the historian. It possessed 
 a large territory, which reached all the way along the 
 j shore, north-east to Lebedus, including in it the small 
 towns of Erse and Myonnesus. Teos, and its vicinity, was 
 noted for producing excellent wine, and they had promised 
 Antiochus 5000 hogsheads of the very best of it. ^mili- 
 us, informed of this, resolved either to make them deliver 
 I up that wine to him, or capture and demolish their city — 
 those vessels which usually supplied the Roman fleet with 
 that article being detained by contrary winds. 
 
 Polyxenides, now relieved from the blockade, sailed out, 
 and learning that iEmilius was at Teos, shaped his course 
 thither, hoping to shut up the Roman fleet in that port, 
 for it had two harbours, whereof the most safe and capa- 
 cious was formed by two promontories, which approached 
 so near each other, that two galleys could scarce enter 
 abreast. In this port .^milius first anchored ; but, by the 
 advice of Eudamus, had changed his post previous to the 
 arrival of the Syrian fleet. On this account Polyxenides 
 was oliliged, instead of blocking up the harbour, to keep 
 his own fleet sheltered under the islet of Maoris, opposite 
 Myonnesus, till the Roman fleet sailed out. There he 
 staid two days, hoping to surprise j^^rnilius in his passage 
 from Teos to Colophon, .ffimilius, however, being in- 
 formed that the Syrian fleet waited for Jiim at Maoris, left 
 Teos, and steered his course towards that islet, with his 
 ships drawn up in order of battle. As Polyxenides had 
 I positive orders to engage the Romans, he laid hold of this 
 opportunity, and attacked them with great resolution. The 
 Roman fleet, combined with the squadjon of Eudarnus, 
 consisted of 80 ships, and the Syrian of 89, some of which 
 were very large, two of them being heptaremes, and three 
 hexaremes. Tlie Rhodians had then invented a kind of 
 fire ships, which struck great terror into the Syrian fleet; 
 cauldrons full of combustible materials were hung out at 
 their prows, so that none of the enemy's ships durst ap- 
 proach them. These fell on the Syrian galleys, struck 
 their beaks into them, and at the same time set fire to 
 them. The Syrian galleys left their ranks and crowded 
 round them, not ^ith an intention to board them, but to 
 discharge their arrows, darts, and javelins, against their 
 crews. The Roman ships, in the mean time, sailing into 
 the vacant spaces left by the Syrians, disordered their 
 whole fleet. Polyxenides did all in his power to encourage 
 his men ; but in spite of all his efforts, the left wing being 
 put in utter confusion, they clapped on all the sail they 
 could and abandoned the fight. Then Polyxenides en- 
 deavoured to retire in good order, but the Rhodian fire 
 fillips advancing against him and setting some of his gal- 
 leys on fire, the rest betook themselves to a precipitate 
 -flight. 
 
 The accounts of the Syrian loss arc various, some stating 
 
 king that of Syi'ia and Phoenicia, the Rhodian.s 
 singly fought him on the coast of Pamphylia. 
 By tiie goodness of their ships, and the dexteri- 
 ty of their seamen, they defeated that great cap- 
 tain, drove him into the port of Megiste, near 
 Patara ; and there blocked him up so close, that 
 it was impossible for him to act, or be of any 
 service to the king. 
 
 The news of this defeat came to Antiochus, 
 much about the time that advice was brought, 
 that the Roman consul was advancing by hasty 
 marches into Macedonia, and was preparing to 
 pass the Hellespont and enter Asia. Antiochus 
 then saw the imminent danger he was in, and 
 made haste to take all possible methods for pre- 
 venting it. 
 
 He sent ambassadors to Prusias,® king of Bi- 
 thynia, to inform him of the design which the 
 Romans had of entering Asia. They were or- 
 dered to display, in the strongest terms, the fa- 
 tal consequences of that enterprise : that they 
 were coming with a design to destroy all the 
 'iingly governments in the world, and leave no 
 other empire than that of the Romans : that af- 
 ter having subdued Philip and Nabis, they were 
 now preparing to attack him : that should he 
 have the ill fortune to be overcome, the confla- 
 gration spreading, would soon reach Bithynia : 
 that as to Eumenes, no aid could be expected 
 from him, as he had voluntarily submitted him- 
 self, and put on the chains of the Romans with 
 his own hands. 
 
 These motives had made a great impression on 
 Prusias ; but the letters which he received at 
 the same time from Scipio the consul and his 
 brother, contributed very much to remove his 
 fears and suspicions. The latter represented to 
 him, that it was the constant practice of the 
 Romans, to bestow the greatest honours on such 
 kings as sought their alliance ; and he mentioned 
 several examples of that kind, in which he him- 
 self had been concerned. He said, that in Spain, 
 several princes, who, before they were favoured 
 with the protection of the Romans, had made a 
 very inconsiderable figure, were since become 
 great kings : that Masinissa had liot only been 
 restored to his kingdom, but that. the dominions 
 of Syphax had been added to it, whereby he 
 was become one of the most powerful potentates 
 of the universe : that Philip and Nabis, though 
 vanquished by Quintius, had nevertheless been 
 suffered to sit peaceably on their thrones : that 
 in the preceding year the tribute which Philip 
 
 it at 39 ships sunk, and 13 captured: and others at 42 sunk, 
 and 13 taken. But, whatever was the amount, it proved a 
 death blow to the hopes of Antiochus, of ever more doing 
 any thing by sea ; and the way was now perfectly open to 
 the Roman army, as there was now no fleet to hinder their 
 passage. So disconcerted was he at the fatal intelligence, 
 that he immediately raised the siege ot Colophon, and re- 
 tired to Sardis ; and then to his son-in-law, Ariarathes, 
 king of Cappadocia, and made it all his business to assem- 
 ble his land forces, in order to oppose the Romans, who 
 were now arrived at the Thracian Cheisonesus. His 
 stupid and infatuated conduct is narrated in the text, with 
 our author's reflections, which are both sound and judi. 
 cious, and need not be repeated. They are such as his in. 
 fatuated conduct will suggest to the minds of the most su- 
 perficial readers. The folly, meanness, and pusillanimity, 
 of his whole conduct after he had abandoned Greece, 
 which he should never have entered, to his utter defeat 
 by Scipio, is a striking evidence of the trite remark, 
 
 " Quos Deus vult i)erdere, prius dementat.'"— 
 
 2 Liv. 1. xxxvii. n. 25—30. Appian. in Syr. p. 101— 10. 
 I'olyb. in Excerpt. Legat. c. xxii. 
 
472 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 had agreed to pay, was remitted, and his son, 
 who was a hostage in Rome, sent back to him ; 
 that as to Nabis, he would have been on the 
 throne at that time, had he not lost his life by 
 the treachery of the ^tolians. 
 
 The arrival of Livius, who had commanded 
 the fleet, and whom the Romans had sent as 
 their ambassador to Prusias, fully determined 
 him. He made it clear to him, which party 
 might naturally be expected to be victorious : 
 and how much safer it would be for him to rely 
 on the friendship of the Romans, than on that 
 of Antiochus. 
 
 This king being disappointed of the hopes he 
 had entertained of bringing over Prusias to his 
 interest, now meditated only how he might best 
 oppose the passage of the Romans into Asia, 
 and prevent its being made the seat of war. 
 He imagined that the most effectual way to do 
 this, would be, to recover the empire of the seas, 
 of which he had been almost dispossessed by the 
 loss of the two battles related above ; that then 
 he might employ his fleets against whom, and 
 in what manner, he pleased : and that it would 
 be impossible for the enemy to transport an 
 army into Asia by the Hellespont, or by any 
 other way, when his fleets should be wholly 
 employed to prevent it. Antiochus therefore 
 resolved to hazard a second battle, and for that 
 purpose went to Ephesus where his fleet lay. 
 He there reviewed it, put it in the best condi- 
 tion he was able, furnished it abundantly with 
 all things necessary to another engagement, and 
 sent it once more under the command of Po- 
 lyxenides, in quest of the enemy, with orders to 
 fight them. What determined his resolution 
 was, his having received advice that a great 
 part of the Rhodian fleet continued near Pa- 
 tara; and that king Eumenes had sailed with 
 his whole fleet to the Chersonesus, to join the 
 consul. 
 
 Polyxenides came up with ^milius and the 
 Romans near Myonnesus, a maritime city of 
 Ionia, and attacked their fleet with as little 
 success as before. ^milius obtained a com- 
 plete victory, and obliged him to retire to Ephe- 
 I sus, after having sunk or burnt twenty-nine of 
 ; his ships, and taken thirteen, 
 i Antiochus was so struck with the news of 
 j this defeat,! ^^at he seemed entirely discon- 
 1 certed ; and as if he had been on a sudden de- 
 prived of his senses, he took such measures as 
 were evidently contrary to his interest. In 
 his consternation, he sent orders for withdraw- 
 ing his forces out of Lysimachia and the other 
 cities of the Hellespont, to prevent their falling 
 into the hands of the enemy, who were march- 
 ing towards those parts, with a design of cross- 
 ing into Asia; whereas, the only means that 
 remained to hinder this, would have been to 
 leave those troops in the places where they were. 
 For Lysimachia, being very strongly fortified, 
 might have held out a long siege, perhaps till 
 the winter was very far advanced, which would 
 have greatly incommoded the enemy, by the 
 want of provisions and forage ; and during that [ 
 interval, he might have taken measures for an j 
 accommodation with the Romans. ^ | 
 
 He not only committed a great error m 
 
 left all the ammunition and provisions (of both 
 which he had laid up very considerable quanti- 
 ties) behind them in those cities. By this 
 means, when the Romans entered them, they 
 found ammunition and provisions in such great 
 plenty, that they seemed to have been prepared 
 expressly for the use of their army ; and, at the 
 same time, the passage of the Hellespont was 
 so open, that they carr ied over their army with- 
 out the least opposition, at that very part where 
 the enemy might have disputed it with them 
 to the greatest advantage. 
 
 We have here an evident instance of what is 
 so often mentioned in the Scriptures, that when 
 God is determined to punish and destroy a 
 kingdom, he deprives either the king, his com- 
 manders, or ministers, of eounsel, prudence, and 
 courage. With this he makes the prophet Isaiah 
 threaten his people. " For,^ behold, the Lord, 
 the Lord of Hosts, doth take away from J eru- 
 salem, and from Judah, the stay and staff. — 
 The mighty man, and the man of war, the 
 iudge, and the prophet, and the pi-udent, and 
 the ancient. The captain of fifty, and the hon- 
 ourable man, and the counsellor, and the cun- 
 ning artificer, and the eloquent orator." — But a 
 very remarkable circumstance is, that the Pa- 
 gan historian says here expressly, and repeats it 
 twice, that " God took away the king's judg- 
 ment,^ and overthrew his reason; a punish- 
 ment," says he, " that always happens, when 
 men are upon the point of falling into some 
 great calamity." The expression is very strong; 
 " God overthrew the king's reason." He took 
 from him, that is, he refused him, sound sense, 
 prudence, and judgment: he banished from his 
 mind every salutary thought : he confused him, 
 and made him even averse to all the good coun- 
 sel that could be given him. This is what 
 David besought God to do with regard to 
 Ahitophel,* Absalom's minister : " O Lord, 1 
 pray thee, turn the counsel of Ahitophel into 
 foolishness." The word in the Latin version 
 is very strong, infatua : the import of which is, 
 how prudent soever his counsels may be, make 
 them appear foolish and stupid to Absalom ; and 
 they accordingly did appear so. " And Absa- 
 lom and all the men of Israel said, The counsel 
 of Hushai, the Archite, is better than the coun- 
 sel of Ahitophel : for the Lord had appointed 
 to defeat the good counsel of Ahitophel, to the 
 intent that the Lord might bring evil upon Ab- 
 salom." , , J 
 The Romans,^ being come into Asia, halted 
 some time at Troy, which they considered as 
 the cradle whence they had sprung, and as their 
 primitive country, from whence ^neas had set 
 out to settle in Italy. The consul offered up 
 sacrifices to Minerva, who presided over the 
 citadel. Both parties were overjoyed, much 
 after the same manner as fathers and children, 
 who meet after a long separation. The inhabi- 
 
 2 Isaiah iii. 1—3. 
 3 9ssu ^XonfTCvroi r.^yi tov; XoyKrf^ovs' e!r£f elrxeri. 
 
 „ _ . I 4 " Infatua, quasso, Domine, consilium Ahitophel.— 
 
 drawing his forces out of those places at a time | Comini autem iiutu dissipatum est consilium Ahitophel, 
 when thev were most necessary in them, but ut induceret Dommus super Absalom tnolu7n," 2 Beg. xv . 
 
 wiieii iiiey vvcic_ J'., . , . . 31, et xvii. 14. « O Lord, I pray thee, turn the counsel 
 
 of Ahitophel into foolishness." 2 Sam. xiv. 31. ''For the 
 Lord had appointed to defeat the good counsel of Ahito. 
 phel, to the intent that the Lord might bring evil upor, 
 Absalom." C/^o/?. xvii. 14. 
 
 5 jusUn. 1. XXXI. c. S. 
 
 did it in so precipitate a manner, that his troops 
 
 1 4siv. 1. xxxvu. n. 31. Appian. in Syr. p. 104. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 473 
 
 tants of this city, seeing their posterity con- 
 querors of the West and of Africa, and laying 
 claim to Asia, as a kingdom that had been pos- 
 sessed by their ancestors, imagined they saw 
 Troy rise out of its ashes in greater splendour 
 than ever. On the other side, the Romans 
 were infinitely delighted to see themselves in 
 the ancient abode of their forefathers, who had 
 givem birth to Rome ; and to contemplate the 
 temples and statues of the deities which they 
 had in common with that city." 
 
 When advice was brought to Antiochus that 
 the Romans had passed the Hellespont," he be- 
 gan to think himself undone. He would now 
 have been very glad to deliver himself from a 
 war in which he had engaged rashly, and with- 
 out examining seriously all its consequences. 
 This made hira resolve to send an embassy to 
 the Romans, to propose conditions of peace. A 
 religious ceremony had retarded the march of 
 their army, it having halted for several days 
 that were festivals at Rome, in which the sa- 
 cred shields, called Ancilia, were carried in so- 
 lemn procession with great pomp. Scipio Afri- 
 canus, who was one of the Salii, or priests of 
 Mars, whose office was to keep these shields, 
 had not crossed the sea yet ; for being one of 
 the Salii, he could not leave the place where 
 the festival was solemnizing, so that the army 
 was obliged to wait for him. What a pity it 
 was, that persons of so much religion were no 
 better illuminated, and did not direct their wor^- 
 ship to more proper objects ! This delay gave 
 the king some hopes ; for he had imagined that 
 the Romans, immediately upon their arrival in 
 Asia, would have attacked him on a sudden. 
 Besides, the character he had heard of Scipio 
 Africanus, of his greatness of soul, his gener- 
 osity and clemency to those he had conquered 
 both in Spain and Africa, gave him hopes that 
 this great man, now satiated with glory, would 
 not be averse to an accommodation ; especially 
 as he had a pi*esent to make him, which could 
 not but be infinitely agreeable. This was his 
 own son, a child, who had been taken at sea, as 
 he was going in a boat from Chalcis to Oreum, 
 according to Livy. 
 
 Heraclides, of Byzantium, who was the 
 spokesman in this embassy, opened his speech 
 with saying, that the very circumstance which 
 had frustrated all the rest of the negotiations 
 for peace between his master and the Romans, 
 now made him hope for success in the present ; 
 because all the difficulties which had hitherto 
 prevented their taking effect, were entirely re- 
 moved : that the king, to put a stop to the com- 
 plaints of his still keeping possession of any city 
 in Europe, had abandoned Lysimachia : that as 
 to Smyrna, Lampsacus, and Alexandria in the 
 Troad, he was ready to give them up to the 
 Romans, and any other city belonging to their 
 Rllies which they should demand of him : that 
 he would consent to pay to the Romans half 
 the expenses of this war. He concluded with 
 
 6 The Romans had no great reason to be proud of their 
 affinity to the inhabitants of Ilium, if what Demetrius of 
 Scepsis says be true — that, being then very young, he hap. 
 pened to make a visit to the supposed site of ancient Troy, 
 while Scipio was there, and adds, that the inhabitants of 
 Ilium were at that time so wretchedly poor, that they had 
 not even tiles to cover their houses, which were filled 
 with filth .ind pastiness. — Ed. I 
 
 7 Liv. 1. xxxvii. n. 33—45. Polyb. in Excerpt. Legat. ' 
 c. xxiii. Justin. I. xxxi. c. 7, 8. Appian. in Svr. p. 
 105—110. 
 
 exhorting them to call to mind the uncertainty 
 and vicissitude of human affairs, and not lay 
 too great a stress on their present prosperity : 
 that they ought to rest satisfied with making 
 Europe, whose extent was so immense, the 
 boundaries of their empire : that if they were 
 ambitious of joining some part of Asia to it, 
 the king would acquiesce with their desire, pro- 
 vided that the limits of it were clearly settled. 
 
 The ambassador imagined that these propo- 
 sals, which seemed so advantageous, could not 
 be rejected ; but the Romans judged differently. 
 With regard to the expenses of the war, as the 
 king had very unjustly been the occasion of it, 
 they were of opinion that he ought to defray 
 the whole : they were not satisfied with his 
 withdrawing the garrisons he had in Ionia and 
 jEtolia ; but pretended to restore liberty to all 
 Asia, in the same manner as they had done to 
 Greece, which could not be effected unless the 
 king abandoned all Asia on this side mount 
 Taurus. 
 
 Heraclides, not being able to obtain any thing 
 in the public audience, endeavoured, puisuant 
 to his instructions, to conciliate in private Sci- 
 pio Africanus. He began by assuring him, that 
 the king would restore him his son without 
 ransom. Afterwards, being very little ac- 
 quainted with Scipio's greatness of soul, and 
 the character of the Romans, he promised him 
 a large sum of money, and assured him that he 
 might entirely dispose of all things in the king's 
 power if he could mediate a peace for him. To 
 these overtures, Scipio made the following an- 
 swer : '* I am not surprised to find you ignorant 
 both of my character and that of the Romans, 
 as you are unacquainted even with the condi- 
 tion of the prince who sent you hither. If, as 
 you assert, the uncertainty of the fate of arms 
 should prompt us to grant you peace upon easier 
 terms, your sovereign ought to have kept pos- 
 session of Lysimachia, in order to have shut us 
 out of the Chersonesus; or else he ought to have 
 met us in the Hellespont to have disputed our 
 passage into Asia. 13ut, by abandoning them 
 to us, he put the yoke on his own neck ; so that 
 all he now has to do, is to submit to whatever 
 conditions we shall think fit to prescribe. Among 
 the several offers he makes me, I cannot but be 
 strongly affected with that which relates to the 
 giving me back my son ; I hope the rest will 
 never have the power to tempt me. As a pri- 
 vate man I can promise to preserve eternally 
 the deepest sense of gratitude, for so precious a 
 gift as he offers me in my son ; but as a public 
 one, he must expect nothing from me. Go, 
 therefore, and tell him, in my name, that the 
 best counsel I can give him, is to lay down his 
 arms, and not reject any articles of peace which 
 may be proposed to him. This is the best 
 advice I can give him as a good and faithful 
 friend." 
 
 Antiochus thought that the Romans could 
 not have prescribed harder conditions had they 
 conquered him, and such a peace appeared to 
 him as fatal as the most unfortunate war. He 
 therefore prepared for a battle, as the Romans 
 did also on their side.* 
 
 8 Antiochus was certainly right in thinking the condi- 
 tions of peace prescribed by his adversaries to be so humi. 
 liating as not to be acquiesced in by any prince of spirit. 
 But he had himself to blame for it. The utter pusilla- 
 nimity of his conauct in proposing, or rather, in begging, 
 peace of the Romans, before ever he had drawn his sword 
 
HISTORY OB 
 
 The king was encamped at, Thyatira, where 
 jearing that Scipio lay ill at Elea, he sent his 
 son to him. This was a remedy that operated 
 both on the body and mind, and restored both 
 
 out of his scabbard, in such abject language, and on such 
 base terms, after abandoning every avenue that led to his 
 dominions, and as it were submitting himself to their 
 mercy, plainly showed the Romans his poverty and mean- 
 ness of spirit. He had given them such clear proi)fs 
 of mental imbecility, that they found they could do any 
 thing with him. Such an utter destitution of all manli- 
 ness, after so much previous vapouring, has hardly its 
 parallel in all history ; and the Romans could not but in. 
 dulge in the certain prospect of an easy victory over so 
 worthless an antagonist. 
 
 He had by his own conduct, and with his own hands, 
 facilitated the catastrophe that w;is now at hand ; and 
 such was now the state of his affairs, that he must either 
 for once show that he had something of the man about 
 him, by venturing an engagement, with adversaries whom 
 he had taught utterly to contemn him, or submit to be 
 their ignominious vassal, and to be a king by sufferance. 
 This former alternative he chose with every disadvan- 
 tage on his side but that of undisciplined multitudes ; for 
 ; it was the contest of weakness with strength, of igno- 
 i ranee with knowledge, and the issue could not but be 
 1 certain. He advanced to Thyatira, a city of Lydia, situ. 
 I ated on the banks of a stream that runs south-west to the 
 Hermua, or Sarabat, 23 British miles north-west of Sardis, 
 and 40 miles south-east of Pergamus. It was a Macedo- 
 nian colony, according to Strabo, and the Felopeia and 
 Eiihippia of Pliny. The stream on which it stands is 
 called Lycus by Pliny, or more probably Leucos, or white 
 \ river ; and which waters an extensive plain. " Intus et 
 I Thyatira alluitur Lycn. Pelopia et aliquando Euhippa 
 cognominata," says the father of Natural History, lib. v. 
 c. 29. and by Strabo it is called the last city of the Mysu 
 ans, on the frontiers of I>V(lia. By Ptolemy it is denomi- 
 nated Thyatira Metropolis, in his list of Lydian cities, lib. 
 V. p. 115. l ab. i. c. 2. The flatness of the rich and fertile 
 piain of Thyatira, exposes it to annual inundations. It is 
 destitute of trees, but produces cotton and corn. It is now 
 called Ak-Hissar, or the white city ; perhaps denoting the 
 city of the Ak-Su-Leucos, or white river ; and contains a 
 population of 5000 souls, without one Christian amongst 
 them, being all Mohammedans. 
 
 Sir Paul Ricaul, English consul at Smyrna, In tiie close 
 of the 17th century, was the first who discovered the site 
 of the ancient Thyatira, by several Greek inscriptions and 
 ancient monuments. The Christian churches which re- 
 mained have long since been converted mto mosques, 
 and the noble columns of marble which once adorned the 
 public buildings, are now used for inns and bazaars. Its 
 once pagan inhabitants were wor^hippers of the goddess 
 Diana, as appears by several clasjic monuments, with 
 Greek inscriptions, erected by Roman governors. Thya- 
 tira has obtained its chief fame in being the seat of one of 
 *tbe seven churches of Asia. 
 
 The learned historian of the Roman empire has at- 
 tempted, in a note, p. 74, vol. i. to deiiy the existence of 
 such a church as that of Thyatira, and consequently the 
 authenticity of the Apocalypse, on the aiithority of the 
 Alogians and of Epiphanius. But the existence of such 
 a church has been proved indubitably by the learned Dr. 
 Stosch, in his Demonstratio Ecclesise Thyatirenje, p. HI 
 
 152. of the Symbolee Lilerarife Bremensis, torn ii. p. 1. 
 
 No. 6. 1746. and in his Antiqui'aes Thyatirenorum, pub- 
 Ikhed at ZwoU in 1763, which Gibbon has never noticed 
 Lydia, who was converted at Fhilippi, is denominated a 
 seller of purple, of the city of Thyatira ; evidently mean- 
 ing that that city was the ])tace of her ordinary residence, 
 if not of her birth, and that the purple manufactured 
 ll ere was carried by her to the market of Phillppi for 
 sme, where she had a house during her abode there, till 
 tiie article was disposed of at the annual fair, which con- 
 tinued many days. There, therefore, can be little or no 
 doubt that Lvdia returned to Thyatira after she and her 
 household had been baotized, and that, by the church in 
 her house, others would be brought to the faith of the 
 gospel. There can be as little doubt that the apostle of 
 the Gentiles, in his travels through Mysia and Lydia, 
 would visit Thyatira, though not expressly mentioned, 
 and as all Asia, both Jews and Greeks, heard the word of 
 God, when he was two years at Ephe.-us, which was only 
 70 British miles distant, it can hardly be imagined that 
 those of Thyatira were excepted. The situation of Thya- 
 tira itself, relatively to Pergamus, Sardis, I'hiladelphia, 
 and other places, where churches had been planted by 
 Paul and John,, render it also probable that one was also 
 planted there. TertuUian admits its early existence, and 
 
 joy and health to the sick and afflicted father. 
 After embracing him a long time in his arms, 
 " Go," says he to the envoys, "and thank the 
 king from me, and tell him that at present the 
 only testimony I can give him of my gratitude 
 is, to advise him not to fight till he hears of my 
 being arrived in the camp." Perhaps Scipio 
 thought, that a delay of some days would give 
 the king an opportunity of reflecting more seri- 
 ously than be had hitherto done, and incline 
 him to conclude a solid peace. 
 
 Although the superiority of Antiochus's for- 
 ces, which were much more numerous than 
 those of the Romans, might be a powerful mo- 
 tive to induce him to venture a battle imme- 
 diately; nevertheless the wisdom and authority 
 of Scipio, whom he considered as his last refuge 
 in case any calamitous accident should befail 
 him, prevailed over the former consideration. 
 He passed the Phrygian i-iver (it is thought to 
 be the Hermus), and posted himself near Mag- 
 nesia, at the foot of mount Sipylus, where he 
 fortified his camp so strongly, as not to fear 
 being attacked in it. 
 
 The consul followed soon afler. The armies 
 continued several days in sight, during which 
 Antiochus did not once move out of his camp. 
 His army consisted of 70,000 foot, 12,000 horse^ 
 and fifty-four elephants. That of the Romans 
 was cornposed, in the whole, of but 30,000 men, 
 and sixteen elephants. The consul, finding that 
 the king kept quiet, summoned his council, to 
 debate on wlmt was to be done, in case he should 
 persist in refusing to venture a battle. He re- 
 presented, that as the winter was at hand, it 
 would be necessary, notwithstanding the sever- 
 ity of the season, for the soldiers to keep the 
 field ; or, if they should go into winter-quarters, 
 to discontinue the war till the year following. 
 The Romans never showed so much contempt 
 for an enemy as on this occasion ; they all cried 
 aloud, that it would be proper to march imme- 
 diately against the enemy ; to take advantage of 
 the ardour of the troops, who were ready to 
 force the palisades, and pass the intrenchments, 
 to attack the enemy in their camp, in case they 
 would not quit it. There is some probability 
 that the consul was desirous of anticipating the 
 arrival of his brother, since his presence only 
 would have considerably diminished the glory 
 of his success. 
 
 The next day, the consul, after viewing the 
 situation of the camp, advanced with his army 
 towards it in order of battle. The king, fearing 
 that a longer delay would lessen the courage of 
 his own soldiers, and animate the enemy, at 
 last marched out with his troops, and both sides 
 prepared for a decisive battle. 
 
 Every thing was uniform enough in the con- 
 sul's army, with regard to the men as well as 
 
 mentions the succession of its bishops, from its first erec- 
 tion, against the heretic Marcion, and if so, there was an 
 angel, or bishop, of Thyatira, when the Apocalypse was 
 wrote. His authority is certainly of more weight than 
 that of the Alogians, as he was more early than they. It 
 is also mentioned by Origen in his liomilies. 
 
 There is no more ground to call in question the exist- 
 ence of the church of Thyatira, than of the other six 
 churches mentioned in the commencement of that mysti- 
 cal book. Akhissar is watered by a torrent descending from 
 a neighbourmg hill into the Lycus, which divides itself 
 into so many streams that every house is well supplied 
 with the precious and exhilarating fluid, cool and sweet 
 to the taste, and exceedingly pure, light, and wholesome. 
 The atmosphere is salubrious, and the plain rich and 
 fertile.— £VZ. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 475 
 
 arms. It consisted of two Roman legions, of [ 
 5400 men each, and two such bodies of Latine 
 infantry. The Romans were posted in the j 
 centre, and the Latines in the two wings, the 
 lift of which extended towards the river. The 
 first line of the centre was composed of pike- 
 men,' or Hastati, the second of Princijyes, and 
 the third of Tnarii; these, properly speaking, 
 composed the main body. On the side of the 
 right wing, to cover and sustain it, the consul 
 had posted on the same line, SOOO Acheean in- 
 fantry and auxiliary forces of Eumenes ; and, 
 in a column, SOOO horse, 800 of which belonged 
 to Eumenes, and the rest to the Romans. He 
 posted at the extremity of this wing, the light- 
 armed Trallians and Cretans. It was not 
 thought necessary to strengthen the left wing 
 in this mannei", because the river and its banks, 
 which were very steep, seemed a sufficient ram- 
 part. Nevertheless, four squadrons of horse 
 were posted there. To guard the camp, they 
 left 2000 Macedonians and Thracians, who fol- 
 lowed the army as volunteers. The sixteen 
 elephants were posted behind the Triarii, by 
 way of reserve, and as a rear-guard. It was 
 not thought proper to oppose them to those of 
 the enemy, not only because the latter were 
 greatly superior in number, but because the 
 African elephants, which were the only ones 
 the Romans had, were very much inferior both 
 in size and strength to those of India, and there- 
 fore were not able to oppose them. 
 
 The king's army was more varied, both as to 
 the different nations which composed it, and 
 the disparity of their arms. Sixteen thousand 
 foot, armed after the Macedonian fashion, who 
 composed the phalanx, formed also the main 
 body. This phalanx was divided into ten bodies, 
 each of fifty men in front by thirty-two deep, 
 and two elephants were posted in each of the 
 intervals which separated them. This formed 
 the principal strength of the army. The sight 
 alone of the elephants inspired terror. Their 
 size, which in itself was very remarkable, was 
 increased by the ornament of their heads, and 
 their plumes of feathers, which were embel- 
 lished with gold, silvei', purple, and ivory ; vain 
 ornaments, which invite an enemy by the hopes 
 of plunder, and are no defence to an army. The 
 elephants carried towers on their backs, in 
 which were four fighting men, besides the 
 guides. To the right of this phalanx was 
 drawn up in a column, part of the cavalry, 
 1600 Asiatic Gauls, SOOO cuirassiers completely 
 armed, and 1000 horse, the flower of the Medes 
 and other neighbouring nations. A body of 
 sixteen elephants were posted next in files. A 
 little beyond was the king's regiment, composed 
 of the Argyraspides, so called from their arms 
 being of silver. After them 1200 Dahse, to 
 whom 2600 Mysians were joined. All these 
 were bowmen. Then 3000 light-armed Cre- 
 tans and Trallians. The right wing was closed 
 by 4000 slingers and archers, half Cyrteans and 
 half Elymseans. The left wing was drawn up 
 much after the same manner, except that before 
 part of the cavalry, the chariots, armed with 
 scythes, were posted, with the camels, mounted 
 by Arabian bowmen, whose thin swords (in 
 order that the riders might reach the enemy 
 
 from the back of these beasts) were six feet 
 long. The king commanded the right ; Se- 
 leucus his son, and Antipater his nephew, the 
 left; and three lieutenant-generals the main 
 body. 
 
 A thick fog rising in the morning, the sky 
 grew so dark, that it was not possible for the 
 king's soldiers to distinguish one another, and 
 act in concert, on account of their great extent ; 
 and the damp, occasioned by this fog, softened 
 very much the bow-strings, the slings, and 
 thongs 2 which were used for throwing javelins. 
 The Romans did not suffer near so much, be- 
 cause they used scarce any but heavy arms, 
 swords, and javelins : and as the front of their 
 army was of less extent, they could the easier 
 see one anothex*. 
 
 The chariots, armed with scythes, which 
 Antiochus had flattered himself would terrify 
 the enemy, and throw them into confusion, first 
 occasioned the defeat of his own forces. King 
 Eumenes, who knew both where their strength 
 and weakness lay, opposed to them the Cretan 
 archers, the slingers, and cavalry, who dis- 
 charged javelins ; commanding them to charge 
 them, not in a body, but in small platoons ; and 
 to pour on them, from every quarter, a shower j 
 of darts, stones, and javelins ; shouting as loud 
 as possible all the while. The horses, fright- 
 ened at these shouts, ran away with the cha- 
 riots, scour the field on all sides, and turn 
 against their own troops, as well as the camels. 
 That empty terror thus removed, they fight 
 hand to hand. 
 
 But this soon proved the destruction of the 
 king's army ; for the troops which were posted 
 near these chariots, having been broken and put 
 to flight by their disorder, left every part naked 
 and defenceless, even to the very cuirassiers. 
 The Roman cavalry vigorously charging the 
 latter, it was not possible for them to stand the 
 shock, so that they were broken immediately, 
 many of them being killed on the spot, because 
 the weight of their arms would not permit them 
 to fly. The whole left wing was routed, which 
 spread an aktrm through the main body, formed 
 by the phalanx, and threw it into disorder. 
 And now the Roman legions charged it with 
 advantage ; the soldiers who composed the pha- 
 lanx not having an opportunity to use their 
 long pikes, because those who fled had taken 
 refuge amongst them, and prevented their act- 
 ing, whilst the Romans poured their javelins 
 upon them fi-om all sides. The elephants drawn 
 up in the intervals of the phalanx were of no 
 service to it. The Roman soldiers, who had 
 been used to fight in the wars in Africa against 
 those animals, had learned how to avoid their 
 impetuosity, either by piercing their sides with 
 their javelins, or by hamstringing them with their 
 swords. The first ranks of the phalanx were 
 therefore put into disorder ; and the Romans 
 were upon the point of surrounding the rear 
 ranks, when advice was brought that their left 
 wing was in great danger. 
 
 Antiochus, who had observed that the flanks 
 of this left wing were quite uncovered, and that 
 only four squadrons of horse had been posted 
 near it, as it was supposed to be sufficiently de- 
 fended by the river, had charged it with his 
 auxiliary forces and his heavy-armed horse, not 
 only in front but in flank ; because the four 
 
 1 These are the names of the three difierent bodies 
 of troops, of which tfie infantry of the Roman legions 
 •consisted. 
 
 2 Amenta. 
 
t76 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 squadrons, being unable to withstand the charge 
 of all the enemies cavalry, had retired towards 
 the main body, and left open their ground near 
 the river. The Roman cavalry having been 
 put into disorder, the infantry soon followed it, 
 cind were driven as far as the camp. Marcus 
 .Emilius, a military tribune, had stayed to guard 
 the camp. Seeing the Romans flying towards 
 it, he marched out at the head of all his troops 
 to meet them, and reproached them with their 
 cowardice and ignominious flight. But this was 
 not all, for he commanded his soldiers to kill 
 the foremost of those that fled, and all who re- 
 fused to face about against the enemy. This or- 
 der being given so seasonably, and immediately 
 put in execution, had the desired eftect. The 
 stronger fear prevailed over the less. Those 
 who were flying, first halt, and afterwards re- 
 turn to the battle. And now ^milius with his 
 
 Antiochus withdrew to Sardis, with as many 
 of his forces who had escaped the slaughter as 
 he could assemble. From that city he marched 
 to Celsense in Phrygia, whither he heard that his 
 
 the mountain, the ancient Mons Sipylus, now called the Si. 
 puli Uagh. This city, with all the territory from the Maean- 
 der to the Propontis, has been for upwards of 80 years un- 
 der the mild and equitable government of the family of Kara 
 Osman Oglou ; its increasing opulence bears proof of this. 
 The husbandmen here, not as in other parts of Turkey, sow 
 their seed in peace, and gather in security ; and unless the 
 present rebellion of the Greeks have altered the face of 
 things, the Greeks have schools in ^olis where Homer 
 and Thucydides are read. On the slope of Mount Sipylus, 
 overlooking the city, are the ruins of an ancient castle, 
 with its outworks. The Bazaar is well stored with fruits 
 and vegetables ; but the site of the city itself generates 
 malavia, from the excessive heats and frequent floods of 
 theSarabat, and inundations of the plain. Hence fever 
 
 tr-? furnished a constant supply of good water. The cham- 
 bers were numerous, and the one which was assigned him 
 was on the upper floor, where the door of each chamber 
 opened from a railed gallery, projecting into the square, 
 and siapported on handsome pillars and arches. Between 
 these arches, over the colonnade, were constructed recep- 
 tacles, cut with divisions and small holes, for the accom- 
 modation of sparrows. As these birds were never mo- 
 3!osted, but on the contrary often fed during the day by va. 
 fious good natured Turks, every compartment was fully 
 tenanted. ^ 
 Except Mount Tmolus, now called by the Turks Bouz. 
 
 body of troops which consisted of 2000 brave, I ^^^.^1^,^,^^^^^^^^^ Ouse- 
 well-disciplmed men, opposes tne King, \vno \ jy iQ^g^^ on his journey from Constantinople to Smyrna, 
 was pui'suing vigorously those who fled. Atta- j ^^ag best he ever saw in the East. It was a spacious 
 lus the brother of Eumenes, having quitted the budding, forming a regular square, with an open interior 
 right wing, on his receiving advice that the left or court, where a highly ornamented fountam m the cen, 
 was defeated, flew to it very seasonably with 200 
 horse. Antiochus, being now charged on every 
 side, turned his horse, and retired. Thus the 
 Romans having defeated the two wings, advance 
 forward over the heaps of slain, as far as the 
 king's camp, and plunder it. 
 
 It has been observed,^ that the manner m 
 which the king drew up his phalanx was one 
 of the causes of his losing the battle. In this ^^^^ 
 
 body the chief strength of his army consisted, | joagh, or the Cold Mountain, Mount Sipylus was the only 
 and it had hitherto been thought invincible. It ! one of note in Lydia. The goddess Sipylene, worshipped 
 was romnosed entirely of veteran, stout, and i anciently by the pagan inhabitants took her name from it; 
 was ^O^POr*^ "\|, ^„„i,i„ this T>ha lor rather, it was Cybele herself who was so called, because 
 well-disciphned soldiers. _lo enable this pha- L^^^shi '^i here in a particular manner. Hence on the 
 lanx to do him greater service, he ought to have j reverse of almost all the medals of amient Magnesia, Cy- 
 ffiven it less depth, and a greater front ; where- i bele is represented sometimes on the frontispiece of a tem. 
 as in drawinff them up thirty-two deep, he ren- pie with four pillars, and sometimes in a chariot. Pl^frcb 
 dered hal7of^hem of^no usl; and filled up the i informs us, that Mount S>p>aus was also called the Tkun. 
 rest of the front with new raised troops, with- 
 out courage and experience, who consequently 
 could not be depended on. In this, however, 
 Antiochus had only observed the method in 
 which Philip and Alexander used to draw up 
 their phalanx. , , , 
 
 There fell this day, as well in the battle as in 
 the pursuit and the plunder of the camp, 50,000 > 
 foot and 4000 horse : 1400 were taken prisoners, | 
 and fifteen elephants, with their guides. The | 
 Romans lost but SOO foot and twenty-four horse. 
 Twenty-five of Eumenes's troopers were killed. | 
 By this victory the Romans acquired all the ci- ; 
 ties of Asia Minor, which now submitted vo- 
 luntarily to them.^ 
 
 1 Appian. 
 
 2 From Thyatira Antiochus retreated south-west 
 
 Magnesia on the Hermus, 25 British miles distant. 
 
 to 
 
 The 
 
 dering Mountain, because it thundered more frequently 
 there than on any other mountain of Asia. Hence, also, 
 on the reverse of several Magnesian medal.s, is found, Ju- 
 piter armed with thunderbolts. On this mountain, also, 
 cr among the ruins of an ancient town so called, Pausanias, 
 the famed topographer and antiquarian of Greece, de- 
 clares, that he saw a monument, which must have been, to 
 use his own words, well worthy of inspection, the reputed 
 sepulchre of Jupiter himself, \ih. ii. c. 2'2. He also climbed 
 this mountain to see the rock into which Niobe had been 
 turned, lib. i. c. 21. ^ ^ u- tu 
 
 No victory was ever more easily obtained than this, ine 
 number of the slain alone, almost doubled the amount of 
 the whole Roman army, including their allies ; whilst only 
 l.'iOO were taken prisoners— a number so strikingly dispro. 
 portionate, that one would almost suspect the accuracy of 
 the amount. That 54,000 men, and these armed too, should 
 be killed, and that with the loss of only 3^5 men on the 
 Roman side, seems so incredible, that a person might be 
 excused for not believing it. The consul Scipio had, after 
 all, but little ground of triumph over such contemptible 
 soldiers, and had actually but a small share in the victory, 
 or rather massacre, — all the historians who narrate it at- 
 tributing the whole success of it to Eumenes, and his bro- 
 ther Attalus, without mentioning any brave act or prudent 
 
 friim?'um''a'?d nViriCfcgniaIss sVit^^^^^^ almoit <iuc , the one-or the other Scj.io was In J"';'' ; "»™ 
 
 r faapH n^niin afn that rises behind it, and abrupt- ' justice had been done him. But the superior influence ol 
 
 to this place. On the road ther in that expedition, prevailed over the just i 
 
 pi ue. ^ his quondam friend, as Scipio Asiaticus was not considered 
 
 as equal either in point of military talent or experience to 
 
 ^^n^their wars in Greece and Asia, the Romans did not 
 need to put in practice the political maxirn of I^la^i'?je>. 
 " Divide et impera." The Greeks were already sufficient^ 
 Iv divided, and all the Romans had to do was to play 
 
 of Akhissar, or Thvatira. 
 
 from the former city, through this plain, there is a cause- 
 way raised six feet above the general level, with arches 
 and cuts for the passage of water at irregular intervals ; 
 besides many wooden bridges and steppmg stones, ne- 
 ce-'iary during the violent inundations which often ap- 
 proach the walls of Magnesia. It is a large and well peo- 
 pled city, containing at least 27 mosques, and most of 
 
 pled city, coiitammg at leasi z/ inubques, anu ...yo., , ..y .^^v., ";t ,nH «n helo the one to ruir 
 
 the houses are placed at the foot, and some on the sides, of , the one party agamst the other, and so help tne one lo ru 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 477 
 
 son Seleucus had fled. He found him there, and 
 both passed mount Taurus, with the utmost 
 diligence, in order to reach Syria. 
 
 Neither Hannibal nor Scipio Africanus were 
 in this battle. The former was blocked up by 
 the Rhodians in Pamphylia, with the Syrian 
 fleet, and the latter lay ill in Elea. 
 
 The instant Antiochus was arrived at Anti- 
 och,^ he sent Antipater, his brother's son, and 
 Zeuxis, who had governed Lydia and Phrygia 
 under him, to the Romans, in order to sue for 
 peace. They found the consul at Sardis, with 
 Scipio Africanus his brother, who was recovered. 
 They applied themselves to the latter, who pre- 
 sented them to the consul. They did not en- 
 deavour to excuse Antiochus in any manner ; 
 and only sued humbly, in his name, for peace. 
 " You have always," said they to him, " par- 
 doned with greatness of mind the kings and na- 
 tions you have conquered. How much more 
 should you be induced to do this, after a victory 
 I which gives you the empire of the universe ? 
 Henceforward, being become equal to the gods, 
 lay aside all animosity against mortals, and make 
 the good of the human race your sole study for 
 the future." 
 
 The council was summoned upon this em- 
 bassy, and after having seriously examined the 
 affair, the ambassadors were called in. Scipio 
 Africanus spoke, and acquainted them with 
 what had been resolved. — He said, that as the 
 Romans did not suffer themselves to bfe depress"- 
 ed by adversity, on the other side, they were 
 never too elated by prosperity ; that therefore 
 they would not insist upon any other demands, 
 than those they had made before the battle : 
 that Antiochus should evacuate all Asia on this 
 side mount Taurus : that he should pay all the 
 expenses of the war, which were computed at 
 15,000 Euboic talents, and the payments were 
 settled as follows ; 500 talents down, 2500 when 
 the senate should have ratified the treaty, and 
 the rest in twelve years, 1000 talents in each 
 year : that he should pay Eumenes the 400 ta- 
 lents he owed him, and the residue of a pay- 
 ment on account of corn with which the king of 
 Pergamus his father had furnished the king of 
 Syria ; and that he should deliver twenty hos- 
 tages, to be chosen by the Romans. — He added, 
 " The Romans cannot persuade themselves, that 
 a prince who gives Hannibal refuge is sincerely 
 desirous of peace. They therefore demand that 
 Hannibal be delivered up to them, as also Tho- 
 as the -iEtolian, who was the chief agent in fo- 
 
 the other, till they were all ruined, and then. In time con- 
 venient they seized all. In Asia Minor there were three po- 
 tentates all hateful to, and hating one another ; each hated 
 the other as heartily as he hated him. Had Eumenes, and 
 Prusias, and Antiochus, consulted their mutual interests, 
 and acted for the common good, they would have leagued 
 together, and opposed a strong barrier to the inroads of 
 Roman ambition. Each dreaded the power and ambition 
 of his neighbour king. Eumenes was a determined ene- 
 my to the Syrian king, and assisted the Romans all he 
 could. Prusias, on the other hand, was cajoled into a 
 neutrality by the cunning arts of Roman diplomacy. The 
 ruin of Antiochus was therefore certain ; and the selfish- 
 ness, the mean jealousies, and the weak and unprincipled 
 politics of the Asiatic monarchs, completely smoothed the 
 way to the success of the Romans. It may indeed be said, 
 that they did all they could to ruin each other and them- 
 selves, and aggrandize the common enemy of all other 
 powers but their own ; though, to speak in Scripture style, 
 they neither thought so, nor intended so. I'hey helped 
 the Romans, as it were, against themselves, and to their 
 own ruin — Ed. 
 
 3 Liv, 1. xxxvii. n. 46—49. Polyb. in Excerpt. Legat. 
 c. xxiv. Appian. in Syr. p. 110—113. 
 
 menting this war." Ail these conditions were 
 i accepted. 
 
 L. Cotta was sent to Rome with the ambas- 
 sadors of Antiochus, to acquaint the senate with 
 the particulars of this negotiation, and to obtain 
 the ratification of it. Eumenes set out at the 
 same time for Rome, whither the ambassadors 
 of the cities of Asia went also. Soon after the 
 500 talents were paid the consul at Ephesus, 
 hostages were given for the remainder of the 
 payment, and to secure the other articles of the 
 treaty. Antiochus, one of the king's sons, was 
 included among the hostages. — He afterwards 
 ascended the throne, and was surnamed Epi- 
 phanes. The instant Hannibal and Thoas re- 
 ceived advice that a treaty was negotiating, con- 
 cluding that they should be the victims, they 
 provided for their own safety by retiring before 
 it was concluded. 
 
 The ^Etolians had before sent ambassadors to 
 Rome, to solicit an accommodation. To succeed 
 the better, they had the assurance to spread a 
 report in Rome, by a knavish artifice unworthy 
 the character they bore, that the two Scipios 
 had been seized and carried off at an interview, 
 and that Antiochus had defeated their army. 
 Afterwards, as if this report had been true (and 
 they impudently declared that it was so), they 
 I assumed a haughty tone in the senate, and 
 seemed to demand a peace rather than sue for 
 it. This showed they were not acquainted with 
 the genius and character of the Romans, who 
 had reason to be offended with them on other 
 accounts. They therefore were commanded to 
 leave Rome that very day, and Italy in a fort- 
 night. The Romans received letters from the 
 consul soon after, by which it appeared that this 
 report was entirely groundless. 
 
 The Romans* had just be- 
 A. M. S815. fore raised M. Fulvius No- 
 Ant. J. C. 189. bilior and Cn. Manlius Vul- 
 so to the consulate. — In the 
 division of the provinces, uEtolia fell by lot to 
 Fulvius, and Asia to Manlius. 
 
 The arrival of Cotta at Rome, who brought 
 the particulars of the victory and treaty of peace, 
 filled the whole city with joy. Prayers and sa- 
 crifices were appointed, by way of thanksgiving, 
 for three days. 
 
 After this religious solemnity was over, the 
 senate immediately gave audience, first to Eu- 
 menes, and afterwards to the ambassadors. At 
 this audience, one of the most important affairs 
 that had ever been brought before the senate, and 
 which concerned all the Grecian cities of Asia, 
 was to be considered. It is well known how 
 precious and dear liberty in general is to all 
 men. But the Greeks in particular were inex- 
 pressibly jealous of theirs. They considered it 
 as an inheritance, which had devolved to them 
 from their ancestors ; and as a peculiar privilege 
 that distinguishes them from all other nations. 
 And, indeed, the least attention to the Grecian 
 history will show that liberty was the great mo- 
 tive and principle of all their enterprises and 
 wars ; and in a manner the soul of their laws, 
 customs, and whole frame of government. 
 Philip, and Alexander his son, gave the first 
 blow to it, and their successors had exceeding- 
 ly abridged, and almost extirpated it. The Ro- 
 mans had a little before restored it to all the 
 
 4 Liv. 1. xxxvii. n. 47— .00. Ibid. n. 52—59. I'olyb. in 
 Excerpt. Legat. c. xxv. Appian. Syr. p. 116. 
 
478 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 cities of Greece, after the victory they had 
 gained over Philip king of Macedonia. The 
 cities of Asia, after the defeat of Antiochus, 
 were in hopes of the same indulgence. The 
 Rhodians had sent ambassadors to Rome, prin-^ 
 cipally to solicit that favour for the Greeks of 
 Asia; and it was the peculiar interest of king 
 Eumenes to oppose it. This was the subject on 
 which the senate were novv to debate, the de- 
 cision of which held all Europe and Asia in 
 suspense. 
 Eumenes being 
 
 first admitted to audience, 
 opened his speech with a short compliment to 
 the senate, for the glorious protection they had 
 granted him, in freeing himself and his brother, 
 when besieged in Pergamus (the capital of his 
 kingdom) by Antiochus, and in securing his 
 dominions against the unjust enterprises of that 
 prince. He afterwards congratulated the Ro- 
 mans on the happy success of their arms both 
 by sea and land; and on the famous victory 
 they had lately gained, by which they had 
 driven Antiochus out of Europe, as well as of 
 all Asia situated on this side of mount Taurus. 
 He added, that as to himself and the service he 
 had endeavoured to do the Romans, he chose 
 rather to have those things related by their 
 generals than by himself. The modesty of his 
 behaviour was universally applauded ; but he 
 was desired to specify the particulars in which 
 the senate and people of Rome could oblige him, 
 and what he had to ask of them ; assuring him 
 that he might rely on their good inclinations 
 towards him. He replied, that if the choice of 
 a recompense was proposed to him by others, 
 and he were permitted to consult the senate, he 
 then would be so free as ask that venerable 
 body, what answer it would be proper for him 
 to make, in order that he might not insist upon 
 immoderate and unreasonable demands ; but 
 that, as it was from the senate that he expected 
 whatsoever he could hope for, he thought it 
 most advisable to depend entirely on their gen- 
 erosity. He was again desired to explain him- 
 self clearly, and without ambiguity. In this 
 mutual contest between politeness and respect, 
 Eumenes, not being able to prevail with him- 
 self to be outdone, quitted the assembly. The 
 senate still persisted in their first resolution ; 
 and the reason they gave for it was, that the 
 king knew what it best suited his interest to 
 ask. He therefore was again introduced, and 
 obliged to explain himself. 
 
 He then made the following speech : " I 
 should have still continued silent, did I not 
 know that the Rhodian ambassadors, whom 
 you will soon admit to audience, will make 
 such demands as are directly contrary to my 
 interest. They will plead, in your presence, 
 the cause of all the Grecian cities of Asia, and 
 pretend that they ought to be declared free. 
 Now, can it be doubted that their intention in 
 this is, to deprive me, not only of those cities 
 which will be set free, but even of such as were 
 anciently tributaries to me ; and that their view 
 is, by so signal a service, to subject them effec- 
 tually to themselves, under the specious title of 
 confederate cities ? They will not fail to expa- 
 tiate strongly on their own disinterestedness ; 
 and to say, that they do not speak for them- 
 selves, but merely for your glory and reputa- 
 tion. You therefore will certainly not suffer 
 yourselves to be imposed upon by such dis- 
 course ; and are far from designing, either to 
 discover an affected inequality towards your 
 allies, by humbling some and raising others in 
 
 an immoderate degree ; nor to allow better con- 
 ditions to those who bore arms against you, 
 than to such as have always been your friends 
 and allies. With regard to my particular pre- 
 tensions, and my personal interest, these I can 
 easily give up ; but as to your kindness, and 
 the marks of friendship with which you have 
 been pleased to honour me, I must confess that 
 I cannot, without pain, see others triumph over 
 me in that particular. This is the most pre- 
 cious part of the inheritance I received from my 
 father, who was the first potentate in all Greece 
 and Asia that had the advantage of concluding 
 an alliance, and of joining in friendship with 
 and who cultivated it with an inviolable 
 
 you , . _. _ 
 
 constancy and fidelity to his latest breath. He 
 was far froin confining himself in those points 
 to mere protestations of kindness and good will. 
 In all the wars you made in Greece, whether 
 by sea or land, he constantly followed your 
 standards, and aided you with all his forces, 
 with such a zeal as none of your allies can 
 boast. It may even be said, that his attach- 
 ment to your interest, in the last and strongest 
 proof he gave of his fidelity, was the cause of 
 his death : for the fire and vigour with which 
 he exhoi-ted the Boeotians to engage in alliance 
 with you, occasioned the fatal accident that 
 brought him to his end in a few days. I have 
 always thought it my glory and duty to tread 
 in his steps. It has not, indeed, been possible 
 for me to exceed him in zeal and attachment 
 for your service: but then the postui'e of affairs, 
 and the war against Antiochus, have furnished 
 me with more opportunities than my father 
 had, of giving you proofs of this. That prince, 
 so powerful in Europe as well as Asia, offered 
 me his daughter in marriage : he engaged him- 
 self to recover all those cities which had re- 
 volted from me : he promised to enlarge my 
 dominions considerably, upon condition that 1 
 should join with him against you. I will not 
 assume any honour to myself from not accept- 
 ing offers which tended to alienate me from 
 your friendship ; and, indeed, how would it 
 have been possible for me to do this ? I will 
 only take notice of what I thought myself 
 bound to do in your favour, as one who was 
 your ancient friend and ally. I assisted your 
 generals both by sea and land, and with a far 
 greater number* of troops, as well as a much 
 larger quantity of provisions, than any of your 
 allies. I was* present in all your engagements, 
 and these were many ; and have spared myself 
 no toils nor dangers. I suffered the hardships 
 of a siege (the most grievous calamity of war)., 
 and Avas blocked up in Pergamus, exposed every 
 moment to the loss of my crown and life. Hav- 
 ing disengaged myself from this siege, whilst 
 Antiochus on one side, and Seleucus his son on 
 the other, were still encamped in my dominions ; 
 neglecting entirely my own interest, I sailed 
 with my whole fleet to the Hellespont, to meet 
 Scipio your consul, purposely to assist him in 
 passing it. I never quitted the consul from the 
 time of his arrival in Asia : not a soldier in 
 your camp has exerted himself more than my 
 brother and myself. No expedition, no battle 
 of cavalry, has taken place without me. In 
 the last engagement, 1 defended the post which 
 the consul assigned mo. I will not ask whether 
 in this particular any of your allies deserved to 
 be compared with m*e. One thing I will be so 
 confident as to assert, that I may put myself in 
 parallel with any of those kings or states, on 
 whom you have bestowed the highest marks of 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 479 
 
 your favour. Masinissa had been your enemy 
 before he became your ally. He did not come 
 over to you with powerful aids, and at a time 
 when he enjoyed the full possession of his king- 
 dom ; but an exile, driven from his kingdom ; 
 plundered of all his possessions, and deprived of 
 all his forces, he fled to your camp, with a 
 squadron of horse, in order to seek an asylum 
 and a refuge in his misfortunes. Nevertheless, 
 because he has since served you faithfully against 
 Syphax and the Carthaginians, you have not 
 only restored him to the throne of his ances- 
 tors ; but, by bestowing on him great part of 
 Syphax's kingdom, you have made him one of 
 the most powerful monarchs of Africa. What, 
 therefore, may we not expect from your liberal- 
 ity, we, who have ever been your allies, and 
 never your enemies ? My father, my brothers, 
 and myself, have, on all occasions, drawn our 
 swords in your cause, both by sea and land ; 
 not only in Asia, but at a great distance from 
 our native country, in Peloponnesus, Boeotia, 
 and ^tolia, during the wars against Philip, 
 Antiochus, and the j3Etolians. Perhaps some 
 one may ask, what then are your pretensions ? 
 Since you force me to explain myself, they are 
 as follow; If, in repulsing Antiochus beyond 
 mount Taurus, your intention was to seize upon 
 that country, in order to unite it to your em- 
 pire, I could not wish for better neighbours, 
 none being more able to secure my dominions. 
 But if you are resolved to resign it, and to re- 
 call your armies from thence, I dare presume 
 to say, that none of your allies deserve to derive 
 I advantage from your conquests better than my- 
 self. Yet (some may observe) it is great and 
 glorious to deliver cities from slavery, and to 
 restore them their liberty. I grant it, provided 
 they had never exercised hostilities against you. 
 But if they have been warmly attached to An- 
 tiochus's interest, will it not be much more 
 worthy of your wisdom and justice, to bestow 
 your favours on allies, who have served you 
 faithfully, than on enemies who have used their 
 endeavours to destroy you ?" 
 
 The senate were exceedingly pleased with the 
 king's harangue ; and showed evidently, that 
 they were determined to do every thing tor him 
 in their power. 
 
 The Rhodians were afterwards admitted to 
 audience. The person who spoke in their name, 
 after retracing the origin of their amity with 
 the Romans, and the services they had done 
 them, first in the war against Philip, and after- 
 wards in that against Antiochus: " Nothing," 
 says he, directing himself to the senators, 
 "grieves us so much at this time, as to find 
 ourselves obliged to engage in a dispute with 
 Eumenes, that prince for whom, of all princes, 
 both our republic and ourselves, have the most 
 faithful and cordial respect. The circumstance 
 which divides and separates us on this occasion, 
 does not proceed from a difference of inclina- 
 tions, but of conditions. We are free, and Eu- 
 menes is a king. It is natural that we, being a 
 free people, should plead for the liberty of 
 others; and that kings should endeavour to 
 make all things pay homage to their sovereign 
 sway. However this be, the circumstance 
 which perplexes us on this occasion, is not so 
 much the affair in itself, which seems to be of 
 such a nature that you cannot be very much 
 divided in opinion about it, as the regard and 
 deference which we ought to show to so august 
 a prince as Eumenes. If there were no other 
 way of acknow^ledginsf the important services of 
 
 a king, your confederate and ally, but in sub- 
 jecting free cities to his power, you then might 
 be doubtful, from the fear you might be under, 
 either of not discovering gratitude enough to- 
 wards a prince who is your friend ; or "of re- 
 nouncing your principles, and the glory you 
 have acquired in the war against Philip, by re- 
 storing all the Grecian cities to their liberty. 
 But fortune has put you in such a condition, as 
 not to fear either of those inconveniences. The 
 immortal gods be praised, the victory you have 
 so lately gained, by which you acquire no less 
 riches than glory, enables you to acquit your- 
 selves easily of what you call a debt. Lyeaonia, 
 the two Phrygias, all Pisidia, the Chersonesus > 
 and the country contiguous to it, are all in your 
 hands. One of these provinces is alone capable 
 of enlarging considerably the dominions of Eu- 
 menes ; but all of them together will equal him 
 [to the most powerful kings. You therefore 
 may, at one and the same time, recompense 
 , VKTj largely your allies, and not depart from 
 i the maxims which form the glory of your em- 
 pire. The same motive prompted you to march 
 against Philip and Antiochus. As the cause is 
 the same, the like issue is expected ; not only 
 because you yourselves have already set the ex- 
 ample, but because your honour requires it. 
 Others engage in war, merely to dispossess their 
 neighbours of some country, some city, fortress, 
 or sea-port ; but you, O Romans, never draw 
 the sword from such motives : when you fight, 
 it is for glory ; and it is this circumstance which 
 inspires all nations with a reverence and awe 
 for your name and empire, almost equal to that 
 which is paid the gods. Your business is to 
 preserve that glory. You have undertaken to 
 rescue from the bondage of kings, and to restore 
 to its ancient liberty, a nation famous for its 
 antiquity ; and still more renowned for its glo- 
 rious actions, and its exquisite taste for the 
 polite arts and sciences. It is the whole nation 
 whom you have taken under your protection, 
 and you have promised it them to the end of 
 time. The cities, situated in Greece itself, are 
 not more Grecian than the colonies they settled 
 , m Asia. A change of country has not wrought 
 any alteration in our origin or manners. We, 
 as Gi'ecian cities in Asia, have endeavoured to 
 rival our ancestors and founders in virtue and 
 in knowledge. Many persons in this assembly 
 have seen the cities of Greece and those of 
 Asia : the only difference is, that we are situ- 
 ated at a farther distance from Rome. If a 
 difference in climate could change the nature 
 and disposition of men, the inhabitants of Mar- 
 seilles, surrounded as they are with ignorant 
 and barbarous nations, should necessarily have 
 long since degenerated; and yet we are informed 
 that you have as great a regard for them, as if 
 they lived in the centre of Greece. And, in- 
 deed, they have retained, not only the sound of 
 the language, the dress, and the whole exterior 
 of the Greeks ; but have also preserved still 
 more their manners, laws, and genius, and all 
 these pure and uncorrupted by their intercourse 
 with the neighbouring nations. Mount Taurus 
 is now the boundary of your empire. Every 
 country on this side of it ought not to appear 
 remote for you. Wherever you have cai'ried 
 your arms, convey thither also the genius and 
 form of your government. Let the Barbarians, 
 who are accustomed to slavery, continue under 
 the empire of kings, since it is grateful to them. 
 The Greeks, in the mediocrity of their present 
 condition, think it glorious to imitate your ex- 
 
i80 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 alted sentiments. Born and nurtured in liberty, 
 they know you will not deem it a crime m them 
 to be jealous of it, as you yourselves are so. 
 Formerly, their own strength was sufficient to 
 secure empire to them ; but now they implore 
 the gods that it may be enjoyed for ever by 
 those people with whom they have placed it. 
 All they desire is, that you will be pleased to 
 protect, by the power of your arms, their liber- 
 ties, as they are now no longer able to defend 
 them by their own . B ut, says somebody, some of 
 those cities have favoured Antiochus. Had not 
 the others favoured Philip also ; and the J aren- 
 tines Pyi-rhus? To cite but one people, Car- 
 thage, your enemy as well as rival, enjoys its 
 liberties and laws. Consider, Fathers, the en- 
 gagements which this example lays you under. 
 Will you concede to Eumenes's ambition (1 beg 
 his pardon for the expression) what you refused 
 to your own just indignation? As for us Rho- 
 dians, in this, as well as in all the wars which 
 you have carried on in our countries, we have 
 endeavoured to behave as good and faithful al- 
 lies ; and you are to judge whether we have 
 really been such. Now that we enjoy peace, 
 we are so free as to give you advice which must 
 necessarily tend to your glory. If you follow 
 it, it will demonstrate to the universe, that how- 
 ever nobly you obtain victories, you yet know 
 how to make a nobler use of them." 
 
 It was impossible to forbear applauding this 
 speech, and it was thought worthy of the Ro- 
 man grandeur. The senate found itself on this 
 occasion divided and opposed by different senti- 
 ments and duties, of whose importance and jus-, 
 fcice they were sensible, but which, at the same 
 time, it was diflScult to reconcile on this occasion. 
 On one side, gratitude for the services of a king, 
 i who had adhered to them with inviolable zeal 
 and fidelity, made a strong impression on their 
 minds : on the other, they earnestly wished to 
 have it thought that the sole view of their un- 
 <i(!rtaking this war was to restore the Grecian 
 cities to their liberty. It must be confessed, 
 that the motives on both sides were exceedingly 
 strong. The restoring of every part of Greece 
 to its liberties and laws after Philip's defeat, 
 had acquired the Romans a reputation infinitely 
 superior to all other triumphs. But then it 
 would be dangerous to displease so powerful a 
 prince as Eumenes ; and it was the interest of 
 the Romans to bring over other kings to their 
 side by the attractive charms of advantage. 
 However, the wisdom of the senate knew how 
 to reconcile these different duties. 
 
 Antiochus's ambassadors were brought in af- 
 ter those of Rhodes, and all they requested of 
 the senate was, to confirm the peace which L. 
 Scipio had granted them. They complied with 
 their desire, and accordingly, some days after, 
 it was also ratified in the assembly of the peo- 
 ple. . . 
 
 The ambassadors of the Asiatic cities were 
 likewise heard, and the answer made to them 
 was, that the senate would despatch, pursuant 
 to their usual custom, ten commissioners to in- 
 quire into and settle the affairs of Asia. It was 
 told them in general, that Lycaonia, the two 
 Phrygias and Mysia, should thenceforward be 
 subject to king Eumenes. To the Rhodians 
 were allotted Lycia, and that part of Caria 
 which lies nearest to Rhodes, and part of Pisi- 
 dia. In both these distributions, such cities 
 were excepted as enjoyed their freedom before 
 the battle fought against Antiochus. It was en- 
 acted, that the rest of the cities of Asia, which 
 
 had paid tribute to Attains, should also pay it 
 to Eumenes ; and that such as had been tribu- 
 taries to Antiochus, should be free and exempt 
 from contributions of every kind. 
 
 Eumenes and the Rhodians seemed very well 
 satisfied with this prudent regulation. '1 he lat- 
 ter requested as a favour, that the inhabitants ot 
 Soli, a city of Cilicia, descended originally, as 
 well as themselves, from the people of Argos, 
 might be restored to their liberty. The senate, 
 after consulting Antiochus's ambassadors on 
 that head, informed the Rhodians of the violent 
 opposition which those ambassadors had made 
 to their request ; because Soli, as situated beyond 
 mount Taurus, was not included in the treaty. 
 However, that if they imagined the l^onour ot 
 Rhodes was concerned in this demand, they 
 would again attempt to overcome their reluc- 
 tance. The Rhodians returning the most hearty 
 thanks once more to the Romans, for the great 
 favours they vouchsafed them, answered, that it 
 was far from their intention to interrupt the 
 peace in any manner, and retired highly satis- 
 fied. . , TO -T 
 
 The Romans decreed a triumph to ^milius 
 Regillus, who had gained a victory at sea over 
 the admiral of Antiochus's fleet ; and still more 
 iustly to L. Scipio, who had conquered the king 
 in person. He assumed the surname of Asiati- 
 cus, that his titles might not be inferior to those 
 i of his brother, upon whom that of Africanus 
 I had been conferred. . . , r,- i. 
 
 Thus ended the war against Antiochus, which 
 was not of long duration, cost the Romans but 
 little blood, and yet contributed very much to 
 the aggrandizing of their empire. But, at the 
 same time, this victory contributed also, in an- 
 other manner, to the decay and ruin of that 
 very empire, by introducing into Rome, by the 
 wealth it brought into it, a taste and love tor 
 luxury and effeminate pleasures ; for it is from 
 this victory over Antiochus, and the conquest 
 
 of Asia, that Pliny dates the depravity and 
 corruption of manners in the republic of Rome, 
 and the fatal changes which took place there 
 Asia,'"* vanquished by the Roman arms, in its 
 turn vanquished Rome by its vices. Foreign 
 wealth extinguished in that city a love for the 
 ancient poverty and simplicity in which its 
 strength and honour had consisted. Luxury, 
 which in a manner entered Rome in triumph 
 with the superb spoils of Asia, brought with her 
 in her train irregularities and crimes of every 
 kind, made greater havoc in the cities than the 
 mightiest armies could have done, and in that 
 manner avenged the conquered globe.* 
 
 1 Plin.l. xiii.c. 3. 
 2 Arais vicit, vitiis victus est. Senec de Alex. 
 
 S Prima peregrines obsccena pecunia mores 
 Intulit, et turpi fregerunt secula luxu 
 Diviiiffi molles 
 
 Nullum crimen abest facinusque libidini, ex quo 
 
 Paupertas Romanaperit— ^ 
 
 Saevlorarmis 
 Luxuria incubuit, victumque ulciscitur orhem. 
 
 Juven. lib. ii. Sat. vi 
 
 4 The consequences of this victory were immediate and 
 immense. Deputies hastened to the triumphant consul 
 from all parts. The cities of Thyatira, Magnesia, Trallis, 
 Magnesia on the Meander, all Lydia, and tphesus itselt, 
 though highly favoured by Antiochus, declared for the 
 Romans, 'rrallis was a noted city, 80 stadia to the north 
 of the Meeander, 140 stadia south-east of Magnesia, and 
 260 stadia south-east of Ephesus, according to btrabo ; 
 who also Quotes Artemidorus, as making the distance troni 
 
481 
 
 Reflections on the conduct of the Ronians with re- 
 gard to the Grecian states, and the kings both of 
 Euro})e and Asia. 
 
 The reader begins to diccover, in the events 
 
 Physcus, near the site of the modern Marmorice described 
 in a former note, to Trallis, across the inland country, to 
 be 970 stadia. Now tiie distance between these two points 
 on Kennel's targe map, No. 2 , is 80 British miles direct, 
 which gives Ti stadia to a British mile. But, as road dis- 
 tance is plainly intended by the expression Ephesum eun- 
 tibus, one eighth must be added for windings, which will 
 make the road distance from Physcus to Trallis 90 British 
 miles, or nigh 11 stades to the road mile. Trallis is noted 
 for the Epistle of Is^natius to its inhabitants the Trallenses. 
 The citizens of Alabanda also sent deputies to congratu- 
 late the Romans on their victory, built a temple in honour 
 of Rome, worshipped that city as a goddess, and appointed 
 annl/er.'^ary games to her honour. The mean spirited and 
 fallen moiiarch accepted such terms as the Romans were 
 graciously pleased to offer him, happy in being allowed to 
 retain any of his dominions. The articles giveh in the 
 text were more fully detailed in the ensuing treaty, with 
 ] such additions and alterations as the Conscript Fathers 
 i thought proper to make ; and which were received and 
 ratified with all due humility by the ambassadors of the 
 i suppliant monarch. 
 
 I He was condemned to pay 15,000 Attic, not Euboic, ta- 
 lents, as originally stipulated with Scipio — talents of the 
 purest silver, such as that of Athens. Now, this was a 
 material addition to the sum at first imposed: 15,000 Eu- 
 boic talents, at the rate of 60 minee, or 193Z.15s. by Arbuth- 
 not's calculation, per talent, being equal to 2,906,23W. ster- 
 ling of British money; whereas, 15,000 Attic talents, of 80 
 minro, or 258^. 8^. 8d. per talent, amount to 3,875,000/. 5s. 
 sterling, or 968,750/. 5s. more. He was to pay 1000 of these 
 annually, or 258,333/. 6s. 8d. for 12 years ; the other 3000 
 were already paid, namely, 500 to the consul at the sign- 
 ing of the preliminary treaty, and the other 2500 at the 
 signing of the definitive treaty. 
 
 The editor of the last London edition of 1S23, has fixed 
 in a note the value of 15,000 Attic talents collectively, at 
 2^215,000/ sterling, and remarks, from Budseus, that the 
 Euboic talent was somewhat less. What standard he has 
 used in estimating the value of the talent 1 know not, but 
 It is a much less standard than that of Ur. Arbuthnot. 
 The sum of 400 talents wliich he was bound to pay to Eu. 
 menes, was augmented to 477; namely 127 for the corn he 
 received from Attains, and 350 to be paid Eumenes in 5 
 years. Whether these talents were fixed at the Attic 
 standard or the Euboic, the definitive treaty does not ex- 
 pressly say. It is probable all was to be paid in one deno- 
 mination of value, and therefore they would be Attic ta- 
 lents. Their value, accordingly, would amount, collec- 
 tively, to 123,226/. 5s sterling ; which, added to the 15,0(J0 
 Attic talents, very nearly make 4,000,000/. sterling — a 
 pretty handsome sum, but which, one would suppose, was 
 rot beyond the ability of the Syrian monarch to pay. 
 
 He was bound to deliver up all his elephants to the Ko. 
 mans, and train up no more for war. He was also to deliver 
 up all his galleys of war to the Romans, to have no more 
 than 10 such at sea, which should be only triremes, or vessels 
 of 30 oars; and which were not to be allowed to sail be- 
 yond the promontories of Calycadnus and Sarpedon (de. 
 scribed in a preceding note), unless for the purpose of 
 bringing money, ambassadors, or hostages to Rome. He 
 was not to raise mercenaries in any of the countries be- 
 longing to Rome or her allies, or receive volunteers from 
 thence. If any of the allies made war upon him, he was 
 to have the right of defending himself (wonderful conde- 
 scension) ; but he was to keep none of the cities to him. 
 self, or take them into friendship, or draw them over to 
 his side by corruption ; aU disputes were to be decided by 
 pitched battles. 'I hese were the chief articles of this hu- 
 miliating treaty,— a treaty by which he was graciously 
 permitted to defend himself, after they had taken good 
 
 j care, by disarming him, to put it out of his power to do 
 
 iO. 
 
 j 'J he next thing in hand was the division of the spoil ; or, 
 j in other words, the partition of his dismembered territo- 
 ries. As Rome, on this occasion, made a show of disin. 
 terestedness, she took upon hcrsi If the duty of graciously 
 allotting to her selfish, but short-sighted, allies, their re- 
 spective portions of territory, according to their deserts 
 and merits. Eumenes, ever the most subservient of her 
 interested allies, and always attentive to his immediate in- 
 terest, behaved with great adroitness in this affair. He ' 
 affected wonderful modesty before the senate, and |)retend- 
 ed as great shyness in asking any recompense for his faith, 
 ful services ; he behaved, in fact, with such consummate 
 11. 
 
 before related, one of the principal characteris- 
 tics of the Romans, which will soon determine 
 the fate of all the states of Greece, and produce 
 an almost general change in the universe, 1 
 mean a spirit of sovereignty and dominion. 
 
 address, and polite servility, that the senate granted hin; 
 ail he asked, as far a.s they could possibly do it, consistent 
 with the claims of the other allies, and their own profe? 
 sions of giving freedom to the Greek cities. 'I'he Hhodi 
 ans, on the other hand, were zealous against the preten- 
 sions of Eumenes, and wished the Romans to set at lilier- 
 ty ail the Asiatic Greeks, even thosi. that had been former- 
 ly subject to the ancestors of Eumeties. Both parties were 
 unreasonai)le ; for Eumeiie.s wished to receive all the 
 Greek cities that had submitted to Antiochus, which was 
 plainly desiring the Romans to violate their word, to com- 
 mit open injustice, and act totally inconsistent with their 
 professi ons — which were the liberatitjn of all the Greek I 
 cities in As'a, particularly those which Antiochus had 
 taken. On the other hand, the Rhodians did not wish that 
 Eumenes should be aggrandized at all ; or if he should re- 
 ceive any accesion of territory, an inland province inha- 
 bited by Barbarians, as they termed the Asiatic natives, 
 should content him, although Eumenes had been by far 
 the most efficient ally. The senate struck a medium be- 
 tween the clashing claims of the Rhodians and Asiatic 
 Greeks on the one hand, and those of Eumenes on the 
 other, in the manner related in the text. 
 
 It is perfectly plain, that if the Romans had acted in 
 rigid consistence with their avowed professions of setting 
 all the Greek cities in Asia free, and which was what the 
 deputies from the Greek cities demanded, they would 
 have deprived Eumenes of all the Greek cities in his do- 
 minions ; such as Cyme, Phoccea, Smyrna, Teos. Colophon, 
 and others, for Eumenes had no more just right to them 
 than Antiochus— namely, that of conquest. But the wily 
 Romans did not choose to disoblige their best ally, ami 
 therefore allowed him to keep them. 
 
 The conduct of the Rhodians to the unhappy Lycians, 
 who had been assigned to them by the senate, confirmeo 
 wnat Eumenes had said in his speech, that the Rhodians, 
 in asserting so zealously the cause of the Greek cities, j 
 meant to subject them entirely to themselves. Not only 
 had they obtained Physcus and Stratonice, with the district 
 denominated Perzea Rhodiorum, in Caria, but all Lycia, 
 and the coast of Pamphylia. Now, how did these sons 
 and supporters of Grecian freedom act towards their new 
 subjects. This the following facts will show. 
 
 No sooner were the unhappy Lycians transferred to 
 these new masters by the partition treaty, than they were 
 most cruelly oppressed by the Rhodians. Unable to bear 
 these oppressions, the Lycians sent ambassadors to Rome, 
 complaining of their new masters, and seeking redress of 
 thcii grievances from that very senate which had thus 
 changed their political state. " We," said the Lycian de- 
 puties, " were formerly subject to the king of Syria, and 
 found his government very mild in comparison of the 
 oppressions we endure under the Rhodians. We now un^ 
 dergo all the hardsliips of slavery. All kinds of severity 
 are used, not only against particular persons, but against 
 the whole nation. The honour of our wives and daugh- 
 ters is not safe. Our estates are at the mercy of our mas- 
 ters — our lands are pillaged. In short, we are treated like 
 slaves bought in the market." The senate, touched with 
 compassion, sent a letter to the Rhodians, which was car- 
 ried by the Lycian envoys themselves, to this effect :— 
 " We never intended to enslave the countries we gave 
 you. None of those people who were born free liave been 
 reduced to a state of slavery by us. Remember, therefore, 
 that the Lycians are allies of the people of Rome, at the 
 same time that they are your subjects " 'i'his was cer. 
 tainly a very inconsistent declaration of the senate. They 
 could not both be allies of Rome, and at the same time 
 subjects of the Rhodians. They were formerly subjects of 
 Antiochus, and had been handed over to the Rhodians by 
 the Roman senate. How, therefore, could they be allies. 
 If they were allies, they should have been treated as such, 
 or made such by declaring them independent. If this was 
 indeed the fruit of Roman alliance — exchanging one tyrant 
 for many — the Lycians had much reason to deplore their 
 new connection. 
 
 The Khodians, taking it very much amiss that their sub. 
 jects should dare to have recourse to any foreign power, 
 treated them more cruelly than ever; whereupon, the 
 Lycians, at the instigation of Rome as is supposed, taking! 
 up arms, attempted to shake off the yoke. But being sooi! 
 reduced by the Rhodians, they were so cruelly used afresh, 
 that they were again compelled to have recourse to Ron e, 
 where they found many partisans ; the Khodians havinj; 
 now disobliged the Romans, by carrying with their fief 
 
482 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 This characteristic does not display itself at first 
 in its full extent; it reveals itself only by de- 
 grees; and it is only by insensible progressions, 
 which at the same time are rapid enough, that 
 it is carried at last to its greatest height. 
 
 It must be confessed, that this people, on cer- 
 tain occasions, show such a moderation and dis- 
 interestedness, as (judging of them only trom 
 their outside) exceed every thing we meet with 
 in history, and to which it seems inconsistent 
 to refuse praise. Was there ever a more de- 
 litlhtful or more glorious day, than that in 
 which the Romans, after having carried on a 
 long and dangerous war; after crossing seas, 
 and exhausting their treasures ; caused a herald 
 I to proclaim, in a general assembly, that the Ko- 
 i man people restored all the cities to their liberty ; 
 and desired to reap no other fruit from their 
 victory, than the noble pleasu -e of doing good 
 to nations, the bare remembrat ce of Avhose an- 
 cient glory sufficed to endear them to the Ko- 
 mans ? The description of what passed on that 
 immortal day can hardly be read without tears, 
 and without being affected with a kind of en- 
 thusiasm of esteem and admiration. 
 
 Had this deliverance of the Grecian states 
 proceeded merely from a principle of generosity, 
 void of all interested motives ; had the whole 
 tenor of the conduct of the Romans never belied 
 such exalted sentiments ; nothing could possibly 
 have been more august, or more capable ot do- 
 irnr honour to a nation. But, if we penetrate 
 ever so little beyond this glaring outside, we 
 soon perceive, that this specious moderation ot 
 the Romans was entirely founded upon a pro- 
 found policy : wise indeed, and prudent, accord- 
 ing to the ordinary rules of government, but at 
 the same time very remote from that noble dis- 
 interestedness, which has been so highly ex- 
 tolled on the present occasion. It may be 
 affirmed, that the Grecians then abandoned 
 themselves to a stupid joy ; fondly imagining 
 that they were really free, because the Romans 
 declared them so. , • 4? 
 
 Greece, in the times I am now speaking ot, 
 was divided between two powers ; I mean the 
 Grecian republics and Mac^jdonia ; and they 
 were always engaged in war; the former to 
 
 Laodice, the daughter of Seleucus, whom Perseus had 
 l^ely married, into Macedon. The senate, therefore, 
 sent new commissioners, to settle matters between he 
 Lycians and their masters, enjoining them to favour the 
 former as much as possible withoat wronging the latter. 
 In consequence of this intervenrion, the Lycians were 
 better treated than before. The Lycians and Carians, 
 however, were delivered from the bondage of these island- 
 ers by a solemn declaration of the senate, which was alter, 
 wards followed by an order commanding the Khodians to 
 withdraw their garrisons from these provinces. This was 
 done to punish the Rhodians for their neutrali y in the 
 war with Perseus.and thearrogant behaviour of their am- 
 bassadors at Rome, who presumed to fell a Roman sena e 
 that, if they did not make peace with Perseus,they would 
 make them do it. They were also deprived of Caunus 
 and Stratonice, in the maritime district called Perosa Kho- 
 diorum, from the Greek verb to P^^s over as being 
 
 only separated from Rhodes by a terry. Caunus is now 
 called Kaiguez, and was formerly fo remarkable for the 
 inenliihritv of its atmosphere, that it was sam, iiypn 
 LolfcaSy, Val t^^e dead walked in it. Stratonice is now 
 called Eski-Hissar, or the old castle. . 
 
 Agreeably to the terms of the convention signed a 
 Rome by the ambassadors of Antiochus, the Syrian fleet 
 "hich was then lying in the port of Patara was burnt by 
 the Roman galleys commanded by J ulvius Labeo .he Ro- 
 mans rather%hoosing to give this K^^^'-'^^^ 
 to apply the navy of the conquered monarch to the^ own 
 use They complimented their friend Eumenes with the 
 elephantb. — Ed. 
 
 preserve the remains of their ancient liberty-, 
 and the latter to complete their subjection, ihe 
 Romans, being perfectly well acquainted with 
 this state of Greece, were sensible, that they i 
 needed not be under any apprehensions from ^ 
 those little republics, which were grown weak j 
 through length of years, intestine tends, mutual ; 
 iealousies, and the wars they had been forced to 
 support against foreign powers. But Macedo- j 
 nia, which was possessed of well disciplined i 
 troops, inured to all the toils of wars, which , 
 had continually in view the glory of its tormer 
 monarchs; which had formerly extended its j 
 conquests to the extremities of the globe ; whicn ■ 
 still harboured an ardent, though chimerical 
 desire of attaining universal empire ; and which , 
 had a kind of natural alliance with the kings of ^ 
 Egypt and Syria, sprung from the same origin, j 
 and united by the common interests of monar- | 
 chy ; Macedonia, I say, gave just alarms^ to 
 Rome, which, from the time of the ruin ot Car- 
 thage, had no obstacles to her ambitious designs, 
 but those powerful kingdoms that shared the i 
 rest of the world between them, and espe- 
 cially Macedonia, as it lay nearer to Italy than 
 
 ^^To^balance, therefore, the power of Macedon, 
 and to dispossess Philip of the aid which he 
 flattered himself he should receive from the 
 Greeks, which, indeed, had they united all their 
 forces with his, in order to oppose this common 
 enemy, would perhaps have made him invinci- 
 ble with regard to the Romans ; in this view, 1 
 sav, this latter people declared loudly in favour 
 of those republics ; made it their glory to take 
 them under their protection, and that with no 
 other design, in outward appearance, than to 
 defend them against their oppressors ; and, tar- 
 ther to attach them by a still stronger tie, they 
 hung out to them a specious bait (as a Ji^ward 
 for their fidelity), I rnean liberty, of which all 
 the republics 'in question were inexpressibly 
 iealous; and which the Macedonian monarchs 
 'had perpetually disputed with them. 
 
 The bait was artfully prepared, and swal- 
 lowed very greedily by the generality of the 
 Greeks, whose views penetrated no farther. 
 But the most judicious and most clear-sighted 
 among them discovered the danger that lay con- 
 cealed beneath this chai-ming bait ; and accord- 
 ingly they exhorted the people from time to 
 time in their public assemblies, to beware of 
 this cloud that was gathering in the West; and 
 which, changing on a sudden into a dreadtiil 
 tempest, would break like thunder over their 
 heads, to their utter destruction. 
 
 Nothing could be more gentle and equitable 
 than the conduct of the Romans in the begin- 
 ning They acted with the utmost moderation 
 towards such states and nations as addressed 
 them for protection ; they succoured them 
 against their enemies ; took the utmost pains in 
 terminating their differences, and in suppress- 
 ing all commotions which arose amongst them ; 
 and did not demand the least recompense trom 
 their allies for all these services By this means 
 their authority gained strength daily, and pre- 
 pared the nations for entire subjection. 
 
 And indeed, under pretence of offering them 
 their good offices, of entering into their inte- 
 rests, and of reconciling them, they rendered 
 themselves the sovereign arbiters ot those whom 
 they had restored to liberty, and whom they 
 novv considered, in some measure, as their treed- 
 men. They used to depute commissioners to 
 them, to inquire into their complaints, to weigh 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 48? 
 
 and examine the reasons on both sides, and to 
 decide their quarrels; but when the articles 
 were of such a nature, that there was no possi- 
 bility of reconciling them on the spot, they in- 
 vited them to send their deputies to Rome. 
 Afterwards, they used, with plenary authority, 
 to summon those who refused to come to an 
 agreement; obliged them to plead their cause 
 before the senate, and even to appear in person 
 there. From arbiters and mediators being be- 
 come supreme judges, they soon assumed a ma- 
 gisterial tone, looked upon their decrees as ir- 
 revocable decisions, were greatly offended when 
 the most implicit obedience was not paid to 
 them, and gave the name of rebellion to a second 
 resistance : thus thei'e arose, in the Roman se- 
 nate, a tribunal which judged all nations and 
 kings, from which there was no appeal. This 
 tribunal, at the end of every war, determined 
 the rewards and punishments due to all parties. 
 They dispossessed the vanquished nations of 
 part of their territories in order to bestow them 
 on their allies, by which they did two things 
 from which they reaped a double advantage; 
 for they thereby engaged in the interest of 
 Rome, such knigs as were no ways formidable 
 to them, and from whom they had something 
 to hope; and weakened others, whose friend- 
 ship the Romans could not expect, and whose 
 arms they had reason to dread. 
 
 We shall hear one of the chief magistrates in 
 the republic of the Achseans inveigh strongly in 
 a public assembly against this unjust usurpa- 
 tion, and ask by what title the Romans are 
 empowered to assume so haughty an ascendant 
 over them ; whether their republic was not as 
 free and independent as that of Rome ; by what 
 right the latter pretended to force the Achseans 
 to account for their conduct ; whether they 
 would be pleased, should the Achaeans, in their 
 turn, officiously pretend to inquire into their 
 affairs; and whether matters ought not to be on 
 I the same footing, on both sides ? All these re- 
 flections were very reasonable, just, and unan- 
 swerable ; and the Romans had no advantage 
 in the q^uestion but force. 
 
 They acted in the same manner, and their 
 politics were the same, with regard to their 
 treatment of kings. They first won over to their 
 interest such among them as were the weakest, 
 and consequently the least formidable ; they 
 gave them the title of allies, whereby their per- 
 sons were x'endered in some measure sacred and 
 inviolable ; and which was a kind of safeguard 
 ( against other kings more powerful than them- 
 j selves : they increased their revenues, and en- 
 larged their territories, to let them see what 
 1 they might expect from their protection. It 
 I was this which raised the kingdom of Per- 
 gamus to so exalted a pitch of grandeur. 
 
 In the sequel, the Romans invaded, upon 
 different pretences, those great potentates who 
 I divided Europe and Asia. And how haughtily 
 I did they treat them, even before they had con- 
 I quered ! A powerful king, confined within a 
 narrow' circle by a private man of Rome, was 
 j obliged to make his answer before he quitted 
 j it : how imperious was this ! But then, how 
 did they treat vanquished kings? They com- 
 mand them to deliver up their childi'en, and 
 the heirs to their crown, as hostages and pledges ' 
 of their fidelity and good behaviour ; oblige them 
 to lay down their arms ; forbid them to declare 
 war, or conclude any alliance, without first ob- 
 taining their leave ; banish them to the other 
 side of the mountains ; and leave them, in I 
 
 strictness of speech, only an empty title, and a 
 vain shadow of royalty, divested of all its rights 
 and advantages. 
 
 We cannot doubt, but that Providence bad 
 decreed to the Romans the sovereignty of the 
 world, and the Scriptures had prophesied their 
 future grandeur : but they were strangers to 
 those divine oracles ; and besides, the bare pre- 
 diction of their conquests was no justification of 
 their conduct. Although it be difficult to 
 affirm, and still more so to prove, that this peo- 
 ple had, from their first rise, formed a plan, in 
 order to conquer and subject all nations ; it can- 
 not be denied but that, if we examine their 
 whole conduct attentively, it will appear that 
 they acted as if they had a foreknowledge of 
 this ; and that a kind of instinct had determined 
 them to conform to it in all things. 
 
 But be this as it will, we see, by the event, 
 in what this so much boasted lenity and mode- 
 ration of the Romans terminated. Enemies to 
 the liberty of all nations ; having the utmost 
 contempt for kings and monarchy ; looking upon 
 the whole universe as their prey, they grasped, 
 with insatiable ambition, the conquest of the 
 whole world ; they seized indiscriminately all 
 provinces and kingdoms, and extended their 
 empire over all nations : in a word, they pre- 
 scribed no other limits to their vast projects, 
 that! those which deserts and seas made it im- 
 possible to pass. 
 
 SECT. VIII. 
 
 Fulvius the consul subdues the ^tolians. The Spartans 
 are cruelly treated by their exiles. Manlius, the other 
 consul, conquers the Asiatic Gauls. Antiochus, in 
 order to pay the tribute due to the Romans, plunders a 
 temple in Elymias. That monarch is killed. Explica- 
 tion of Daniel's prophecy concerning Antiochus. 
 
 During the expedition of 
 A. M. 3815. the Romans in Asia,' some 
 Ant. J. C. 189. commotions had happened in 
 Greece. Amynander, by the 
 aid of the iEtolians, had re-established himself 
 in his kingdom of Athamania, after having 
 driven out of his cities the Macedonian garri- 
 sons that held them for king Philip. He de- 
 puted some ambassadors to the senate of Rome ; 
 and others into Asia to the two Scipios, who 
 were then at Ephesus, after their signal victory 
 over Antiochus, to excuse his having employed 
 the arms of the ^tolians against Philip, and 
 also to make his complaints against that prince. 
 
 The .iEtolians had likewise undertaken some 
 enterprises against Philip, in which they had 
 met with tolerable success : but when they 
 heard of Antiochus's defeat, and found that the 
 ambassadors they had sent to Rome were re- 
 turning from thence, without being able to ob- 
 tain any of their demands, and that Fulvius the 
 consul was actually marching against them, 
 they were seized with real alarms. Finding it 
 would be impossible for them to resist the Ro- 
 mans by force of arms, they again had recourse 
 to entreaties ; and in order to render them more 
 effectual, they engaged th« Athenians and Rho- 
 dians to join their ambassadors to those whom 
 they were going to send to Rome, in order to 
 sue for peace. 
 
 The consul being arrived in Greece, had, in 
 
 1 Liv. 1. xxxviii. n. 1 — H. Polyb. in Excerpt. Le? 
 C. 26—28. 2 H 2 
 
484 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 conianction with the Epirots, laid siege to Am- 
 bracia, in which the ^tolians had a strong gar- 
 rison, who made a vigorous defence. However, 
 being at last persuaded that it would be impos- 
 sible for them to hold out long against the Ro- 
 man arms, they sent new ambassadors to the 
 consul, investing them with full powers to con- 
 clude a treaty on any conditions. Those which 
 were proposed to them appearing exceedingly 
 severe, the ambassadors, notwithstandnig then- 
 full power, desired that leave might be granted 
 them to consult the assembly once more: but 
 the members of it were displeased with them 
 for it, and therefore sent them back, with orders 
 to terminate the affair. During this interval, 
 the Athenian and Rhodian ambassadors, whom 
 the senate had sent back to the consul, were 
 arrived, and Amynander had also come to him. 
 The latter having great influence in the city ot 
 Ambracia, where he had spent many years dur- 
 ing his banishment, prevailed with the inhabi- 
 tants to surrender themselves at last to the con- 
 sul. A peace %vas also granted to the ^tolians. 
 The chief conditions of the treaty were as fol- 
 low : that they should first deliver up their arms 
 and horses to the Romans ; should pay them 
 1000 talents of silver (about 160,000^.), half to 
 be paid down directly ; should restore to both 
 the Romans and their allies, all the deserters 
 and prisoners ; should look upon as their ene- 
 mies and friends, all those who were such to 
 i the Romans; and lastly, should give up forty 
 \ hosta<^es, to be chosen by the consul. iheir 
 ambassadors being arrived at Rome, to procure 
 the ratification of the treaty there, found the 
 people highly exasperated against the .aj^tolians, 
 as well on account of their past conduct, as the 
 complaints made against them by Philip in the 
 letters which he had written on that subject. 
 At last, however, the senate were moved by 
 their entreaties, and those of the ambassadors of 
 Athens and Rhodes who accompanied them, 
 and therefore they ratified the treaty conform- 
 ably to the conditions which the consul had 
 
 1 prescribed. The JEtolians were permitted to 
 ! pav in gold the sum imposed on them, in such 
 1 a liianner, as that every piece of gold should be 
 I estimated at the value of ten pieces of silver ot 
 I the same weight, which shows the proportion 
 between gold and silver at that time. 
 
 Fulvius the consul,' after he had terminated 
 the war with the ^tolians, crossed into the 
 island of Cephalenia, in order to subdue it. All 
 the cities, at the first summons, surrendered 
 readily. The inhabitants of Same only, after 
 subriiitting to the conqueror, were sorry for 
 what they had done, and accordingly shut their 
 gates against the Romans, which obliged them 
 to besiege it in form. Same made a very vigor- 
 ous defence, insomuch that it was four months 
 before the consul could take it. 
 
 From thence he went to Peloponnesus, 
 vi^hither he was called by the people of iEgium 
 and Sparta, to decide the differences which in- 
 terrupted their tranquillity. 
 
 The general assembly of the Achseans had 
 from time immemorial been held at ^gium ; 
 but Philopoemen, who was then in office, i-e- 
 solved to change that custom, and to cause the 
 assembly to be held successively in all the cities 
 which formed the Achaean league; and that 
 very year he summoned it to Argos. 1 he con- 
 
 sul would not oppose this motion ; and though 
 his inclination led him to favour the inhabitants 
 of iEgium, because he thought vheir cause the 
 most just ; yet, seeing that the other party would 
 certainly prevail, he withdrew from the assem- 
 bly without declaring his opinion. 
 
 But the affair relating to Sparta was still 
 more intricate,^ and, at the same time, of gi'eater 
 importance. Those who had been banished 
 from that city by Nabis the tyi-ant, had fortified 
 themselves in towns and castles along the coast, 
 and from thence infested the Spartans. The 
 latter had attacked, in the night, one of those 
 towns, called Las, and carried it, but were soon 
 after driven out of it. This enterprise alarmed 
 the exiles, and obliged them to have recourse to 
 the Achseans. Philopoemen, who at that time j 
 was in office, secretly favoured the exiles ; and 
 endeavoured on all occasions to lessen the influ- 
 ence and authority of Sparta. On his motion, 
 a decree was enacted, the purport of which was, 
 that Quintius and the Romans, having put the 
 towns and castles of the sea-coast of Laconia 
 under the protection of the Achseans, and hav- 
 ing forbidden the Lacedaemonians access to it ; 
 and the latter having, however, attacked the 
 town called Las, and killed some of the inhabi- 
 tants ; the Achaean assembly demanded that the 
 contrivers of that enterprise should be delivered 
 up to them ; and that otherwise they should be 
 declared violaters of the treaty. Ambassadors 
 were deputed to give them notice of this decree. 
 A demand made in so haughty a tone exceed- 
 ingly exasperated the Lacedaemonians. They 
 immediately put to death thirty of those who 
 had held a correspondence with Philopoemen 
 and the exiles ; dissolved their alliance with the 
 Achseans, and sent ambassadors to Fulvius the 
 consul, who was then in Cephalenia, in order 
 to put Sparta under the protection of the Ro- 
 mans, and to entreat him to come and take pos- 
 session of it. When the Achseans received ad- 
 vice of what had been transacted in Sparta, they 
 unanimously declared war against that city, 
 which began by some slight incursions both by 
 sea and land, the season being too far advanced 
 for undertaking any thing considerable. 
 
 The consul being arrived in Peloponnesus, 
 heard both parties in a public assembly. The 
 debates were exceedingly warm, and the alter- 
 cation carried to a great height on both sides. 
 Without coming to any immediate determina- 
 tion, he commanded them to lay down their 
 arms, and to send their respective ambassadors 
 to Rome: and accordingly they repaired thither 
 immediately, and were admitted to audience. 
 The Aph^an league was greatly respected at 
 Rome ; but, at the same time, the Romans were 
 unwilling to disgust the Lacedaemonians en- 
 tirely. The senate therefore returned an ob- 
 scure and ambiguous ans%ver (which has not 
 come down to us), whereby the Achaeans might 
 flatter themselves, that they were allowed full 
 power to infest Sparta ; and the Spartans, that 
 ' such power was very much limited and re- 
 strained. I 
 The Achffians extended it as they thought | 
 proper. Philopoimen had been continued in | 
 his employment of first magistrate. He marched . 
 the army to a small distance from Sparta with- | 
 out loss of time ; and again demanded to have 1 
 those persons surrendered to him, who had con 
 
 1 Liv. 1. xxxviii. n. 28 — 30. 
 
 2 Liv, 1. xxxviii. n. 50—34. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 485 
 
 certed the enterprise against the town of Las; 
 declaring that they should not be condemned i 
 nor punished till after being heard. Upon this ! 
 promise, those who had been expressly nomi- 
 nated set out, accompanied by several of the 
 most illustrious citizens, who looked upon their 
 cause as their own, or rather as that of the pub- j 
 lie. Being arrived at the camp of the Achseaiis, ; 
 they were greatly surprised to see the exiles at 
 the head of the army. The latter, advancing i 
 out of the camp, came to meet them with an . 
 insulting air, and began to overwhelm them 
 with reproaches and invectives : after this, the 
 quarrel growing warmer, they fell upon them 
 with great violence, and treated them very igno- 
 miniously. In vain did the Spartans implore 
 both gods and men, and claim the right of na- 
 I tions : the rabble of tlie Achseans, animated by 
 the seditious cries of the exiles, joined v/ith 
 I them, notwithstanding the protection due to 
 1 ambassadors, and in spite of the prohibition of 
 I the supreme magistrate. Seventeen were im- 
 mediately stoned to death, and seventy-three | 
 rescued by the magistrate out of the hands of 
 those furious wretches. It was not that he in- | 
 tended to pardon them ; but he would not have i 
 it said, that they bad been put to death without 
 being heard. The next day they were brought 
 before that enraged multitude, who, almost 
 without so much as hearing them, condemned 
 and executed them all. 
 
 The reader will naturally suppose that so un- 
 just and cruel a treatment threw the Spartans 
 into the deepest aflftiction, and filled them with 
 alarms. The Achseans imposed the same con- 
 ditions on them, as they would have done on a 
 city that had been taken by storm. They gave 
 orders that the walls should be demolished ; that 
 all such mercenaries as the tyrants had kept in 
 their service should leave Laconia ; that the 
 slaves whom those tyrants had set at liberty 
 (and there were a great number of them) should 
 also be obliged to depart the country in a certain 
 limited time, upon pain of being seized by the 
 Achgeans, and sold or carried whithersoever they 
 thought proper; that the laws and institutions 
 of Lycurgus should be annulled ; and, in fine, 
 that the Spartans should be associated in the 
 Achaean league, with whom they should thence- 
 forth form but one body^ and follow the same 
 customs and usages. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians were not much afflicted 
 at the demolition of their walls, with which 
 they began the execution of the orders pre- 
 scribed them ; and indeed it was no great mis- 
 fortune to them. Sparta had long subsisted 
 without any other walls or defence than the 
 bravery of its citizens.^ Pausanius informs us,* 
 that the walls of Sparta were begun to be built 
 in the time of the inroads of Demetrius,^ and 
 afterwards of Pyrrhus ; but they had been com- 
 
 3 Fuerat quondam sine muro Sparta. Tyranni nuper 
 locis pateiitibus planisque objecerantmuruin : altiora loca 
 et difficiliora aditu stationibus armatoriim pro murjiraeiito 
 objectis tutahantur. Liv. 1. xxxiv. n. 38. 
 
 Spartani urbem, quam semper aritiis non muris defen- 
 darant, tain contra responsa fatorum et veterem majorum 
 gloriam, armis diffisi, niurorum pr£esidio includunt. Tan- 
 tum eos degeneravisse a majoribus, ut cQm multis seculis 
 murus urbi civium fuerit, tunc cives salvos se fore 
 non existimaverint, nisi intra muros laterent. Justin. 
 L xiv. c. 5. 
 
 4 In Achaic. p. ^\'-2. 
 5 Justin informs us, thiit Sparta was fortified with 
 wall? at the litne that Cassander meditated the invasion 
 ot Greece. 
 
 pleted by Nabis. Livy relates also, that the 
 tyrants, for their own security, had fortified 
 with walls all such parts of the city as were 
 most open and accessible. The demolition of 
 these walls, therefore, was not a subject of much 
 grief to the inhai)itants of Sparta. But it was 
 with inexpressible regret they saw the exiles, 
 who had caused its destruction, returning into 
 it, and who niight justly be considered as its 
 most cruel enemies. Sparta, enervated by this 
 last blow, lost all its pristine vigour, and was 
 for many years dependant on, and subjected to, 
 the Achjeans. The most fatal circumstance 
 with regard to Sparta was,'' the abolition of the 
 laws of Lycurgus, which had continued in force 
 700 years, and had been the source of all its 
 grandeur and glory. 
 
 This cruel treatment of so renowned a city as 
 Sparta does Philopoemen no honour; but, on 
 the contrary, seems to be a great blot in his re- 
 putation. Plutarch, who justly ranks him 
 among the greatest captains of Greece, does but 
 just glance at this action, and says only a word 
 or two of it. It must, indeed, be confessed, that 
 the cause of the exiles was favourable in itself. 
 They had Agesipolis at their head, to whom the 
 kingdom of Sparta rightfully belonged ; and they 
 had been all expelled their country by the ty- 
 rants: but so open a violation of the law of 
 nations (to which Philopoemen gave at least oc- 
 casion if he did not consent to it), cannot be 
 excused in any manner. 
 
 It appears," fi om a fragment of Polybius, that 
 the Lacedaemonians made complaints at Rome 
 against Philopoemen, as having by this action, 
 equally unjust and cruel, defied the power of 
 the republic of Rome, and insulted its majesty. 
 
 It was a long tim.e before 
 A. M. 3817. they could obtain leave to be 
 Ant. J. C. 187. heard. At last, Lepidus the 
 consul wrote a letter to the 
 Achaean confederacy, to complain of the treat- 
 ment which the Lacedaemonians had met with. 
 Philopoimen and the Achaeans sent an ambassa 
 dor, Nicodemus of Elis, to Rome, to justify 
 their conduct. 
 
 In the same campaign,^ and almost at the 
 same time that Fulvius the consul terminated 
 the war with the iEtolians, Manlius, the other 
 consul, terminated that with the Gauls. I have 
 taken notice elsewhere of the inroads these na- 
 tions had made into different countries of Eu- 
 rope and Asia, under Brennus. The Gauls in 
 question had settled in that part of Asia Mijtor 
 called, from their name, Gallo- Graecia, or Ga- 
 latia, and formed three bodies, three different 
 states ; the Tolistobogi, the Trocmi, and Tec- 
 tosages. They had made themselves formidable 
 to ail the nations round, and spread teri'or and 
 alarms on all sides. The pretence for declaring 
 war against them was, their having aided An- 
 tiochus with troops. Immediately after L. 
 Scipio had resigned the command of his army 
 to Manlius, the latter set out from Ephesus, 
 and marched against the Gauls. If Eumenes 
 had not been then at Rome, he would have been 
 of great service to him in his march; however 
 his brother Attalus supplied his place, and was 
 
 6 Nulla res tanto erat damno, quam disciplina Ly- 
 curgi, cui per septinentos annos assueverant, sublata. 
 Liv. 
 
 7 Polyb in Legat. c xxxvii. 
 8 Liv. 1. xxxviii. n. 12—27. Polvb. in Excerpt. Legal.. 
 29—05. 
 
486 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 the consul's guide. The Gauls had acquired 
 great reputation in every part of this country, 
 which they had subdued by the power of their 
 arms, and had not met with the least opposition. 
 Manlius judged that it would be necessary to 
 harangue his forces on this occasion, before they 
 engaged the enemy. " I am no ways surprised," 
 says he, " that the Gauls should have made their 
 name formidable, and spread terror in the minds 
 of nations so soft and effeminate as the Asiatics. 
 Their tall statui'e, their fair flowing hair, which 
 descends to their waists ; their enormous buck- 
 lers, their long swords ; add to this, their songs, 
 their cries and bowlings at the first onset ; the 
 dreadful clashing of their arms and shields ; all 
 this may, indeed, be dreadful to men not accus- 
 tomed to them ; but not to you, O Romans, 
 Avhose victorious arms have so often triumphed 
 over that nation. Besides, experience has 
 taught you, that after the Gauls have spent their 
 first fire, an obstinate resistance blunts the edge 
 of their courage, as well as their bodily strength ; 
 and that then, quite incapable of supporting the 
 heat of the sun, fatigue, dust, and thirst, their 
 arms fall from their hands, and they sink down 
 quite tired and exhausted. Do not imagine 
 these to be the ancient Gauls, inured to fatigues 
 and dangers. The luxurious plenty of the coun- 
 try they have invaded, the soft temperature of 
 the air "they breathe, the effeminacy and luxury 
 of the people among whom they dwell, have en- 
 tirely enervated them. They are now no more 
 than Phrygians in Gallic armour ; and the only 
 circumstance I fear is, that you will not reap 
 much honour by the defeat of enemies so un- 
 worthy of disputing victory with Romans." 
 
 It was a general opinion with regard to the 
 ancient Gauls, that a sure way to conquer them 
 was to let them exhaust their first fire, which 
 was quickly deadened by opposition ; and that 
 when once this edge of their vivacit}'- was blunt- 
 ed, they had lost all strength and vigour ; and 
 their bodies wei'e even incapable of sustaining 
 the slightest fatigues long, or of withstanding 
 the sunbeams, when they darted with ever so 
 little violence: that, as they were more than 
 men in the beginning of an action, they were 
 less than women at the conclusion of it. Gullos 
 prima impetu feroces esse, quos sustinere satis sit — 
 Gallormii quidem etiam corpora intolerantissima 
 laboris atque eestcis Jluere ; pnmaque eorum prcelia 
 plus quam virorum, postrema nmius quam femi- 
 narum esse.^ 
 
 Those who were not acquainted with the ge- 
 nius and character of the modern French, en- 
 tertained very near the same idea of them. 
 However, the late transactions in Italy, and 
 especially on the Rhine, must have undeceived 
 them. However prepossessed I may be in fa- 
 vour of the Greeks and Romans, I question 
 whether they ever discovered greater patience, 
 resolution, and bravery, than the French dis- 
 played at the siege of Philipsburgh. I do not 
 speak merely of the generals and officers, courage 
 being natural to and in a manner inherent in 
 them ; but even the common soldiers showed 
 such an ardour, intrepidity, and greatness of 
 soul, as amazed the generals. The sight of a 
 hostile army, formidable by its numbers, and 
 still more so by the fame and abilities of the 
 prince who commanded it, served only to ani- 
 mate them the more. During the whole course 
 
 I Liv. 1. X. n. 
 
 of this long and laborious siege, in which they 
 suffered so much by the fire of the besieged and 
 the heat of the sun, by the violence of the rains 
 and inundations of the Rhine; they never once 
 breathed the least murmur or complaint. They 
 were seen wading through great floods, where 
 they were up to the shoulders in water, carrying 
 their clothes and arms over their head, and af- 
 terwards marching, quite uncovered, on the 
 outside of the trenches full of water, exposed 
 to the whole fire of the enemy ; and then ad- 
 vancing with intrepidity to the front of the at- 
 tack, demanding with the loudest shouts, that 
 the enemy should not be allowed capitulation of 
 any kind ; and appearing to dread no other cir- 
 cumstance than their being denied the opportu- 
 nity of signalizing their courage and zeal still 
 more, by storming the city. What I now relate 
 is universally known. The most noble senti- 
 ments of honour, bi-avery, and intrepidity, must 
 necessarily have taken deep root in the minds of 
 our countrymen ; otherwise they could not have 
 burst forth at once so gloriously in a first cam- 
 paign, after having been in a manner asleep 
 during a twenty years' peace. 
 
 The testimony which Lewis XV. thought 
 it incumbent on him to give them, is so glorious 
 to the nation, and even reflects so bright a lus- 
 tre on the king himself, that I am persuaded 
 none of my readers will be displeased to find it 
 inserted here entire. If this digression is not 
 allowable in a history like this, methinks it is 
 pardonable, and even laudable, in a true French- 
 man, fired with zeal for his king and country. 
 
 The King's Letter to the Marshal D' Asfeldt. 
 " Cousin, 
 
 " I am fully sensible of the important service 
 you have done me in taking Philipsburgh. No- 
 thing less than your courage and resolution 
 could have surmounted the obstacles to that en- 
 terprise, occasioned by the inundations of the 
 Rhine. You have had the satisfaction to see 
 your example inspire the officers and soldiers 
 with the same sentiments. I caused an account 
 to be sent me daily, of all the transactions of 
 that siege ; and always observed, that the ardour 
 and patience of my troops increased in propor- 
 tion to the difficulties that arose, either from the 
 swelling of the floods, the presence of the ene- 
 my, or the fire of the place. Every kind of suc- 
 cess may be expected from so valiant a nation : 
 and I enjoin you to inform the general officers 
 and others, and even the whole army, that 1 am 
 highly satisfied with them. You need not 
 doubt my having the same sentiments with re- 
 gard to you ; to assure you of which is the sole 
 motive of this letter; and, Cousin, I beseecn the 
 Almighty to have you in his holy keeping." 
 Versailles, July 23, 1734. 
 
 I now return to the history. After Manlius 
 had ended the speech repeated' above, the army 
 discovered by their shouts how impatiently they 
 desired to be led against the enemy; and ac- 
 cordingly the consul entered their territories. 
 The Gauls had not once suspected that the Ro- 
 mans would invade them, as their country lay 
 so remote from them, and therefore were not 
 prepared to oppose them. But notwithstand- 
 ing this, they made a long and vigorous resis- 
 tance. They laid wait for Manlius in defiles ; 
 disputed the passes with him ; shut themselves 
 uj» in their^ strongest fortresses, a»)d retired to 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 48' 
 
 such eminences as they thought inaccessible. 
 
 I However, the consul, so far from being dis- 
 coaraged, followed, . and forced them wherever 
 he came. He attacked them separately, storm- 
 ed their cities, and defeated them in several en- 
 
 I gagements. I shall not descend to particulars, 
 which were of little importance, and conse- 
 quently would only tire the reader. The 
 Gauls were obliged at last to submit, and to 
 confine themselves within the limits prescribed 
 them.^ 
 
 2 The country called Galatia and Gallogreecia, compre. 
 hended the whole of interior or eastern Phrygia, and part 
 of Faphlagonia. It was bounded by Cappadocia on the 
 east, by Lycaonia on the south, by Bithynia and Phrygia 
 Epictetos on the west, and by Paphlagcnia on the north 
 it comprised, in longitudinal extent, all the tract from the 
 Sangarius to the Iris, east of the Halys. Besides the To- 
 listoboii, the Tectosages, and the Trocmi, were those of 
 the Voturi, who lay south-east of the Tolistoboii ; ihe 
 Ambiani, south of these latter ; the Proserleminitce, south- 
 west of the Ambiani ; and the Byceni, south-west of these 
 last. Perhaps, however, these might be subdivisions of the 
 three Great Tribes. The Tolistol>oii bordered on Phrygia 
 Epictetos, the Trocmi on Cappadocia, and the Tectosages 
 occupied the intermediate tract. 
 
 Pinkerton, in his Dissertation on the Goths and Scythi- 
 ans, seems to have proved that these Gauls, or Galatians, 
 were not the original Gauls, or Celts, but tiermans ; who, 
 having conquered a part of Gaul, were thus denominated 
 to distinguish them from other Goths (for he makes the 
 Germans to be of Gothic origin) ; as the Arabs of Maun, 
 tania are called Maures, or Mauri, and the English, Bri- 
 tons. He also considers the testimony of St. Jerom de- 
 cisive as to their German origin ; for it is well known 
 that, in the time of this. Father, the German was the po- 
 pular language at Treves, as it now is. Tl^eir leaders, too, 
 were called Lomnorius and Lotharius— names in them- 
 selves purely Gothic, though disguised under Latin ter- 
 minations ; Galatia was also denominated Gallogracia, 
 from the intermixture of Gauls and Greeks Who had set- 
 tied there, long before the coming of these new settlers. 
 
 The three districts of Galatia were those of Ancyra, pos- 
 sessed bv the Tectosages, Tavium by the Trocmi, and Pis- 
 sinus by the Tolistoboii. The Galatia of Ptolemy, how- 
 ever, embraces a much larger extent than that of Strabo ; 
 as it includes all the region between the Euxine Kea and 
 Pamphylia. In the Paphlagonian part of Galatia was the 
 district of Gangra. The whole north side of Galatia is cov. 
 ered with a very lofty chain of mountains, extending all the 
 way from the Bithynian Olympus to the Halys, and which 
 is also denominated Olympus. This continuation of the 
 Asiatic Olympus, called by the Turks Kcush-Daghi, or 
 the Mountain of the Birds, incloses the district of Gangra, 
 and covers that city on the north. Thus, though situated 
 by its position within the proper Galatia, it nevertheless 
 held the rank of metropolis in the province of Paphlago- 
 nia— the princes who possessed it having extended their 
 dominion in this province. Before Deiotarus, a prince 
 named Morzeus made it his residence, it being both a city 
 and a castle. It is now known under the modern name of 
 Chiangari : it is the most fertile and productive district in 
 the ancient Galatia. Gordium, Pessinus, Amorium, all 
 si mated on the Sangarius, but now in ruins, lay in this 
 province. In Galatian Poiitus were the cities of Amasia, 
 and Comana Pontica, or Tocat. On the road from the 
 Halys to Tavium was a mansion, or station, called Ecco- 
 briga. Here was a bridge over the Halys, as the Celtic 
 or Galatian term imports, a bridge, but it cannot be now 
 recognized. The ancient Tavium is represented, accord- 
 ing to D' Anville, by the modern Tchoroum. 
 
 In their roving habits and restless tempers, the Gala, 
 tians much resembled the modern Turkmans who now 
 inhabit the same country. 'Ihe Tolistoboii were the first 
 tribe whom the consul attacked, and who were posted on 
 the range of Olympus. He forced tlieir intrenchments. 
 slew great numbers of them, and took 40,000 prisoners, 
 including women and children. He next attacked the 
 Tectosages and Trocmi, posted on Mount Magaba (an 
 eastern continuation probably of the same range), attack, 
 ed their intrenchments as successfully as he liad done the 
 former, but ordered their deputies to follow him to Ephe. 
 ' sus ; whither he retreated wuh his army, as the weather 
 was then very cold in Galatia. 'J he Galatians did as they 
 were commanded, and concluded a peace v.-ilh him on his 
 own terms. , „ ,. . 
 
 •l liat part of the range of Olympus where the Tolisto 
 
 By this victory, the Romans delivered the 
 whole country from the pei-petual terrors it was 
 rmder from those barbarians, who hitherto had 
 done nothing but harass and plunder their neigh- 
 bours. Tranquillity was so fully restored in 
 this quarter, that the empire of the Romans was 
 established there, from the river Halys to mount 
 Taurus ; and the kings of Syria were for ever 
 excluded from all Asia Minor. We are told^ 
 that Antiochus* said, on this occasion, that he 
 was highly obliged to the Romans, for having 
 freed him from the cares and troubles which the 
 government of so vast an extent of country 
 must necessarily have brought upon him. 
 
 boil were posted, lay to the north-west of Ancyra. Ac 
 cording to Strabo, Galatia was at first divided into four 
 Tetrarchies, then into three, then into two, and finally 
 into one, under Deiotarus, who was succeeded by Amyn- 
 tas ; and was at last reduced wholly to the state of a Ro- 
 man province, on the death of Amyntas, by Augustus 
 Caesar. Either Strabo is wrong in placing the sources of 
 the Sangarius at 150 stadia distant from. Pessinus, or the 
 maps of Rennel and Kinnier are in error ; as they place 
 Amorium near the source of the we.stern branch of the 
 Sangarius and Pe.«sinus, considerably to the north of Amo- 
 rium, 40 geographical miles at least, and 70 from the 
 source of the eastern branch, which rises 35 geographical 
 miles north-we.'sl of the Salt Lake of Tata, mentioned by 
 Strabo, From Pessinus to Gordium, if that city be indeed 
 represented by the modern Severhissar, as in Kennel, is a 
 distance of 20 geographical miles. Here the Sangarius runs 
 south.west to its junction with the Thymbrius, or modern 
 Poursac, a deep and rapid stream, originating in the quar- 
 ter of Peltae, or Peloti, 100 geographical miles to the south, 
 west of its junction with the Sangarius ; and which waters 
 the Forum of the Kramians, or Kutahiah, and Dorykeum, 
 or Eskisheher. This junction is 40 geographical miles 
 south-west of Severhissar. From this point the Sangarius 
 runs 45 geographical miles to its junction with the Gallus, 
 another deep and rapid stream, coming from the range ot 
 the Olympus to the south-west, f rom thence it pursues 
 a north-we.st, and tlien a north-east course, of 55 geogra. 
 phical miles to the Euxine, after performing a circuitous 
 course of HSO geographical miles, according to Renncl's 
 large map, 
 
 Amorium, near the source of the Sangarius, lay in what 
 was called Phrygia Salutaris in after ages, from some mi- 
 raculous cures said to have been performed there by the 
 archangel Michael. This city was taken in the jearSS , 
 by the Khalif Al-Motasem, and levelled to the ground in 
 revenge of the capture and destruction of Sozopetra, in 
 Armenia Minor, two days journey south of Malatia, or 
 Melitene, and birth place of that Khalif. As Amorium 
 had been the birth place of 'I heophilus the Greek em- 
 peror, the Khalif was determined it should share the 
 same fate as Sozopetra ; and having collected an im- 
 mense army, he commanded every one of his soldiers to 
 engrave Amorium on his shield. The emperor, who wa.- 
 determined to risk every hazard for the sake of Amorium, 
 engaged the Saracens at Dazymenum, the ancient Doci- 
 mffiuni, to the west of Amorium, contrary to the advice 
 of his officers, and was defeated, with the loss of SO,00(i 
 m.en. The Khalif, now At liberty to inve.^t the place, took 
 it after a clo.se siege of 55 days, put most of the men to the 
 sword, and carried all the women and children into cap- 
 tivity. Thirty thousand of the inhabitants were slain, and 
 an equal number taken captive, and a.=; many had perished 
 in tne previous battle with the Imperial army. Such was 
 the terrible fate of Amorium, in revenge of the similar 
 fate of Sozopetra, which the Khalif had earnestly entreat- 
 ed the Greek emperor to spare, as being the place of his 
 birth, 
 
 Phrygia Facatiana lay to the south-west of the Sangarius, 
 and was formerly called Epictetos, because acquired by 
 Eumenes king of Pergamu-s, in the dismemberment of the 
 Syrian kingdom. Another part of Phrygia, to the south, 
 was called Paroreias, or nigh the moimtains, because con- 
 tiguous to Isauria. Galatia, therefore, occupied the north, 
 ern and central part of Phrygia Magna, having the Paro- 
 reias and Lycaonia on the south, and the Epictetos on the 
 south-west — Ed. 
 
 3 Cic. Orat. pro Dejot. n. 36. Val. Max. 1. iv. c. 1. 
 
 4 Antiochus magnus— dicere est solitus, Benigne sibi S 
 populo Romano esse factum, quM nimis magnd procura 
 tione liberatus, modicis regni terminis uteretur. Oc. 
 
 1 
 
488 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 Fulvius,' one of the con- 
 A. M. 3816. suls, returned to Rome, in 
 Ant. J. C. 188. order to preside in the as- 
 sembly. The consulate was 
 given to M. Valerius Messala and C. Livius 
 Salinator. The instant the assembly broke up, 
 Fulvius returned to his own province. Himself 
 and Manlius his colleague were continued in the^ 
 command of the ax-mies for a year, in quality of 
 proconsuls. 
 
 Manlius had repaired to Ephesus, to settle, 
 with the ten commissioners who had been ap- 
 pointed by the senate, the most important arti- 
 cles of their commission. The treaty of peace 
 with Antiochus was confirmed, as also that 
 which Manlius had concluded with the Gauls. 
 Ariarathes, king- of Cappadocia, had been sen- 
 tenced to pay the Romans 600 talents (600,000 
 crowns), for having assisted Antiochus : how- 
 ever, half this sum was abated at the request of 
 Eumenes, who was to marry his daughter. 
 Manlius made a present to Eumenes of all the 
 elephants which Antiochus, according to the 
 treaty, had delivered up to the Romans. He 
 repassed into Europe with his forces, after hav- 
 ing admitted the deputies of the several cities to 
 audience, and settled the chief difficulties among 
 them. 
 
 Antiochus- was very much 
 A. M. 8817. puzzled how to raise the sum 
 Ant. J. C. 187. he was to pay the Romans. 
 
 He made a progress through 
 the provinces of the east, in order to levy the 
 tribute which they owed him ; and left the re- 
 gency of Syria, during his absence, to Seleucus 
 his son, whom he had declared his presumptive 
 heir. Being arrived in the province of Elymais, 
 he was informed that there was a very consid- 
 erable treasure in the temple of Jupiter Belus. 
 This was a strong temptation to a prince who 
 had little regard for religion, and was in extreme 
 want of money. Accordingly, upon a false pre- 
 tence that the inhabitants of that province had 
 rebelled against him, he entered the temple in 
 the dead of night, and carried off all the riches 
 which had been kept there very religiously dur- 
 ing a long series of years. However, the peo- 
 ple, exasperated by this sacrilege, rebelled against 
 him, and murdered him with all his followers. 
 Aurelius Victor' says that he was killed by some 
 of his own officers, whom he had beaten one day 
 when he was heated with liquor. 
 
 This prince was highly worthy of praise, for 
 his humanity, clemency, and liberality. A de- 
 cree, which we are told he enacted, whereby he 
 gave his subjects permission, and even com- 
 manded them, not to obey his ordinances, in 
 case they should be found to interfere with the 
 laws, shows that he had a high regard for jus- 
 tice. Till the age of fifty he had behaved on all 
 occasions with such bravery, prudence and ap- 
 plication, as had given success to all his enter- 
 prises, and acquired him the titJe of the Great. 
 But from that time his wisdom, as well as ap- 
 plication, had declined very much, and his af- 
 fairs in proportion. His conduct in the war 
 against the Romans; the little advantage he 
 reaped by, or rather his contempt for, the wise 
 counsels* of Hannibal; the ignominious peace 
 
 he was obliged to accept : these circumstances 
 sullied the glory of his former successes ; and 
 his death, occasioned by a wicked and sacrilegi- 
 ous enteii)rise, threw an indelible blot upon his 
 name and memory. • 
 
 The prophecies of the eleventh chapter of Da- 
 niel, from the 10th to the 19th verse, relate to 
 the actions of this prince, and were fully accom- 
 plished. 
 
 " But his sons (of the king of the North) 
 shall be stirred up, and shall assemble a multi- 
 tude of great forces: and one (Antiochus the 
 Great) shall certainly come, and overflow, and 
 pass through : then shall he return, and be stir- 
 red up, even to his fortress."* This king of the 
 North"^ was Seleucus Callinicus, who left behind 
 him two sons Seleucus Ceraunus and Anti- 
 ochus, afterwards surnamed the Great. The 
 former reigned but three years, and was suc- 
 ceeded by Antiochus his brother. The latter, 
 after having pacified the troubles of his king- 
 dom, made" war against Ptolemy Philopator, 
 king of the South, that is of Egypt ; dispossess- 
 ed him of Ccele-syria, which was delivered to 
 him by Theodotus, governor of that province; 
 defeated Ptolemy's generals in the narrow passes 
 near Berytus, and made himself master of part 
 of Phoenicia. Ptolemy then endeavoured to 
 amuse him by overtures of peace. The Hebrew 
 is still more expressive. " He (meaning Anti- 
 ochus) shall come. He shall overflow" the ene- 
 my's country. " He shall pass" over mount 
 Libanus. " He shall halt," whilst overtures of 
 peace are making him. " He shall advance 
 with ardour as far as the fortresses," that is, to 
 the frontiers of Egypt. Ptolemy's victory is 
 clearly pointed out in the following verses. 
 
 ' And the king of the South shall be moved 
 with choler, and shall come forth and fight with 
 him, even the king of the North : and he shall 
 set forth a great multitude, but the multitude 
 shall be given into his hand."" Ptolemy Philo- 
 pator was an indolent, effeminate prince. It 
 was necessary to excite and drag him. in a man- 
 ner out of his lethargy, in order to prevail with 
 him to take up arms and repulse the enemy, 
 who were preparing to march into his country : 
 provocatus. At last he put himself at the head 
 of his troops ; and by the valour and good con- 
 duct of his generals obtained a signal victory 
 over Antiochus at Raphia. 
 
 " And when he hath taken away the multi- 
 tude, his heart shall be lifted up, and he shall cast 
 down many ten thousands ; but he shall not be 
 strengthened by it."' Antiochus lost upwards 
 of 10,000 foot and SOO horse, and 4000 of his 
 men were taken prisoners. Philopator, having 
 marched after his victory to Jerusalem, was so 
 audacious as to attempt to enter the sanctuary. 
 " His heart shall be lifted up ;" and being re- 
 turned to his kingdom, he behaved with the ut- 
 most pride toward the Jews, and treated them 
 very cruelly. He might have dispossessed Anti- 
 ochus of hi's dominions, had he taken a proper 
 advantage of his glorious victory ; but he con- 
 tented himself with recovering Cwle-syria and 
 Phoenicia, and again plunged into his former 
 excesses ; " but he shall not be strengthened by 
 it." 
 
 " For the king of the North shall return, ano 
 shall set tbrth a multitude greater than the for- 
 
 1 Liv. 1. xxxviii. n. 35. 
 2 Dinil. in Excerpt, p. 293. Justin. 1. x\xu. c. 2. Hie- 
 ron. ill Dan. cap. xi. 
 
 3 De viris iUust. cap. liv. 
 
 4 Ver. 10. 
 d Ver. 11. 
 
 5 See ver. 8 
 7 Ver. 12. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSOllS. 
 
 aier, and shall certainly come (after certain 
 7ears) with a great army and with much 
 riches."^ Antiochus, after he had ended the 
 war beyond the Euphrates, raised a great army 
 in those provinces. Finding, fourteen years 
 
 sti ength of his whole kingdom, and upright onea 
 with him ; thus shall he do : and he shall giv 
 him the diiughter of women, corrupting her: 
 but she shall not stand on his side, neither bc- 
 for him."'^ Antiochus, seeing that the Ko- 
 
 after the conclusion of the first war, that Pto- i mans undertook the defence of young Ptolemy 
 lemv Epiphanes, who was then but five or six i Epiphanes, thought it would best suit his inte- 
 years of age, had succeeded Philopator his fa- ! rest to lull the king asleep, by giving him his 
 
 ther, he united with Philip, king of Macedon. ' ^ u^^^r, ^^.r-r-^cn^ ,n n,v 
 
 in order to deprive the infant king of his throne. 
 Having defeated Scopas at Panium, near the 
 source of the river Jordan, he subjected the 
 whole country which Philopator had conquered, 
 by the victory he had gained at Raphia. 
 
 " And in those times there shall many stand 
 up against the king of the South."'' This pro- 
 phecy was fulfilled by the league between the 
 kings of Macedonia and Syria against the infant 
 monarch of Egypt ; hy the conspiracy of Aga- 
 thocles and Agathoclea for the regency ; and by 
 
 that of Scopas, to dispossess him of his crown , 
 and life. " Also, the robbers of thy people shall him" Antiochus "to cease; without his own 
 exalt themselves to establish the vision, but they ' reproach he shall cause it to turn upon him. 
 
 daughter in marriage, in order to " corrupt her," 
 and to excite her to betray her husband : but he 
 was not successful in his design : for as soon as 
 she was married to Ptolemy, she renounced her 
 father's interests, and embraced those of her 
 husband. It was on this account that we see 
 her joined with him in the embassy which 
 was sent from Egypt to Rome, lo congratulate 
 the Romans on the victoi-y which Acilius had 
 gained over her father at 'I'hermopylae. 
 
 " After this he shall turn his face unto the 
 isles, and shall take many : but a prince for his 
 own behalf shall cause the reproach offered by 
 
 shall fall."'" Several apostate Jews, lo ingra- 
 tiate themselves with the king of Egypt, com- 
 plied with every thing he requu-ed of them. 
 
 Antiochus, having put an end to the war of 
 Coele-syria and Palestine, sent his two sons at 
 the head of the land army to Sardis, whilst 
 
 even in opposition to the sacred ordinances of himself embarked on board the fleet, and sailed 
 the law, by which means they were in great I to the .Egean sea, where he took several islands, 
 favour with him ; but their influence was not j and extended his empire exceedingly on that 
 long-lived; for when Antiochus regained pos- side. However, "the prince" of the people, 
 ession of Judea and Jerusalem, he either extir- whom he had insulted by making this invasion, 
 pated or drove out of the country all the parti- | that is, L. Scipio the Roman consul, " caused 
 sans of Ptolemy. This subjection of the Jews the reproach to turn upon him ;" by defeating 
 - - - ■ - - • him at mount Sipylus, and repulsing him from 
 
 every part of Asia Minor. 
 
 " Then he shall turn his face towards the 
 fort of his own land ; but he shall stumble and 
 fall, and not be found.""' Antiochus, after his 
 defeat, returned to Antioch, the capital of his 
 kingdom, and the strongest fortress in it. He 
 went soon after into the provinces of the east. 
 
 to the sovereignty of the kings of Syria, pre 
 pared the way for the accomplishment of the 
 prophecy, which denounced the calamities that 
 Antiochus Epiphanes, son of Antiochus the 
 Great, was to bring upon this people ; which 
 occasioned a great number of them to "fall" 
 into apostacy. 
 
 " So the king of the North shall come, and - . u 
 
 cast up a mount, and take the most fenced j in order to levy money to pay the^ Konians 
 cities: and the arms of the South shall not 
 
 withstand, neither his chosen people, neither 
 shall there be any strength to withstand." But 
 he that cometh against him, shall do according 
 to his own will, and none shall stand before 
 him : and he shall stand in the glorious land, 
 which by his hand shall be consumed."'^ An- 
 tiochus, after having defeated the Egyptian 
 army at Panium, besieged and took, fust, Si- 
 don, then Gaza, and afterwards all the cities of 
 those provinces, notwithstanding the opposition 
 made by the chosen troops which the king of 
 Egypt had sent against him. " He did accord- 
 ing to his own will," in Coele-syria and Pales- 
 tine, and nothing was able to withstand him. 
 Pursuing his conquests in Palestine, he entered 
 Judea, " that glorious," or, according to the 
 Hebrew, " that desirable land." He there es- 
 tablished his authority ; and strengthened it, by 
 repulsing from the castle of Jerusalem the gar- 
 rison which Scopas had thrown into it. This 
 garrison having defended itself so well, that 
 Antiochus was obliged to send for all his troops 
 in order to force it ; and the siege continuing a 
 longtime, the country was ruined and "con- 
 Bumed" by the stay the army was obliged to 
 make in it. 
 
 " He shall also set his face to enter with the 
 
 but, having plundered the temple of Elymais, 
 he there lost his life in a miserable manner." 
 
 8 Ver. 13. 9 Ver. 14. 
 
 10 The angel Gabriel here speaks to Daniel. 
 - 11 Ver. 15. I '2 Ver. U> 
 
 13 Ver. 17. 
 
 14 Legati ab Ptolem^i et CleopatrS, regibus ^gyptl, 
 gratulantes quod Manius Acilius consul Antiochum regem 
 Crseciae expuli-'^set, venerunt. Lit. 1. xxxvii. n. 3. 
 15 Ver. 18. 16 Ver. 19. 
 
 17 I am compelled to call in question the common opi- 
 nion that Antiochus the Great lost his life in attempting 
 to plunder the temple of Jupiter Belus, in the province 
 of Elymais. My reason for this is the deficiency of proof, 
 and the notorious fact, that three kings of Syria, namely, 
 Antiochus the Great, Antiochus Epiphanes, and Anti- 
 ochus Sidetes, are all said to have made the same attempt, 
 and to have been all baffled ; the first and the last of the 
 three having lost their lives while the second died soon 
 after. That three kings of Syria, and all of the same 
 name, should perish in similar attempts to plunder the 
 same temple, or, at least, one in nearly the same place, is, 
 one would think, too strange a coincidence to pass with, 
 out suspicion. Neither RoUin nor the learned Dr. Gillies 
 have found the least leisure to marvel at this suspicious 
 coincidence, nor given the least hint of the possibility, 
 that, in the confused and irregular notices which have 
 descended to us of this piece of history, the names of these 
 princes may have been mistaken, or that the one Anti- 
 ochus may have been taken for the other. These two 
 historians go straight forward in the path of narrative 
 wirhout ever feehng the least difficulty in the road. 
 
 No writer contemporaneous with this intermediate pe- 
 riod of ancient aistory has appeared, except Polybius ; all 
 the other writers, as Diodorus, Justin, Appian, l^ivy, Plu- 
 larch, Strabo, Josephus, and Jerom, who have spoken of 
 
 this and other events belonging to this period, being at 
 
 least two centuries subsequent, and the last about six cen. 
 tiiries, to the facts they profess to relate. In such a dearth 
 i of contemporaneous writers to guide a modern compiler, 
 
 great caution and discrimination are requisite, in explor 
 
490 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 Such is the prophecy of Daniel relating to 
 Antiochus, which 1 have explained, in most 
 places, according to the Hebrew text. I con- 
 fess there may "be some doubtful and obscure 
 
 terms which may be difficult to explain, and 
 are variously interpreted by commentators ; but 
 is it possible for the substance of the prophecy 
 to appear obscure and doubtful ? Can any rea- 
 
 ing the road, and relating facts which have no vouchers 
 but such iis lived a long time after they are said to have , 
 taken place. 
 
 T!ie learned authors of the Ancient Universal History 
 have noticed this curious coincidence, and bestowed a 
 note upon it, and attempted to account for it, but, in my 
 opinion, unsuccessfully. They have indeed granted, that 
 the different accounts of the death of Antiochus the Great, 
 by Strabo, Justin, and Jerom, on the one hand, and Aure- 
 lius Victor on the other, have made the most judicious 
 araong the Greek and Latin historians to pass over his 
 death in silence : thus, in effect, giving up the point. If, 
 as thoy say, such a difference in the reported manner of 
 his death, induced the most judicious of the ancient his- 
 torians to pass it over sub silentio, how can wc give credit 
 to the common opmion that he lost his life in attem|)ting 
 to plunder an Elymfean temple ? If these most judicious 
 historians were doubtful of its truth, we may be certainly 
 excused for entertaining the same doubts. Yet, in a sub- 
 sequent note on the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, they 
 seem to have renounced this salutary historical scepticism, 
 i respecting a matter that is at best doubtful, and in some 
 measure to contradict their former note. They grant that 
 some have been of opinion that the identity of names may 
 have led ancient writers to confound them, and to apply 
 to all the three the sacrilege that was attempted but by 
 one. Of this opinion was the very learned .Joseph Scali. 
 ger, in his Animadversions on the Eusebian Chronology, 
 p. 140. ; who finds fault with Jerom for saying, in his 
 ( comment on the eleventh of Daniel, that Antiochus the 
 Great was cut off with his whole army, by the Elymteans ; 
 which, he maintains, was not true of Antiochus the Great 
 but of his son Antiochus Epiphanes. 1 really own myself 
 to be of Scaliger's opinion. But what do they say to in- 
 validate the opinion of Scaliger ? It is this : that what 
 Jerom says in this comment is vouched by many other 
 writers of no mean character, but that none of them ever 
 said that Antiochus Epiphanes lost his life in such an at- 
 tempt as did his father ; for he escaped with the loss in- 
 deed of many of his men, and died sometime after — as 
 I Appian, Foly'bius, Josephus, and the authors of the first 
 and second book of Maccabees testify. Now, who are 
 these authors of no mean note referred to as supporting 
 Jerom in his assertion ? They are Strabo, Diodorus Si- 
 culus, and Justin ; just three, and all posterior to the facts 
 they relate. Respecting Justin, his authority is of no great 
 weight amongst critical historians ; and the circumstances 
 I related by Diodorus, bear a much stronger resemblance to 
 I wb^<-. Polybius tells us of the death of Antiochus Epi- 
 phanes, than to that of Antiochus the Great. Nay, 
 what does Jerom himself say, in his comment on this 
 chapter of Daniel ? — " Polybius et Diodorus narrant, 
 eum, templum Dians in Elymaide, quod erat ditissi- 
 mum, spoliare conatum." Here both Polybius and Dio- 
 dorus are quoted as vouchers for the same fact, as done 
 by the same Antiochus, and as being not the temple 
 of Belus but of Diana. Now, this agrees solely to Epi- 
 ' phanes, not to Antiochus the Great. Here we find Jerom 
 I quoting Diodorus as agreeing with Polybius, that Anti- 
 i ochus attempted to plunder the temple of Diana. Now, 
 Polybius ascribes this not to Antiochus the Great but to 
 i his son Epiphanes ; and therefore, according to this quo- 
 ! tation, Diodorus must have also ascribed it to the same 
 I Antiochus as Polybms, otherwise Jerom must have been 
 i mistaken in quoting both these for the same fact ; as, in 
 I that case, Diodorus spoke of one fact whilst Polybius 
 I Epoke of another. 
 
 I We are again told by these learned compilers, in the 
 same note, in order to invalidate the opinion of Scaliger, 
 i that though the attempt w^as made by both princes in the 
 I same country, yet it was not on the same temple ; for that 
 I of Antiochus the Great was on the temple of Venus, and 
 j that of Epiphanes on that of Diana : which goddess is said 
 by Strabo to have had a very rich temple in the country 
 I of che Elymaeans. As this Jupiter Belus was no other 
 ! than the Bel of the Babylonians, it appears somewhat 
 wonderful that he should have a temple in the country of 
 the Elymajar.s. It was generally believed that the wor- 
 1 ship of this deity was confined to the countries west of the 
 Tigris, and 1 had no notion that he was worshipped by the 
 I Rjedes and Elymaians By the temple of Jupiter Belus, I 
 would understand the temple of the sun, were it not that 
 Zabiism, or the worship of the host of heaven, had been 
 long before supplanted in the regions east of the Tigris by 
 the system of Zoroaster, or that of Magiism, which dia not 
 allow of roofed temples, but temples open at the top, and 
 
 on the summits of mountains or eminences, and whicti 
 were denominated Pyrea, or Fire temples. Now, as the 
 worship of the Babylonian Bel, or the sun, or a deified 
 hero as his represe'ntative, was not* known in Media oi 
 Elymais, 1 am led to think that both Justin arwi Strabo 
 are mistaken in calling it a temple of Jupiter Belus, fas 
 no such deity was worshipped in these regions,) and that 
 by this temple was meant that of the Persian Diana, oi 
 rather, the I'ersian Venus. 
 
 In the reign of Artaxerxes Mnemon, the worship of 
 that goddess was introduced into that empire, and a great 
 corru|-tion took place in the national system of religion ; 
 the worship of that goddess being borrowed from the poly, 
 theistic Greeks, as Dr. Hyde himself allows. Hist. Relig. 
 vel. Pers. p. 90. It was the same sort, or similar kind of 
 worship as that paid to her in the temple of Castabala in 
 Cappadocia; the religion of which province was a strange 
 compound of magiism and polytheism. The worship of 
 this goddess, however, never became the national worship, 
 but was always condemned by the magi. If we therefoie 
 suppose, that by the temple of Jupiter Belus was meant 
 that of the Persian Venus, or Diana, and that Strabo and 
 Justin, who were both very iinperfectly informed as to the 
 Persian religion, were mistaken as to the appellation of 
 this temple, it will thcn turn out to be the very same tern- 
 pie that was attempted by the second AntiochuS; or An- 
 tiochus Epiphanes, and, consequently, that they confounded 
 the one prince with the other. 1 am the more confirmed 
 in this opinion from this circumstance, that Strabo never 
 mentions the attempt of Antiochus Epii)hanes on the tem- 
 pie of the Persian Diana. Now, this is vouched by £0 
 many authors of credit, and especially by Polybius, a con- 
 temporary historian, and whose authority in this matter, 
 and others connected witfi his own time, is instar om- 
 nium ; that it is astonishing that Strabo never mentions 
 it, but passes over it in profound silence when speaking of 
 that temple, lib. xvi. p. 510, tom. id. but speaks of that 
 made by Antiochus the Great upon the temple of Belus. 
 
 It is impossible to suppose otherwise, but that Strabo 
 had heard or read of the fact of Antiochus Epiphanes 
 lieing defeated in his attempt to plunder that temple, but 
 that, either from carelessness or a lapse of memory, he at- 
 tributed that to the first Antiochus which he should have 
 done to the second. He further says, that the Parthian 
 monarch, warned by the fate of Antiochus, and hearing 
 afterwards that the Elymseans had several rich temples, 
 and perceiving them (the Elymasans) to be a turbulent, 
 unsubmissive people, invaded them with a great army, 
 and took the temple of I'allas and Diana, which is called 
 Azara, ten thousand talents being abstracted from that 
 temple. Likewise the great city Seleucia, nigh the river 
 Hedyphon, which before was called Soloce, was also cap- 
 tured; " Parthus ex his, qua; illi evenerant, edoctus, et 
 tempore post audiens, templa esse, apud eos, opulenta, 
 vidensque minime obteniperantes, vi magna invasit : et 
 Palladis templum ac Dianee, quod Azara dicitur, cepit, 
 decern millibus talentorum ablatis Capta est, etiam prope 
 flumen Hedyphontem, Seleucia magna civitas, qua prius 
 Soloce vocabatur," p. 510. This sentence immediately 
 follows that in which he had mentioned the death of An- 
 tiochus the Great, by the hands of the barbarians ; for so 
 he calls the Elymseans. Now, upon the common opinion 
 that both Antiochus the Great and Antiochus Epiphanes 
 were concerned in these attempt-^, and both baffled — the 
 one being killed and the other forced to retreat — the Par. 
 thian had two examples before his eyes instead of one to 
 warn him of his danger, should he make a similar attempt, 
 without a sufficiency of military force to ensure his success. 
 
 From this account it will necessarily follow, either that 
 Strabo was quite ignorant of the unsuccessful attempt of 
 Epiphanes, or mistook him for his father. The former 
 seems to me inadmissible, and therefore the latter hypo- 
 thesis must be admitted. This is the only way in which 1 
 can solve the difficulty, and take oft' the objection drawn 
 from the authority of Strabo, advanced by the compilers 
 of the Ancient Universal History against the opinion of 
 Joseph Scaliger. 
 
 This temple, called Azara in the above quotation from 
 Strabo, is rectified into Zara by Casaubon, in his notes 
 upon that geographer ; whence Diana, as we are informed 
 by Hesychius, was called Zaretis. 
 
 Having thus considered the statemei.ts of Diodorus and 
 Strabo, and shown, by a quotation from Jerom, that Dio- 
 dorus must have intended Epiphanes, and not Antiochu,^ 
 the threat, and the great probability there is that Strabc 
 I uiisiook the one event for the other, and consequently, j 
 
 I 
 
SUeCESSORS. 
 
 491 
 
 sonable man, who makes use of his understand- 
 ing, ascribe such a prediction, either to mere 
 chance, or to the conjectures of human prudence 
 and sagacity? Can any light, but that which 
 
 proceeds from God himself, penetrate, in thii 
 manner, into the darkness of futurity, and point 
 out the events of it in so exact and circumstan- 
 tial a manner ? Not to mention what is here 
 
 liope, neutralized at least their auihority, none other but 
 I tliat of Justin remains, to support the alleged fact of the 
 ' death of Antiochus the Great, by the Elymsans, and 
 certainly it will appear to be of little weight to supiiort the 
 I common opinion. I must therefore acquiesce in the opi- 
 I nion of Joseph Scaliger, and that of the Reviewer of Dr. 
 I Gillies's History of the World, in the Edinburgh Critical 
 ' Journal, vol. xi. No. xxi. p. 52, that the identity of names 
 I has led some of the ancient historians into a mistake re- 
 1 specting this matter, and made them ascribe to both, or 
 1 to three, the sacrilege attempted by one, namely, Epi- 
 t phanes. The history of his death I consider as the foun- 
 i dation of one or both of the other two, since that is un- 
 I questionably true. The third story of the death of An- 
 tiochus Sidetes I take to be utterly false, as it stands 
 wholly on the authority of the second book of the Maccabees 
 —a work of small credit, and a Hellenistic piece, and in. 
 ! ferior in authority to the third book of the Maccabees. 
 ' The story is taken from the epistle of the Jews at Jerusa- 
 1 jem to their countrymen in Egypt, and which is esteemed 
 I even more apocryphal than the rest of that book. We 
 i have a specimen of the geographical skill of the author of 
 j this book, commonly reputed to be Jason, in making Ely. 
 i mais identical with Persepolis in the province of Persia. 
 I " Itaque nullus capio," says the learned Samuel Bochart, 
 I " cur, pro Elymaide Persepolim habeat Jason," cap. ix. 
 V. 2. " cum Elymais et Persepolis non modo fuerint diver- 
 BJB urbes sed letiam remotissima. Elymais fuit circa Eu- 
 i keum. Persepolis ad Araxem, qui Ptolemseo Rhogoma- 
 ! nis." Phaleg. lib. xi. c. 2. p. 80. Strabo does not say in 
 i what part of Elymais this temple was situated. We have, 
 ! i therefore, no authority to say that Elymais was the city 
 I of Susa, since Strabo places the Elymaitic region to the 
 i \ north of Susiana between it and Media. I suspect this 
 ! ' temple to have stood at Concobar, the modern Kunghe- 
 1 var, 43 miles south-west of Ecbatan, in a mountainous 
 region. The reader will find, in the second volume of 
 Ker Porter's Travels, a good description of the ruins of 
 tliis celebrated temple ; and we are told that Epiphanes, 
 after his repulse from this temple, retreated to Ecbatan, 
 which shows that its site was at no very great distance 
 from that capital, and that it could be neither Susa nor 
 }'ersepolis. 
 
 Both our author and the compilers of the Ancient 
 ! Universal History, consider this account of the death of 
 Antiochus the Great, as confirmatory of the prediction of 
 Daniel, or rather, that such a death was predicted by that 
 i eminent prophet, in these words : " Then shall he turn 
 I his face to the fort of his own land : but he shall stumble 
 and fall and not be found." That is, say they, to An- 
 tioch his capital, and the strongest fortress in it. See the 
 description of Antioch and its ruins in a former note, to 
 I which interpretation all must agree. But the interpreta- 
 j tion of the final clause, in making it mean that he should 
 I go forth from thence to the eastern provinces to levy 
 money, with which to pay the Romans, and that he should 
 be slain in the attempt, is entirely arbitrary, in my opinion, 
 and by no means deducible from the latter clause of the pre., 
 diction. I do by no means pretend to be an adept in the 
 science of explaining scripture predictions, especially those 
 of Daniel and the Apocalypse. That task must be left to wiser 
 heads. But as this prediction has been brought in aid of 
 the alleged fact that Antiochus the Great was killed in an 
 attempt to plunder an Elymasan temple, I am obliged to 
 consider it; because, if their interpretation be the true 
 one, all objections to the common opinion are of no avail. 
 
 As prophecy is just history anticipated, so it can be 
 explained, or shown to be clearly fulfilled, in no other 
 way than by a knowledge of past history, by the clear ac- 
 cordance of the historical fact v/ith the predicted event. 
 But we must be previously certain of the truth of the 
 historical fact, before we presume to say that it was clearly 
 foretold. There must not only be a similarity in the re- 
 ported fact to the predicted event, but there must be 
 much more— the identity of both must be established. 
 Now, what is the alleged fact said to be predicted ? It is, 
 that Antiochus the Great was cut off, with his whole 
 army, by the Elym.ceans, in the act of plundering their 
 temple, or after having done it. "What is the predicted 
 event ? " Then he shall turn to the fort of his own land : 
 but he shall stumble and fall and not be found." That a 
 violent death is intended is clear, and that this actually 
 took place respecting Antiochus the Great is equally so, 
 but it is not so clear that it should take place in the land 
 of the Elyma?ans, with all its concomitant circumstances. 
 The Ubi, or place predicted where that event should take 
 
 place, seems to me to be the fort of his own land, or An- 
 tioch, or that place where he should die a violent death, 
 in his own capital, Antioch, agreeably to the account of 
 Aurelius Victor. If the prediction had intended the death 
 of Antiochus the Great in a foreign land, and far removed 
 from his capital, and that by the hands not of l;is own 
 subjects but of the Eiyma?ans, it would have run, in my 
 opinion, in quite diff'. rent language from that in which 
 the prophet has expre.«sed it. It would have run thus : 
 " Then shrdl he turn his face beyond the river ; namely, 
 the Euphrates, which lay to the east of Syria ; or, he sha'l 
 turn his face to the east, instead of to the isles ; — by which 
 is meant, the maritime coasts of Greece and the Helles- 
 pont, and from which he was driven by the prince, (L. 
 Scipio the Iloman consul,) who, for his own behalf, caused 
 the reproach which he (Antiochus) offered to him to 
 cease." It seems strange to me that the prediction should 
 be interpreted, not of dying a violePit death at Antioch, 
 the fort of his own land, whither he had turned his face, 
 agreeably to the expression of the inspired prophet, but 
 in the province of Elymais, at Kunghcvar, in the very 
 heart of the Zagrian range — a province not merely east of 
 SyriH, or beyond the Euphrates, but beyond Assyria, itself 
 a province cast of the Tigris, and in the immediate vici- 
 nity of a city at least 11 degrees east of Antioch, and at a 
 distance of at least 750 British miles from the fort of his ( 
 own land. According to this interpretation of the prediction, I 
 he did not merely return to Antioch, but went more than 
 700 British miles beyond it, with an army to conquer the i 
 Elymieans, or rather, to raise money amongst them, by the 
 plunder of their temples, in order to pay the Romans, and 
 perished with his whole army in the attempt. The natu. 
 ral meaning of it seems to be — that this unfortunate prince 
 being baffled in his schemes of conquest in the West, by 
 the superior power of the Romans, as he had been previ. 
 ously so in the East, in the vain attempt of reducing the 
 Parthians and Bactrians, he should return homo to his capi- 
 tal, Antioch, the strong fort of his own land, as to a place 
 of safety and repose, where, abandoning all thoughts of 
 future wars and conquests, he should spend his remaining 
 days in peace and safety, far from the Romans. The pre- 
 diction bears that he should be mistaken in this expecta- 
 tion, that he should not die in peace, even in ihc strong 
 fort of his own land, as he vainly hoped, but should stum- 
 ble and fall, and not be found ; that is, he should meet 
 with an unexpected and violent death. The unhappy 
 prince, disappointed in all those schemes of conquest and 
 glory, in which he had indulged so long and so foolishly, 
 and conscious of his utter inability to retrieve his fallen 
 condition, gave himself up to gross sensuality and de- 
 bauchcry, as the last remaining source of enjoyment. Hav. i 
 :ng lost all sense of honour in the deep abyss of his poli- j 
 tica! degradation, in which he was now sunk, and unable 
 to bear with equanimity his misfortunes, like many, if 
 not most, in similar circumstances, he sought solace from 
 sorrow in the enjoyments of the table, an.d oblivion of 
 grief in the inspirations of the bowl. Heated with wine 
 at one of these entertainments, he struck and abuse<^ 
 one of his guests, who killed him in the quarrel. Thus 
 he stumbled and fell in the strong fort of his own land 
 and was not found, agreeably to the account of Aurelius 
 Victor. 
 
 The above appears to me a more easy and natural expli- 
 cation of the prediction than that of those who interpret it 
 of Ills death in the province of Elymais. I own it to be 
 the common opinion that he so died, and that the predic- 
 tion is interpreted to suit the common opinion. But, for 
 the reasons assigned above, 1 must dissent from it. 
 
 Antiochus is represented as being forced to this mea- 
 sure by the necessities of his situation, arisirig from the i 
 heavy tribute of 1000 talents annually, imposed on him for 
 12 years by the Romans, to reimburse the expenses of the 
 war. It is somewhat difficult to believe this. At the pre. ! 
 sent day, such a sum as 260,000/. sterling, annually, would | 
 not he thought an enormous sum in any of the large Eu. 1 
 ropean states, as France, or Austria, or Great Britain ; I 
 and it is hard to conceive how the rich and commercial 
 kingdom of Syria, comprehending all the country from 
 Tarsus to Egypt, from mount 'I'aurus to the Zagros, and 
 from the Armenian mountains to the head of the Persian 
 gulf, could be so poor as to compel its sovereign to have ' 
 recourse to the plunder of a sacred edifice, and that in a i 
 territory so far removed, and, in some measure, inde. | 
 pendent of the Syrian monarchs. It is true there was no j 
 funding system in those days, by which extraordinar-y 
 sums could have been paid, by anticipating the future 
 
492 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 Kaid concerning Egypt, Seleucus Callinicus, king 
 of Syria, leaves two children behind him. The 
 eldest reigns but three years, and does not per- 
 form any exploit worthy of being recorded; 
 and, accordingly, the prophet does not take any 
 notice of him. The youngest is Antiochus, sur- 
 named the Great, from his gi-eat actions ; and, 
 
 resources of the state. But still, the sum was not extra- 
 ordinary, and twelve years were allowed for its payment. 
 Dr. Gillies says, that he fell fighting alone against the re. 
 iigion, the commerce, and the arts of his subjects. This is 
 mere talking, suppose it had even been true, that Anti. 
 ochus fell in the manner he and others relate. It is true, 
 indeed, that in countries, where, from the frequency of 
 revolutions, and the precarious tenure by which monied 
 property was held, temples, from the sacred character at- 
 tached to these structures, were the most eligible places 
 where money could be deposited ; as few would dare to 
 seize treasures, either laid up there as in a place ot safety, 
 or dedicated to the service of the god Such who dared 
 were deemed guilty of sacrilege, in thus attempting to 
 take what was the god's own property, or that of his priests ; 
 or what was placed, as it were, under his protection. View- 
 ed in this light, the act of Antiochus was at once robbery 
 and sacrilege : robbery, in taking by force the property of 
 other persons— and sacrilege, in that the sacred character 
 of the edifice and its supposed deity were no protection 
 against the nefarious act. 
 
 But, it cannot be said that it was done in a spirit of en. 
 ai\ty to the religion of his subjects ; else we must say, that 
 Sylla, when he plundered the temples of Apollo and Ms. 
 culapius, was at war with the religion of Greece. It was 
 by no means an uncommon thing among Pagan princes 
 and generals to plunder temples, in order to get money. 
 Such acts were done, not out of enmity at the religion ot 
 the country, but of covetousness, or from the plea ol ur- 
 gent necessity; when these predominated no religious 
 scruples stood in the way, and no regard was paid to the 
 religious feelings of the community. 
 
 Respecting the arts and commerce of the Elymsans, I 
 never read that they had much of either. But, after all, 
 the Elymsans were not the subjects of Antiochus, if we 
 are to believe Strabo. After speaking of the Cossseans 
 and Paraetaceni, he mentions the Elymaans as a more 
 powerful nation than both, and as possessing a larger and 
 more diversified territory than the Cossaeans. '« Elymasi 
 plus terrte possident quam hi et— magis vanam. Quae- 
 cunque itaque ferax est incolas agricultores habet ; mon- 
 tana vero milites nutrit magna ex parte sagittarios, et cum 
 multa sit, multum exercitum enutrit. Unde cum rex 
 eorum potentiam maximam habeat, non patitur 1 artho- 
 rum regi obtemperare quern admodum ahi. Eodem mo- 
 do se erga Macedones habebant, qui postmodum Syria im- 
 peraverunt." Here Strabo expressly says that the Elymae- 
 ans were governed by their own princes, and were mde. 
 pendent of the Parthians ; and were also independent of 
 the Macedonian princes who governed Syria. In this 
 case, if Strabo be correct, how could they be the subjects 
 of Antiochus, or of his successors. Justin .says, that Mi. 
 thridates king of the Parthians, conquered the Elymaeans. 
 But this presupposes their independence, and the conquest 
 seems to have been but temporary ; as Plutarch, in his life 
 of Pompey, says, that the Elymaeans were governed by 
 their own princes. , . 
 
 I take the Mithridates of Justin to be the Parthian king 
 who plundered the temple of Uiana, mentioned liy blrab(.. 
 The ElvinEeans and the Dahae, indeed, are mentioned in, 
 the listof the various nations who composed the army ot 
 Antiochus. But that will not prove them to have been 
 subjects, but only mercenaries, or soldiers, who fought for 
 pay and plunder. We must either say, that the Elymse. 
 ans were the subjects of the Syrian monarch, or that Stra- 
 bo, Justin, and Plutarch, were erroneously informed. 
 The reader may choose either alternative as he pieases. 
 
 The most of writers, in modern times, confound the 
 Elvma^ans with the Persians But this is entirely wrong. 
 Neither the Elam, nor the Elamites of Scripture, nor the 
 Elymeeansof Profane History, were the I'ersians, as we 
 have endeavoured to show in a former note ; but a dist|r,ct 
 people from both Medes and Persians. They inhabited 
 the tract to the north of the alluvial district of Susiana, 
 between it and Media. Thus we have endeavoured to 
 Drove that the common opinion of the death of AntioL-hus 
 the Great is erroneous, and that the prediction of Daniel 
 the prophet, has no reference to that event, as comm'^nly 
 supposed: but to his violent death at Antioch, the strong 
 fort of his own land, in the manner reported by Aurehus 
 Mctor, in his lives of illustrious men.— Ld. 
 
 accordingly, the same prophet gives an abstract 
 of the principal circumstances of his life, his 
 most important enterprises, and even the manner 
 of his death. In it we see his expeditions into 
 Ccele-syria and Phcenicia, several cities of which 
 are besieged and taken by that monarch ; his en- 
 trance into Jerusalem, which is laid waste by 
 the stay his troops make in if ; his conquest of a 
 great many islands ; the marriage of his daugh- 
 ter with the king of Egypt, which does not an- 
 swer the design he had in view ; his overthrow 
 by the Roman consul ; his retreat to Antioch ; 
 and, lastly, his unfortunate end. These are, in 
 a manner, the outlines of Antioch us's picture, 
 which can be made to resemble none but him- 
 self. Is it to be supposed that the prophet drew 
 those features without design and at random, in 
 the picture he has left us of him ? The facts, 
 which denote the accomplishment of the prophe- 
 cy, are all told by heathen authors, who lived 
 many centuries after the prophet, and whose fi- 
 delity cannot be suspected. It appears to me, 
 that we must renounce, not only religion, but 
 reason, if we refuse to acknowledge, in su<;h 
 prophecies as these, the intervention of a Su- 
 preme Being, to whom all ages are present, and 
 who governs the world with absolute power. 
 
 SECT. IX. 
 
 Seleucus Philopator succeeds to the throne of Antiochus 
 his father. The first occurences of the reign of Ptolemy 
 Epiphanes in Egypt. Various embassies sent to the 
 Achffians and Romans. Complaints made against Phi- 
 lip. Commissioners are sent from Rome to inquire into 
 those complaints ; and at the same time to take cogniz- 
 ance of the ill treatment of Sparta by the Achaeans. Se- 
 quel of that aSaii. 
 
 A. M. 8817. 
 Ant. J, C. 187. 
 
 Antiochus the Great dy- 
 ing,^ Seleucus Philopator. 
 his eldest son, whom he had 
 left in Antioch when he sei 
 out for the eastern provinces, succeeded him. 
 But his i-eign was obscure and contemptible, oc- 
 casioned by the misery to which the Romans 
 had reduced that crown ; and the exorbitant* 
 sum (1000 talents annually) he was obliged to 
 pay, during the whole of his reign, by virtue of 
 the treaty of peace concluded between the king 
 his father and that people. 
 
 Ptolemy Epiphanes at that time reigned in 
 Egypt/* Immediately upon his accession to the 
 throne, he had sent an ambassador into Achaia, 
 to renew the alliance which the king his father 
 had formerly concluded with the Achaeans. 
 The latter accepted of this office with joy ; and 
 jiccordindv sent as deputies to the king, Lycor- 
 tas, father of Polybius the historian, and two 
 other ambassadors! The alliance being renewed 
 Philopoimen, who was at that time in office, in 
 viting Ptolemy's ambassador to a banquet, the 
 conversation turned upon that prince. In the 
 praise which the ambassador bestowed upon 
 him, he expatiated very much on his dexterity 
 in the chase, his address in riding, and his vi- 
 gour and activity in the exercise of his arms 
 and to give an example of what he asserted, h 
 declared, that this prince, when hunting, had 
 killed, on horseback, a wild bull with one stroke 
 of his javelin. 
 
 1 Appian. in Svr p. 110. 2 About 150.000/. 
 
 S Polyb. in c. 3/. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 493 
 
 The same year that Antiochus died, Cleopa- 
 tra his daughtei-, queen of Egypt, had a son, 
 who reigned after Epiphanes his father, and 
 tvas called Ptolemy Philometor. The whole 
 realm expressed great joy upon the birth of this 
 prince.* Coile-syria and Palestine distinguished 
 themselves above all the provinces, and the most 
 considerable persons of those countries went to 
 Alexandria upon that occasion with the most 
 splendid equipages. Josephus, of whom I have 
 spoken elsewhere, who was receiver-general of 
 those provinces, being too old to take such a 
 journey, sent his youngest son, Hyrcanus, in his 
 stead, who was a young man of abundance of 
 wit, and very engaging manners. The king 
 and queen gave him a very favourable reception, 
 and did him the honour of a place at their table. 
 At one of these entertainments, the guests, who 
 looked upon him with contempt, as a mere 
 youth, without capacity or experience, placed 
 before him the bones from which they had eaten 
 the flesh. A buffoon, who used to divert the king 
 with his jests, said to him ; " Do but behold, 
 Sir, the quantity of bones before Hyrcanus, and 
 your majesty may j udge from thence in what a 
 manner his father gnaws your provinces." 
 Those words made the king laugh j and he 
 asked Hyrcanus how he came to have so great 
 a number of bones before him. " Your majesty 
 need not wonder at that," replied he ; " for dogs 
 eat both flesh and bones, as you see the rest of 
 the persons at your table have done," pointing 
 to th'em ; " but men are contented to eat the 
 flesh, and leave the bones, as I have done." 
 The mockers were mocked by that retort, and 
 continued mute and confused. When the day 
 for making the presents arrived, as Hyrcanus 
 had given out that he had only five talents to 
 present,^ it was expected that he would be very 
 ill received by the king; and people diverted 
 themselves with the thoughts of it beforehand. 
 The greatest presents made by the rest did not 
 exceed twenty talents.^ But Hyrcanus pre- 
 sented to the king 100 boys, well shaped and 
 finely dressed, whom he had bought, each of 
 them bringing a talent as an offering ; and to 
 the queen as many girls in magnificent habits, 
 each with a like present, for that princess. The 
 whole court was amazed at such uncommon and 
 surprising magnificence; and the king and 
 queen dismissed Hyrcanus with the highest 
 marks of their favour and esteem. 
 
 Ptolemy,^ in the first year 
 A. M. 3820. of his reign, governed in so 
 Ant. J. C. 134. auspicious a manner, as gain- 
 ed him universal approba- 
 tion and applause ; because he followed, in all 
 things, the advice of Aristomenes, who was an- 
 other father to him ; but, in process of time, the 
 flattery of courtiers (that deadly poison to kings) 
 prevailed over the wise counsels of that able 
 minister. The young prince shunned him, and 
 began to give into all the vices and failings of his 
 father. Not being able to endure the liberty 
 which Aristomenes frequently took of advising 
 him to act more worthy of his high station, he 
 despatched him by poison. Having thus got rid 
 of a troublesome censor, whose sight alone was 
 importunate, from the tacit reproaches it seem- 
 ed to make him, he abandoned himself entirely 
 
 to his vicious inclinations ; plunged into excessc^ 
 and disorders of every kind ; followed no other 
 guides in the administration of affaii-s than his 
 unbridled passions; and treated his subjects 
 with the cruelty of a tyrant. 
 
 The Egyptians, unable at length to endure the 
 oppressions and injustice to which they were 
 daily exposed, began to cabal together, and to 
 form associations against a king who oppressed 
 them so grievously. Some persons of the high- 
 est quality having engaged in this conspiracy, 
 they had already formed designs for deposing 
 him, and were upon the point of putting them 
 in execution. 
 
 To extricate himself from the difficulties in 
 which he was now involved,^ he chose Poly- 
 crates for his prime minister, a man of great 
 bravery as well as abilities, and who had the 
 most consummate experience in affairs both of 
 peace and war; for he had risen to the command 
 ot the army under his father, and had served in 
 that quality in the battle of Raphia, on which 
 occasion he had contributed very much to the 
 victory. He was afterward governor of the 
 island of Cyprus ; and happening to be in Al- 
 exandria when Seopas's conspiracy was discov- 
 ered, the expedients he employed on that occa- 
 sion conduced very much to the preservation of 
 the state. 
 
 Ptolemy by the assistance 
 A. M. 3821. of this able minister, over- 
 Ant. J. C. 183. came the rebels. He obliged 
 their chiefs, who were the 
 principal lords of the country, to capitulate and 
 submit on certain conditions. But, having 
 seized their persons, he violated his promise; 
 and after having exercised various cruelties upon 
 them, put them all to death. This perfidious 
 conduct brought new troubles upon him, from 
 which the abilities of Polycrates again extricated 
 him. 
 
 The Achaean league, at the time we are now 
 speaking of, seems to have been very powerful, 
 and in great consideration. We have seen that 
 Ptolemy, a little after his accession to the throne, 
 had been very solicitous to renew the ancient 
 alliance with them. This he was also very de- 
 sirous of in the latter end of his reign ; and ac- 
 cordingly offered that republic 6000 shields and 
 200 talents of brass. His offer was accepted, 
 and, in consequence of it, Lycortas and two 
 other Achjeans were deputed to him, to thank 
 him for the presents, and to renew the alliance; 
 and these returned soon after with Ptolemy's 
 ambassador, in order to rati- 
 
 A. M. S818. fy the treaty. King Eu- 
 Ant. J. C. 186. menes also sent an embassy 
 for the same purpose,^ and 
 offered 120 talents (about 21,000/. sterling), the 
 interest of which was to be applied for the sup- 
 port of the members of the public council. 
 Others came likewise from Seleuciis, who, in 
 the name of their sovereign, offered ten ships of 
 war completely equipped; and, at the same time, 
 desired to have the ancient alliance with that 
 prince renewed. The ambassador whom Philo- 
 pcemen had.sent to Rome to justify his conduct, 
 was returned from thence, and desired to give 
 an account of his commission. 
 
 For these several reasons a great assembly was 
 held. The first man that entered it was Nico- 
 
 4 Joseph. Antiq, 1, xii. c. 4. 
 5 About 7.')0t. 6 About 3000/. 
 
 7 Diod. ill Excerpt, p. 294. 
 
 8 Polyb. in Excerpt, p. 113. 
 9 Polyb. in Legal, c. xU. p. 850-852. 
 
494 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 demus of Elea. He gave an account of what, 
 he liad said in the senate of Rome, with regard 
 to the atfair of Sparta, and the answer which 
 hae been made him. It was judged by the re- 
 plies, that the senate, in reality, were not pleased 
 with the subversion of the government ot Spar- 
 ta, with the demolition of the walls of that city, 
 nor with the massacre of the Spartans ; but at 
 the same time, that they did not annul any 
 thing which had been enacted. And as no per- 
 son happened to speak for or against the answers 
 of the senate, no farther mention was made ot it 
 at that time. But the same affair ^yl^ be the 
 subiect of much debate in the sequel. 
 
 I'he ambassadors of Eumenes were next ad- 
 mitted to audience. After having renewed the 
 alliance which had been formerly made with 
 Attains, that king's father, and proposed m l.u- 
 menes's name, the offer of 120 talents ; they ex- 
 patiated largelv on the great friendship and ten- 
 der regard which their sovereign had always 
 showed for the Achseans. When they had end- 
 S ed, ApoUonius of Sicyon rose up, and observed, 
 that the present which the king of Pergamus 
 offered, considered in itself was worthy of the 
 Achffians ; but if regard was had to the end 
 which Eumenes proposed to himself by it, and 
 the advantage he hoped to reap by Ma munih- 
 cence, in that case, the republic could not ac- 
 cept of this present without bringing upon itseh 
 everlasting infamy, and being guilty of the 
 greatest prevarications. " For, in a word, 
 continued he, " as the law forbids every indi- 
 vidual, whether of the people or of the magis- 
 trates, to receive any gift from a king upon any 
 pretence whatsoever, the crime would be much 
 greater, should the commonwealth, collectively, 
 Iccept of Eumenes's offers. That with regard , 
 to the infamy, it was self-evident and glaring ; i 
 for," says Apollonius, " what could retiect 
 i ffi-eater ignominy on a council, than to receive, , 
 I annually, from' a king, money for its subsis- 
 tence ; and to assemble, in order to deliberate , 
 on public affairs, only as so many of his pen- 
 sioners, and in a manner rising from his table, 
 after having swallowed the bait^ that concealed i 
 the hook? But what dreadful consequences I 
 might not be expected from such a custom, i 
 should it be established ? Afterwards Prusias, | 
 excited by the example of Eumenes, would also j 
 beliberalof his benefactions, and after him Se- 
 leucus : that, as the interest of kings differed 
 widely from those of republics, and as, in the 
 latter, their most important deliberations gen- 
 erally related to their differences with crowned 
 heads, one of these two things would inevitably 
 happen : either the Achseans would transact all 
 i things to the advantage of those princes, and to 
 the prejudice of their own country ; or else they 
 I must be guilty of the blackest ingratitude to- 
 : wards their benefactors." He concluded his 
 i speech with exhorting the Achfeans to refuse the 
 i present which was offered; and added,/' lhat 
 i it was their duty to be displeased with Eu- 
 menes, for attempting to bribe their hdelity by 
 such an offer." The whole assembly with shouts 
 ( rejected unanimously the proposal ot the king ot 
 
 1 Polybius bv this expression would denote, that such a 
 pension was a kind of bait that covered a hook ; that is 
 the design which Eumenes had of making^ ail those who 
 composed the council his dependants. Ka,TCirn-:TUK0Tcc- 
 
 Pergamus, however daz/ling the offer of so large 
 a sum of money might be. 
 
 After this, Lycortas and the rest of the aix- 
 bassadors who had been sent to Ptolemy, were 
 called in ; and the decree made by that prince 
 for renewing the alliance was read. Aristenes, 
 who presided in the assembly, having asked 
 what treaty the king of Egypt desired to renew 
 (several having been concluded with Ptolemy 
 upon very different conditions), and nobody be- 
 ing able to answer that question, the decision of 
 that affair was referred to another time. 
 
 At last the ambassadors of Seleucus were ad- 
 mitted to audience. The xlchseans renewed the 
 alliance which had been concluded with him : 
 but it was not judged expedient to accept, at that 
 juncture, of the ships he offered. 
 
 Greece was far from en- 
 A. ]M. 3S19. joying a calm at this time; 
 Ant. J. C. 185. and complaints Avere can-ied 
 from all quarters, to Rome 
 against Philip. The senate thereupon nomina- 
 ted three commissioners, of whom Q.. Cecilius 
 was the chief, to go and take cognizance of those 
 affairs upon the spot. 
 
 Philip still retained the strongest resentment 
 against the Romans,- with whom he believed he 
 had just reason to be dissatisfied on many ac^ 
 counts ; but particularly, because by the articles 
 of peace, he had not been allowed the liberty of 
 taking vengeance on such of his subjects as had ^ 
 abandonedliim during the w-ar. The Romans, 
 however, had endeavoured to console him, by i 
 permitting him to invade Athamania, and | 
 Amynauder the king of ihat country ; by giv- 
 ing up to him some cities of Thessaly, which 
 the iEtolians had seized ; by leaving him the ) 
 possession of Demetrias and all Magnesia ; and : 
 by not opposing him in his attempts to make , 
 himself master of many cities in Thrace ; all ^ 
 which circumstances had somewhat appeased 
 his anger. He continually meditated, however, 
 to take advantage of the repose which the peace 
 afforded him, in order to prepare for war when- 
 ever a proper opportunity should present itself. 
 But the complaints that were made against him 
 at Rome having been listened to there, revived 
 all his former disgusts. 
 
 The three commissioners being arrived at Tem- 
 pe in Thessaly, an assembly was called there, to j 
 which came on one side, the ambassadors of the , 
 Thessalians, of the Perrha?bians and Athama- ; 
 nians ; and, on the other, Philip king of Mace- 
 don, a circumstance that could not but greatly , 
 mortify the pride of so powerful a prince. The I 
 ambassadors urged their various complaints! 
 against Philip, with greater or less force accord- ] 
 Ing to their different characters and abilities. 
 S(rme, after excusing themselves for being 
 obliged to plead against him in favour of their 
 liberty, entreated him to act in regard to them 
 rather as a friend than a master, and to imitate 
 the Romans in that particular, who endeavour- 
 ed to win over their allies rather by friendship 
 than fear. The rest of the ambassadoi-s, with 
 less reserve and moderation reproached him to 
 his face for his injustice, oppression, and usurpa- 
 tion ; assuring the commissioners, that in case 
 they did not apply a speedy remedy, the tri- 
 umphs they had obtained over Philip, and their 
 restoration of liberty to the Grecians inhabiting 
 
 2 Liv. 1. xxxix. n. 25-59. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 495 
 
 the countries near Macedonia, would all beren- 
 leied ineffectual : that this prince,^ like a fiery 
 :ourser, would never be kept in and restrained 
 .vithout a very tight rein and a sharp curb. Phi- 
 lip, that he might assume the air of an accuser 
 rather than of one accused, inveighed heavily 
 against those who had harangued on this occa- 
 sion, and particularly against the Thessalians. 
 He said, that like slaves,* who being made free 
 on a sudden, contrary to their expectations, 
 break into the most injurious exclamations 
 against their masters and benefactors, so they 
 abused with the utmost insolence, the indul- 
 gence of the Romans ; being incapable, after en- 
 during a long servitude, of making a prudent 
 and moderate use of the liberty which had been 
 granted them. The commissioners, after hear- 
 ing the accusations and answers, the circum- 
 stances of which I have thought proper to omit 
 as little important, and making some particular 
 regulations, did not judge proper at that time to 
 pronounce definitively upon their respective de- 
 mands. 
 
 From thence they went to Thessalonica, tb 
 inquire into the affairs relating to the cities of 
 Thrace ; and the king, who was very much dis- 
 gusted, followed them thither. Eumenes's am- 
 bassadors said to the commissioners, that if the 
 Romans were i-esolved to restore the cities of 
 -^nus and Maronea to their liberty, their sove- 
 reign was far from having a design to oppose it ; 
 but that, if they did not concern themselves in 
 regard to the condition of the cities which had 
 been conquered from Antiochus ; in that case, 
 the service which Eumenes and Attains his fa- 
 ther had done Rome seemed to require that they 
 should rather be given up to their master than 
 to Philip, who had no manner of right to them, 
 but had usurped them by open force : that, be- 
 sides, these cities had been given to Eumenes 
 by a decree of the ten commissioners whom the 
 Romans had appointed to determine these differ- 
 ences. The Maroneans, who were afterwards 
 heard, inveighed in the strongest terms against 
 the injustice and oppression which Philip's gar- 
 rison exercised in their city. 
 
 Here Philip delivered himself in quite differ- 
 ent terms from what he had done before ; and 
 directing himself personally to the Romans, de- 
 clared, that he had long perceived they were 
 fully determined never to do him justice on any 
 occasion. He made a long enumeration of the 
 grievous injuries he pretended to have received 
 from them ; the services he had done the Ro- 
 mans on different occasions ; and laid great stress 
 on the zeal with which he had always adhered 
 to their interest, so far as to refuse SOOO talents,^ 
 fifty ships of war completely equipped, and a 
 great number of cities, which Antiochus offered 
 him, upon condition that he would conclude an 
 alliance with him. That, notwithstanding this, 
 he had the mortification to see Eumenes pre- 
 ferred on all occasions, with whom he disdained 
 to compare himself; and that the Romans, so 
 tar from enlarging his dominions, as he thought 
 
 3 CJt equum sternacem non parentem, freiiis asperiori- 
 bus castigandum esse. Liv. 
 
 4 Insolenter et immodicd abuti Tliessalos indulgentid 
 populi Komani ; velut ex diutina siti uimis avidd meram 
 naurientes libertatem. Ita, servorum modo, prater spem 
 repentd manumissorura, licentiam vocis et linguze expe- 
 riri, et jactare sese insectatiore et conviciis dominorum. 
 Liv. 
 
 5 About •150,000/. sterling. 
 
 his services merited, had even dispossessed him, 
 as well of those cities to which he had a lawful 
 claim, as of such as they had bestowed upon 
 him. " You, O Romans," says he, conclud- 
 ing his speech, " are to consider upon what 
 terms you intend to have me be with you. If 
 you are determined to treat me as an enemy, 
 and to urge me to extremities, in that case you 
 need only use me as you have hitherto done : 
 but, if you still revere in my person the title 
 and quality of king, ally, and friend, spare me, 
 I beseech you, the shame of being treated any 
 longer with so much indignity." 
 
 The commissioners were moved with this 
 speech of the king. For this reason, they 
 thought it incumbent on them to leave this af- 
 fair in suspense, by making no decisive answer ; 
 and accordingly they decreed, that if the cities 
 in question had been given to Eumenes, by the 
 decree of the ten commissioners, as he pretended 
 they were, in that case it was not in their power 
 to reverse it; that if Philip had acquired them 
 by right of conquest it was but just that he should 
 be suffered to continue in possession of them : 
 that if neither of these things should be proved, 
 then the cognizance of this affair should be left 
 to the judgment of the senate ; and, in the mean 
 time, the garrisons be drawn out of the cities, 
 each party retaining his pretensions as before. 
 
 This regulation, by which Philip was com- 
 manded, provisionally, to withdraw bis garri- 
 sons out of the respective cities, far from satis- 
 fying that prince, so entirely discontented and 
 enraged him, that the consequence would cer- 
 tainly have been an open war, if he had lived 
 long enough to prepare for it. 
 
 The commissioners,*^ at their leaving Mace- 
 donia, went to Achaia. Aristenes, who was the 
 chief magistrate, assembled immediately all the 
 chiefs of the republic in Argos. Cecilius com- 
 ing into this council, after having applauded the 
 zeal of the Achseans, and the wisdom of their 
 government on all other occasions, added, that 
 he could not forbear telling them, that their in- 
 jurious treatment of the Lacedsemonians had 
 been very much censured at Rome ; and there- 
 fore, he exhorted them to amend, as much as lay 
 in their power, what had been done imprudent- 
 ly against them on that occasion. The silence 
 of Aristenes, who did not reply a single word, 
 showed that he was of the same opinion with 
 Cecilius, and that they acted in concert. Dio- 
 phanes of Megalopolis, a man better skilled in 
 war than politics, and who hated Philopoemen, 
 without mentioning the affair of Sparta, made 
 other complaints against him. Upon this Phi- 
 lopcemen, Lycortas, and Archon, began to speak i 
 with the utmost vigour in defence of the repub- ! 
 lie. They showed, that the whole transaction 
 with respect to Sparta had been conducted with 
 prudence, and even to the advantage of the I^a- 
 cedaemonians : and that no alteration could take 
 place, without violating human laws, as well as 
 the reverence due to the gods. When Cecilius 
 quitted the assembly, the members of it, moved 
 with Philopoemen's discourse, came to a resolu- 
 tion, that nothing should be changed in what had 
 been decreed, and that this answer should be 
 made the Roman ambassador. 
 
 When it was told Cecilius, he desired that the 
 general assembly of the country might be con- 
 vened. To this the magistrates replied, that he 
 
 6 Polyb. in Leg. c. il. p. !i53. 854. 
 
49G 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 must first produce a letter fiom the senate of j 
 Rome, by which the Achajans should be desired 
 to meet. As Cecilius had no such letter, they 
 told him plainly, that they would not assemble ; 
 which exasperated him "to such a degree, that 
 he left Achaia, End would not hear what the 
 magistrates had to say. It was believed that 
 j this ambassador (and before him Marcus Ful- 
 j vius) would not have delivered themselves with 
 I so much freedom, had they not been sure that 
 Aristenes and Diophanes were in their interest. 
 And, indeed, they were accused of having in- 
 vited those Romans into that country, purely 
 out of hatred to Philopcemen ; and accordingly 
 were greatly suspected by the populace. 
 
 Cecilius,' at his return to 
 A. M. 3820. Rome, acquainted the se- 
 Ant. J. C. 184. nate with whatever had been 
 transacted by him in Greece, 
 j After this, the ambassadors of Macedonia and 
 Peloponnesus were brought in. Those of Phi- 
 lip and Eumenes were introduced lirst, and 
 then the exiles of iEnus and Maronea ; who all 
 repeated what they had befoise said in the pre- 
 sence of Cecilius in Thessalonica. The senate, 
 after hearing them, sent to Philip other ambas- 
 sadors, of whom Appius Claudius was the prin- 
 cipal, to examine on the spot whether he was 
 1 withdrawn (as he had promised Cecilius) from 
 { the cities of Perrhcebia ; to command him, at 
 I the same time, to evacuate ^nus and Maro- 
 j nea; and to draw off his troops from all the 
 I castles, territories, and cities, which he pos- 
 i sessed on the sea-coast of Thrace. 
 1 They next admitted to audience ApoUonidas, 
 i the ambassador whom the Achaeans had sent to 
 j justify their having refused to give an answer 
 ! to Cecilius ; and to inform the senate of all that 
 i had been transacted with regard to the Spar- 
 { tans, who on their side had deputed to Rome, 
 ! Areus and Alcibiades, who were both of the 
 1 number of the first exiles, whom Philopcemen 
 and the Achseans had i-estored to their country. 
 The circumstance w^hich most exasperated the 
 Achaeans was, to see that, notwithstanding the 
 valuable and recent obligation conferred upon 
 them they had, however, taken upon themselves 
 the odious commission of accusing those who 
 had saved them so unexpectedly, and had pro- 
 cured them the happiness of returning to their 
 houses and families. ApoUonidas endeavoured 
 to prove, that it would be impossible to settle 
 the affairs of Sparta with greater prudence than 
 Philopujmen and the I'est of the Achseans had 
 done ; and they likewise exculpated themselves, 
 for having refused to call a general assembly. 
 On the other side, Areus and Alcibiades repre- 
 sented, in the most affecting manner, the lamen- 
 table condition to which Sparta was reduced ; 
 its walls demolished ; its citizens dragged into 
 Achaia,^ and reduced to a state of captivity ; the 
 sacred laws of Lycurgus, which had made it 
 subsist during so long a series of j^ears, and 
 with so much glory, entirely abolished. 
 
 The senate, after weighing and comparing 
 the reasons on both sides, ordered the same am- 
 bassadors to inquire into this affair as had been 
 nominated to inspect those of Macedon ; and 
 
 1 Polyb. in Legat c xlii. Liv. 1. xxxix. n. 33. 
 2 By the decree of the Achaeans it had been enacted, 
 that such slaves as had been adopted among the citizens of 
 Sparta, sliould leave the city and allLaconia; in default 
 of which, the Ach^ans were empowered to seize and sell 
 them a& slaves, which had accordingly been executed. 
 
 desired the Acha?ans to convene their general 
 assembly, whenever the Roman ambassadors 
 should require it : as the senate admitted them 
 to audience in Rome as often as they asked it. 
 
 When Philip was informed by his ambassa- 
 dors,^ who had been sent back to him from 
 Rome, that he must absolutely evacuate all the 
 cities of Thrace ; in the highest degree of rage, 
 to see his dominions contracted on every side, 
 he vented his fury on the inhabitants of Maro- 
 nea. Onomastes, who was governor of Thrace, 
 employed Cassander, who was very well known 
 in the city, to execute the barbarous command 
 of the prince. Accordingly, in the dead of 
 night, he led a body of Thracians into it, who 
 fell on the citizens, and cut a great number of 
 them to pieces. Philip having thus wreaked 
 his vengeance on those who were not of his fac- 
 tion, waited calmly for the commissioners, being 
 firmly persuaded that no one would dare to im- 
 peach him. 
 
 Some time after Appius arrives ; who, upon 
 being informed of the barbarous treatment which 
 the Maroneans had met with, reproached the 
 king of Macedon, in the strongest terms, on 
 that account. The latter resolutely asserted, 
 that he had not been in any manner concerned 
 in the massacre, but that it was wholly occa- 
 sioned by an insurrection of the populace. 
 " Some," says he, " declaring for Eumenes, 
 and others for me, a great quarrel arose, and 
 they butchered one another." He went so far I 
 as to challenge them to produce any person who ! 
 pretended to have any articles to lay to his } 
 charge. But who would have dared to impeach 
 him ? His punishment Avould have been im- 
 mediate ; and the aid he might have expected 
 from the Romans was too far off. " It is to 
 no purpose," says Appius to him, "for you to 
 apologize for yourself; I know what things 
 have been done, as well as the author of them." 
 These words gave Philip the greatest anxiety. 
 However, mattei-s were not carried farther at 
 this first interview. 
 
 But Appius, the next day, commanded him i 
 to send immediately Onomastes and Cassander ! 
 to Rome, to be examined by the senate on the , 
 affair in question, declaring, that there was no ! 
 other way left for him to clear himself. Philip, { 
 upon receiving this order, changed colour, wav- | 
 ered within himself, and hesitated a long time ; 
 before he made answer. At last, he declared j 
 that he would send Cassander, whom the com- j 
 missioners suspected to be the contriver of the > 
 massacre : but he was determined not to send | 
 Onomastes, who (he declared) so far from hav- ' 
 ing been in Maronea at the time this bloody ; 
 tragedy happened, was not even in the neigh- 
 bourhood of it. The true reason was, that 
 Philip was afraid lest Onomastes, in whom he 
 reposed the utmost confidence, and had never 
 concealed ai ^ thing from him, should betray , 
 him to the senate. As for Cassander, the in- 
 stant the commissioners had left Macedon, he 
 put him on board a ship; but, at the same time, <. 
 sent some persons in his company, who poi- \ 
 soned him in Epirus. | 
 After the departure of the commissioners, j 
 who were fully persuaded that Philip had con- 
 trived the massacre of Maronea, and was upon 
 the point of breaking with the Romans ; the j 
 king of Macedon, reflecting in his owti mind, ' 
 
 3 Poiyb. in JLefat. c. 44. Liv. L xxxix. n. 34, 35. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 497 
 
 and with his friends, that the hatred he bore 
 the Romans, and the strong desire he had to 
 wreak his vengeance on that people, must neces- 
 sarily soon display itself, would have been very 
 glad to take up arms immediately, and declare 
 war against them ; but, not being prepared, he 
 conceived an expedient to gain time. He re- 
 solved to send his son Demetrius to Rome, 
 I whom, as having been many years a hostage, 
 and having acquired great esteem in that city, 
 he judged very well qualified either to defend 
 him against the accusations with which he 
 might be charged before the senate, or apolo- 
 gize for such faults as he really had com- 
 mitted. 
 
 He accordingly made all the preparations ne- 
 cessary for this embassy, and nominated several 
 friends to attend the prince his son on that oc- 
 casion. 
 
 He, at the same time, promised to succour 
 the Byzantines ; not that he was sincerely de- 
 sirous of defending them, but because his bax-e 
 [ advancing to aid that people would strike terror 
 j into the petty princes of Thrace, in the neigh- 
 ; bourhood of the Propontis, and would prevent 
 j their opposing the resolution he had formed of 
 I engaging in a war against the Romans. And 
 accordingly having defeated those petty sove- 
 j reigns in a battle, and taken their chief pri- 
 soner, he hereby put it out of their power to 
 annoy him, and returned into Macedon. 
 
 The arrival of the Roman commissioners,* 
 who were commanded to go from Macedon into 
 Achaia, was expected in Peloponnesus. Ly- 
 cortas, in order that an answer might be ready 
 for them, summoned a council, in which the 
 ! atFair of the Lacedemonians was examined. 
 He represented to the assembly, what they had 
 to fear from^ them ; the Romans seeming to 
 favour their interest much more than that of 
 the Achseans. He expatiated chiefly on the 
 ingratitade of Areus and Alcibiades, who, 
 though they owed their return to the Achaeans, 
 had however been so base as to undertake the 
 embassy against them to the senate, where they 
 acted and spoke like professed enemies ; as if the 
 Achaeans had driven them from their country, 
 whereas it was they who had restored them to 
 it. Upon this, great shouts were heard in every 
 part of the assembly, and the president was de- 
 sired to bring the* affair into immediate deli- 
 beration. Nothing prevailing but passion and 
 a thirst of revenge, Areus and Alcibiades wei'e 
 condemned to die. 
 
 The Roman commissioners arrived a few 
 days after, and the council met at Clitor in 
 Arcadia. This filled the Achaeans with the 
 utmost terror ; for seeing Areus and Alcibiades, 
 whom they had just before condemned to die, 
 arrive with the commissioners, they naturally 
 supposed that the inquiry, which was going 
 to be made, would be way favourable to 
 them. 
 
 Appius then told them that the senate had 
 been deeply affected with the complaints of the 
 Lacedaemonians, and could not but disapprove 
 of every thing which had been done with re- 
 spect to them : the murder of those who, on the 
 promise which Philopoeraen. had made them, 
 had come to plead their cause ; the demolition 
 !)f the walls of Sparta ; the abolition of the laws 
 and institutions of Lycurgus, which had spread 
 
 1 Liv. I. xxxix. n. 35 — 37 
 
 the fame of that city throughout the world, and 
 made it flourish for several ages. 
 
 Lycortas, both as president of the council, 
 and as being of the same opinion with Philo- 
 poemen, the author of whatever had been trans- 
 acted against Lacedsemon, undertook to answer 
 Appius. He showed, first, that as the Lacedae- 
 monians had attacked the exiles, contrary to the 
 tenor of the treaty, which expressly forbade 
 them to make any attempt against the maritime 
 cities ; those exiles, in the absence of the Ro- 
 mans, could have recourse only to the Achaean 
 league, which could not be justly blamed for 
 having assisted them to the utmost of their 
 power, in so urgent a necessity. That with re- 
 gard to the massacre which Appius laid to their 
 charge, it ought not to be imputed to them, but 
 to the exiles, who were then headed by Areus 
 and Alcibiades; and who, by their own imme- 
 diate impulse, and without being authorized by 
 the Achaeans, had fallen with the utmost fury 
 and violence on those whom they considered the 
 authors of their banishment, and of all the rest 
 of the calamities they had suffered. " How- 
 ever," added Lycortas, " it is pretended that 
 we cannot but own that we were the cause of 
 the abolition of Lycurgus's laws, and the de- 
 molition of the walls of^ Sparta. This, indeed, 
 is a real fact ; but then how can this double ob- 
 jection be made to us at the same time ? The 
 walls h. question were not built by Lycurgus, 
 but by tyi'ants, who erected them some few 
 years ago, not for the security of the city, but 
 for their o\vn safety, and to enable themselves 
 to abolish, with impunity, the discipline and 
 regulations so happily established by that wise 
 legislator. Were it possible for him to rise now 
 from the grave, he would be oveijoyed to sec 
 those walls destroyed, and would say that he 
 now recognizes his native country and ancient 
 Sparta. You should not, O citizens of Sparta, 
 have waited for Philopoemen or the Achaeans ; 
 but ought yourselves to have pulled down those 
 walls with your own hands, and destroyed even 
 the slightest trace of tyranny. I'hese were the 
 ignominious se^rs of your slavery: and, after 
 having maintained your liberties during almost 
 800 years ; and been in former times the sove- 
 reigns of Greece, without the support and as- 
 sistance of walls; they, for these hundred years, 
 have become the instruments of your slavery, 
 and, in a manner, your shackles and fetters. 
 With respect to the ancient laws of Lycurgus, 
 they were suppressed by the tyrants; 'and we 
 have only substituted our own, by putting you 
 upon a level with us in all things." 
 
 Addressing himself then to Appius, " 1 can 
 not forbear owning," says he, " that the words 
 I have hitherto spoken, are not such as should 
 be used from one ally to another ; nor by a free 
 nation, but slaves who speak to their master. 
 For, in fine, if the voice of the herald, who pro- 
 claimed us, in the first place, to be free, was not 
 a vain and empty ceremony; if the treaty con- 
 cluded at that time be real and solid ; if you are 
 desirous of sincerely preserving an alliance and 
 friendship with us ; on what can that infinite 
 disparity which you suppose to be between yon 
 Romans and us Achaeans be grounded ? 1 d(. : 
 not inquire into the treatment which Capua 
 met with, after you had taken that city : wh^ 
 then do you examine into our usage of the 
 Lacedaemonians, after we had conquered them? 
 Some of them were killed : and I will suppose 
 that it was by us. But did not you strike off 
 the heads of several Caropauian senators' We 
 
498 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 and, if 
 but then 
 reverence 
 
 levelled the walls of Sparta with the ground ; 
 but as for you, Romans, you not only dispos- 
 sessed the Campanians of their walls, but of 
 their city and lands. To this I know you will 
 reply, that the equality expressed in the treaties 
 between the Romans and Achseans is merely 
 specious, and a bare form of words : that we 
 really have but a precarious and transmitted 
 liberty, but that the Romans are the primary 
 source of authority and empire. Of this, Ap- 
 pius, I am but too sensible. However, smce 
 we must submit to this, I entreat you at least, 
 how wide a difference soever you may set be- 
 tween yourselves and us, not to put your ene- 
 mies and our own upon a level with us, who 
 are your allies ; especially not to show them 
 better treatment than you do to us. They re- 
 quire us, by forswearing ourselves, to dissolve 
 and annul all we have enacted by oath ; and to 
 revoke that, which by being written in our re- 
 cords, and engraved on marble, in order to pre- 
 serve the remembrance of it for ever, is become a 
 sacred monument, which it is not lawful for us 
 to violate. We revere you, O Romans 
 you will have it so, we also fear you 
 we think it glorious to have a greater 
 and fear for the immortal gods." 
 
 The greatest part of the assembly applauded 
 this speech, and all were unanimous in their 
 opinion, that he had spoken like a true magis- 
 trate ; it was therefore necessary for the Ro- 
 mans to act with vigour, or resolve to lose their 
 i authority. Appius, without descending to par- 
 1 ticulars, advised them, whilst they still enjoyed 
 ' their freedom, and had not received any orders, 
 to make a merit with the Romans, of enacting 
 of their own accord what might afterwards be 
 enioined them. They were grieved at these 
 words; but were instructed by them, not to 
 persist obstinately in the refusal of what should 
 be demanded. All they therefore desired was, 
 that the Romans would decree whatever they 
 pleased with regard to Sparta ; but not oblige 
 the Achseans to break their oath, by annulling 
 . their decree themselves. As to the sentence 
 Lthat was just before passed against Areus and 
 1 Alcibiades, it was immediately repealed. 
 I The Romans pronounced judgment the year 
 1 following. » The chief articles of the ordinance 
 ' were, that those persons who had been con- 
 ' demned by the Acheeans should be recalled and 
 ' restored; that all sentences relating to this affair 
 should be repealed, and that Sparta should con- 
 tinue a member of the Achaean league. Pau- 
 sanias adds an article not taken notice of by 
 Livv,^ that the walls which had been demo- 
 lished should be rebuilt. Q. Mc-irci us was ap- 
 pointed commissary to settle the affairs of Mace- 
 don, and those of Peloponnesus, where great 
 feuds and disturbances subsisted, especially be- 
 tween the Achseans on one side, and the Mes- 
 senians and Lacedaemonians on the other. They 
 all had sent ambassadors to Rome f but it does 
 not appear that the senate was in any great 
 haste to put an end to their differences. Ihe 
 answer they made to the Lacedaemonians was, 
 that the Romans were determined not to trou- 
 ble themselves any farther about their affairs. 
 The Achseans demanded aid of the Romans 
 against the Messenians, pursuant to the treaty ; 
 or at least, not to suffer arms or provisions to 
 
 be transported out of Italy to the latter people. 
 It was answered them, that when any cities 
 broke their alliance with the Achseans, the se- 
 nate did not think itself obliged to enter into 
 those disputes ; for that this would open a door 
 to ruptures and divisions, and even, in some 
 measure, give a sanction to them. 
 
 In these proceedings appears the artful and 
 jealous policy of the Romans, which tended 
 solely to weaken Philip and the Achseans, of 
 whose power they were jealous ; and who 
 covered their ambitious designs with the spe- 
 cious pretence of succouring the weak and op- 
 pressed. 
 
 SECT. X, 
 
 Philopcemen besieges Messene. He is taken prisoner, 
 and put to death by the Messenians. Messene sur- 
 rendered to the Achasans. The splendid funeral pro- 
 cession of Philoposmen, whose ashes are carried to 
 Megalopolis. Sequel of the affair relating to the Spar- 
 tan exiles. The death of Ptolemy l^piphanes, who is 
 succeeded by Philometor his son. 
 
 Dinocrates the Messe- 
 A. M. 3821. nian,* who had a particular 
 Ant. J. C. 183. enmity to Philopcemen, had 
 drawn off Messene from the 
 Achaean league ; and was meditating how hi 
 might best seize upon a considerable post, called 
 Corone, near that city. Philopoimen, then 
 seventy years of age, and generalissimo of the 
 Achseans for the eichth time, was then sick. 
 However, the instant the news of this was 
 brought him, he set out, notwithstanding his 
 indisposition, made a forced march, and ad- 
 vanced towards Messene with a body of forces, 
 not very numerous, but consisting of the flower 
 of the Megalopolitan youth. Dinocrates, who 
 had marched out against him, was soon put to 
 flight : but 600 troopers, who guarded the open 
 country of Messene, happening to come up and 
 reinforce him, he faced about and routed Philo- 
 pcemen. This general, whose sole concern was 
 to save the gallant youths who had followed 
 him in this expedition, performed the most ex- 
 traordinary acts of bravery ; but happening to 
 fall from his horse, and receiving a deep wound 
 in his head, he was taken prisoner by the ene- 
 my, who carried him to Messene. Plutarch 
 considers this ill fortune of Philopcemen as the 
 punishment for a rash and arrogant expression 
 that had escaped him upon his hearing a certain 
 general applauded : " Ought that man," says 
 he, "to be valued, who suffers himself to be 
 taken alive by the enemy, whilst he has arms 
 to defend himself?" 
 
 As soon as the news was brought to Messene, 
 that Philopcemen was taken prisoner, and on 
 his way to that city, the Messenians Avere in 
 such transports of joy that they all ran to the 
 gates of he city ; not being able to persuade 
 themselves of the truth of what they heard till 
 they saw him themselves, so greatly improbable 
 did such an event appear to them. To satisfy 
 the violent curiosity of the inhabitants, many 
 of whom had not yet been able to get a sight of 
 him, they were forced to show the illustrious 
 prisoner on the theatre, where multitudes flocked 
 to see him. When they beheld Philopcemen 
 dragged along in chains, most of the spectators 
 
 1 Liv. 1 
 in Achaic. p 414 
 
 xxxviii. n. 48. 
 
 3 Polyb. in Legal. 
 
 4 Liv. 1. xxxix 
 P ,lyb. in Lcgat. c. lii. 'I'l 
 
 48. Plul. in Philop 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 were so much moved to compassion that the 
 tears trickled from their eyes. There even wai 
 heard a murmur among the people, which re- 
 sulted from humanity and a very laudable grati 
 tude : " That the Messenians ought to call to 
 mind the great services done by Philopcemen 
 and his having preserved the libei'ty of Achai; 
 by the defeat of Nabis the tyrant." But th. 
 magistrates did not suffer him to be long ex 
 hibited in this manner, lest the pity of the peo- 
 j pie should be attended with ill consequences, 
 j They therefore took him away on a sadden : 
 and, after consulting together, caused him to b( 
 conveyed to a place called the treasury, Thi^ 
 was a subterraneous dungeon, whither neithei 
 light nor air entered from without ; and whicl 
 bad no door to it, but was shut with a hug. 
 stone that was rolled over the entrance. Ji 
 this dungeon they imprisoned Philopcemen, an. 
 posted a guard I'ound every part of it. 
 
 As soon as it was night, and all the peopl 
 were withdrawn, Dinocrates caused the ston. 
 to be rolled away, and the executioner to de 
 scend into the dungeon with a dose of poison t^ 
 Philopojmen, commanding him not to stir til 
 he had swallowed it. The moment the illus 
 trious Megalopolitan perceived the light, and 
 saw the man advance towards him, with ; 
 lamp in one hand and the bowl of poison in th. 
 other, he raised himself with the utmost diffi 
 culty (for he was very weak), sat down, an( 
 then taking the cup, inquired of the execu 
 tioner, whether he could tell what was become 
 of the young Megalopolitans his followers, anc' 
 particularly of Lycortas ? The executioner an 
 swering, that he heard that almost all of then! 
 had saved themselves by flight ; Philopcemei! 
 thanked him by a nod, and looking kindly tc 
 him, " You bring me," says he, "good news; 
 and J find we are not entirely unfortunate:'' 
 after which, without breathing the least com- 
 plaint, he swallowed the deadly dose, and laid 
 himself again on his cloak. The poison wa^ 
 very speedy in its effects ; for Philopcemen be- 
 sng extremely weak and feeble, he expired in : 
 moment. 
 
 When the news of his death was spread 
 among the Achaeans, all their cities were inex 
 pressibly afflicted and dejected. Immediately 
 all their young men who were of age to beai 
 arms, and all their magistrates, came to MegH 
 lopolis. Here a grand council being summoned 
 it was unanimously resolved not to delay a mo 
 ment taking vengeance for so horrid a deed 
 and accordingly, having elected on the spoi 
 Lycortas for their general, they advanced witl 
 the utmost fury into Messenia, and filled everx 
 part of it with blood and slaughter. The Mes- 
 senians, having now no refuge left, and being 
 unable to defend themselves by force of arms, 
 sent a deputation to the Achseans, to desire that 
 an end might be put to the war, and to be. 
 pardon for their past faults. Lycortas, movei 
 at their entreaties, did not think it advisable t. 
 treat them as their furious and insolent revol 
 seemed to deserve. He told them, that thei 
 ivas no other way for them to expect a peac 
 than by delivering up the authors of the revol; 
 and of the death of Philopo?men ; by submittin; 
 all their affairs to the disposal of the Achseans 
 and receiving a garrison into their citadel 
 Ihese conditions wei-e accepted, and execute* 
 immediately. Dinocrates, to prevent the igno 
 mmy of dying by an executioner, laid violen 
 hands on himself, in which he was imitated b' 
 all those who had advispd the putting of Phih 
 
 (loeinen to death. Lycortas caused those to be 
 delivered up who had advised the insulting of 
 Philopcemen. These were undoubtedly the per- 
 sons who were stoned round his tomb, as w« 
 shall soon see. 
 
 The funeral obsequies of Philopftmen wei-e 
 then solemnized. After the body had been con- 
 sumed by the flames, his ashes collected, and 
 deposited in an urn, the train set out for Me- 
 galopolis. This procession did not so much re- 
 semble a funeral as a ti-iumph, or rather it was 
 a mixture of both. First came the infantry, 
 their brows adorned with crowns, and all shed- 
 ding floods of tears. Then followed the Mes- 
 senian prisoners bound in chains: afterwards 
 the general's son, young Polybius,^ carrying the 
 urn adorned with ribands and crowns, and ac- 
 companied by the noblest and most illustrious 
 Achseans. The urn was followed by all the 
 cavalry, whose arms glittered magnificently, 
 and whose horses were all richly caparisoned, 
 who closed the march, and did not seem too 
 much dejected at this mournful scene, nor too 
 much elated from their victory. All the in- 
 habitants of the neighbouring towns and vil- 
 lages flocked to meet the procession, as if they 
 came in honour of a victory obtained. All pos- 
 sible honours were done to Philoptemen at his 
 interment, and the Messenian captives were 
 stoned round his sepulchre. The cities in gene- 
 ral, by decrees enacted for that purpose, or- 
 dered the greatest honours to be paid him, and 
 erected many statues to him with magnificent 
 inscriptions. 
 
 Several yeai-s after,^ at the time when Co- 
 rinth was burned and destroyed by Mummius 
 the proconsul, a false accuser (a Roman), as 1 
 observed elsewhere, used his utmost endeavours 
 to get them broken to pieces ; prosecuted him 
 criminally, as if alive; charging him with hav- 
 ing been an enemy to the Romans, and of dis- 
 covering a hatred for them on all occasions. 
 The cause was heard in council before Mum- 
 mius. The slanderer exhibited all his articles 
 of impeachment, and produced his proofs. They 
 were answered by Polybius, who refuted them 
 with great solidity and eloquence. It is a great 
 pity so interesting a piece should have been lost. 
 Neither Mummius nor his council would per- 
 mit the monuments of that great man's glory 
 to be destroyed, though he had opposed, like a 
 bulwark, the successes of the Romans ; for the 
 Romans of that age, says Plutarch, made the 
 just and proper discrimination between virtue 
 and interest : they distinguished the glorious 
 and honourable from the profitable ; and were 
 persuaded, that worthy persons ought to hon- 
 our and revere the memory of men who sig- 
 nalized themselves by their virtue, though they 
 had been their enemies. 
 
 Livy tells us, that the Greek as well as Ro- 
 man writers observe, that three illustrious men, 
 Philopcemen, Hannibal, and Scipio, happened 
 to die in the same year, or thereabouts; thus 
 putting Philopcemen in parallel, and, as it were, 
 upon a level, with the two most celebrated 
 generals of the two most powerful nations in 
 the world. 1 believe I have already given the 
 reader a suflficient idea of his character so shali 
 only repeat what I before observed, that Ph.- 
 
 5 This was Polybius the iiistorian, who might then lie 
 about two-and-twenty. 
 
 6 Thirty-spvpn years. 
 
500 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 lopcemen was called the last of the Greeks, 
 a/ Brutus was said to be the last of the Ko- 
 
 "'xhe Messenians, by their imprudent conduct, 
 bein- reduced to the most deplorable condi- 
 tion, were, by the goodness and generosity ot 
 Lycortas and the Achsans, restored to tlie 
 lea^rue from which they had withdrawn them- 
 selves. Several other cities, which, trom the 
 pxample thev set them, had also renounced it, 
 renewed their alliance with it. Such common- 
 ly is the happv effect which a seasonable act ot 
 clemency produces ; whereas a violent and ex- 
 cessive severiiv, that breathes nothing but blood 
 and vengeance, often hurries people to despair ; 
 and so tar from proving a remedy to evils, only 
 inflames and exasperates them the more. 
 
 When news came to Rome, that the Achsans 
 had haopilv terminated their war with the .Ues- 
 senians, the ambassadors were addressed in terms 
 quite different from those which had been used 
 ?o them before. The senate told them, that they 
 had been particularly careful not to sutter either 
 arms or provisions to be carried from a taly to 
 I 3ressene,^an answer which manitestly discovers 
 ' the insincerity of the Romans, and the liitle 
 regard they had to good faith in their transac- 
 tions with'other nations. 1 hey seemed, at hrst, 
 desirous of giving the signal to all the cities en- 
 gaged in the Acha?an league, to take up arms ; 
 and now, thev endeavoured to flatter the Achae- 
 ans into an opinion, that they had sought all op- 
 portunities to serve them. _ , i ij 
 
 It is manifest on this occasion, that the Uo- 
 man senate consented to what had been trans- 
 acted, because it was not in their power to op- 
 pose it ; that they wanted to make a merit ot 
 this with the Achi^ans, who possessed almost 
 the whole force of Peloponnesus: that they 
 were very cautious of giving the least umbrage 
 to this league, at a time when they could place 
 no dependence on Philip; when the .;Etolians 
 were disgusted; and when Antiochus, by join- 
 jn.r with that people, might engage in some en- 
 terprise which might have been ot ill conse- 
 quence to the Romans. , i • x 
 
 I have related Hannibal's death in the history 
 of the Carthaginians. ' After retiring from An- 
 i tiochus's court, he had fled to Prusias, king of j 
 ' Bithvnia, who was then at war with Eumenes. , 
 1 kincrof Pergamus. Hannibal did that prince 
 m-eat service. Both sides were preparing for a 
 naval engagement, on which occasion Eumenes s , 
 fleet consisted of a much greater number of ships 
 than that of Prusias. But Hannibal opposed 
 stratagem to force. He had got together a great 
 number of venomous serpents, and had hlled 
 several earthen vessels with them. The instant 
 the si o-nal for battle was given, he commanded 
 theotiicers and sailors to fall upon Eumenes s ! 
 i-alley only (informing them at the same umeot : 
 a si-n by which thev should distinguish it from | 
 the 'rest) ; and to annoy the enemy no otherwise , 
 than bv throwing the earthen vessels into the, 
 rest of 'tlie galleys. At first this was only laugh- ^ 
 ed at ; the sailors not imagining that these earth- 
 en vessels could be of the least service: but when 
 the serpents were seen gliding over every part ot 
 the gallevs, the soldiers and rowers, now suidi- 
 ous onlv of pi-eserving themselves from those 
 I venomous creatures, did not once think of the 
 
 enemy. In the mean time, the royal galley was 
 so warmly attacked, that it was very near be- , 
 ing taken ; and it was with the utmost difficulty 
 
 that the king made his escape. Prusias, by 
 Hannibal's assistance, gained several victories, 
 by land. This prince being one day afraid to, 
 venture a battle, because the victims had not i 
 been propitious : " What,"- says Hannibal, j 
 " do you rely more upon the liver of a beast than 1 
 upon the advice and experience ot Hannibal . | 
 To prevent his falling into the hands ot tne Ro- ' 
 mans, who required Prusias to deliver him up, 
 he took a dose of poison, which brought him to 
 his end.=* I 
 
 1 Liv. 1. xxxix. n 51. 
 Justin. 1. xxxii. c. 41. 
 
 Cor. Ncp. in Aimib c. x— xii 
 
 2 An tu, inquit, vitulins carunculse, quam niiperaton 
 veteri mavis credere ?-Unius hostia? jecinon longo expe- 
 rimento testatem gloriam^suam postponi, jequo annno non , 
 
 '"?The obsc?re village of Libyssa was the place ^here 
 Hannibal died It has been general y supposed to be the 
 modern Ghebse, or Ghebsa ; a small dmy town, chiefly 
 inhabited bv Turks, at some distance t>^0'^ "orthe n 
 shore of the Gulf of Nicomedia, and remarkable for a tu- 
 mulus, or mound, supposed to be the monument of that 
 celebrated commander. But a learned antiquary and clas. 
 sical geographer, Colonel Leake, has *how^n this to be a 
 mistake. He savs, that Ghebsa, pronounced Ghivizah by 
 both Turks and Greeks, is more probably the successor ol , 
 Dacibvza, the word when written in Greek K;3.^«, bemg 
 probal'lv the ancient A^y.^^v^c, with the loss of the 
 fir^t syllable. He farther remarks, that the oo or o9 ho- I 
 man miles, placed in the itinerary between Chalcedoma a.^ 
 L bv^^a Will not agree so well with the distance from 
 ^utar? to Ghebsa, a1 with that to Malsum ; which small 
 vil aqe he takes to correspond to the ancient Libyssa. 
 Thitvillage of Malsum is three hours south ot Ghebsa, 
 on the northern shore of the Gulf of Nicomedia ; where 
 a lonetonoue of land, projecting trom the opposite slioie 
 affo ds a convenient ferry of two miles across, to the sou h 
 cide of the Gulf. Tliis ferrv is called the terry of the Dil, 
 or ToVai^e and, being much frequented, is well supplied 
 with Se boais and cSnstant attendance, and the persons 
 employed in it are lodged in tents by the water s,de PKu 
 tarch also appears to confirm the supposition ; for, m men- 
 tton ng Libvisa, he speaks of a sandy place, which cor- 
 reTo^ids to'the uromontory of DH, or the Tongue Ihere- 
 for'e'if Gheviza be supposed a corruption, «fL.by.a 
 as commonly believed, but of Dacibyza ; and >f the fl.s^ 
 t.-mceof the-mclern Malsum corresponds o h^^^^^^^^^ 
 Roman miles, stated in the itinerary, bet^vee^ f edm^^^^^^^ 
 fSrnrari^ and Libvssa ; and to the remark of Uutarui 
 SSntio5ed-then' Malsum, and not Ghebsa, repre- 
 
 umyersil opinion, thai Haninoal died by a voluntary 
 
 '''u does'iSear somewh.at strange, that Hannibal should 
 not tuave b?t er provided for his own sat>ty by preyiously 
 SldTiwi^,.- fV.an the dominions of the Bithyn.an prince, 
 aV be h Id previously done from those of Antiochus. He 
 cou a no b .t know that the momt nt peace was concluded 
 between E-,nienes and Frusias, through Roman media- 
 tion h ' in.frest and influence were gone at the court of 
 he B thvnian monarch. He knew, also, that the Romans , 
 w^uld dVn and his delivery from I'rusias, the inomenl 
 Triat er. were made up. If the war between tliese two po- 
 teti ateslas stTrred u > by his instigation, he knew that the 
 subsequent peace was the prelude to his rum, and that no 
 h?ee ambassadors, of consular dignity, were de.- 
 natched to the court of Prusias to demand him as a pri*on. 
 
 The dominions of that moiiarch lay clo.e to the Meuofr 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 50] 
 
 I I before observed,'' that 
 
 j A. M. 3822. the Romans, among^ many 
 j Ant. J. C. 182. other articles, had deci-eed, 
 that Sparta should be ad- 
 I mitted into the Achaean league. The ambassa- 
 dors being- returned, and having reported the 
 j answer which had been received from the senate, 
 Lycortas assembled the people at Sicyon, to de- 
 liberate whether Sparta should be admitted into 
 the Achaean league. To incline the populace to 
 acquiesce in this proposition, he represented that 
 the Romans, to whose disposal that city had 
 been abandoned, would no longer be burdened 
 with it: that they had declared to the ambassadors 
 that they were no wise concerned in this affair : 
 I that the Spartans who were engaged in the ad- 
 j ministration of public affairs, were very desirous 
 of that union, which (he observed) could not fail 
 of being attended with great advantage to the 
 Achaean league, as the first exiles, who had be- 
 haved with great ingratitude and impiety to- 
 wards them, would not be included in it; but 
 would be banished from the city, and other citi- 
 zens substituted in their room. Diophanes and 
 some other persons undertook to defend the cause 
 of the exiles. However, notwithstanding their 
 opposition, the council decreed that Sparta should 
 be admitted into the league, and accordingly it 
 was so. With regard to the first exiles, those 
 only were pardoned, who could not be convicted 
 of engaging ia any attempt against the Achaean 
 republic. 
 
 When the affair was ended, ambassadors were 
 sent to Rome, in the name of all the parties con- 
 cerned. The senate, after giving audience to 
 those sent by Sparta and by the exiles, said no- 
 thing to the ambassadors, which tended to 
 show that they were disgusted at what had 
 passed. With respect to those who had been 
 lately sent into banishment, the senate promised 
 to write to the Achaeans, to obtain leave for them 
 to return into their native country. Some days 
 after, Bippus, the Achaean deputj^, being arrived 
 in Rome, was introduced into the senate; and 
 there gave an account of the manner in which 
 the Messenians had been restored to their former 
 state : and the senators were not only satisfied 
 vvith every thing he related to them, but treated 
 him with abundant marks of honour and am - 
 ity. 
 
 The Lacedaemonian exiles^ 
 A. M. 3823. were no sooner returned 
 Ant. J. C. 181. from Rome into Peloponne- 
 sus, than they delivered to 
 
 pont and the Propontis ; and as Hannibal had possessed the 
 command of his fleet as well as of his land forces, it was 
 easy for him to provide the means of his escape on board a 
 vessel obtained for the purpose, and withdraw to the isle 
 of Malta, and there end his days in peaceful obscuritv. 
 One would have thought that, if he really poisoned him- 
 self on findmg it impossible to escape, the ambassadors 
 would have demanded his body, as that of their greatest 
 enemy. But of this there is no mention. 
 
 I would much rather be disposed to believe, that Han. 
 nibal, aware of his situation on the conclusion of peace, 
 took his usual precautionary measure of withdrawing in 
 time from the court of a prince, who, however bad he 
 might be on the one hand, or however disposed from past 
 services done him, on the other, could no longer protect 
 him, but at the risk of drawing on himself the whole power 
 of the Roman arms. I hose readers who wish to see the 
 character of this illustrious man fully drawn, and com- 
 pared with that of his more fortunate rival, bcipio Afri- 
 canus, and vindicated from the aspersions of Livy, will 
 
 find It in Hooke's Roman History Ed. 
 
 4 Pol.vl). in Leg. c. liii. 5 Ibid. c. liv. 
 
 the Achaeans the letters which the senate had 
 sent by them, and by which they were desired 
 to permit the exiles to settle again in their native 
 country. It was answered, that the purport of 
 those letters should be considered at the return 
 of the Achaean ambassadors from Rome. Bip- 
 pus arrived from thence a few days after, and 
 declared that the senate had written in favour 
 of the exiles, not so much out of affection for 
 them, as to get rid of their importunities The 
 Achaeans hearing this, thought it requisite not i 
 to make any change in what had been decreed. 
 
 Hyperbates,'' having been 
 A. M. 3824. elected general of the Achae- 
 Ant. J. C. 180. ans, again debated in the 
 council, whether any notice 
 should be taken of the letters which the senate 
 had written, concerning the re-establishment ol I 
 the exiles who had been banished from Sparta j 
 Lycortas was of opinion, that the Achaeans ] 
 ought to adhere to what had been decreed. 
 " When the Romans," says he, " listen favour- 
 ably to such complaints and entreaties of unfor- 
 tunate persons, as appear to them just and rea- 
 sonable, they, in this, act a very becoming part. 
 But when it is represented to them, that among 
 the favours which are requested at their hands, 
 some are not in their power to bestow, and 
 others would reflect dishonour, and be very pre- 
 judicial to their allies, on these occasions they 
 do not use to persist obstinately in their opin- 
 ions, or exact from such allies an implicit obe- 
 dience to their commands. This is exactly our 
 case at present. Let us inform the Romans, 
 that we cannot obey their orders without in- 
 fringing the saci-ed oaths we have taken, vv'ithout 
 violating the laws on which our league is founded; 
 and then they will undoubtedly waive their re- 
 solutions, and confess that it is with the greatest 
 reason we refuse to obey their commands." 
 Hyperbates and Callicrates were of a contrary 
 opinion. They were for having implicit obedi- 
 ence paid to the Romans ; and declared, that all 
 laws, oaths, and treaties, ought to be sacrificed 
 to their will. In this contrariety of opinions, 
 it was resolved that a deputation should be sent 
 to the senate, in order to represent the reason^, 
 given by Lycortas in council. Callicrates, Ly~ 
 siades, and Aratus, were the ambassadors, to 
 whom instructions were given in conformity to 
 what had been deliberated. 
 
 When these ambassadors were arrived at 
 Rome, Callicrates, being introduced into the 
 senate, acted in direct opposition to his instruc- 
 tions. He not only had the assurance to cen- 
 sure those who differed in opinion from him, 
 but took the liberty to tell the senate what they 
 ought to do. " If the Greeks," says he, direct- 
 ing himself to the senators, " do not obey you ; 
 if they pay no regard either to the letters or or- 
 ders which you send them, you must blame 
 yourselves alone for it. In all the states of 
 Greece, there are now two parties ; one of which 
 asserts, that all your orders ought to be obeyed ; 
 and that laws and treaties, in a word, that alJ 
 things should pay homage to your will and 
 pleasure ; the other party pretends, that it is 
 fitting that laws, treaties, and oaths, ought to 
 take place of your will ; and are for ever ex- 
 horting the people to adhere inviolably to them. 
 Of these two parties the last suits best with the 
 genius and character of the Achajans, and has 
 
 6 Polyb. ill Leg. c. Iviii. 
 
502 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 the greatest influence over the people. What is 
 the consequence of this? That those who com- 
 ply with your measures are detested by the 
 common people, whilst such as oppose your de- 
 crees are honoured and applauded. \\'hereas, 
 if the senate would show favour to such as es- 
 pouse their interest cordially, the chief magis- 
 trates and otiicers of all the republics would 
 instantly declare for the Romans ; and the peo- 
 ple, intimidated by this, would soon follow their 
 example. But, whilst you show an indifference 
 on this head, you must expect that all the chiefs 
 will certainly oppose you, as the infallible means 
 of acquiring' the love and respect of the people. 
 And accordingly we see, that many people, 
 whose only merit consists in their making the 
 strongest opposition to your orders, and a pre- 
 tended zeal for the defence and preservation of 
 the laws of their country, have been raised to 
 the most exalted employments in their state. 
 In case you do not much care whether the 
 Greeks are, or are not, at your devotion, then 
 indeed your present conduct suits exactly your 
 sentiments. But if you would have them exe- 
 cute your orders, and receive your letters with 
 respect, reflect seriously on this matter ; other- 
 wise be assured that they will, on all occasions, 
 declare against your commands. You may 
 judge of the truth of this from their present be- 
 haviour towards you. How long is it since 
 you commanded them, by your letters, to re- 
 call the Lacedaemonian exiles? Nevertheless, 
 80 far from recalling them, they have published 
 a quite contrary decree, and have bound them- 
 I selves by oath never to reinstate them. Tliis 
 i ought to" be a lesson to you, and show how cau- 
 I tious you should be for the future." 
 j Callicrates, after making this speech, with- 
 I drew. The exiles then came in, told their 
 ' business in few words, but in such as were 
 j well adapted to move compassion, and then 
 retired. 
 
 A speech so well calculated to favour the in- 
 terest of Rome as that of Callicrates, could not 
 , but be very agreeable to the senate. Thus it 
 j was that the Greeks began to throw themselves 
 j spontaneously into the arms of slavery, prosti- 
 ! tuted of their own accord the liberty of which 
 j their ancestors had been so jealous, and paid a 
 submission and homage to the Romans, which 
 they had always refused to the Gy^eat King of 
 Persia. Some flatterers and ambitious traitors, 
 regardless of every thing but their own interest, 
 sold and sacrificed the independence and glory 
 of Greece for ever ; discovered the weak side of 
 republics with regard to their internal constitu- 
 tion ; pointed out the methods by which they 
 might be weakened, and at last crushed; and 
 furnished themselves the chains in which they 
 •were to be bound. 
 
 In consequence of this speech, it was soon 
 concluded, that it would be proper to increase 
 the power and credit of those who made it their 
 business to defend the authority of the Romans, 
 and to humble such as should presume to oppose 
 it. Polybius observes, that this was the first 
 time that the fatal resolution was taken, to 
 humble and depress those who, in their respec- 
 tive countries, had the most noble way of think- 
 ing ; and, on the contrary, to heap riches and 
 honours on all such who, either right or wrong, 
 should declare in favour of the Romans ; a re- 
 solution which soon after increased the herd of 
 flatterers in all the republics, and very much 
 lessened the number of the true friends of 
 liberty. From this period, the Romans made 
 
 it one of the constant maxims of their policy, te 
 oppress by all possible methods whoever ven- 
 tured to oppose their ambitious projects. This 
 single maxim may serve as a key to the latent 
 principles and motives of the government of 
 this republic, and show us what idea we ought 
 to entertain of the pretended equity and mode- 
 ration they sometimes display, but which does 
 not long support itself, and of which a just 
 judgment cannot be formed but by the conse 
 quences. 
 
 To conclude, the senate, in order to get the 
 exiles restored to their country, did not think it 
 sufiicient to write to the Ach^ans alone, but to 
 the .Etolians, Epirots, Athenians, Beeotians, 
 and Acarnanians, as if they intended to incense 
 all Greece against the Achseans. And, in their 
 answer to the ambassadors, they did not make 
 the least mention of any one but Callicrates, 
 whose example, the senate observed, it would 
 be well for the magistrates of all other cities to 
 follow. 
 
 That deputy, after receiving this answer, re- 
 turned in triumph, without reflecting that he 
 was the cause of all the calamities which Greece, i 
 and particularly Achaia, were upon the point of ' 
 experiencing. For hitherto, a sort of equality I 
 had been observed between the Acha;ans and j 
 Romans, which the latter thought fit to permit, 1 j 
 out of gratitude for the considerable services the , j 
 Acha;ans had done them ; and for the inviolable I 
 fidelity with which they had adhered to them I 
 in the most perilous junctures, as in the wars 
 against Philip and Antiochus. The members : 
 of this league distinguished themselves at that \ 
 time in a most conspicuous manner by their j 
 authority, their forces, their zeal for liberty ; 
 and, above all, by the shining merit and ex- ; 
 alted reputation of their commanders. But ! 
 Callicrates's treason (for we may justly bestow | 
 that name upon it,) gave it a deadly wound. 
 The Romans, says Polybius, noble in their sen- 
 timents, and full of humanity, are moved at the 
 complaints of the wretched, and think it their j 
 duty to aff"ord their aid to all who fly to them 
 for protection ; and this it was that inclined] 
 them to favour the cause of the Lacedaemonian 
 exiles. But if any one, on whose fidelity they I 
 may safely depend, suggests to them the incon- 
 veniences' they would bring upon themselves 
 should they grant certain favours, they generally 
 return to a just way of thinking, and correct, so 
 far as lies in their power, what they may have i 
 done amiss. Here, on the contrary, Callicrates 
 studies nothing but how he may best work upon 
 their passions by flattery. He had been sent to 
 Rome, to plead the cause of the Acha;ans, and, 
 by a criminal and unparalleled prevarication, he 
 declares against his clients; and becomes the 
 advocate of their enemies, by whom he had 
 suffered himself to be corrupted. At his re- 
 turn to Achaia, he spread so artfully the terror 
 of the Roman name, and intimidated the people 
 to such a degree, that he got himself elected 
 captain-general. He was no sooner invested 
 with this command, than he restored the exiles 
 of Lacedsemonia and ]Messene to their country. 
 
 Polybius, on this occasion, praises exceed- 
 ingly the humanity of the Romans, the tender- 
 ness with which tliev listen to the complaints ot 
 the unfortunate, and the readiness to atone tor 
 such unjust actions as they may have com- 
 mitted, when they are once made acquainted 
 with them. I know not whether the applauses 
 he "ives tliem will not admit of great abate- 
 ment. The reader must call to mind that h<> 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 503 j 
 
 wrote tljis in Rome, and under the eye of the 
 Romans, after Greece had been reduced to a 
 state of slavery. We are not to expect from an 
 historian, in a state of submission and depen- 
 dence, so much veracity as he very possibly 
 would have observed in a state of freedom, and 
 at a time w^hen men were pei'mitted to speak 
 the truth : and we must not blindly believe 
 every circumstance of this kind advanced by 
 him; facts have more force, and speak in a 
 clearer manner than he does. The Romans 
 were not eager to commit injustice themselves, 
 whenever they had an opportunity of employing 
 foreign means for that purpose, which procured 
 thorn the same advantage, and served to conceal 
 their linjust policy. 
 
 Eumenes,' in the mean- 
 i A. M. 3822. time, was engaged in war 
 Ant. J, C. 182. against Pharnaces, king of 
 I Pontus. The latter took 
 
 i Sinope, a very strong city of Pontus, of which 
 bis successors remained in possession ever after- 
 wards. Several cities made complaints against 
 this at Rome. Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, 
 I who was united in interest with Eumenes, sent 
 ' also ambassadors thither. The Romans several 
 times employed their mediation and authority 
 to put an end to their differences; but Phar- 
 naces was insincere on these occasions, and al- 
 ways broke his engagements. Contrary to the 
 faith of treaties, he took the field, and was op- 
 posed by the confederate kings. Several enter- 
 prises ensued ; and after some years had been 
 spent in this manner, a peace was concluded. 
 
 Never were more embas- 
 A. M. 3824. sies sent than at the time 
 Ant. J. C. 180. we are now speaking of. 
 
 Ambassadors were seen in 
 all places, either coming from the provinces to 
 Rome, or going from Rome to the provinces, or 
 } from the allies and nations to one another. The 
 Achaeans deputed,^ in this quality (to Ptolemy 
 Epiphanes, king of Egypt), Lycortas, Polybius 
 his son, and the young Aratus, to return* that 
 monarch thanks for the presents he had ah-eady 
 bestowed on their republic, and the new offers 
 he had made them. However, these ambassa- 
 dors did not leave Achaia, because when they 
 were preparing to set out, advice came that 
 Ptolemy was dead. 
 
 This prince,^ after having 
 overcome the rebels within 
 A. M. 3824. his kingdom, as has been 
 Ant. J. C. 180. already mentioned, resolved 
 to attack SeleucUs, king of 
 Syria. When he began to form the plan for 
 carrying on this war, one of his principal offi- 
 cers asked, by what methods he would raise 
 money for the execution of it. He replied that 
 his friends were his treasure. The principal 
 courtiers concluded from this answer, that as 
 he considered their purses as the only fund he 
 had to carry on this war, they were upon the 
 point of being ruined by it. To prevent there- 
 I fore that consequence, which had more weight 
 with them than the allegiance they owed their 
 sovereign, they caused him to be poisoned. This 
 monarch was thus despatched in his twenty- 
 ninth year, after he had sitten twenty-four 
 years on the throne. Ptolemy Philometor, his 
 son, who was but six years of age, succeeded 
 
 1 Polyb. in Leg. c. 51 -53— r.'->-59. 
 -I Po'jb ir. Leg. c )vii. 3 Hieron. in Daniel. 
 
 him, and Cleopatra his mother was declared 1 1 
 regent. | 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 Sect. I. 
 
 Complaints made at Kome against Philip. Demetrius, { 
 his son, who was in that city, is sent bacli to his father, 
 accomjianied by some ambassadors. A secret conspi. 
 racy of I'erseus against his brother Demetrius with re- 
 gard to the succession to the throne. He accuses him 
 before Philip. Speeches of both those princes. Philip, 
 upon a new impeachment, causes Demetrius to be put i 
 to death ; but afterwards discovers his innocence and ; 
 Perseus's guilt. Whilst Philip is meditating to punish ! 
 the latter, he dies, and Perseus succeeds him. \ 
 
 \ 
 
 Ever since the spreading 
 A. M. 3821. of a report among the states 
 Ant. J. C. 183. contiguous to Macedonia,* | 
 that such as went to Rome ! 
 to complain against Philip were heard there, 
 and that many of them had found their advan- 
 tage in having so done ; a great number of cities, 
 and even private persons, made their complaints 
 in that city, against a prince who was a A'ery 
 troublesome neighbour to them all ; with the 
 hopes either of having the injuries redressed- 
 which they pretended to have received ; or, at 
 least, to console themselves in some measure for 
 them, by being allowed the liberty to deplore 
 them. King Eumenes, among the rest, to 
 whom, by order of the Roman commissioners 
 and senate, the fortresses in Thrace were to be 
 given up, sent ambassadors, at whose head was 
 Atheneeus his brother, to inform the senate that 
 Philip did not withdraw his garrisons in Thrace, 
 as he had promised ; and to complain of his 
 sending succour into Bithynia to Prusias, who. 
 was then at war with Eumenes. 
 
 Demetrius, the son of Philip, king of Mace- 
 don, was at that time in Rome, whither, as | 
 has been already mentioned, he had been sent i 
 by his father, in oi'der to watch over his inte- 
 rests in that city. It was naturally his busi- 
 ness to answer the several accusations brought 
 against his father : but the senate, imagining 
 that this would be a very difficult task for so 
 young a prince, who was not accustomed to 
 speak in public; to spare him that trouble, sent 
 to him to inquire, whether the king his father 
 had not given him some memorials ; and con- 
 tented themselves with his reading them. Phi- 
 lip therein justified himself to the best of his 
 power, with respect to most of the articles 
 which were exhibited against him ; but he es- 
 pecially showed how much he was displeased at 
 the decrees which the Roman commissioners 
 had enacted against him, and at the treatment 
 he had met with from them. The senate saw 
 plainly what all this tended to ; and as the 
 young prince endeavoured to apologize for cer- 
 tain particulars, and with respect to others as- 
 sured them, that every thing should be done 
 agreeably to the will of the Romans, the senate 
 replied, that his father Philip could not have 
 done more wisely, nor what \vas more agree- 
 able to them, than in sending his son Deme- 
 trius to make his excuses: that, as to pasi 
 transactions, the senate might dissemble, forget, 
 
 4 Liv. 1. xxxix. ii. 4(1, 47. 
 
504 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 and bear with a great many things : that, as to 
 the future, they rfelied on the promise which 
 Demetrius gave : that although he was going to 
 leave Rome, in order to return to Macedon, he 
 left there (as the hostage of his inclinations) his 
 own good will and attachment for Rome, which 
 he might retain inviolably, without infringing 
 in any manner the duty he owed his father : 
 that out of regard to him, ambassadors should 
 be sent to Macedon, to rectify, peaceably and 
 without noise, whatever might have been hither- 
 to amiss : and that, as to the rest, the senate was 
 well pleased to let Philip know, that he was 
 obliged to his son Demetrius for the tenderness 
 with which the Romans behaved towards him. 
 These marks of distinction which the senate 
 gave him with the view of exalting his credit m 
 his father's court, only animated envy against 
 him, and at length occasioned his destruction. 
 
 The return of Demetrius to Macedon,' and 
 the arrival of the ambassadors, produced differ- 
 ent effects, according to the various dispositions 
 of men's minds. The people who extremely 
 feared the consequences of a rupture with the 
 Romans, and the war that was preparing, were 
 highly pleased with Demetrius, from the hopes 
 that he would be the mediator and author of a 
 peace ; not to mention that they considered hira 
 as the successor to the throne of Macedon, after 
 the demise of his father. For though he was 
 the younger son, he had one great advantage 
 ever his brother, and that was, his being born 
 of a mother who was Philip's lawful wife; 
 whereas Perseus was the son of a concubine, 
 and even reputed supposititious. Besides, it 
 was not doubted but that the Romans would 
 I place Demetrius on his father's throne, Perseus 
 I not having any credit with them. And these 
 ) were the common reports. 
 
 On one side also, Perseus was greatly uneasy ; 
 as he feared, that the advantage of being elder bro- 
 I ther would be but a very feeble title against a bro- 
 ther superior to him in all other respects: and on 
 the other, Philip, imagining that it would not be 
 in his power to dispose of the throne as he pleased, 
 beheld with a jealous eye, and dreaded, the too 
 great influence of his younger son. It was also 
 a great mortification to him to see rising, in his 
 lifetime, and before his eyes, a kind ot second 
 court in the concourse of Macedonians who 
 crowded about Demetrius. The young prince 
 himself did not take sufficient care to prevent or 
 soothe the growing disaffection to his person. 
 Instead of endeavouring to suppress envy by 
 gentleness, modesty, and complaisance, he only 
 inflamed and exasperated it, by a certain air ot 
 haughtiness which he had brought with him 
 from Rome, valuing himself upon the marks ot 
 distinction with which he had been honoured in 
 that city; and not scrupling to declare, that the 
 senate had granted him many things which 
 they had before refused his father. 
 
 Philip's discontent was still more inflamed on 
 the arrival of the new ambassadors, to whom 
 his son paid his court more assiduously than to 
 himself; and when he found he should be obliged 
 to abandon Thrace, to withdraw his garrisons 
 from that country, and to execute other things, 
 either pursuant to the decrees of the first com- 
 missioners, or to the frosh orders he had received 
 from Rome; orders and decrees with which he 
 complied very much against his will, and with 
 
 the highest secret resentment ; but with which 
 he was forced to comply, to prevent his being 
 involved in a war for which he was not suffi- 
 ciently prepared. To remove all suspicion of 
 his harbouring the least design that way, he 
 carried his arms into the very heart of 1 brace, 
 against people with whom the Romans did not 
 concern themselves in any manner. 
 
 However,^ his inclinations were not unknown 
 at Rome. Marcius, one of the commissioners, 
 who had communicated the orders of the senate 
 to Philip, wrote to Rome to inform them, that 
 all the king's discourses, and the several steps 
 he took, visibly threatened an approaching war. 
 To make himself the more secure of the mari- 
 time cities, he forced all the inhabitants, with 
 their families, to leave them; settled them in 
 the most northern part of Macedon ;^ and sub- 
 stituted in their places Thracians, and other bar- 
 barous nations, on whom he believed he might 
 more securely depend. These changes occasion- 
 ed a general murmur in every part of Macedon ; 
 and all the provinces echoed with the cries and 
 complaints of these poor unhappy people, who 
 were forced away from their houses and their 
 native place, to be confined in unknown coun- 
 tries. Nothing was heard on all sides but im- 
 precations and curses against the king, who was 
 the author of these innovations. 
 
 But Philip, so far froni 
 A. M. S822. being moved at their grief. 
 Ant. J. C. 182. grew more cruel from it. 
 
 Every thing seemed to af- 
 ford him cause for suspicion, and gave him um- 
 brage. He had put to death a great number of 
 persons, upon suspicion that they favoured the 
 Romans. He thought his own life could not be 
 safe, but by retaining their children in his own 
 power, and he imprisoned them under a strong j 
 guard, in order to have them all destroyed one j 
 after another. Nothing could be more horrid in ' 
 itself than such a design ; but the sad catastro- j 
 phe of one of the most powerful and most il- j 
 lustrious families in Thessaly, made it stili | 
 more execrable. tt 
 
 He had put to death, many years before, He- 
 rodicus, one of the principal persons ot the 
 country, and, some time after, his two sons-m- [ 
 law. Theoxena and Archo, his two daughters, ; 
 had continued widows, each of them having a 
 son, both very young. Theoxena, who was 
 sought for in marriage, by the richest and most 
 powerful noblemen in Thessaly, preferred wi- 
 dowhood to the nuptial state ; but Archo mar- 
 ried a nobleman of the ^nean nation, called 
 Poris, and brought him several children, whom 
 Archo, dying early, left infants. Theoxena, 
 that she might have an opportunity ot bringing 
 up her sister's children under her eye, K»ajried. 
 Poris ; took the same care of them as she did of 
 her own son ; and was as tender to them as it 
 she had been their mother. When neAvs was 
 brought her of Philip's cruel edict, to confine 
 the children of those who had been put to death ; 
 plainly foreseeing that they would be gn-en up 
 to the brutal fury of the king and his officers, 
 she formed a surprising resolution, declaring 
 that she would imbrue her hands in the blood of 
 all her children, rather than suffer them to tall 
 into tlie merciless power of Philip. 
 whose soul was struck with horror at this de- 
 
 1 Liv. 1. xxxix. n, 53. 
 
 2 Liv. 1. xl. n. 3—5. 
 3 iEmathia, callcU foruierly Pceoma. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 505 
 
 sign, told her in order to divert her from it, 
 that he would send all their childi'en to Athens, 
 to some friends on whose fidelity and humanity- 
 he could safely rely, and that he himself would 
 convey them thither. Accordingly, they all set 
 oat from Thessalonica, in order to sail to the city 
 of JEnea, to assist at a solemn festival, vvhich 
 was solemnized annually in honour of VEneas 
 their founder. Having spent the whole day in 
 festivity and rejoicing, about midnight, when 
 every body else was asleep, they embarked on 
 board a galley which Poris had prepared for 
 them, as if intending to return to Thessalonica, 
 but, in i-eality, to go to Eubcea ; when, unhap- 
 pily, a contrary wind prevented them from ad- 
 vancing forwards in spite of their utmost efforts, 
 and drove them back towards the coast. At 
 day-break, the king's officers, who were posted 
 to guard the port, having perceived them, imme- 
 diately sent off an armed sloop ; commanding 
 the captain of it, upon the severest penalties, 
 not to return without the galley. As it drew 
 nearer, Poris was seen every moment, either 
 exhorting the ship's company, in the strongest 
 terms, to exert themselves to the utmost in or- 
 der to get forward ; or lifting up his hands to 
 heaven, and imploring the assistance of the gods. 
 In the mean time, Theoxena, resuming her for- 
 mer resolution, and presenting to her children 
 the poison she had prepared, and the daggers she 
 had brought with her; " Death," says she, 
 '' alone can free you from your miseries ; and here 
 is what will procure you that last sad refuge. 
 Secure yourselves from the king's horrid cruelty 
 by the method you like best. Go, my dear chil- 
 dren, such of you as are more advanced in years, 
 and take these poignards ; or, in case a slower 
 kind of death may be more grateful, take this 
 poison." The enemy were now nearly close to 
 them, and the mother was very urgent. They 
 obeyed her commands, and all, after having 
 swallowed the deadly draughts, or plunged the 
 daggers in their bosoms, were thrown into the 
 sea. Theoxena, after giving her husband a last 
 sad embrace, leaped into the sea with him. Phi- 
 lip's officers then seized the galley, but did not 
 find one person alive in it. 
 
 The horror of this tragical event revived and 
 inflamed, to a proaigious degree, the hatred 
 against Philip. He was publicly detested as a 
 bloody tyrant ; and people vented, in all places, 
 both against him and his children, dreadful im- 
 precations, which, says Livy, soon had their ef- 
 fect ; the gods having abandoned him to a blind 
 fury, which prompted him to wreak his ven- 
 geance against his own childi'en. 
 
 Perseus saw,* with infinite pain and affliction, 
 that the regard of the Macedonians for his bro- 
 ther Demetrius, and his credit and authority 
 among the Romans, increased daily. Having 
 now no hopes left of being able to ascend the 
 throne but by criminal methods, he made them 
 his only refuge. He began, by sounding the 
 disposition of those who were in greatest favour 
 with the king, and by addressing them in obscure 
 and ambiguous woi'ds. At first, some seemed 
 not to enter into his views, and rejected his pro- 
 posals, from believing that there was more to be 
 hoped from Demetrius. But afterwards, ob- 
 serving that the hatred of Philip for the Ro- 
 mans increased sensibly, Avhich Perseus endeav- 
 oured daily to inflame, and which Demetrius, 
 
 4 lAv. 1, xl. n. 5— IS. 
 
 on the contrary, opposed to the utmost ; they 
 changed their opinion. Judging naturally that 
 the latter, whose youth and inexperience made | 
 him not sufficiently upon his guard against the j 
 j artifices of his brother, would at last fall a vic- 
 tim to them ; they thought it their interest to 
 I promote an event which would happen without 
 j their participation, and to go over immediately 
 I to the strongest party. They accordingly did 
 so, and devoted themselves entirely to Perseus. 
 
 Having postponed the execution of their more 
 remote designs, they were of opinion, that for 
 the present, it would be proper for them to 
 employ their utmost cff'orts to exasperate the 
 king against the Romans, and to inspire him 
 with thoughts of war, to which he was already 
 very much inclined. At the same time, to ren- i 
 der Demetrius every day more suspected, they ! 
 industriously, on all occasions, made the dis- \ 
 course turn 'in the king's presence upon the Ro- I 
 mans; some expressing the utmost contempt 
 for their laws and customs, others for their ex- 
 ploits ; some for the city of Rome, Avhich ac- 
 cording to them, was void of ornaments and 
 magnificent buildings ; and others, even for such 
 of the Romans as were in highest estimation ; 
 making them all pass in this manner in a kind j 
 of review. Demetrius, who did not perceive 
 the scope and tendency of all these discourses, | 
 never failed, out of zeal for the Romans, and by 
 way of contradiction to his brother, to take fire 
 on these occasions. Hence, without considering \ 
 the consequences, he rendered himself suspected 
 and odious to the king, and opened the way for 
 the accusations and calumnies preparing against 
 him. Accordingly his father did not commu- 
 nicate to him any of the designs, which he was 
 continually meditating against Rome, and un- 
 bosomed himself only to Perseus. 
 
 Some ambassadors whom he had sent to the ; 
 Bastarnee, to desire aid from them, returned ; 
 about the time we are now speaking of. They 
 had brought with them several youths of quali- i 
 ty, and even princes of the blood, one of whom : 
 promised his sister in marriage to one of Phi- ; 
 lip's sons. This new alliance with a powerful ; 
 nation very much exalted the king's courage. 
 Perseus taking advantage of this opportunity, 
 " Of what use," says he, " can all this be to 
 us ? We have not so much to hope from foreign 
 aids, as to dread from domestic foes. We har- 
 bour in our bosoms, I will not say a traitor, but | 
 at least a spy. The Romans, ever since he was ' 
 a hostage among them, have restored us his ; 
 body ; but as to his heart and inclinations, those j 
 he has left with them. Almost all the Mace- 
 donians fix already their eyes on him : and are 
 persuaded, that they shall never have any king 
 but him whom the Romans shall please to set 
 over them." By such speeches, the old king's 
 disgust was perpetually kept up, who was al- ; 
 ready but too much alienated from Demetrius, 
 
 About this time the army was reviewed, at a ' 
 festival solemnized every year with religious ; 
 pomp, the ceremonies whereof were as follow : 
 a bitch, says Livy, is divided into two parts ;^ 
 being cut, long- ways through the middle of the 
 body, after which half is laid on each side of the , 
 road. The troops under arms are made to | 
 
 5 We find, in Scripture, the like ceremony, in which, 
 in order for the concluding of a treaty, the two contracting 
 parties pass between the parts of the victim divided. Jer. I 
 xxxiv. 18. 
 
50G 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 march between the two parts of the vicLim thus 
 divided. At the head of this march, the shin- 
 ing arms of all the kings of Macedon are car- 
 ried, tracing them backwards to the most re- 
 mote antiquity. The king, with the princes 
 his children, appear afterwards, followed by all 
 the royal household, and the companies of guards. 
 The march is closed by the multitude of the 
 Macedonians. On the present occasion, the 
 two princes walked on each side of the king ; 
 Perseus being thirty years of age, and Deme- 
 trius twenty-five ; the one in the vigour, the 
 other in the flower of his age; sons who might 
 have formed their father's happiness, had his 
 mind been rightly disposed and reasonable. 
 
 The custom was, after the sacrifices which 
 accompanied this ceremony were over, to ex- 
 hibit a kind of tournament, and to divide the 
 army into two bodies, who fought with no 
 other arms than foils, and represented a battle. 
 The two bodies of men were commanded by the 
 two young princes. However, this was not a 
 i mere mock battle ; all the men exerted them- 
 ! selves with their blunted weapons, with as 
 i much ardour as if they had been disputing for 
 ! the throne. Several were wounded on both 
 sides ; and nothing but swords were wanting to 
 make it a real battle. The body commanded by 
 Demetrius had very much the superiority. This 
 advantage gave great umbrage to Perseus. His 
 I friends, on the contrary, rejoiced at it, judging 
 that this would be a very favourable and natu- 
 ral opportunity for him to form an accusation 
 against his brother. 
 
 The two princes, on that day, gave a grand 
 entertainment to the soldiers of their respective 
 parties. Perseus, whom his brother had in- 
 vited to his banquet, refused to come. The joy 
 was very great on both sides, and the guests 
 drank in proportion. During the entertain- 
 ment, much discourse passed about the battle ; 
 and the guests intermixed their speeches with 
 jests and raillery (some of which were very 
 i sharp) against those of the contrary party, with- 
 out sparing even the leaders. Perseus had sent 
 1 a spy to observe all that should be said at his 
 i brother's banquet ; but four young persons, who 
 came by accident out of the hall, having dis- 
 1 covered" this spy, gave him very rough treat- 
 } ( ment. Demetrius, who had not heard of what 
 i had happened, said to the company : " Let us 
 I go and conclude our feast at my brother's, to 
 ! soften his pain (if he has any remaining) by an 
 i ; agreeable surprise, which will show that we 
 I act with frankness and sincerity; and do not 
 ; harbour any malice against him." Immediately 
 I i all cried that they would go, those excepted who 
 i j were afraid that their ill treatment of the spy 
 i 1 would be revenged. But Demetrius forcing 
 1 i them thither also, they concealed swords under 
 I their robes, in order to defend themselves in 
 j case there should be occasion. When discord 
 I reigns in families, it is impossible for any thing 
 i to be kept secret in them. A man, running 
 i hastily before, went to Pei'seus, and told him 
 1 that Demetrius was coming, and had four men 
 well armed in his train. He might easily have 
 guessed the cause of it, as he knew that they 
 I were the persons who had ill treated the spy. 
 j Nevertheless, to make this action still more 
 i criminal, Perseus orders the doors to be locked ; 
 
 and then, from the window of an upper apart- 
 I ment which looked into the street, cries aloud 
 j j to his servants not to open the door to wretches 
 j 1 who were come with arms in their hands to 
 I I assassinate them. Demetrius, Avho was a little 
 
 warm with wine, after having complained, in 
 a loud and angry tone of voice, at being refused 
 admittance, returned back, and again sat down 
 to table, still ignorant of the affair relating to 
 Perseus's spy. 
 
 The next day, as soon as Perseus could get 
 an opportunity' to approach his father, he en- 
 tered his apartment with a very dejected air : 
 and continued some time in his presence, but at 
 a little distance, without opening his mouth. 
 Philip, being greatly surprised at his silence, 
 asked what could be the cause of the concern 
 which appeared in his countenance? " It is," | 
 answers Perseus, " by the merest good fortune 
 in the world that you see me here alive. My \ 
 brother now no longer lays secret snares for 
 me : he came in the night to my house, at the 
 head of a body of armed men, purposely to as- 
 sassinate me. I had no other way left to secure 
 myself from his fury, but by shutting my doors, 
 and keeping the wall between him and me." 
 Perseus, perceiving by his father's countenance, 
 that he was struck with astonishment and 
 dread ; " If you will condescend," says he, " to 
 listen a moment tome, you shall be fully ac- 
 quainted with the whole state of the affair." 
 Philip answered, that he would willingly hear 
 him ; and immediately ordered Detnetrius to be 
 sent for. At the same time he sent for Lysi- 
 machus and Onomastes, to ask their advice on 
 this occasion. These two men, who were his 
 intimate friends, were far advanced in years. 
 They had not concerned themselves with the 
 quarrel of the two princes, and appeared very 
 seldom at court. Philip, whilst he waited for 
 their coming, walked several times up and 
 down his apartment alone, revolving in his 
 mind a variety of thoughts ; his son Perseus 
 standing all the time at a distance. When 
 word was brought Philip that his two venerable 
 friends were come, he withdrew to an inner 
 apartment with them, and as many of his life- 
 guards; and permitted each of his sons to bring 
 three persons, unarmed, along with him ; and 
 having taken his seat, he spoke to them as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 " Behold in me an unhappy father, forced to 
 sit as judge between my two sons, one the ac- 
 cuser, and the other the accused, of fratricide ; 
 reduced to the sad necessity of finding, in one of 
 them, either a criminal or a false accuser. For 
 a long time, indeed, from certain expressions 
 which I have overheard, and from your beha- 
 viour towards each other (a behaviour no way 
 suiting brothers), I have been afraid this storm 
 would break over my head. And yet I hoped, 
 from time to time, that your discontents and 
 disgusts would soften, and your suspicions va- 
 nish away. I recollected, that contending kings 
 and princes, laying down their arms, had fre- 
 quently contracted alliances and friendships; 
 and that private men had suppressed their ani- 
 mosities. I flattered myself, that you would 
 one day remember the endearing name of breth- 
 ren, by which you are united ; those happy 
 years of infancy which you spent in simplicity 
 and union ; in fine, the counsels of a father so 
 often repeated ; counsels, which, alas ! I am 
 afraid have been given to children deaf and in- 
 docile to my voice. How many times, after 
 setting before you examples of discord between 
 brothers, have I represented its fatal conse- 
 quences, by showing you that they had thereby 
 involved themselves in inevitable ruin ; and not 
 only themselves, but their children, families, 
 and kinsrdoms ? On the other side, I proposed 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 507 
 
 good examples for your imitation : the strict 
 union between the two kings of Lacedaemonia, 
 so advantageous during several centuries to 
 themselves and their country ; whereas division 
 and private interest changed the monarchic 
 government into tyranny, and proved the de- 
 struction of Sparta. By what other method, 
 than by fraternal concord, did the two brothers, 
 Eumenes and Attains, from such weak begin- 
 nings as almost reflected dishonour on the regal 
 dignity, rise to a pitch of poAver equal to mine, 
 to that of Antiochus, and of all the kings we 
 know? I even did not scruple to cite examples 
 from the Romans, of which I myself had either 
 been an eye-witness, or heard from others : as 
 the two brothers, Titus and Lucius Quintius, 
 who both were engaged in war with me : the 
 two Scipios, Publius and Lucius, who defeated 
 and subjected Antiochus : their father and their 
 uncle, who having been inseparable during their 
 lives, were undivided in death. Neither the 
 crimes of the one, though attended with such 
 fatal consequences; nor the virtues of the other, 
 though crowned with such happy success, have 
 been able to make you abhor division and dis- 
 cord, or to inspire you with gentle and pacific 
 sentiments. Both of you, even in my lifetime, 
 have turned your eyes and guilty desires upon 
 my throne. You suffer me to live, just so long 
 as that, surviving one of you, 1 secure my 
 crown to the other by my death. The fond 
 names of father and brother are insupportable 
 to both. Your souls are strangers to tenderness 
 and duty. A restless desire of reigning has 
 banished all other sentiments from your breasts, 
 and entirely engrosses you. But come, let me 
 hear what each of you have to say. Pollute 
 the ears of your parent with your accusations, 
 whether I'eal or feigned. Open your criminal 
 mouths ; mutually vent your slanders, and 
 afterwards arm your parricidal hands one 
 against the other. I am ready to hear all you 
 have to say, firmly determined to shut my ears 
 eternally from henceforth against the secret 
 whispers and accusations of brother against bro- 
 ther." Philip having spoken these last words 
 with great emotion and an angry tone of voice, 
 all who were present wept, and continued a 
 long time in a mournful silence. 
 
 At last, Perseus spoke as follows: — "I per- 
 ceive plainly, that I ought to have opened my 
 door in the dead of night ; to have admitted the 
 assassins into my house, and presented my 
 throat to their murderous swords, since guilt 
 is not believed till it has been perpetrated ; and 
 since I, who was so inhumanly attacked, re- 
 ceive the same injurious reproaches as the ag- 
 gressoi". People have but too much reason to 
 say, that you consider Demetrius alone as your 
 true son ; whilst I am looked upon as a stran- 
 ger, sprung from a concubine, or even a sup- 
 posititious child. For, did your breast glow 
 with the tenderness which a father ought to 
 have for his child, you would not think it just 
 to inveigh so bitterly against me (for whose life 
 so many snares have been laid), but against him 
 who contrived them; and you would not think 
 my life of so little consequence, as to be entirely 
 unmoved at the imminent danger I have es- 
 caped, and at that to which I shall be exposed, 
 should the guilt of my enemies be suffered to go 
 unpunished. If I must die without being suf- 
 fered to complain, be it so ; let me be silent, 
 and be contented with beseeching the gods, that 
 the crime which was begun in my person, may 
 end in it, and not extend to you. But if 1 may- 
 
 be allowed to do with regard to you on the pre- 
 sent occasion, what nature suggests to thos'i 
 who, seeing themselves attacked unawares in a 
 desert, implore the assistance even of those 
 whom they had never seen ; if when I see 
 swords drawn against me, I may be permitted 
 to utter a plaintive and supplicating voice ; I 
 conjure you by the tender name of father (for 
 which whether my brother or I have had the 
 greatest reverence, you yourself have long 
 known), to listen to me at this time, as you 
 would, if, awaked suddenly from your sleep by 
 the tumult of what passed last night, chance 
 had brought you, at the instant of my danger, 
 and in the midst of my complaints ; and you 
 had found Demetrius at my door, attended by 
 persons in arms. What I should have told you 
 yesterday, in the greatest emotion and petrified 
 with fear, 1 say to you to-day. 
 
 " Brother, for a long time we have not lived 
 together like persons desirous of sharing in par- 
 ties of pleasure. Your predominant wish is to 
 reign ; but you find an invincible obstacle in 
 my age, the law of nations, the ancient customs 
 of Macedonia; and, a still stronger circum- 
 stance, in my father's will and pleasure. Tt 
 will be impossible for you ever to force these 
 barriers, and to ascend the throne, but by im- 
 bruing your hands in my blood. To compass 
 your horrid ends, you leave nothing untried, 
 and set every engine at work. Hitherto, either 
 my vigilance, or my good fortune, has preserved 
 me from your murderous hands. Yesterday, 
 at the review, and the ceremony of the tourna- 
 ment which followed it, the battle, by your 
 contrivance, became almost bloody and fatal ; 
 and 1 escaped death only by suffering myself 
 and my followers to be defeated. From this 
 fight, which was really a combat between ene- 
 mies, you insidiously wanted (as if what had 
 passed had been only the diversion of brothers) 
 to allure me to your feast. Can you suppose 
 (father) that I should have met with unarmed 
 guests there, since those very guests came to 
 my palace completelj'^ armed, at so late an hour? 
 Can you imagine that I should have had no- 
 thing to fear, in the gloom of night, from their 
 swords, when in open day, and before your 
 eyes, they had almost killed me with their 
 wooden weapons ? What ! you who are my 
 professed enemy ; you, who are conscious that 
 I have so much reason to complain of your con- 
 duct; you, I say, come tome in the night, at 
 an unseasonable hour, and at the head of a com- 
 pany of armed young men? I did not think it 
 safe for me to go to your entertainment; and 
 should I receive you in my house at a time 
 when, heated w^ith the fumes of wine, you 
 came so well attended? Had I then opened 
 my door (father) you would be preparing to 
 solemnize my funeral at this very instant in 
 which you vouchsafe to hear my complaints. 
 I do not advance any thing dubious, nor speak 
 barely from conjecture. For can Demetrius 
 deny that he came to my house attended by a 
 band of young people, and that some of them 
 were armed? I only desire to have those whom 
 I shall name sent for. I believe them capable 
 of any thing; but yet they will not have the 
 assurance to deny this fact. Had I brought 
 them before you, after seizing them armed in 
 my house, you wouhl be fully convinced of their 
 guilt : and surely their own confession ought to 
 be no less proof of it. 
 
 " You call down imprecations and curses upo i 
 impious sons who aspire to your throne: thi i 
 
508 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 (my father) you have great reason to do ; but 
 then vent not your imprecations blindly, and at 
 random. Distinguish between the innocent and 
 the guilty. Let him who meditated to murder 
 his brother, feel the anger of the gods, the just 
 avengers of paternal authority ; but then let 
 him, who by his brother's guilt was brought to 
 the brink of destruction, find a secure asylum 
 in his father's tenderness and justice. For 
 where else can I expect to find one? I, to 
 whom neither the ceremony of the review, the 
 solemnity of the tournament, my own house, 
 the festival, nor the hours of night allotted by 
 the gods to man for repose, could afford the 
 least security ? If I go to the entertainment to 
 which my brother invites me, I am a dead 
 man ; and it will be equally fatal to me, if I 
 admit him into my house when he comes thither 
 at midnight. Snares are laid for me wherever 
 I tread. Death lies in ambush for me wher- 
 ever 1 move ; — to what place then can I fly for 
 security ? 
 
 " T have devoted myself only to the gods, and 
 to you, my father. I never made my court to 
 the Romans, and cannot have recourse to them. 
 They wish my ruin, because I am so much 
 affected with their injustice to you ; because I 
 am tortured to the soul, and fired with indigna- 
 tion, to see you dispossessed of so many cities 
 and nations ; and, lately, of the mai-itime coast 
 of Thrace. They cannot flatter themselves with 
 the hopes of making themselves masters of Mace- 
 donia as long as you or T are in being. They 
 are sensible, that,' should 1 die by my brother's 
 guilt, or age bring you to the gi'ave, or the due 
 course of nature be anticipated ; then the king 
 and kingdom will be at their disposal. 
 
 " Had the Romans left you some city or ter- 
 ritory, not in the kingdom of Macedon, I possi- 
 bly might have had some opportunity of retiring 
 to it. But, it may be said, I shall find a suffi- 
 ciently powerful protection in the Macedonians. 
 You yourself, father, saw yesterday, with what 
 animosity the soldiers attacked me in the battle. 
 What was wanting for my destruction but 
 swoi-ds of steel ? However, the arms they then 
 wanted, my brother's guests assumed in the 
 night. Why should I mention a great part of 
 the principal persons of your court, who ground 
 all their hopes on the Romans, and on him 
 who is all-powerful with them ? They are not 
 ashamed to prefer him not only to me, who am 
 his elder brother, but, 1 might almost say it, to 
 you, who are our king and father. For they 
 pretend that it is to him you are obliged for the 
 senate's remitting you some of those things 
 which they otherwise would have required : it 
 is he who now checks the Romans, and pre- 
 vents their advancing in a hostile manner into 
 your kingdom. In fine, if they may be be- 
 lieved, your old age has no other refuge but the 
 protection which your young son procures you. 
 — On his side are the Romans, and all the cities 
 which have been dismembered from your do- 
 minions, as well as such Macedonians wliose 
 dependence, with regard to fortune, is placed 
 wholly on the Romans. But with respect to 
 myself, I look upon it as glorious, to have no 
 other protector than you, my father, and to 
 place all my hopes in you alone. 
 
 " What (io you judge to be the aim and design 
 of the letter you lately received from Quintius, 
 in which he declares expi-essly, that you acted 
 prudently for your interest, in sending Deme- 
 trius to Rome : and wherein he exhorts you to 
 send him back thither, accompanied by other 
 
 ambassadors, and a greater train of Macedonian 
 noblemen? Quintius is now every thing with 
 Demetrius. He has no other guide but his 
 counsels, or rather his orders. Quite forgetting 
 that you are his father, he seems to have sub- 
 stituted him in y^our place. It is in the city of 
 Rome, and in his sight, that he formed the 
 secret and clandestine designs which will soon 
 break out into action. It is merely to ensure 
 their success, that Quintius orders you to send 
 along with Demetrius a greater number of the 
 Macedonian nobility^ They set out from this 
 country with the most sincere attachment to 
 your person and interest ; but, won by the ca- 
 resses which are lavished upon them in that 
 city, they return from it corrupted and de- 
 bauched by directly opposite sentiments. Deme- 
 trius is all in all with them : they already pre- 
 sume, in your lifetime, to give him the title of 
 king. If I am indignant at this conduct, I 
 have the grief to see not only others, but your- 
 self, my father, charge me with the design of 
 aspiring to your throne. Should this accusa- 
 tion be levelled at us both, I am conscious of 
 my own innocence, and it cannot in any man- 
 ner affect me. For whom, in that case, should 
 I dispossess, to seize upon what vv^ould be an- 
 other's right : there is no one but my father 
 between me and the throne ; and I beseech the 
 gods that he may long continue so. In case 1 
 should happen to survive him (and this I would 
 not wish any longer than he shall think me 
 worthy of it), I shall succeed him in the king- 
 dom, if it be his good pleasure. He may be 
 accused of aspiring to the throne, and of aspii'- 
 ing in the most unjust and criminal manner, 
 who is impatient to break the order and over- 
 leap the bounds prescribed by age, by nature, 
 by the usages and customs of Macedonia, and 
 by the law of nations. My elder brother, says 
 Demetrius to himself, to whom the kingdom 
 belongs both by the right of seniority and my 
 father's will, is an obstacle to my ambitious 
 views. I must despatch him — I shall not be 
 the first who has waded through a brother's 
 blood to the throne. — My father in years, and 
 without support, will be too much afraid for 
 his own life to meditate revenge for his son's 
 death. The Romans will be pleased to see me 
 on the throne ; they will approve my conduct, 
 and be able to support me. I own, my father, 
 these projects may all be defeated, but I am 
 sure they are not without foundation. In a 
 word, 1 reduce all to this : It is in your power 
 to secure my life, by bringing to condign punish- 
 ment those who yesterday armed themselves to 
 assassinate me; but, should their villany take 
 effect, it will not be in your power to revenge 
 my death." 
 
 'As soon as Perseus had ended his speech, all 
 the company cast their eyes on Demetrius, to 
 intimate that it was incumbent on him to an- 
 swer immediately. But as he, quite oppressed 
 w^ith sorrow and overwhelmed in tears, seemed 
 unable to speak, a long silence ensued. At last, 
 being pressed to an answer, he made his grief 
 give way to necessity, and spoke as follows : 
 
 " Perseus, by accusing me in your presence, 
 my father, ana by shedding fictitious tears to 
 move you to compassion, has made you suspect 
 mine, which, alas ! are but too sincere; and by 
 that means has deprived me of all the advan- 
 tages the accused generally have. Although 
 ever since my return from Rome he has been 
 dav and night laving sns.res for me, in secret 
 cabals with his creatures; yet he now repre 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 Rents me to you, "not only as laying hidden am- 
 buscades to destroy him, but attackini^ him by 
 open violence and an armed force. 1 le endea- 
 vours to alarm you by the pretended dangers 
 which surround him, in hopes of hastening by 
 your means the death of his innocent brother. 
 He declares that he has no refuge, no asylum 
 left, with design to prevent my finding one in 
 your clemency and justice. In the solitary and 
 abandoned state to 'which 1 see myself reduced, 
 quite friendless and unprotected, he strives to 
 make me odious, by reproaching me with pos- 
 sessing an influence and interest with foi-eign- 
 ers, which are rather a prejudice than a service 
 to me. 
 
 " Observe, I beseech you, with what insidi- 
 ous art he has blended and confounded the 
 transactions of last night with every other cir- 
 cumstance of my life : and this in a double view ; 
 first, to raise a suspicion in you of my conduct 
 in general from this last action, the innocence 
 of which will soon be evident ; and secondly, to 
 support, by this idle story of a nocturnal attack, 
 his equally idle accusation, of my harbouring 
 criminal views, hopes, and pretensionsi, At 
 the same time he has endeavoured to show that 
 this accusation was not premeditated or pre- 
 pared ; but that it was wholly the effect of the 
 fear with which he was seized, occasioned by 
 last night's tumult. But, Perseus, if I had 
 attempted to betray my father and his king- 
 dom ; had I engaged in conspiracies with the 
 Romans, and with the enemies of the state ; 
 you ought not to have waited for the opportu- 
 nity of the fictitious story of last night's trans- 
 actions, but should have impeached me before 
 this time of such treason. If the charge of 
 treason, when separated from the other, was 
 altogether improbable, and could serve no other 
 purpose but to prove how much you envy me, 
 and not to evince my guilt ; you ought not to 
 have mentioned it now, but should have post- 
 poned that charge to another time ; and have 
 examined now this question only, Whether you 
 laid snares for me, or 1 for you, I nevertheless 
 will endeavour, as far as the confusion into 
 which this sudden and unforeseen accusation 
 has thrown me will permit, to separate and 
 distinguish what you have thrown together in- 
 discriminately ; but to show whether you or 
 myself ought in justice to be accused of laying a 
 snare for the other last night. 
 
 " Perseus asserts, that I harboured a design 
 to assassinate him, in order that, by the death 
 of my elder brother, to whom the crown apper- 
 tains by the right of nations, by the customs of 
 Macedonia, and even, as he pretends, by your 
 determination, I, though the younger son, 
 might succeed to the throne. To what pur- 
 pose, therefore, is that other part of his speech, 
 where he declares, that I have been particularly 
 studious to ingratiate myself with the Romans, 
 and flattered myself with the hopes of being 
 able to ascend the throne by their assistance? 
 For, if I thought the Romans were powerful 
 enough to bestow the kingdom of Macedon on 
 whomsoever they pleased, and if I relied so 
 much on my influence and authority with them, 
 why should I commit a fratricide of no advan- 
 tage to myself? What ! should I have affected 
 to surround my temples with a diadem, died 
 with my brother's blood, merely that I might 
 become odious and execrable, even to those with 
 whom I had acquired some influence (if indeed 
 I have any), by a probity either real or dis- 
 sembled? unless you can suppose that Quin- 
 
 tius, whose counsel I am accused of following j 
 (he, I say, who lives in so delightful a union ! 
 with his brother), suggested to me the horrid | 
 design of imbruing my hands in my brother's j 
 blood. Perseus has summoned up all the ad- | 
 vantages, by which (as he would insinuate) I | 
 can promise myself a siiperiority over him : I 
 such as the credit of the Romans, the suffrages 
 of the Macedonians, and the almost universal j 
 consent of gods and men ; and yet he at the j 
 same time (as if I were inferior to him in all 
 respects) charges me with having recourse to j 
 an expedient which none but the blackest vil- 
 lains could employ. Are yoi willing to have \ 
 us judged upon this principle and rule. That | 
 whichsoever of us two was a^.^prehensive that | 
 the other would be judged more worthy of the 
 diadem, shall be declared to have formed the 
 design of murdering his brother? 
 
 " But let us come to facts, and examine the 
 order and plan of the criminal enterprise with 
 which I am charged. Perseus pretends to have 
 been attacked in different manners, all which 
 are, however, included within the space of one 
 day. I attempted, as he says, to murder him 
 in broad day-light, in the battle which fol- 
 lowed the sacred ceremony of the review. I 
 determined to poison him at an entertainment 
 to which I had invited him. In fine, I resolved 
 to attack him with* open force in the dead of 
 night, attended by armed persons; to a party of 
 pleasure at his house. 
 
 " You see, my father, the season I had chosen 
 to commit this fratricide ; a tournament, a ban- 
 quet, a party of pleasure, and on how venerable 
 and solemn a day ! a day on which the army is 
 review^ed, on which the resplendent arms of all 
 the Macedonian monarchs are carried in front 
 of the procession ; on which it passes between | 
 the two parts of the sacred victim ; and on 1 
 which we have the honour to march on each j 
 side of you, at the head of the whole Macedo- j 
 nian people. What! though purified by this j 
 august sacrifice from all faults I might before I 
 have committed ; har\'ing before my eyes the | 
 sacred victim through which we passed, was j 
 my mind intent upon fratricides, poisons, and j 
 daggers ! Defiled in such a manner by ci'imes i 
 of the most horrid nature, by what ceremonies, ! 
 by what victims, would it have been possible 
 for me to purify myself? 
 
 " It is evident that my brother, hurried on 
 by a blind wish to calumniate and destroy me, 
 in his endeavour to make every thing sus- 
 pected, and a crime in me, betrays and contra- 
 dicts himself. For (brother) had I formed the 
 design of poisoning you at my table, what could 
 be more ill-judged than to exasperate you, and j 
 put you upon your guard by an obstinate bat- 
 tle, in which I should have discovered that I 
 had designs of violence against you ; and by that 
 means have prevented your coming to an enter- j 
 tainment to which I had invited you, and at 
 which you accordingly refused to be present? 
 But surely, after such a refusal, should I not 
 have endeavoured to reconcile myself to you; 
 and, as I had resolved to take you off by poison, 
 ought I not to have sought another opportu- 
 nity for giving you the fatal draught ? Could 
 it be expected that I should abruptly fly off on 
 the very same day to another scheme, "and at- I 
 tempt to assassinate you, upon pretence of going 1 
 to your house on a party of pleasure ? Could I ! 
 reasonably flatter myself with the hopes (taking \ 
 it for gi'anted that the fear of your being mur- | 
 dered had made you refuse to oome to my enter- | j 
 
510 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 tainment), that the same fear would not induce 
 you to refuse me admittance into your house? 
 
 " I presume, father, I may confess to you 
 without blushing, that in a day of festivity and 
 rejoicing, happening to be in company with 
 young people of my own age, I drank more 
 plentifully than usual. Inquire, I beseech you," 
 how we spent our time at the feast yesterday, 
 1 how full of mirth we were, how transported 
 i with thoughtless gayety, very much heightened 
 by our, perhaps, too indiscreet joy, for the vic- 
 tory we had gained in the tournament. It is 
 I the sad condition of an unforeseen accusation ; 
 
 it is the danger in which 1 now see myself in- 
 I volved, that have dispelled but too easily the 
 ; fumes of wine ; otherwise a calm assassin, my 
 ! eyes had still been closed in slumbe.rs. Had I 
 1 formed a resolution to attack your house with a 
 i view of murdering you, would it not have been 
 I possible for me to abstain for one day from im- 
 ! moderate drinking, and to keep my companions 
 I from the like excess? 
 
 j " But, that it may not be thought that I alone 
 ^ act with frankness and simplicity, let us hear 
 j my brother, who has no malice, and does not 
 ' harbour the least suspicion. All, says he, that 
 I I know, and the only thing I have to complain 
 of, is, that they came armed to my house, upon 
 pretence of engaging in a party of pleasure. 
 Should I ask you how you came to know this, 
 you will be forced to own, either that my house 
 was filled with spies sent by you, or else that 
 my attendants had taken up arms in so open a 
 manner that every one knew of it. What does 
 my brother do ? That he may not seem to have 
 formerly watched all my motions, nor at this 
 time to ground his accusation merely on suppo- 
 sitions ; he beseeches you to inquire of those 
 whom he shall name, whether it be not true 
 ; that they came armed to his house ; in order that 
 (as if this were a doubtful circumstance) after 
 this inquiry into an incident which they them- 
 selves own and confess, they may be considered 
 ' as legally convicted. But is this the question ? 
 ! Why do not you desire an inquiry to be made 
 I whether they took up arms to assassinate you, 
 and whether they did it with my knowledge, 
 and at my request? For this is what you pre- 
 tend ; and not what they themselves own pub 
 ; licly, and which is very manifest, that they took 
 I up arms with no other view than to defend 
 I themselves. Whether they had or had not rea- 
 j son to arm themselves, that they are to in- 
 form you. Do not blend and confound my 
 ! cause with theirs, for they are quite distinct 
 and separate. Only tell us whether we intend- 
 ed to attack you openly or by surprise. If open- 
 ly, why did we not all take up arms? Why 
 were these only armed who had insulted your 
 spy ? In case it was to have been by surprise, 
 in what manner would the attack have been 
 made ? Would it have been at the end of the 
 feast ; and after I had left it with my company, 
 would the four men in question have stayed be- 
 hind, to have fallen upon you when asleep? 
 How would it have been possible for them to 
 conceal themselves in your house, since they 
 were strangers in my service, and could not but 
 be very much suspected, having been seen but a 
 few hours before engaged in the quarrel? Again, 
 supposing they had found an opportunity to 
 murder you, in what manner could they have 
 escaped? Could four men armed, have been 
 able to make themselves masters of your house ? 
 
 " Leave, then, this nocturnal fiction, and come 
 U) what really pains you, and which you have 
 
 so much at heart. For what reason (methinks 
 I hear my brother say), for what reason (De- 
 metrius) do the people talk of making you king ? 
 Why do some persons think you more worthy 
 than I of succeeding our father ? Why do you 
 make my hopes doubtful and uncertain, which, 
 were it not for you, would have been established 
 on the most solid foundation ? Such are the I'e- 
 flections which Perseus revolves in his mind, 
 though he does not express himself in this man- 
 ner. It is this that makes him my enemy and 
 my accuser : It is this that fills the palace and 
 every part of the kingdom with suspicions and 
 accusations. If I ought not now, father, so 
 much as to hope for the sceptre, nor perhaps 
 ever to think of contesting it, as being the 
 younger, and because it is your will and pleasure 
 that I should yield to my elder brother ; it does 
 not follow that I ought to make myself appear 
 unworthy of it, either to you (my father) or all 
 the Macedonians;' a circumstance which no- 
 thing but my ill conduct could occasion. I can, 
 indeed, through moderation, resign it to whom 
 it belongs ; but I cannot prevail with myself to 
 renounce my virtue and good name. 
 
 " You reproach me with the affection of the 
 Romans, and impute that to me for a crime 
 which ought to be my glory. I did not desire 
 to be sent to Rome, neither as a hostage at first, 
 nor afterwards as ambassador : this, father, you 
 yourself very well know. When you ordered me 
 to go thither, I obeyed your commands: and I be- 
 lieve my conduct there and behaviour were such, 
 as cannot reflect the least dishonour either on 
 yourself, your crown, or the Macedonian nation. 
 It is therefore yourself, father, who occasioned 
 the friendship I have contracted with the Ro- 
 mans. So long as you shall be at peace with 
 them, so long our friendship will subsist : but 
 at the first signal for war, though I have been 
 a hostage among them, and exercised the func- 
 tions of an ambassador in such a manner as per- 
 haps has not been disadvantagous to my father; 
 from that moment, I say, I shall declare myself 
 their enemy. I do not desire to reap any benefit 
 on the present occasion, from the love which 
 the Romans have for me ; all I entreat is, that 
 it may not be of prejudice to me. It was not 
 begun in war, nor is it designed to subsist in it. 
 As a hostage and an ambassador, peace was my 
 only object: let that be neither considered in me 
 as a crime nor a merit. 
 
 " If I have violated, in any manner, the re- 
 spect I owe to you, my father ; if I have formed 
 any criminal enterprise against my brother ; let 
 me be punished as I deserve ; but if J am inno- 
 cent, this I claim ; that as I cannot be convicted 
 of the least guilt, 1 may not fall a victim to 
 envy. This is not the first time that my brother 
 has charged me with harbouring horrid designs; 
 but it is the first time he has attempted to do it 
 openly, though without the least foundation. 
 Was my father exasperated against me, it would 
 be your duty, as the elder, kindly to intercede 
 for your younger brother, to solicit his pardon, 
 to entreat that some regard might be shown to 
 his youth ; and that a fault, which had been 
 committed merely through inadvertency, might 
 be overlooked. My ruin comes from that very 
 quarter, whence I might naturally have expected 
 my safety. 
 
 1 Instead of indignus te, patre, Gronovious reads, in- 
 dtgnus tibi ; pater i which seems to agree belter with tho 
 context. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 511 
 
 " Almost half asleep, after the feast and party 
 o. pleasure, 1 am dragged hither on a sudden, to 
 answer a charge of fratricide ; and am forced to 
 plead my own cause, unassisted by advocates, 
 and unsupported by the advice or influence of a 
 single person. Had I been to speak in favour ot 
 another, I should have taken time to prepare 
 and compose my discourse; and yet, on such an 
 occasion, my reputation only would have laid at 
 stake, and I should have had nothing to do but 
 I to display my wit and eloquence; — at this in- 
 stant, without knowing the cause for which I 
 am ordered to appear in this place, 1 hear an 
 offended father commanding me to make my 
 I defence, and a brother charging me with the 
 t most horrid crimes. Perseus has had all the 
 j time he could desire to prepare his accusation, 
 whilst I did not so much as know what the 
 business was, till the very instant the accusation 
 was brought against me. In this rapid mo- 
 ment, ought I to be more attentive to my ac- 
 j cuser than studious of my own apology? Sur- 
 j prised by a sudden and unforeseen accusation, 1 
 j could scarce comprehend what was laid to my 
 I charge, so far from being able to know how to 
 j make my defence. What hope could I have left, 
 j did I not know that it is my father who is to 
 1 judge ! He may show a greater affection for 
 i my brother, as the elder; but he owes more 
 j compassion to me, as being the party accused : 1 
 myself conjure you to preserve my life for your 
 own sake and mine; whereas Perseus insists 
 I upon your sacrificing me to his safety. What 
 may you not naturally expect from him when 
 you shall once have invested him with your au- 
 I thority, as he now demands your favour at no 
 less a price than my blood?" 
 
 Whilst Demetrius defended himself in this 
 manner, his words were interrupted by deep 
 sighs, and groans intermixed with tears. Phi- 
 lip, dismissing both of them for a moment, ad- 
 vised with Jiis friends ; and then ordering them 
 to be called in again, he told them : " I will not 
 pronounce sentence on this affair from mere 
 words and an hour's discussion, but from the in- 
 quiry I shall make into your conduct, from your 
 behaviour in small as well as great things, and 
 from your words as well as actions." This 
 judgment showed plainly enough, that although 
 Demetrius had cleared himself with regard to 
 the charge of endeavouring to take away his 
 brother's life, Philip, however, suspected him 
 from the connections with the Romans. These 
 were in a manner the first seeds of the war that 
 were sown in Philip's lifetime, and which were 
 to ripen under Perseus his successor. 
 
 The king,'* some time af- 
 A. M. 3823. ter, sent Philocles and Apel- 
 Ant. J. C. 181. les as his ambassadors to 
 Rome; not so much with 
 the design of employing them in any negotia- 
 tion, as to gain information how the inhabitants 
 of that city stood aflected with regard to Deme- 
 trius; and to inquire secretly into what he had 
 said there (particularly to Quintius), respecting 
 the succession to the throne. Philip imagined 
 that these two men were not attached to any 
 party ; but they were Perseus's adherents, and 
 had engaged in his conspiracy. Demetrius, who 
 knew nothing of what was transacting (his bro- 
 ther's accusation excepted), had no hopes of ever 
 being able to pacify his father ; especially when 
 
 2 Liv. 1. xl. R. 20—24. 
 
 he found that his brother had so ordered matters 
 that he could not have the least access to him. 
 All he therefore endeavoured was, to keep a 
 watchful guard over his words and actions in or- 
 der to give no ground for suspicion and envy. 
 He avoided speaking of the Romans, or holding 
 the least correspondence with them, even by 
 letter, knowing it was this that chiefly incensed 
 the Macedonians against him. He ought to 
 have taken these precautions sooner : but this 
 young prince, who had no experience, and was 
 frank and sincere, and judged of others from 
 himself, imagined he had nothing to fear from a 
 court, with whose intrigues and artifices he 
 ought to have been better acquainted. 
 
 Philip, from a vulgar opinion which prevailed 
 in Macedon, that from the top of mount Hae- 
 mus the Black Sea and the Adriatic, as well 
 as the Danube and the Alps, might be discover- 
 ed,^ had the curiosity to ascertain the truth of it 
 
 3 How such an extensive prospect as that mentioned 
 above, from the summit of Mount Ha^mus, could gain 
 such credit as to be believed not only by tlie common peo- 
 pie, but even by Philip himself, who took a journey all the 
 way to enjoy it, is difficult to conceive. It, however, seems 
 to have been pretty generally believed j and amongst others 
 by Pornponius Mela, p. 157 of the Vossian edition Speak, 
 ing of Thrace, he uses the following words: " Montes i.nte. 
 rior attolli^, Heemon et Khodopen et Orbelon Sacris Libri 
 patris et coetu Mjenadum, Orpheo primum initiante, cele- 
 bratos. Ex quibus, Hcemus in iantwrn altitudinis abit ut 
 Euxinum et Adriam ex summo vertice ostendat.*' But this 
 opinion has been justly exploded by the ablest mathemati- 
 cians and geographers, as Vossius himself confesses, 
 though he has laboured hard to establish the veracity of 
 his favourite geographer Mela. The judicious Strabo de- 
 nies it altogether, as a groundless fiction ; and maintains 
 the impossibility that these seas can be seen from its sum- 
 mit — both on account of the immense intervening space, 
 and also, that many, and these very lofty, mountains are 
 interposed, which prevent the sight of the eye from reach- 
 ing so far. Livy, from whom the above story is taken, 
 seems to coincide with the opinion of Strabo; for he 
 doubts of the truth of the story. Polybius, however, and 
 Pliny, and Martianus Capella, believed it ; and tlie first 
 has delivered it as a ctrtaiu fact ; while Pliny, and, from 
 him, Martianus Cai-ella, attributed an elevation of six 
 miles, perpendicular, to that range. 
 
 Now, that this cannot possibly be true — namely, thatboth 
 seas can be seen from it, and also the Alps and Danube — 
 is evident from this consideration ; that, ii a hne be drawn 
 along the summit of Hfemus, or the Balkan, from Cape 
 Emineh on the Black Sea— the ancient Hsemi Extrenia— 
 due west to the nearest point of the Adriatic, the direct dis- 
 tance is at least 630 British miles. Suppose a person 
 placed on the summit of this range, at a pomt equidistant 
 from both seas; and sui)posing this point to be the most 
 elevated of the whole range— such a point would be 265 Bri- 
 tish miles distant from either sea, in a horizontal line. Now 
 this, according to the S6th proposition of the third book of 
 Euclid, would require an elevation of about 47,000 feet, 
 perpendicular, without refraction ; or one half more than 
 the height assigned it by Pliny and Martianus Capella. 
 The visible horizon of Mount Hsemus, according to chis 
 account, would embrace a circle of 1600 geographical miles. 
 
 It must be admitted, however, that this wonderful story 
 is exceeded by that romance writer, Brydone ; who has told 
 the world such prodigious wonders respecting the extent of 
 the visible horizon of Mount iEtna, which he extends to 
 8(;0 miles in diameter ; whereas, the limit of its visible hori. 
 zon does not exceed 130 miles, according to the elevation 
 determined by Captain Smith. To suppose, with Biydone, 
 that iEtna has a visible horizon SCO miles in diameter, must 
 also suppose the mountain to have an elevation correspond- 
 ing to such an extensive visible horizon. This must be 
 granted, in order to account for the supposed extraordinary 
 fact asserted by Brydone. But by far the greater part of 
 readers are not aware of this, nor know what degree of ele- 
 vation is necessary, on mathematical principles, to give r uch 
 an extent of visible horizon. Now, this latter would re. 
 quire an elevation of 160,000 feet perpendicular, or up- 
 wards of oO British miles, — Risum teneatis amici ; or 
 more than six times the altitude of Dhawalagiri, the lofti- 
 est known peak on the surface of the globe. Such an as- 
 sertion as this is just of a piece with his other speculation* 
 
512 HISTORY OF 
 
 himself: imagining that this prospect might he i Macedonia; appointing Didas, governor of Fae 
 of some service to the design he meditated, of ' onia, and one of the king's chiet officers, to es 
 
 1 . T._1_- il. - i. „f U« /^n1<r trxrAr ntw't him TVllS 
 
 making Italy the seat of war. He only took 
 Perseus with him, and sent Demetrius into 
 
 cort him. This man was a creature of Perseus, 
 who had taught him hi$ lesson perfectly ; and 
 
 respecting the lavas of ^tna, by which he would estimate 
 the age of the globe,— and the use of comets, which, in 
 his great wisdom, he conducts into the body of the sun, 
 in order to supply the waste of fuel.— What precious phi- 
 
 '°The^rule for determining the limits of the visible hori- 
 zon from any given point, is founded on the established 
 fact of the globularity of the earth ; and serves as a neces- 
 sary corrective to the extraordinary accounts of historians 
 and travellers such as Brydone, mentioned above; and 
 in restraining the fancy of the poet within the boundaries 
 of probability. The ideas, that Atlas supported the hea- 
 vens on his shoulders— or that Olympus was the abode of 
 the Celestial Powers, and of Ihimdering Jove— or, that the 
 
 Andes, giant of the western star, 
 
 With meteor standard to the winds unfurl'd. 
 Looks from his throne of clouds o'er half the world; 
 
 may delight the imaginations of the romantic, and assist 
 the play of fancy, but are far beyond the limits of philo- 
 sohical truth. Vossius, though perfectly sensible that 
 such an enormous elevation as that assigned to the Hre- 
 mus, or, indeed, to any mountain, is at complete variance 
 with geometrical truth ; yet endeavours, and that strenu. 
 ously, to establish the assertion of his author, Mela, con- 
 cerning the extent of the visible horizon from Mount Ha;- 
 mus, in opposition to Strabo, Livy, and all the mathemati- 
 cians and geographers of the 17tli entury. He admits that 
 no mountain on the earth's surface can possibly exceed 24 
 I stadia, which he makes equal to a German league, or four 
 I geographical miles ; in which he is wrong, as the common 
 calculation gives 32 stadia to a German league. He also 
 admits that the height of the Hasmus cannot exceed 18 
 •=tadia, or 12,980 Parisian feet, equal to 13,845 English 
 feet. But the measure of the stades is not exactly ascer- 
 tained, and therefore it is impossible to be precise. If we 
 admit the Roman mile, on the authority of D'Anville, to 
 be 4860 English feet, then, according to Vossius, the 18 
 <itadia will be only 12,150 English feet ; and yet he af- 
 firms, notwithstanding this small elevation, m opposition 
 to all the acknowledged laws of geometry, that Mount 
 Heemus has that extent of visible horizon, or at least may 
 have it. He denies that any rules, founded on the rotun- 
 dity of the earth, or supposed elevation of a mountain, 
 can be valid, or at all to be depended on, in determining 
 the limit of vision. 1 1 will be asked, then, on what prin- 
 I ciple does he defend the statement of Mela and Polybms ? 
 He does it on the principle of refraction. 
 
 It is curious to see Isaac Vossius and John Barrow 
 making use of the same principle for the same purpose; 
 the former using it to disprove the extreme altitude attri- 
 buted to Mount Caucasus, Athos, \c. by Pliny, and others 
 among the ancients, and Nonius, Claramontanus, Kiccio- 
 lus Kroymond, and other mathematicians of his day ; 
 and the latter employing it to subvert the elevations 
 ascribed to the Himalaya mountains, by Colebrooke 
 and Webb, Quarterly Heview, No. XXXIV. p. 43". ; al- 
 though this latter writer has since recanted, and owned 
 his mistake, as he has been compelled to do in sev- 
 eral other instances ; as in those of the Polar Basin, and 
 the course of the mysterious Niger. Both use this princi- 
 ple to show that mountains of no great altitude may be 
 seen at immense distances ; and vice versa, that by means 
 of the same principle, objects maybe seen at va.=t distances 
 from the summits of mountains moderately elevated ; and 
 Vossius blames the mathematicians exceedingly, for not 
 making use of this principle to correct their hypsometncal 
 measurements. . ^ c l- 
 
 This was, indeed, true, M the doctrine of refraction 
 was but yet in its infancy— having been but lately discov. 
 ered by Willebrord Snellius. But if they on the one 
 hand made no allowance for terrestrial refraction in their 
 mathematical calculations of heights, he was equally irj 
 error in three respects— by taking extraordinary cases oi 
 refraction as arguments to disprove the great elevation of 
 mountains ; and in attempting to prove the great extent of 
 vision from those of moderate height, by trusting too imp i- 
 citly to the reports of sailors and travellers ; and in mistak. 
 ins the distances from which the reported objects were seen. 
 He argues from an extraordinary state of the atmosphere, 
 instead of from the mean state of it ; and therefore con- 
 cludes too much, and therefore concludes nothing. He 
 argues from anomalous cases to a general rule— from a 
 particular state cf the atmosphere to its general state. 
 Thus, because at particular times the mountains of Corsi- 
 ca are distinctly visible at Marseilles, from the report of 
 
 Franciscus Patricius, at the distance of 240 geographical 
 miles ; he hifers the utter futility of all attempts to caicu. 
 late the altitude of mountains from their proportional 
 magnitude in the horizon, compared with their distance ; 
 or to ascertain the quantity of refraction, as it increases or 
 decreases with the density or rarity of the atmosphere , 
 and then, finally, infers, that if the Corsican mountains, 
 so much inferior as he imagines to Mount Hssmus, can be 
 seen at so great a distance, Mount Hsmus may be seen 
 mucli farther. He also finds fault with Snellius for li- 
 miting too much the distance, in making the nearest pro- 
 montory of that island to Marseilles, to be the oniy obje ct 
 of vision ; and says farther, that this phenomenon is seen 
 before sunrise, and after sunset ; and tliat then, not only j 
 the summits of the Corsican mountains are seen, but even 
 their bases, and the very western shore of that island are 
 distinctly visible. He admits, however, that it is only at 
 the above periods that this takes place; and that, as they 
 appear together— both mountains and snore— so they dis- 
 appear together after sunrise. Now, these are just the pe- 
 riods when the refraction is greatest, and which show, tliat 
 this extraordinary degree of visibility depends altogether 
 on an extraordinary state of the atmosphere. Whether 
 this be constantly the case at Marseilles, he does not say ; 
 but it is probable that this takes place only at certain sea- 
 sons of the year, from the following fact, in every respect 
 similar to this. 
 
 The mountain Canigau, one of the eastern Pyrenees, 
 fronting the Mediterranean, and 1432 toises, or 9150 Eng- 
 lish feet in height; though 57 French leagues distant from 
 Marseilles, to the south-west, is perfectly visible from that 
 city, at certain seasons of the year ; namely, February and 
 March. In order to verify this fact. Baron Vo« Zach, the 
 celebrated author of a Monthly Astronomical Journal, 
 and then residing at Marseilles in 1808, went, on the 8lb 
 Februarv, accompanied by four other scientific gentlemen, 
 ascended the mountain Notre Dame de la Garde towards 
 sunset, and provided with the proper instruments for ob. 
 .serving the mountain. As soon as the sun was set the 
 mountain Canigau and various other peaks of the Pyrenees 
 appeared so distinctly, that the spectators could hardly per. 
 suade themselves that it was the Pyrenees which they saw, 
 but rather some mountain in the vicinity of Marseilles. 
 Now, as this phenomenon is precisely similar to that al- 
 ledged by Vossius, respecting the visibility of the Corsican 
 mountains from the same place, it is probable that it oc 
 curs at the same period of the year when the Canigau and 
 other peaks of the Pyrenees are visible ; and as therefore ; 
 both the one and the other are only visible at that period j 
 of the year, and no other, and only before sunrise and af- , 
 ter sunset; the conclusion is clear, that the phenomenon I 
 in both cases arises from the same cause— namely, an ex- 
 traordinary state of the atmosphere. 
 
 Now, it is quite nugatory to argue, from such an occa- 
 sional phenomenon, arising from an extraordinary state i 
 of the atmosphere, that the degree of refraction corre. ! 
 st)onding to the mean state of the atmosphere cannot be [ 
 determined ; or, in other words, that because a distant ob- i 
 ject is visible at one time and invisible at another time, ; 
 according to the state of the medium through which it is 
 seen, therefore we can determine nothing respecting ei- j 
 ther its magnitude or distance ; or that, because in an or- 
 dinary state of the visive medium an object is not seen, 
 which, in an extraordinary state is perfectly visible, there, 
 fore we are to argue from that latter, and merely occasion, 
 al state, against the clearest rules of geometry, founded 
 on the rotundity of the earth. Refraction is re gulated by 
 heat and humidity, and owing to the abundance of the 
 latter at sea, or on the coast, is much greater there than m 
 inland countries; and although the degree of terrestrial 
 retraction be not yet exactly ascertained, yet a great ap. 
 proximation has been of late made to it, by difterent se- 
 rieses of experiments made for that purpose: as in Hin- 
 dostan,by Lambton, Kater, Webb, Hodgson, and Herbert 
 Vos4us has erred on the side of excess in making the 
 western shore of Corsica 240 geographical miles frorn 
 Marseilles: since its most western point is only 165 British 
 miles from it, in direct distance. Monte Rotondo, the 
 loftiest mountain of that island, being 1449 toises, or 9i74 
 English feet, should be visible at 118 geograph. miles dis. 
 tance, and Canigau at 116 geograph. miles. He also makes 
 the Peak of Tenerifle and the mountains of Sierra I.eone, 
 to be visible at a distance of 276 British miles ; when it is 
 well known that the limit of visible horizon of the former 
 does not exceed ir.6 British miles, or even rather less, ac- 
 cording to Humboldt. It appears somewhat odd, that a 
 mountain like that of Teneriflfe, which he believes to be 
 
513 
 
 t'xhorted him, above aJl things, to insinuate 
 himself as artfully as possible into the good 
 graces of the young prince, in order to discover 
 all his secrets. 
 
 Didas executed bis commission but too well 
 He agreed to every thing that Demetrius said 
 lamented his ill fate, seemed to detest the injus 
 tice and insinceritv of his f-.nemiesi who repre 
 
 one of the loftiest in the world, 
 
 greater distance than those of Corsica, which he believes 
 to be much lower than mount Hsemus. But all this is to 
 make way for proving that the Alps, the Danube, the 
 ICuxine, and Adriatic seas, may be seen from the summit 
 of Hsemus ; and, although from his conjecture that its 
 height is not above 18 stadia, or two miles and a quarter. 
 
 should be seen at no blames Pliny and Martianus Capella for assigning six 
 
 miles of elevation to the Haemus ; as in that case, sayt 
 he, Philip and his attendants must have ascended daily 
 two miles in perpendicular height. This is undoubtedly 
 true, not merely because they must have attained such an 
 altitude as two miles daily, but because an ascent of an 
 angle of 60". is simply impossible. It is absurd in Vos. 
 
 and cannot therefore have a visible horizon of more than ,sius, or any man, in the utter absence of all geometrical 
 Io5 miles, yet by means of this convenient principleas by I mensuration, to calculate the height of a mountain, or 
 °. talisman, all the above may be distinctly seen, range of mountains, merely from the time consumed in 
 ihat the Danube may be seen is quite possible, as its the ascent. In this way of reckoning, mount ^tna would 
 course is seldom more than 100 miles direct north from 'be equal in altitude to mount Blanc; because it takes the 
 the centre of the chain by means of a telescope ; but I same space to ascend the former that it takes to ascend 
 H^n,';„i.''T T I ^'il'^ u'^^^u^u"^- "^''^^ '^y^' ! 1^"^'"' although it be one-half higher than the former, 
 
 though the flat plaui through which it rolls its lazy vo- and which latter mountain has even been scaled in 171 
 lume may be clearly so ; but all the other objects are quite liours of continued ascent, or a day and a half, by Colonel 
 out ot the question. I Besufoy 
 
 But Vossius's supposed elevation of 18 stadia is quite | He finds fault with Polybius for assigning five days- 
 arbitrary, as its altitude has never been measured. It is journey to the summit of some of the Alpine ridges. Now, 
 ft,o ,^ 'f'" ^'''l' elevation is more than any of Polybius is perfectly right, as it took Hannibal's arm^ 
 
 frnr^t^!^!?;'?h° w'^T' f ''V^^u^i^^'^*''^"^^^^ "^"^ clays of Continued marching to gain the summit o'f 
 
 fh. . K the lateral ridge of the Pmdus that divides the little St. Bernard ; a distance of 92 miles from tiie first 
 the continent of Greece in to_ east and west projects; and ; ascent at Chevelu. He confounds the passage of a broad 
 
 and lofty range of mountains, from the level of the plain 
 whence the first ridges rise to the central range, with the 
 ascent of a single mountain or insulated peaic. In the 
 sublime Himalaya, a person may travel a full month from 
 the plains of Hindoostan before he ariives at the central 
 
 we know that that Hart of the ridge which lies north of 
 Macedon is covered with eternal snow ; which, in the 
 latitude of 43°, should not much exceed 8000 feet, accord- 
 ing to Kirwan's Table, and therefore it is not probable 
 that any peak of the Hsmus exceeds Monte Rotondo in 
 height— so far from its being probable, nay certain, ac. 
 cording to Vossius, that the Haemus exceeds the Corsican 
 mountains in elevation. It is probable, too, that the Heb. 
 mus gradually diminishes in height as it runs eastward to 
 the Black Sea, as it has been passed repeatedly in the 
 midst of winter by travellers of our own nation, in that 
 part of it which separates Thrace from Bulgaria, without 
 eausing much fatigue. 
 
 'I'he fact is, however, that the separating range of the 
 Hsmus, between Macedonia and Bulgaria, has never been 
 either explored or passed by Christian travellers, as far as 
 I know, since these provinces fell under the Turkish 
 yoke; and, as it has always been possessed by barbarous 
 mountain tnbes, it seems to have been but imperfectly 
 known to the ancients themselves. However, the height 
 of the Hasmus has never been supposed by any g-eographer 
 to exceed that of the Appenines. Therefore, the opinion 
 of Vossius in support of his favourite Mela, that such an 
 extensive prospect may be enjoyed from the summit of 
 the Hffimus by means of terrestrial refraction, is unwor- 
 thy of a serious refutation ; and equally so his alleged 
 elevation of 18 stadia, having nothing but unsupported 
 conjecture for the one, and the other being contrary to all 
 the lav/s of geometry and experience. 
 
 It seems, however, that Philip and his company at, 
 tempted to ascend this mountain ; but respecting the na- 
 ture and degree of this ascent nothing is said. We are 
 Ignorant both of the distance and degree of acclivity 
 Vossius supposes it possible for a man to ascend an eleva. 
 
 range. 
 
 When Polybius affirms that there is not a mountain in 
 all Greece that may not be ascended in a day, it would be 
 wrong thence to infer that their height, compared to that 
 of the central Alpine ridge, is as I to 5. The object of 
 comparison is not one individual mountain with another, 
 but of that to a range consisting of many successive ridges 
 md intiicate defiles. In the same way of arguing Vossius 
 affirms the Spaniards to be mistaken respecting the height 
 of the Andes, because they ascribed an ascent of four days 
 to them. " In this way," says he, " the Alps must excel 
 them by a day's journey in height, since it takes five days 
 to ascend them." But he did not know one circumstance 
 which may easily account for this; namely, that there are 
 no glaciers in the Andes as in the Alps, to impede the 
 progress of the traveller, and that the line of congelation 
 is much higher there than in the Alpine latitude of 46°. 
 He further affirms that the loftiest ridges of the Caucasus 
 may be attained in two days ; and hence, that its height 
 cannot exceed two miles, or two stadia less than mount 
 Hasmus. 'I'his is erroneous, as it takes a journey of at 
 least four days to arrive at the summit of the Porta) Cau- 
 casia, or pass of Dariel, and the Haemus is but a hillock 
 compared to the mighty Caucasus. It is true, indeed, that 
 John Baptist Ricciolus, in his Great Astronomical Syn- 
 taxis, erred most egregiously in assigning an elevation of 
 51 miles to mount Caucasus, and 28 to mount Athos, as 
 the latter can be easily ascended in a day ; but Vosslur 
 was equally wrong in reducing the elevation of Caucasus 
 
 degree of accl^^UvToTeio supposing the i to two miles of perpendicular elevation, and in main- 
 
 feet of .lonTfnrtL f.of ereatas 60 degrees, or three , taining that the Euxine and Adriatic seas may be dis. 
 f^L;.-Hi '^^ 5 ^"^^ ^^^^ perpendicular-a thmg evidently , tinctly seen from the Hamus by means of refraction 
 '^"Pl't^l^J ^.^^^ ^^e" ^^PPO^^^f that 10 stadia, on the san.e , Strabo was also wrong in saying that very high mountains 
 
 average of slope, may be performed in a day by a nimble 
 mountaineer; a still greater impossibility, if such can be 
 imagined : but he allows that an ordinary man may ascend 
 eight stadia on a daily average on such a slope, and it is 
 on this that he grounds his hypothesis of the height of tht 
 Ha»musi making it 18 stadia on an angle of 60 of acclivity. 
 Ihe fact IS, that no such mountain exists with such an 
 angle of ascent, and if such a mountain did exist, it could 
 not be scaled by human foot. The SiUa de Caraccas, in 
 nt^^-^^J'^^' P^^^ ®^^» ''•'^ 3 perpendicular wall, to 
 
 86oo feet of elevation, and presents the steepest precipicr- 
 of perhaps any on the globe, the angle of ascent, or degree 
 of slope, being 53°. 28'. ; so that all attempts to ascend it 
 from the sea are impracticable. 
 
 A slope of 53 degrees is quite inaccessible to human 
 foot ; and in all the Alps, whether of Italy or Switzer. 
 land, a rock has not yet been found with an angle of ele- 
 vation perpendicular to the horizon beyond 1600 feet in 
 
 height. 
 
 riffe is on 
 
 intervene between the Hamus and the seas, which of 
 themselves, independent of the vast space intercepted, 
 would hinder them from being seen. 
 
 To the north of the Hamus there are no mountains to 
 be seen, but a vast level plain, extending as far to the 
 north as the base of the Carpathian mountains, and to 
 the north-west, to the mountains of Transylvania, whilst 
 to the south it overlooks the subordinate ranges that issue 
 from its side. The immense distance of both these seas 
 from the centre of the range, is alone sufficient to confute 
 both Fomponius Mela and his commentator Isaac Vos- 
 sius. Aristotle himself retails a story still more extra- 
 ordinary than that of Mela, or Polybius, or Livy, namely 
 that from the mountain Delphius in Liburnia, the Hel- 
 lespont, and the Black Sea, together with the ships enter- 
 ing it may be seen, although Liburnia is more than 700 
 British miles distant from both, lib. de Mirabilibus Nature 
 
 The mean averaT^^ Theopompus seems, from the seventh book of StrabT,To 
 
 W V^ IVS^^^^ have retailed the same absurdity, which appears to have 
 
 of^e.ght stadia of daily ascent on an angle of PQo, he sape si ut refractiones, altero quoqu^ oS preZm esI 
 
 2K 
 
614. 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 seated him, on all occasions, in the most odious 
 light to his father j and offered to serve him to 
 the utmost, in whatever lay in his power. De- 
 metrius at last resolved to fly to the Romans. 
 He fancied that heaven had opened him a cei'- 
 tain means (for it was necessary to pass through 
 
 him. The monarch and his attendants did not, 
 however, refute the vulgar opinion ; in all pro- 
 bability, that they might not expose so ridicu- 
 lous a journey to the laughter of the public; 
 rather than because they had seen from one and 
 the same spot, rivers, seas, and mountains, at 
 vast a distance from one another. Be this 
 
 P.-ponia of Avhich Didas, as 1 observed above, so - . , j 
 
 wr.^ov^^^^^^^^^ and accoi'dinglv he revealed his as it may. the king was at that time employed 
 Tesln to him Uidas, without loss of time, , in the siege ot a city called Petra, when the 
 sent'advLe of this to Perseus, and the latter to news I have mentioned was brought h.m. 
 k o- Ph lip; who, after having undergone in- Herodotus Demetrms's bosom - friend was 
 exprefsible fatigues in his journey up mount seized, and strict orders were given to keep a 
 H«mus, was returned from his expedition with watchtul eye over the prince. , 
 
 ' than he carried with | Philip, at his return to Macedon, was seized 
 
 I with a deep melancholy. This last attempt ot 
 
 — I Demetrius went to his heart. He thought, 
 
 I however, that it would be proper for him to 
 
 ro better informations 
 
 ostendere exempln."— Observat in Melam, lib. ii. p. I6b. 
 Bv the aid of this convenient principle, there is nothing so 
 absurd or incredible— nothing, however repugnant it may 
 be to the laws of vision, the rules ot" geometry, or the re- 
 ceived fact of the rotundity of the eanh— but what this 
 critical flagellant was prepared to believe, account for, 
 and detend, although he lashed his contemporanos, Uie 
 miMily Salmasius and the learned Gronovius, with un- 
 sparing severity, for mistakes much less gross, and much 
 more venial, tlian his own. _ 
 
 It is clear, from the text, that our author is of a very 
 dififerent opinion from Vossius, and justly rejects the 
 whole story of such an extensive prospect trom the sum- 
 mit of the H^emus. There can be little doubt but that 
 
 wait the return of the ambassadors whom he 
 had sent to Rome, and who had been taught 
 their lesson before they left IMacedon. They j 
 
 Philip believed the vulgar report 
 
 TiOt have taken so fatigumg a journey. Had the common 
 opinion been actually verified by Philip's own observation 
 I and that of his attendants, some of whom we may presume 
 I :to have been men of science, it would have been made | 
 i public, and been handed down to posterity as a most ex- 
 traordinary fact, and well it might. But we are certain 
 .that no observation could verify such an opinion ; aiid it 
 is probable, as our author justly remarks, tiiat he did not 
 choose to refute the vulvar opinion, as, by so doing, he 
 would have exposed himself to the charge of gross credu- 
 Jitv, and made himself an object of laughter, in making so 
 , ridiculous and fatiguing a journey to verify that, which a 
 very moderate knowledge of the topography ot his o\vn 
 I kingdom and of mathematical science, would have taught 
 ; him could not possibly be true. 
 
 i It is a very common thing for the uninforn ed in every 
 1 country tbat contains mountains, to believe wonders con- 
 I cerning them, and that they are the highest in the wor d; 
 
 for to '^iuch uninsu-ucted peoi^lo their country is all he 
 I world. The Russians who inhabit the vicinity ot the 
 i Uralian chain, and are acquainted with no other, be u ve 
 I it to be the greatest and highest in the world, and trom 
 
 that circumstance call it Zimnopoias. or the fetoney Girdle 
 I of the world ; and the Greek poets, who knew no higher 
 
 summit than that of the Thessalian Olympus, held a simi- 
 
 I -lar opinion respecting its height, and called it the abode ot 
 
 ^'^pfople are much deceived in imagining the actual pros- 
 pect from the summit of a very lofty mountain is as cx- 
 iensive as its detined visible horizon. It is only in certain 
 circumstances that it is so, as in the case of mount blanc. 
 Its visible horizon is more than SOO miles in diameter, 
 and hence, the shore of the Mediterranean should be visi. 
 i>)e from its summit. « All objects," says Beautoy who 
 as was before observed, attained its summit a little past , 
 ten in the morning, and continued two '^^^''-f f^,^^,"™" 
 mit " of which the distance is great, and the level low, 
 are hid from the eye by the blue -apoVr'\'''^ilTrlneva 
 through which I couid not discern the lake of Geneva 
 and Geneva itself is only 42 "^''^1 i^^^l^eT 
 from the mountain,) though a the height of lo,, 00 feet 
 Even the Mediterranean must have been withm the lumt 
 of- vis on '1 he air was still, and the day so remarkably 
 fine, hat I could not discover in any part of the heavens 
 ■ The aupearajice of a single cloud." The person who at- 
 tams X ^'mmitof such a mountain as that scaled by 
 I Beaufov, is either above the clouds, and then he sees no 
 
 II thing of the lower surroundi 
 density of the subjacent vei 
 rounded with them, is literally in a region 
 then sees almost nothing. ^ ^ „,i 
 
 It is only on rare occasions that prospects at all com- 
 mensuraio o the circumference of the visible horizon can 
 CI obtained. As the H^mus is only a ^,<^condary moi^^^^ 
 tain compared to mount Blanc, it is P^°bab e that Phd p 
 and his attend mts were shrouded in a veil of mist and 
 therefore saw nothing. It is plain, therefore that the 
 wonder-working refractions of Vossius must be dismissed 
 Uj the vault of all the Capulets.— 
 
 eported exactly whatever had been dictated to 
 them ; and presented the king with a forged 
 letter, sealed with the counterfeit seal of T. 
 Quintius, in which he desired Philip, " not to 
 be offended at his son Demetrius, for some un- 
 guarded expressions which might have escaped 
 "him with respect to the succession to the crown ; 
 assuring hiin that he would not engage in any 
 as otherwise he would attempt contrary to the ties of blood and na- 
 ture." He concluded with observing, " that he 
 was verv far from ever giving him such coun- 
 sel." This letter confirmed all that Perseus 
 had advanced against his brother. Herodotus 
 was put to the torture, and died on the rack, 
 without charging his master with any thing. 
 
 Perseus again accused his brother before the 
 king. His having projected the design of flying 
 to the Romans through Pteonia, and of bribing 
 certain persons to accompany him in his flight, 
 was imputed to him as a crime. But the cir- 
 cumstance which bore hardest against him was, 
 the forged letter of Quintius. His father never- 
 theless^did not declare himself publicly against 
 him, resolving to make away with him secretl j; 
 not out of reaard to his son, but lest the noise 
 ■which the bringing him to execution would 
 make, should discover too visibly the designs he 
 proiected against Rome. At his leaving Thes- 
 salonica to^ go to Demetrias he commanded 
 Didas to despatch the young prince. Ihe lat- 
 ter having carried Demetrius with him into 
 Pajonia, poisoned him at an entertainment that 
 was made after a sacrifice. Demetrius had no 
 sooner drunk the deadly draught, than he found 
 himself seized with violent pains. He with- 
 drew to his apartment, complaining bitterly oi 
 his father's cruelty, and loudly charging his 
 brother with the crime of fratricide, and Didas 
 with his barbarous treachery. His pains in- 
 crea'jino', two of Didas's domestics entered the 
 room, tlirew blankets over his head, and stifled 
 him. Such was the end of this young prmce, 
 who deserved a much better fate. 
 
 Almost two years were 
 A. M. 3825. elapsed before the* conspiracy 
 Ant. J. C. 179. ofPerseusagainst his brother 
 was discovered.' In the 
 g globular surface from the ^j^g Philip, tortured by grief and remorse, 
 
 lvt?;^n\.f ml^t ^ l^cSl^lwdep^^red his 
 
 proached himself with his cruelty. His sui- 
 vivino son, wh(» looked upon himself already as 
 'and to whom the courtiers began to at- 
 
 tach' themselves, from the expectation that he 
 
 I Liv, 1. xl. n. 54—57. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 515 
 
 «^ould soon be their sovereign, gave him no less 
 pain. It was infinitely shocking to him to see 
 his old age despised; some waiting with the 
 utmost impatience for his death, and others even 
 not waiting for it. 
 
 Among those who had access to him, Anti- 
 gonus held the first rank. He was nephew of 
 another Antigonus,^ who had been Philip's 
 guardian ; and under that name, and in that 
 quality, had reigned ten years. This worthy 
 man had always continued inviolably attached, 
 both from duty and affection, to the person of 
 his prince, in the midst of the tumults and 
 cabals of the court. Perseus had never cared 
 for him ; but this inviolable attachment to his 
 father had made h im his professed enemy. An- 
 tigonus plainly perceived the danger to which 
 he would be exposed when that prince should 
 succeed to the crown. Finding that Philip be- 
 gan to fluctuate in thought, and would from 
 time to time sigh and weep for his son Deme- 
 trius, he thought it proper to take advantage of 
 that disposition ; and sometimes listening to his 
 discourse on that subject, at other times beginning 
 it himself, and regretting the precipitate manner 
 in which that affair had been conducted, be en- 
 tered into his sentiments and complaints, and 
 thereby gave them new force. And as truth 
 always leaves some footsteps by which It may 
 be discerned, he used his utmost endeavours to 
 trace out the secret intrigues of Perseus's con- 
 spiracy. 
 
 The persons who had had the greatest con- 
 cern in that affair, and of whom the strongest 
 suspicion might with the greatest justice be en- 
 tertained, were Apelles and Philocles, who had 
 been sent ambassadors to Rome, and had brought 
 from thence, as in the name of Quintius Mami- 
 ninus, the letter which had proved so fatal to 
 the young prince. It was generally whispered 
 at court that this whole letter was forged : but 
 still this was only conjecture, and there was no 
 proof of it. Very luckily, Xychus, who had 
 accompanied Apelles and Philocles in quality of 
 secretary of the embassy, happened upon some 
 occasion to apply to Antigonus. Immediately 
 he put him under an arrest, caused him to be 
 carried to the palace, and leaving him under a 
 strong guard, went to Philip. " I imagined," 
 says he, " royal sir, from several things I have 
 heard you say, that nothing could give you 
 greater pleasure than to know exactly what idea 
 you ought to entertain of your two sons ; and 
 to ascertain which of them it was that made an 
 attempt on the other's life. You now have in 
 your power the man who is best able to give 
 you a perfect account of that whole affair, and 
 this is Xychus. He is now in your palace, and 
 you may command him to be sent for." Xy- 
 chus being immediately brought in, at first de- 
 nied every thing; but so very faintly, that it 
 was evident he would make a full discovery, 
 upon being ever so little intimidated. Accord- 
 ingly, the instant that the officer of justice ap- 
 peared, he made a full confession, revealed the 
 whole intrigue of the ambassadors, and the 
 share he himself had in it. Immediately Phi- 
 locles, who happened to be in court at that 
 time, was seized ; but Apelles, who was absent 
 hearing that Xychus had made a full discovery' 
 fled to Italy. History does not inform us of 
 the particulars which were extorted from Phi- 
 
 2 He was surnatm-d Dosvn. 
 
 locles. Some pretend that after having reso 
 lutely denied the charge at first, he was utterly 
 confounded upon his being confronted with Xy- 
 chus. According to other historians, he bore 
 the torture with the utmost fortitude, and as- 
 serted his innocence to the last gasp. Ail these 
 things only revived and augmented the sorrow 
 of Philip ; a father ecfually wretched, whether 
 he turned his reflections on his murdered son, 
 or on him who was still living. 
 
 Perseus, being informed that his whole plot 
 had been discovered, knew too well his own 
 power and influence to believe it necessary to 
 secure himself by flight. The only precaution 
 he took was, a resolution to keep at a distance 
 from court as long as his father should live, 
 in order to withdraw himself from his resent- 
 ment, j 
 
 Philip did not entertain the hope of having it 
 in his power to seize Perseus, and bring him to 
 condign punishment. The only thought he 
 then entertained was, to prevent his enioying, 
 with impunity, the fruits of his guilt. In this 
 view he sent for Antigonus, to whose great care 
 he owed the discovery of the conspiracy ; and 
 whom he judged very well qualified, both on 
 account of his personal merit and of his uncle 
 Antigonus's recent fame and glory, to fill the 
 Macedonian throne. " Reduced," says Philip, 
 " to the deplorable necessity of wishiing that to 
 be my fate, which other fathers detest as the 
 most dreadful calamity that can befall them 
 (the being childless) ; I am now resolving to 
 bequeath to you a kingdom, for which I am in- 
 debted to the guardianship of your uncle; and 
 which he not only preserved by his fidelity, but 
 enlarged considerably by his valour. I know 
 no man worthy of the crown but yourself 
 And were there none capable of wearing it 
 with dignity, I had infinitely rather it should be 
 lost for ever, than that Perseus should have it 
 as the reward of his impious perfidy. Methinks 
 I shall see Demetrius risen from the sepulchre 
 and restored to his father, if I can substitute 
 you in his place ; you, who alone bewailed the 
 untimely death of my dear son, and the un- 
 happy credulity which proved his destruction." 
 
 After this he bestowed the highest honours 
 on Antigonus, and took every opportunity of 
 producing him in the most advantageous light 
 to the public. Whilst Perseus resided in Thrace, 
 Philip made a progi-ess through several cities of 
 Macedon, and recommended Antigonus to all 
 the noblemen of the greatest distinction, with 
 the utmost zeal and affection; and, had fate 
 allowed him a longer life, it was not doubted 
 but he would have put him in possession of the 
 throne. Having left Demetrias, he made a 
 considerable stay in Thessalonica, from whence 
 he went to Amphipolis, where he fell danger- 
 ously ill. The pliysicians declared, that his 
 sickness proceeded more from his mind than his 
 body. Grief kept him continually awake ; and 
 he frequently imagined he saw, in the dead of 
 night, the ghost of the ill-fated Demetrius, re 
 preaching him with his death, and calling down 
 curses on his head. He expired, bewailing ont 
 of his sons with a shower of tears, and venting 
 imprecations against the other. Antigonut 
 might have been raised to the throne, had the 
 king's death been immediately divulged. CalJi- 
 genes the physician, who presided in all the 
 consultations, did not slay till the king had 
 breathed his last; but the very instant he saa 
 that it was impossible for him to recover hf 
 despatched couriers to Perseus ; it having been 
 
516 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 A^rveed between Ihem that he should keep some phans; that he could not absolutely dispose of 
 tfretihiesrS;- that purpose; and he concealed them to the prejudice of those to whom they 
 
 the kind's death from every body out ot the pa- 
 lace, till Perseus appeared, whose sudden ar- 
 rival surprised all people. He then took pos- 
 session of the crown which he had acquired by 
 
 ^^He reigned eleven years; the last four of 
 which were employed in war against the Ko- 
 mans, for which he had made preparations from 
 the time of his accession to the throne. At last, 
 Paulus iEmilius gained a famous victory oyer 
 him, which put an end to the kingdom ot Ma- 
 cedon. To prevent my being obliged to divide 
 and interrupt the series of Perseus s history, 
 which has scarce any connection with that ot 
 the other kings, I shall defer it to the following 
 Book, where it shall be related at large, and 
 without interruption, 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 The death of Seleucus Philopator, whose reign was short 
 and obscure He is succeeded by his brother Antiochus, 
 surnamed Epiphanes Causes of the war which after- 
 wards broke out betweenthe kings ot Egypt and byria. 
 Antiochus gains a victory over Ptolemy, ihe conquer- 
 or possesses himself of Egypt, and takes the king pri- 
 soner. A report prevailing of a general revolt, he goes 
 into Palestine ; besieges and takes Jerusalem, where he 
 exercises the most horrid cruelties. The Ale.Kandrians, 
 in the room of Philometor, who was Antiochus s pris- 
 oner rai-e to the throne his vounger brother Ptolemy 
 Euergetes, surnamed also Physcon. Antiochus renews 
 the war with Egypt. The two brothers are reconciled. 
 He marches towards Alexandria, in order to lay siege 
 to it Popilius, one of tbe Roman ambassadors, obliges 
 him to quit Egypt, and not to molest the two bro- 
 thers. 
 
 Seleucus Philopator did not reign long in 
 Asia, nor did he perform any memorable action. 
 Under him happened the famous im ident con- 
 cerning Heliodorus, related in the second book 
 of Maccabees. » The holy city of Jerusalem en- 
 joyed at that time profound tranquillity. The 
 piety and resolution of Ouias, the high priest, 
 caused the laws of God to be strictly observed 
 there ; and prompted even kings and idolatrous 
 princes to have the holy place in the highest 
 veneration. They honoured it with rich gifts ; 
 and king Seleucus' furnished, from his own pri- 
 vate revenues, all that was necessary for the so- 
 lemnization of tbe sacrifices. Nevertheless, the 
 perfidy of a Jew called Simon, governor of the 
 temple, raised on a sudden great disorder in the 
 city. This man, to revenge himself of the op- 
 position which Onias the high-priest made to 
 his unjust enterprises, informed the king that 
 there were immense treasures in the temple, 
 which were not designed for the expenses of the 
 sacrifices, and that he might seize upon them 
 all. The king, on this information, sent Helio- 
 dorus his first minister to Jerusalem, with or- 
 ders to carry off all those treasures. 
 
 Heliodorus, after having been received by the 
 liigh-priest with honours of every kind, told 
 him the motive of his journey; and asked him 
 whether the information that had been given to 
 the king, with regard to the treasure, was true. 
 The high-priest told him, that these treasures 
 were only deposited there as in trust, and were 
 alloted to the maintenance of widows and or- [ 
 
 belonged ; and who imagined that they could not 
 secure them better, than by depositing them in 
 a temple, the holiness of which was revered 
 throughout the whole universe. This treasnre 
 consisted of 400 talents of silver (about 50,000/. j 
 sterling) and 200 talents of gold (300,000/. ster- 
 ling). Howevei', the minister sent from the I 
 prince, insisting on the ordei's he had received ' 
 from court, told him plainly that this money, ' 
 whatever might be the consequence, must all be 
 carried to the king. i 
 The day appointed for the carrying it off be- ; 
 ing come, Heliodorus came to the temple, with j 
 the intention to execute his commission. Im- | 
 mediately the whole city was seized with the 
 utmost terror. The priests, dressed in their 
 sacerdotal vestments, fell prostrate at the foot of 
 the altar ; beseeching the God of heaven, who 
 enacted the law with regard to deposits, to pi'e- 
 serve those laid up in his temple. Great num- 
 bers flocked in crowds, and jointly besought the 
 Creator upon their knees, not to sufi^er so holy a 
 place to be profaned. The women and maidens, 
 covered with sackcloth, were seen lifting up 
 their hands to heaven. It was a spectacle truly 
 worthy of compassion, to see such multitudes, 
 and especially the high-priest, pierced with the 
 deepest affliction, under the apprehension of so 
 [ impious a sacrilege. | 
 j By this time, Heliodorus, w-ith his guards, i 
 1 was come to the gate of the treasury, and pre- 
 paring to break it open. But the Spirit of the i 
 Almiehty'^ now revealed himself by the most j 
 sensible marks ; insomuch that all those who 
 had dared to obey Heliodorus, were struck 
 down by a divine power, and seized with a ter- 
 ror which bereaved them of all their faculties. 
 For there appeared to them a horse richly capa- ! 
 risoned, which rushing at once upon Heliodo- 
 rus, struck him several times with his fore-feet. 
 The man who sat on this horse had a terrible as- 
 pect, and his ai-ms seemed of gold. At the same 
 time there were seen two young men whose j 
 beauty dazzled the eye, and who, standing on 
 each side of Heliodorus, scourged him incessant- 
 ly, and in the most violent manner. Heliodo- ^ 
 rus, falling to the ground, was taken up, and j 
 put into his litter ; and this man, who a mo- | 
 ment before had come into the temple follow- i 
 ed by a great train of guards, was forced away \ 
 from this holy place, and had no one to succour 
 him ; and that, because the power of God had 
 displayed itself in the strongest manner. By 
 the same power he was cast to the ground 
 speechless, and without the least sign of life ; 
 whilst the temple, which before resounded with 
 nothing but lamentations, now echoed with the 
 shouts of all the people, who returned thanks to 
 the Almighty, for havirg raised the glory of his 
 holv temple by the etfect of his power. 
 
 But now, some of Heliodorus's friends be- 
 sought the high-priest to invoke God in his fa 
 vour. Immediately Onias oftered a sacrifice for 
 his health. Whilst he was praying, the two 
 young men above-mentioned appeared to Heli- 
 odorus, and said to him: " Return thanks to 
 Onias the liigh-priest ; for it is for his sake that 
 the Lord has granted you life. After haying 
 been chastened of God, declare unto the whole 
 
 1 2 Maccab. iii. 
 
 C Sed Spiritus omnipotentis Dei magnam fecit sua o«. , j 
 tentationis evidentiam, ! 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 I world his miraculous power, 
 j these words, they vanished. 
 
 Heliodorus offered up sacrifices and made so- 
 I lemn vows to him who had restored him to life. 
 { He returned thanks to Onias, and went his 
 j way; declaring to every one the wonderful 
 j works of the Almighty, to which he himself 
 bad been an eye-witness. The king asking him, 
 whether he believed that another person might 
 be sent with safety to Jerusalem, he answered ; 
 " In case you have an enemy or any traitorous 
 wretch who has a design upon your crown, send 
 him thither ; and you will see him return back 
 flayed with scourging, if indeed he return at all 
 
 Having spoken | seated him on the throne, after having expelled 
 Heliodorus. 
 
 The prophet Daniel (from verse 21 of chapter 
 xi. to the end of chapter xii. ) foretells every 
 thing that was to befall Antiochus Epiphanes, 
 who was a cruel persecutor of the Jews, and 
 who is pointed out elsewhere by the "little 
 horn which was to issue out of one of the four 
 large horns. I shall explain this prophecy 
 hereafter. 
 
 Here (chap. xi. verse 21) the prophet de- 
 scribes his accession to the throne. " And in 
 his," Seleucus's, " estate shall stand up a vile 
 _ _ person, to whom they shall not give the honour 
 
 For he who inhabiteth the heavens is himself of the kingdom : but he shall come in peaceably, 
 j present in that place: he is the guardian and I and obtain the kingdom by flatteries." Anti- 
 j protector of it ; and he strikes those mortally I ochus's conduct will show how vile he was. It 
 j who go thither to injure it." i is said, "that to him they shall not give the 
 
 I The king was soon punished for this sacrile- ' " - . 
 
 gious act, by the very man whom he had com- 
 j manded to plunder the temple. Antiochus the 
 j Great, having after his defeat at Sipylus con- 
 cluded the ignominious peace with the Romans 
 
 before-mentioned, had given them, among other 
 hostages, Antiochus, one of his sons, and the 
 younger brother of Seleucus. He had resided 
 thirteen years in Rome.^ Seleucus his brother 
 wanted him, but for what reason is not known 
 (perhaps to put him at the head of some mili- 
 tary expedition which he might judge him capa- 
 ble of executing) ; and to obtain him, he sent 
 Demetrius his only son, who was but twelve 
 
 years of age, to Rome, as a 
 A. M. 3829. hostage in Antiochiis's room. 
 Ant. J. C. 175. During the absence of the 
 
 two heirs to the crown (one 
 of whom was gone to Rome, and the other not 
 returned from it), Heliodorus imagined he 
 might, with very little difficulty, seize upon it, 
 by taking off Seleucus ; and accordingly he poi- 
 soned him. 
 
 In this manner was fulfilled the prophecy of 
 Daniel. After speaking of the death of Anti- 
 ochus the Great, he adds, " Then shall stand 
 up in his estate a raiser of taxes in the glory of 
 the kingdom but within few days he shall be 
 destroyed neither in anger nor in battle."^ 
 These few words denote evidently the short and 
 obscure reign of Seleucus, and the kind of death 
 he was to die. The Hebrew text points him 
 out still more clearly. " There shall arise up' 
 in his place," of Antiochus, "a man who, as an 
 extortioner, a collector of taxes, shall cause to 
 pass away," shall destroy, "the glory of the 
 kingdom." And, indeed, this was the sole em- 
 ployment of his reign. He was obliged to fur- 
 nish the Romans, by the articles of the peace 
 concluded between them, 1000 talents an- 
 nually and the twelve years of this tribute 
 end exactly with his life. He reigned but 
 eleven years. 
 
 Antiochus,' afterwards surnamed Epiphanes, 
 who was returning from Rome into Syria, 
 heard at Athens of the death of his brother Se- 
 leucus. He was told that the usurper had a 
 very strong party, but that another was forming 
 in favour of Ptolemy, whose claim was founded 
 in right of his mother, the late king's sister. 
 Antiochus had recourse to Eumenes king of 
 Pergamus, and to Attalus his brother, who 
 
 c Pru'^P.''.'^"- ^J""' P 4 Dan. xi. 20. 
 
 » Ihe Hebrew word may signify either da&s or years. 
 6 About 150,000/. ' 
 7 Apjiian. in Syr. p. 116, 117. Hieron. in Dan. 
 
 honours of the kingdom." ' He did not obtain 
 the crown either by right of birth, as his bro- j 
 ther Seleucus had left behind him a son who 
 was his lawful heir, or by the free choice of the 
 people ; Eumenes and Attalus having set it on 
 his head. Being returned from the west peace- 
 ably (or rather secretly) to surprise his rival, he 
 won the hearts of the people by his artifices, 
 and a specious appearance of clemency. 
 
 He assumed the title of Einphanes,^ that is, 
 illustrious, which title was never worse applied. 
 The whole series of his life will show, that he 
 deserved much more that of Epiinanes {mad or 
 funcius) which some people gave him. 
 
 Some circumstances related of him, pi'ove 
 how justly the epithet vile is bestowed upon him 
 in Scripture. He used frequently to go out of 
 his palace, accompanied only by two or three 
 domestics, and ramble up and down the streets 
 of Antioch. He would spend his time in talk- 
 ing with goldsmiths and engravers in their 
 shops, and in disputing with them on the most 
 minute particulars relating to the arts they pro- 
 fessed, and which he ridiculously boasted he 
 understood as well as they. He would very 
 often stoop so low as to converse vi'ith the dregs 
 of the populace, and mix indiscriminately with 
 them in the places where they were assembled 
 On these occasions he would sit and drink with 
 foreigners of the meanest condition in life. 
 Whenever he heard of any party of pleasure be- 
 tween young people, he used to go (without 
 saying a word to any person) and join in all 
 their Avanton fooleries ; would carouse and sing 
 with them, without observing the least modera- 
 tion or decorum. He sometimes would take it 
 into his head to divest himself of his royal habit, 
 and put on a Roman robe; and in that garb 
 would go from street to street, as he had seen 
 the candidates at Rome do at an election for 
 magistrates. He asked the citizens to favour 
 him with their votes, by giving his hand to one, 
 by embracing another, and sometimes would 
 canvass for the office of aidile, and at other 
 times for that of tribune. After having got 
 himself elected, he would call for the Curule 
 chair,'" and, seating himself in it, would judge 
 the petty suits relating to contracts of buying 
 or selling, and pronounce sentence with as 
 much seriousness and gravity as if he decided 
 affairs of the utmost importance. We are like 
 wise told that he was very much given to 
 
 8 D.m. viii. 9. 9 Athen. I. v. p. 193. 
 
 10 This was an ivory chair, which was allowed in Komf 
 to none but the chief magistriites. 
 
— 1 
 
 518 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 drinking ; that he squandered away a great part 
 of his revenues in excess and debauch; and 
 that, when intoxicated with liquor, he would 
 frequently scour up and down the city, throw- 
 ina- away handfuls of money among the popu- 
 lace, and crying, "Catch as catch can. ' At 
 other times, 'he would leave his palace (dressed 
 in a Roman robe, with a crown of roses on his 
 bead), and walk without attendants about the 
 street ; on which occasions, if any person offered 
 to follow him, he used to pelt them with stones, 
 always carrying a great quantity under his 
 robe, for that purpose. He often used to go and 
 bathe himself in the public baths with the com- 
 mon people, where he committed such extrava- 
 gancies, as made every body despise him. Atter 
 what has been said (and I omit a great many 
 other particulars), I submit to the reader s judg- 
 ment, whether Antiochus did not merit the title 
 of madman, rather than that of illustnons. 
 
 Scarce was Antiochus well 
 A. M. 3830. seated on the throne,^ when 
 Ant. J. C. 174. Jason, brother of Onias the 
 Jewish high-priest, having 
 formed a design to supplant his ^yof^hei'' off^'"^^^ 
 that prince, secretly, 360 talents (about 90,000/. 
 sterling), besides 80 more (about 12,000/.) tor 
 another article, upon condition that he should 
 appoint him high-priest. He succeeded in his 
 negotiation; and accordingly Onias, who was 
 universally revered for his strict piety and jus- 
 tice, was deposed, and Jason established in his 
 room. The latter subverted entirely the reli- 
 gion of his ancestors, and brought infinite cala- 
 mities upon the Jewish nation, as appears from 
 the Second Book of the Maccabees, and Jose- 
 
 In Egypt,2 from the death 
 A. INI. SS31. of Ptolemy Epiphanes, Cleo- 
 Ant. J. C. 173. patra his widow, sister ot 
 Antiochus Epiphanes, had 
 assumed the regency and the guardianship of 
 her young son ; and had acquitted herself with 
 the greatest care and prudence. But she dying 
 that year, the regency fell to Lenteus, a noble- 
 man of great distinction in that country ; and 
 Eulajus the eunuch was appointed to superin- 
 tend the king's education. These were no sooner 
 in their employments, than they sent a deputa- 
 tion to demand Cale-syria and Palestine of 
 Antiochus Epiphanes ; a demand that very soon 
 after occasioned a w^ar between the two crowns. 
 Cleopatra, who was mother of one of these 
 kinos and sister to the other, had prevented 
 them as long as she lived from coming to a rup- 
 ture. But the new regents did not show so 
 much re<rard for Antiochus, nor scruple to de- 
 mand ot^ him what they believed their sove- 
 reWns right. It is certain that the Egyptian 
 monarchs had always possessed the sovereig^nty 
 of these provinces from the time of the tirst 
 Ptolemy,^ till Antiochus the Great wrested 
 them from Ptolemy Epiphanes, and left tjiem 
 to Seleucus his son, with no other right than 
 that of conquest. They had descended trom the 
 latter to his brother Antiochus. 
 
 The Eoyptians, to enforce their pretensions, 
 declared, that in the last division of the empire 
 between the four successors of Alexander, who 
 remained masters of every thing atter the battle 
 of Ipsus, these provinces hud been assigned to 
 
 Ptolemy Soter . that himself, and liis successors 
 to the crown of Egypt, had enjoyed them from 
 that time till the battle of Paneas, the gaining 
 of which had enabled Antiochus the Great to 
 dispossess Egypt of those provinces: that this 
 prince had stipulated, when he gave his daugh- 
 ter to the king of Egypt, to restore to him at 
 the same time those provinces as her dowry; 
 and that this was the principal article ot the 
 marriage contract. 
 
 Antiochus denied both these facts ; and pre- 
 tended that, on the contrary, in the general divi- 
 sion which had been made of Alexander s em- 
 
 pire, all Syria (including Cojle-syria and Pales- 
 tine) had' been assigned to Seleucus Nicator; 
 and that consequently they belonged t^ the 
 prince in possession of the kingxlom of Syria. 
 With regard to the marriage contract, by virtue 
 of which the Egyptians demanded back those 
 provinces, he asserted that it was an absolute 
 chimera. In tine, after having given their rea- 
 sons on both sides withovit coming to any con- 
 clusion, they found it necessary to decide then- 
 pretensions by force of arms. 
 
 Ptolemy Philometor,* having entered his ht- 
 teeiith year, was declared of age. Great pre- ^ 
 paratioiis were made in Alexandria for the , 
 solemnity of his coronation, according to the j 
 Eoyptian custom. Antiochus sent Apolloniiis, 
 one of the chief noblemen of his court, with the 
 character of ambassador, to be present on that 
 occasion, and to congratulate the young king in 
 his name. This, in outward appearance, was 
 to do honour to his nephew ; but the real motive 
 was, to discover, if possible, the designs ot that 
 court with respect to the provinces ot Cosle- 
 syria and Palestine, as well as what measures 
 were taking with regard to them. I he instant 
 he heard, on the return of Apollonius, that all 
 things were preparing for war, he went by sea 
 to Joppa, visited the frontiers ot the .country, 
 and put it into a condition of defending itseU 
 acrainst all the attacks of the Egyptians. 
 
 In his progress, he passed through Jerusalem. 
 Jason and the whole city received him there 
 with the greatest pomp and magnificence, ^ot- 
 withstanding the honours paid him in Jerusa- 
 lem, he afterwards brought great calamities on 
 that city and the whole Jewish nation, trom 
 Jerusalem he went to Phoenicia ; and, atter i 
 having settled all things in every place through I 
 which he passed, he returned to Antioch. i 
 The same Apollonius who has been just men- i 
 tioned,^ had been sent by Antiochus to Rome, [ 
 at the head of an embassy. He made excuses 
 to the senate for his master's having sent the 
 tribute later than was stipulated by the treaty. 
 Besides the sum due, he made a present to the 
 people of several golden vases. He demanded, 
 in that prince's name, that the alliance and 
 friendship which had been granted his father 
 should be renewed with him ; and desired thai 
 the Romans would give him such orders as 
 suited a king, who valued himselt on being their 
 atfectionate and faithful ally. He added, that 
 his sovereign could never forget the great fa- 
 vours he had received from the senate; from 
 all the youths of Rome ; and from persons of 
 all rank's and conditions during his abode in 
 that city, where he had been treated not mei el y 
 as a hostage, but as a monarch. Ihe senate 
 made an obliging answer to these several pai-- 
 
 1 ii Maccab. c. iv. 2 Hieron. in Dan. 
 
 o Folj'b. in Legal, c. Ixxii— Ixxxii. 
 
 4 2 Maccab. iv. 'il.'.'S. 
 
 S Liv. 1. xlii. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 I ticulars, and dismissed Apollonius with the 
 i highest marks of distinction, and laden with 
 I presents. It was well known, from the Roman 
 ! ambassadors who had been in Syria, that he 
 was very much esteemed by the king, and had 
 the highest regard for the Romans. 
 
 Jason,^ the year following, 
 A. M. 38S2. sent his brother Menelaus to 
 Ant. J. C. 172. Antioch, to pay the tribute 
 to the king, and to negotiate 
 some affairs of importance. But that perfidious 
 Wi'etch, in the audience to which he was ad- 
 mitted, instead of confining himself to his com- 
 mission, supplanted his brother, and obtained 
 his office, by offering 300 talents more than he 
 did. This new choice gave rise to tumults, dis- 
 orders, murders, and sacrilegious acts . but the 
 ' death of Onias, who was universally beloved 
 1 and revered, crowned the whole. Antiochus, 
 j hard-hearted as he was, however, lamented his 
 [ death, and brought the murderer to condign 
 ] punishment. I make only a transient mention 
 of these facts, and omit the principal circum- 
 stances of them, because they belong properly to 
 the history of the Jews, which does not enter 
 into my plan, and of which I relate only such 
 I particulars at large as are too important to be 
 entirely omitted, or which cannot be abridged 
 in such a manner as to preserve their beauty. 
 
 Antiochus,^ who from the 
 A. M. 3833. return of Apollonius from 
 Ant. J. C. 171. the Egyptian court had been 
 preparing for the war with 
 which he saw himself threatened by Ptolemy, 
 j on account of Ccele syria and Palestine, finding 
 himself in a condition to begin it, resolved not 
 to wait for it in his own dominions, but to carry 
 I his arms into the enemy's country. He ima- 
 { gined that, as Ptolemy was but sixteen, and 
 I was governed entirely by weak ministers, he 
 should be able to bring him to what terms he 
 pleased. He was persuaded that the Romans, 
 under whose protection the Egyptians had put 
 themselves, had so much upon their hands, that 
 it would be impossible for them to give the latter 
 theleast succour ; and that the war they were car- 
 rying on against Perseus, king of Macedon, would 
 not allow them leisure for it. In a word, he 
 thought the present juncture very favourable for 
 him to decide his differences with the Egyptians 
 on account of those provinces. 
 
 In the mean time, to observe measures with 
 the Romans, he sent ambassadors to the senate 
 to represent the right he had to the provinces of 
 Ccele-syria and Palestine, of which he was ac- 
 tually possessed, and the necessity he was under 
 of engaging in a war in order to support that 
 right : immediately after which he put himself 
 at the head of his army, and marched towards 
 the frontiers of Egypt. Ptolemy's ai'my came 
 up with his near mount Casius and Pelusium ; 
 and a battle was fought in which Antiochus 
 was victorious. He made so good a use of his 
 success, that he put the frontier in a condition 
 to serve as a barrier, and to check the utmost ef- 
 forts the Egyptians might make to recover those 
 provinces. This was his first expedition into 
 Egypt ; after which, without engaging in any 
 other enterprise that year, he returned to Tyre, 
 
 6 2 Maccab. iv. 23, &c. 
 7 Liv. 1. xlii. n. 9. Polyb. in Legat. c. Ixxi. Ixxii. 
 Justin. 1. xxxiv. c. 2. Died, Legat xviii. Hieron. in 
 Dan el. 
 
 and placed his army in winter-quarters in thr 
 neighbourhood of that city. 
 
 During his stay there.*^ 
 
 A. M. 3834. three persons, deputed from 
 Ant. J. C. 170. the sanhedrim of Jerusalem, 
 came to complain of Mene- 
 laus, whom they proved in his presence to be 
 guilty of impiety and sacrilege. The king wa.*? 
 going to condemn him ; but at the request of 
 Ptolemy Macron, one of his ministers in the 
 interest of Menelaus, he cleared him, and put to 
 death the thi-ee deputies, as false witnesses : an 
 action, says the author of the Maccabees, so very 
 unjust, "*that before the Scythians they would 
 have been judged innocent."'* The Tyrians, 
 touched with compassion at their unhappy fate, 
 gave them honourable interment. 
 
 This Ptolemy Macron,'" having formei'ly been 
 governor of the island of Cyprus, under king 
 Ptolemy Philometor, had kept in his own hands, i 
 during the minority of that monarch, all the j 
 revenues of that country; and could never be, 
 prevailed on to deliver them up to the ministers, i 
 though they made the warmest remonstrances ! 
 upon that head ; but had constantly refused to | 
 pay any attention to them, in consequence of the j 
 well-founded suspicions he entertained of their i 
 fidelity. At the coronation of the king, he I 
 brought the whole treasure to Alexandria, and j 
 deposited it in the exchequer : a rare instance of j 
 a noble disregard of wealth, in a man who had the | 
 public finances at his disposal ! So considerable a 
 sum, and coming at a time when the govern- 
 ment was in extreme want of money, had done j 
 him great honour, and gained him prodigious- 
 influence at court. But afterwards, exasperated 
 at some ill-treatment he met' with from the 
 ministers, or at his not having been rewarded 
 as he wished for so important a service, he re- 
 belled against Ptolemy, entered into Antiochus's 
 service, and delivered up the island of Cyprus 
 to him. That king received him with infinite 
 satisfaction, took him into the number of his 
 confidants, made him govei'nor of Ccele-syria 
 and Palestine, and sent to Cyprus, in his room. 
 Crates, who had commanded in the castle at Je- 
 rusalem under Sostratus. Frequent mention is 
 made of this Ptolemy Macx'on in the Books of 
 the Maccabees. 
 
 Antiochus spent the whole winter in making 
 fresh preparations for a second expedition into 
 Egypt ; and, the instant the season would per- 
 mit it, invaded that country both by sea and 
 land. Ptolemy had raised a very considerable 
 army, but it was unable to make head against 
 Antiochus ; for that monarch gained a second 
 battle on the frontiers, took the city of Pelusi- 
 um, and marched into the very heart of Egypt. 
 In this last defeat of the Egyptians, it was in 
 his power not to have suffered a single man to 
 escape ; but the more completely to ruin his ne- 
 phew, instead of making use of the advantage 
 he had gained, he himself rode up and down on 
 all sides, and obliged his soldiers to discontinue 
 the slaughter. This clemency gained him the 
 hearts of the Egyptians ; and when he advanced 
 into the countx'y, all the inhabitants came in 
 crowds to pay their submission to him ; so that 
 
 8 2 Maccab. iv. 44—50. 9 Ibid. 47. 
 
 10 Polyb. in Excerj)t. Vales p. 126. 2 Maccab x. 19; 
 viii. 8 ; iv. 29. & 1 Maccab. iii. 38. 
 
 11 2 Maccab. v. 1. 1 Maccab. i. 17—20. Hieron in 
 Dan. Diod. in Excerpt. Vales, p. 311. 
 
520 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 he soon took Memphis and all the rest of Egypt, 
 except x\lexaridria, which alone held out against 
 him. 
 
 Philometor was either taken, or else surren- 
 dered himself to Antiochus, who set him at full 
 liberty. After this they bad but one table; 
 lived, seemingly, in great friendship; and, for 
 some time, Antiochus affected to be extremely 
 careful of the interests of the young king his 
 nephew, and to regulate his affairs as his guar- 
 dian. But when he bad once possessed himself 
 of the country, under that pretext he seized 
 whatever he thought fit, plundered all places, 
 and enriched himself, as well as his soldiers, 
 with the spoils of the Egyptians. 
 
 Philometor made a miserable figure all this 
 time.' In the field, he bad always kept as far 
 as possible from danger, and had not even 
 shown himself to those who fought for him. 
 And after the battle, in how abject a manner 
 did be submit himself to Antiochus, by whom 
 he suffered himself to be dispossessed of so fine 
 a kingdom, Avithout making any effort to pre- 
 serve it ? This, however, was not so much ow- 
 ing to want of courage and natural capacity (for 
 he afterwards gave proofs of both), as the ef- 
 fects of bis soft and effeminate education under 
 Eulseus bis governor. That eunuch, who also 
 was his prime minister, bad used his utmost en- 
 deavours to plunge him in luxury and effemina- 
 cy, in order to make him incapable of public 
 business, and to make himself as necessary when 
 the young prince came of age as he had been 
 during his minority; and thereby retain all 
 power in his own hands. 
 
 Whilst Antiochus was in Egypt,^ a false re- 
 port of his death spread throughout Palestine. 
 Jason thought this a proper opportunity to re- 
 eovev the employment be had lost in that coun- 
 try. Accordingly, he marched with a few more 
 than 1000 men to Jerusalem ; and there, by the 
 assistance of his partisans in the city made 
 himself master of it ; drove out Menelaus, who 
 withdrew to the citadel, exercised evei*y species 
 of cruelty upon his fellow-citizens, and put to 
 death, without mercy, all those who fell into 
 his hands, and whom he considered as bis ene- 
 mies. 
 
 When advice of this was brought Antiochus 
 in Egypt, be concluded that the Jews bad made 
 a general insurrection, and therefore set forward 
 immediately to quell it. The circumstance 
 whicb chiefly exasperated him was, his being 
 informed that the inhabitants of Jerusalem had 
 made great rejoicings, when a false report bad 
 prevailed of his death. He therefore besieged 
 the city ; took it by storm ; and, during the 
 three days that it was abandoned to the fury of 
 the soldiers, he caused 80,000 men to be inhu- 
 manly butchered. Forty thousand were also 
 taken prisoners, and the like number sold to the 
 neighbouring nations. 
 
 But not yet satisfied, this impious wretch en- 
 tered forcibly into the temple, as far as the 
 sanctuary and the most sacred places ; even pol- 
 luting, by his presence, the holy of holies, whi- 
 ther the traitor Menelaus led him. After this, 
 adding sacrilege to profanation, he carried away 
 the altar of incense, the table for the shew-bread. 
 
 1 Justin. 1. xxxiv. c. 2. Diod. in Excerpt. Vales, p. 
 310. 
 
 2 1 Maccab. i. 20—29. 2 Maccab. v. 5—21. Joseph, 
 Antiq. 1. xii. c. 7. Diod 1. xxxiv, Eclog. 1. Hieron. in 
 Dan. 
 
 tbe candlestick witb seven branches belonging tO' 
 the sanctuary (all these were of gold) ; witb 
 several other vases, utensils, and gifts of kings, 
 also of gold. He plundered tbe city, and re- 
 turned to Antioch laden witb the spoils of Ju- 
 dea and Egypt, which together amounted to 
 immense sums.^* To complete tbe calamity of 
 
 3 We are told in the Maccabees, Book II. ch. i. v. 21, 
 that he carried off from the temple alone, 1800 talents 
 which are equivalent to about 270,00OZ. sterling. 
 
 * It appears somewhat strange, that whilst a miracle 
 was performed against Heliodorus, who attempted to 
 plunder the treasury of the temple of monies deposited 
 there, not for sacred purpose's, as defraying the expenses 
 of the sacrifices and charges of the temple v.'orship ; but 
 belonging to private individuals, and lodged there for safe- 
 ty, as in a place whose sacred character would prevent 
 their being seized,— a practice common amongst the pa- 
 gans themselves, who thought their money could no 
 where be so secure as in a temple— that a similar one was 
 not performed to save the temple itself from a far worse 
 profanation, and from a much greater pillage, than had 
 been attempted by Heliodorus. It is strange that Anti- 
 ochus should add sacrilege to profanation — that he should 
 plunder the temple not only of all its treasures, whether 
 deposited as private property, or destined for sacred uses ; 
 but also carry off the sacred utensils themselves, and enter 
 both the Holy place and the Holy of Holies ; and yet no 
 visible mark of divine vengeance be inflicted on him — no 
 divine miraculous interposition to save tbe temple be 
 manifested. 
 
 It is presumptuous, no doubt, to say when the Deity 
 should perform a miracle, or for what purpose it should 
 be wrought ; but, if we may reason analogically from the 
 case of Heliodorus, there was, apparently, more reason fo? i 
 a divine interposition in the case of Antiochus than in the 
 other. The iniquitous, profane, cruel, and sacrilegious 
 conduct of Antiochus, would have called forth, one would 
 think, a far more signal display of the Divine wrath ; or, 
 that some signal miraculous interposition would have 
 taken place to prevent a much greater calamity, and a 
 much grosser outrage, than was even so much as con- 
 templated in the mind of Heliodorus, who acted merely 
 according to superior orders, and on the information of 
 one of the Jews themselves. Yet nothing similar to the 
 catastrophe of Heliodorus took place here, though both 
 city and temple were plundered; even that of the latter j 
 alone amounting to a much greater sum than what Helio. i 
 dorus attempted to seize, whilst above 80,001) of the un- 
 happy people were either butchered or sold for slaves. i 
 
 Though " God's ways are not as our ways, nor his j 
 thoughts as ours,"— though the former are in the deep 
 waters, and his judgments be often invisible— yet the 
 recorded miracle of Heliodorus renders it a perplexed 
 case. I am therefore disposed, in all humility to people 
 of superior judgment, to doubt the truth of the reported 
 miracle respecting Heliodorus. Sure I am that it is not ' 
 from a spirit of scepticism that I am led to doubt it ; but | 
 from a consideration that nothing similar ever occurred i 
 during ttie time of the first temple, though it was repeated- | 
 ly plundered both by its own appointed protectors, the j 
 Jewish kings, and by those of Kgypt and Babylon, and by 
 Joash king of Israel. It is passing strange, that while no 
 divine interposition was made to prevent it from being 
 plundered, no more than in the case of Antiochus Epipha- 
 nes, that it was exerted in the case of Heliodorus ; who 
 merely attempted to do an unjust act— to seize private pro- 
 perty lodged there for safety — but not a sacrilegious or pro- 
 fane act. It is indeed recorded in the Book of the Macca. 
 bees, but that production is of no weight with me, as it is 
 not canonical, respecting the fact of such a wonderful 
 miracle. For these reasons I may be permitted honestly 
 to profess my doubts respecting the pretended miracle 
 wrought on the person of Heliodorus. 
 
 Our author has certainly exaggerated the number of 
 Jews said to have been slain, made ca^.'tives, or sold for 
 slaves ; the total of which he makes 160,000, or double the 
 number as reported in Maccabees, which is only half that 
 number — namely, 40,000 slain, and as many made captives 
 and sold into slavery. 
 
 It appears, also, somewhat wonderful, that though a 
 number of sacrilegious acts, surpassing that of Heliodo. 
 rus, were done by the contending factions of Jason and 
 Menelaus, yet we read of no miraculous interpositions on 
 the part of the Deity, either to punish or prevent such 
 acts ; and Menelaus himself, the high-priest, stripped the 
 temple of all its golden vessels for the purpose of bribing 
 the Syrian monarch, and yet no visitation of divine judg- 
 ment overtook either him or his brother Jason, who wen 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 52] 
 
 the Jews, Antiochus, at his setting out, appoint- 
 ed, as governor over Judea, a Phrygian, Philip 
 by name, a man of great cruelty. He nomina- 
 ted Andronicus, a man of the like barbarous dis- 
 position, governor of Samaria : and bestowed on 
 Menelaus, the most wicked of the three, the 
 title of high-priest, investing him with the au- 
 thority annexed to the office. 
 
 Such was the beginning of the calamities 
 which had been foretold at Jerusalem by strange 
 phenomena in the skies,* that had appeared 
 there, some time before, during forty days suc- 
 cessively. These were men, some on horseback 
 and others on foot, armed with shields, lances, 
 and swords, who, forming considerable bodies, 
 combated in the air, like two hostile armies. 
 
 The Alexandrians,^ seeing 
 
 A. M. 3835. Philometor in the hands of 
 Ant. J. C. 169. Antiochus, whom he suffer- 
 ed to govern his kingdom at 
 discretion, considei'ed him as lost to them, and 
 therefore seated his younger brother upon the 
 throne, which they first declared void. On 
 this occasion he had the name of Ptolemy Euer- 
 getes 11.^ given him, which was soon changed to 
 
 much worse characters than Heliodorus ; inasmuch as 
 they were professed worshippers of the true God, and offi- 
 ciated in his sacred temple, whereas Heliodorus was a 
 pagan. His crime might proceed from ignorance— he did 
 not attempt to seize treasure appropriated to sacred pur- 
 poses. Their acts were much more detestable and sacri- 
 legious than his, and did not originate in ignorance ; for 
 they knew God, not simply as the Creator of the world, 
 but as the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, the ances. 
 tors of their nations ; and were themselves Levites, and 
 consequently under a greater responsibility than the rest 
 of their countrymen, inasmuch as they were the appointed 
 guardians of the Jewish religion. Their crimes were 
 therefore of the most complicated nature ; being those of 
 robbery, profanation, and sacrilege, and to crown all — of 
 apostacy. Yet no miracles of vengeance were performed 
 on them. I therefore look on the whole story of Helio- 
 dorus as a fiction. 
 
 We are not, however, to infer, that because there was 
 no visible miraculous agency to punish such wickedness, 
 and such traitorous compliances with paganism to gain 
 the favour of a worthless heathen prince, and such avowed 
 apostacy from God; that therefore that God would keep 
 silence, and always bear with such vessels of wrath. A 
 series of impending calamities were awaiting that rebel- 
 lious nation, and were to begin at the house of God ; for 
 the priests had violated the covenant of Levi. These ca- 
 lamities were to befal ttiem at the hand of that very prince 
 whose favour these priests — these guardians of the worship 
 of the true God— had bought at the expense of a good 
 conscience — of that religion and of those laws which tliey 
 were bound most solemnly to maintain. The time was 
 fast approaching when the degenerate sons of Levi were 
 to be purified by judgment — when that prince would not 
 be content with partial compliance — with a mingling to- 
 gether of pagan idolatry with the worship of the true God ; 
 but would enjoin a complete renunciation of that religion 
 on pain of death : — a period this which would separate 
 tares and wheat—distinguish between him who feared (iod 
 and him who feared him not—and winnow the chaff" from 
 the real grain ; — a period during which the daily sacrifice 
 would be taken away — the sanctuary polluted — and the 
 nbomination that maketh desolate be set up. 
 
 A renmant, liov/ever, should still be left, even of the 
 degenerate stock of Levi, amidst the general defection ; 
 who would, like Elijah, be jealous, very jealous for the 
 honour of the God of Israel ; who would not only sigh 
 and cry for all the abominations done in the land and in 
 the holy place — but would be resolute for their God and 
 their country — v^ould lift up a standard against the enemy, 
 who had come in like a flood and overflowed Immanuel's 
 land even to the neck — and who, fighting in the strength 
 of the Lord their God, and in his cause, would do valiant- 
 ly — put to flight the armies of the aliens— restore the wor- 
 ,hip of their God— cleanse the sanctuary — and take away 
 the abomination wh.ch had so long made desolate. — £d. 
 4 2 Maccab. v. 2—4, 
 5 Porphyr in Gra;c. Euseb. Scalig. 
 6 Athen. 1. iv. p. 184. 
 
 that of Cacergetes ; the former signifying 6e7ie/i- 
 cent, and the latter evil-doer. He afterwards 
 was nicknamed Physcon,'' or tun-bellied, because 
 his gluttony had made him remarkably corpu- 
 lent. Most historians mention him under the 
 latter epithet." Cineas and Cumanus were ap- 
 pointed his chief ministers, and were ordered to 
 use their utmost endeavours to restore, if possi- 
 ble, the affairs of the kingdom, now so dilapida- 
 ted, to their former flourishing condition. 
 
 Antiochus, who had advice of what was 
 transacting, took occasion thereupon to return 
 a third time into Egypt, under the specious pre- 
 tence of restoring the dethroned monarch ; but, 
 in reality, to make himself absolute master of the 
 kingdom. He defeated the Alexandrians in a 
 sea-fight near Pelusium, marched his forces into 
 Egypt, and advanced directly towards Alexan- 
 dria, in order to besiege it. The young king 
 consulted his two ministers, who advised him 
 to summon a grand council, composed of all the 
 principal officers of the army, and to deliberate 
 with them on the measures proper to be taken 
 in the present exigency. After many debates, 
 they came at last to this resolution : that, as 
 their affairs were reduced to so low an ebb, it 
 would be absolutely necessary for them to en- 
 deavour a reconciliation with Antiochus ; and 
 that the ambassadors of the several states of 
 Greece, who were in Alexandria at that time, 
 should be desired to employ their mediation ; to 
 which they readily consented. 
 
 They went by water up the river to Anti- 
 ochus, with the overtures of peace, accompanied 
 by two of Ptolemy's ambassadors, who had the 
 same instructions. He gave them a very gra- 
 cious reception in his camp, regaled them that 
 day in a vei-y magnificent manner, and appoint- 
 ed the next day for them to make their propo- 
 sals. The Achseans spoke first, and afterwards 
 the rest in their turns. Ail were unanimous in 
 their accusation of Eulaeus ; ascribing the cala- 
 mities of the war to his mal-administration, and 
 to the minority of Ptolemy Philometor. At 
 the same time, they apologized in a very artful 
 manner for ihe new king, and employed all the 
 powers of their I'hetoric to move Antiochus in 
 his favoiu', in order to induce him to treat with 
 liim ; laying great stress on their affinity. 
 
 Antiochus, in the answer he gave, agreed en- 
 tirely with them, as to the cause and origin 
 of the war; took occasion from thence to exj;a- 
 tiate on the right he had to Ccele-syria and I'a- 
 le.stine : alleged the reasons we have related 
 above ; and produced some documents, which 
 were judged so strong, that all the members oi 
 this congi'ess were convinced of the justice of his 
 claim to those provinces. As to the conditions 
 of the peace, he postponed them till another op- 
 portunity ; giving them reason to hope that he 
 would cause a solemn treaty to be dravk^n up, 
 as soon as two absent persons, whom he named, 
 should be with him ; declai-ing, at the sam j 
 time, that he would not take a single step with 
 out them. 
 
 After this answer he decamped, came to Nau- 
 cratis, marched from thence to Alexandria, and 
 began to besiege it. Jn this extremity,^ Ptole- 
 my Euergetes and Cleopatra his sister, who 
 
 ^ua-xm, ventricosus, obesiis s from <pv(rsivi, crassum 
 intesti'mm, venter. 
 
 8 Polyb. in Leg. c. Ixxxi. 
 9 Liv. 1. xliv. n. 19. Polyb. Legal, xc. 
 
522 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 were in the city, sent ambassadors to Rome, 
 representing the" deplorable condition to which 
 they were reduced, and imploring the aid of 
 the* Romans. The ambassadors appeared in the 
 audience to which they were admitted by the 
 senate, with all the marks of sorrow used at 
 that time in the greatest afflictions, and made a 
 speech still more'affecting. They observed that 
 the authority of the Romans was so much re- 
 vered by all 'nations and kings ; and that Anti- 
 ochus particularly, had received so many obli- 
 gations from them ; that if they would only 
 declare by their ambassadors, that the senate 
 did not approve of his making war against kings 
 in alliance with Rome, they did not doubt but 
 Antiochus would immediately draw olf Ms 
 troops from Alexandria, and return to Syria : 
 that should the senate refuse to afford them 
 their protection, Ptolemy and Cleopatra, being 
 expelled from their kingdom, would be imme- 
 diately reduced to i\y to Rome; and that it 
 would retlect a dishonour on the Romans, to 
 hare neglected to aid the king and queen, at a 
 time when their affairs were so desperate. 
 
 The senate, moved with their remonstrances, 
 and persuaded that it would not be for the in- 
 terest of the Romans to suffer Antiochus to at- 
 tain to such a height of power, and that he 
 would be too formidable should he unite the 
 crown of Egypt to that of Syria, i-esolved to 
 send an embassy to Egypt, to put an end to the 
 war. C. Popilius Len'as, C. Decimus, and C. 
 Hostilius, were appointed for this important 
 negotiation. Their instructions were, that they 
 should tirst wait upon Antiochus, and after- 
 wards on Ptolemy ; should order them, in the 
 name of the senate, to suspend all hostilities, 
 and put an end to tne war ; and that should 
 either of the parties refuse compliance, the Ro- 
 mans would 'no longer consider them as their I 
 friend and ally. As^the danger was imminent, 
 three days after the resolution had been taken 
 in the senate, they set out from Rome with the 
 Eov])tian ambassadors. 
 
 A little before their departure,' some ambas- 
 sadors from Rhodes arrived^ in Egypt, who 
 came expressly to terminate, if possible, the dis- 
 putes between the two crowns. They landed 
 at Alexandria, and went from thence to iVntio- 
 chus's camp. They did all that lay in their 
 power to induce him to come to an accommoda- 
 tion with the king of Egypt ; strongly insisting 
 on the friendship with which both crowns had ; 
 so long honoured them ; and how nearly it con- ; 
 cerned them to employ their good otfices, in ! 
 order to settle a lasting peace between them, j 
 As they expatiated considerably on these com- I 
 mon-place topics, Antiochus interrupted them, 1 
 and declared in few words, that they had no ^ 
 occasion to make long harangues on this sub- I 
 iect; that the crown belonged to the elder of 
 the two brothers, with whom he had concluded , 
 a peace and contracted a strict friendship ; that, 
 if he were recalled and replaced upon the throne, ! 
 the war would be ended at once. | 
 These indeed were his words, but his inten- i 
 tions were very different; his views being only! 
 to perplex affairs for the attainment of his own ^ 
 cnds.^ The resistance he met with from Alex- 
 I andria, the siege of which he plainly saw he 
 ' should be forced to raise, obliged him to change 
 
 I his plan, and conclude, that it would henceior- 
 ward be his interest to keep up an enmity and 
 , occasion a war between the two brothers, which 
 ' might weaken them to such a degree, that it 
 ; should be in his power to overpower both -when- 
 ever he pleased. In this view he raised the 
 I siege, marched towards Memphis; and gave 
 1 Philometor, in outward appearance, possession 
 ' of the whole kingdom, Pelusium excepted, 
 j which he kept as a key for entering Egypt, 
 j when he pleased, and the instant matters should 
 I be ripe for his purpose. After having liudi 
 these dispositions, he returned to Antioch. 
 
 Philometor began at last to wake from the 
 lethargy into which his indolent effeminacy had 
 i plunged him, and to be sensible of all the cala- 
 I mities these revolutions had brought upon him. 
 I Kc had even natural penetration enough to see 
 } through Autiochus's design ; and that the king's 
 keeping possession of Pelusium opened his eyes. 
 He saw plainly, that he kept this key of Egypt 
 with no othei" view than to re-enter it, when 
 his brother and himself should be reduced so 
 low, by the war which they carried on against 
 each other, as to be unable to make tlie least re- 
 sistance ; and that then, both would fall victims 
 to his ambition. The instant, therefore, that 
 Antiochus marched away, he sent to inform his 
 brother that he was willing to come to an ac- 
 commodation, which was accordingly effected 
 by the mediation of Cleopatra their sister, on 
 condition that the two brothers should reign 
 jointly. Philometor returned to Alexandria, 
 and £gvpt was restored to its former ti'anquil- 
 lity, to the great joy of the inhabitants, particu- 
 larly those of Alexandria, who had suffered ex- 
 ceedingly during the war. 
 
 Had Antiochus spoken from his heart, when 
 he declared that the sole design of his coming 
 into Egypt was to restore Philometor to his 
 throne,'^he would have been pleased to hear that 
 the two brothers were reconciled. But he was 
 far from entertaining such thoughts; and I be- 
 fore observed, that he concealed beneath those 
 specious professions, an intention to crush the 
 two brothei-s, after they should have weakened 
 each other by a war. 
 
 The brothe'rs,^ convinced that Antiochus would 
 again invade them with great vigour, sent am- 
 bassadors into Greece to desire some auxiliary 
 forces from the Achseans. The assembly was 
 held in Corinth. The two kings requested only 
 ]000 foot under the command of Lycortas, and 
 iOO horse, under Polybius. They had also 
 given orders for raising' 1000 mercenary troops. 
 Callicrates, who presi'ded in the assembly, op- 
 posed the request made by the ambassadors, 
 under the pretence that it would not be for the 
 interest of the Achaean confederates to concern 
 themselves in any manner with foreign affairs; 
 but that they oug'ht to preserve their soldiers, to 
 be in a condition to aid the Romans, who, it 
 was believed, would soon come to a battle with 
 Perseus. Lycortas and Polybius then speaking, 
 observed, among other things, that Polybius 
 having been tne year before with Marcius, who 
 commanded the "Roman army in Macedonia, to 
 offer him the aid which the Achpean league had 
 decreed to send him ; the consul, when he 
 thanked him, said, that as he had got footing in 
 :Macedonia, he should not want the aid of the 
 allies; and therefore that the Achaeans could 
 
 1 Polvb. Legat. Ixxxiv. 
 2 Liv. 1. xlv. n. 11. 
 
 3 Folyb. Legal. Ixxxix— xci 
 
ALEXANDER'S 
 
 not have that pretext for abandoning the kings 
 of Egypt. Besides that, as the league was able 
 without the least inconvenience to levy 30 or 
 -tO,000 men, so small a number as was desired 
 by the Egyptian princes would not lessen their 
 strength : that the Achaean confederates ought 
 to embrace the opportunity they now had of 
 aiding the two kings : that it would be the 
 highest ingratitude in them to forget the favours 
 they had received from the Egyptians : and that 
 their refusal on this occasion would be a viola- 
 tion of the treaties and oaths on which the alli- 
 ance was founded. As the majority were for 
 granting the aid, Callicrates dismissed the am- 
 bassadors, upon pretence that it was contrary to 
 the laws, to debate an affair of that nature in 
 such an assembly. 
 
 Another therefore was held, some time after, 
 in Sicyon ; and as the members were upon the 
 point of taking the same resolution, Callicrates 
 read a forged letter from Q. Marcius, by which 
 the Acheeans were exhorted to employ their 
 mediation for terminating the war between the 
 two Ptolemies and Antiochus; and in conse- 
 quence caused a decree to pass, whereby the 
 Achaean confederates agreed to send only an 
 embassy to those princes. 
 
 The instant that Antio- 
 
 A. M. 3836. chus heard of the reconcilia- 
 Ant. J. C. 168. tion of the two brothers,^ he 
 resolved to employ his whole 
 force against them. Accordingly he sent his 
 fleet early into Cyprus, to preserve the posses- 
 sion of that island : at the same time he marched 
 at the head of a very powerful land army, with 
 the design to conquer Egypt openly, and not 
 pretend, as he had before done, to fight the 
 cause of one of his nephews. Upon his arrival 
 at Rhinocorura, he found ambassadors from 
 Philometor, who told him, that their sovereign 
 was very sensible that he owed bis restoration 
 to Antiochus ; that he conjured him not to de- 
 stroy his own work by employing force and 
 arms ; but on the contrary to acquaint him 
 amicably with his pretensions. Antiochus, 
 throwing off the mask, no longer used the ten- 
 der and affectionate expressions of which he 
 had till then been so ostentatiously lavish, but 
 declared himself at once an enemy to both. He 
 told the ambassadors, that he insisted upon hav- 
 ing the island of Cyprus, with the city of Pe- 
 lusium, and all the land along the arm of the 
 Nile on which it was situated, resigned to him 
 for ever ; assuri*ng them, that he was deter- 
 mined to conclude a peace upon no other con- 
 ditions. He also fixed a day for a final answer 
 to his demand. 
 
 The time being elapsed, and the satisfaction 
 he claimed not being made, he began hostilities; 
 penetrated as far as Memphis, subjecting the 
 whole country through which he passed ; and 
 there received the submission of almost all the 
 rest of the kingdom. He afterwards marched 
 towards Alexandria, with design to besiege that 
 city, the possession of which would have made 
 him absolute master of all Egypt. He would 
 certainly have succeeded in his enterprise, had 
 he not been checked in his careei* by the Ro- 
 man embassy, which broke all the measures he. 
 had been so long taking in order to possess him- 
 self of Egypt. 
 
 We before observed, that the ambassadors who 
 
 4 Li". I. Klv. n. 11—13. Polyb. Legat. xcil. 
 
 SUCCESSORS. 523 
 
 were nominated to go to Egypt, had left Rome 
 with the utmost diligence. They landed at 
 Alexandria, just at the time Antiochus was 
 marching to besiege it. The ambassadors came 
 up with him at Eleusine,^ which was not a 
 mile from Alexandria. The king seeing Popi- 
 lius, with whom he had been intimately ac- 
 quainted at Rome when he was a hostage in 
 that city, opened his arms to embrace him as 
 his old friend. The Roman, who did not con- 
 sider himself on that occasion as a private man, 
 but a servant of the public, desired to know, 
 before he answered his compliment, whether he 
 spoke to a friend or an enemy of Rome. He 
 then gave him the decree of the senate, bade 
 him read it over, and return him an immediate 
 answer. Antiochus, after perusing it, said, he 
 would examine the contents of it with his 
 friends, and give his ansAver in a short time. 
 Popilius, enraged at the king for talking of de- 
 lays, drew, with the wand he had in his hand, 
 a circle round Antiochus, and then raising his 
 voice; " Answer," says he, " the senate, before 
 you stir out of that circle." The king, quite 
 confounded at so haughty an order, after a mo - 
 ment's reflection, replied, that he would act ac- 
 cording to the desire of the senate. Popilius i 
 then received his civilities ; and behaved after- 
 wards in all respects as an old friend. How 
 important was the effect of this blunt loftiness 
 of sentiment and expression ! ^ The Roman 
 with a few words strikes terror into the king 
 of Syria, and saves the king of Egypt. 
 
 The circumstance which made the one so 
 bold, and the other so submissive, was the news 
 that arrived just before of the great victory 
 gained by the Romans over Perseus, king of 
 Macedonia. From that instant, every thing 
 gave way before them ; and the Roman name 
 grew formidable to all princes and nations. 
 
 Antiochus having left Egypt at the time 
 stipulated, Popilius returned with his colleagues 
 to Alexandria, where he brought to a conclusion 
 the treaty of union between the two brothers, 
 which had hitherto been but slightly sketched 
 out. He then crossed into Cyprus ; sent home 
 Antiochus's fleet, which had gained a victory 
 over that of the Egyptians ; restored the whole 
 island to the kings of Egypt, who had a just 
 claim to it ; and returned to Rome, in order 
 to acquaint the senate with the success of his 
 embassy. 
 
 Ambassadors from Antiochus, the two 3'tole- 
 mies and Cleopatra their sister, arrived there 
 almost at the same time. The former said, 
 " That the peace which the senate had been 
 pleased to grant their sovereign, appeared to him 
 more glorious than the most splendid conquests; 
 and that he had obeyed the commands of the 
 Roman ambassadors, as strictly as if they had 
 been sent from the gods." How grovelling, 
 and at the same time how impious, was all this ! 
 They afterwards congratulated the Romans on 
 the victory they had gained over Perseus. The 
 rest of the ambassadors declared, in the like ex- 
 travagant strain, " That the two Ptolemies and 
 Cleopatra thought themselves bound in as great 
 obligations to the senate and people of Rome, as 
 to their parents, and even to the gods ; having , 
 
 5 Turrebus and H. Valesius think that we should read» 
 In Livy, Eleusinem instead of Leusinem. 
 
 6 Quam efficax estanimi sermonisque abscissa graviteS; 
 Eodem momento Syriee regnum terruit, ^gypti tonit'. 
 Vol. Max. 1. vi. 0. 4. 
 
524 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 been delivered, by the proteciion which Home 
 had granted them, from a very grievous siege : 
 and re-established ou the throne of their ances- 
 tors, of which they bad been almost entirely 
 dispossessed." The senate answered, " That 
 Antiochus acted wisely in paying obedience to 
 the ambassadors : and that the people and senate 
 of Rome were pleased with him for it." Me- 
 thinks this is carrying the spirit of haughtiness 
 as high as possible. With regard to Ptolemy 
 and Cleopatra, it was answered, " That the se- 
 nate were very much pleased with the oppor- 
 tunity of doing them some service : and that 
 they would endeavour to make them sensible, 
 that they ought to look upon the friendship and 
 protection of the Romans as the most solid 
 support of their kingdom." The praetor was 
 then ordered to make the ambassadoi's the usual 
 presents. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 Antiochus, enraged at what had happened to him in 
 'Egypt, wreaks his vengeance on the Jews. He endea- 
 
 i vours to aboliali the worship of the true God in Jerusa- 
 lem. He exercises the most horrid cruelties in that 
 city. The generous resistance made by Mattathias, who, 
 in his expiiing moments, exhorts his sons to fight in 
 defence of the law of God. Judas Maccabeus gains 
 several victories over the generals and armies of Anti- 
 ochus. That prince, who had marched into Persia, in 
 order to amass treasures ttjere, attempts to plunder a 
 
 ' rich temple in p:iymais, but is shamefully repulsed. 
 Hearing that his armies had been defeated in Judea, 
 he sets out on a sudden to extirpate all the Jews. In 
 his march, he is struck by the hand of Heaven, and 
 dies in the greatest torments, after having reigned ele- 
 ven years. 
 
 Antiochus,' at his return 
 A. M. 38S6. from Egypt, exasperated to 
 Ant. J. C. 168. see forcibly torn from him 
 by the Romans, a crown 
 which he looked upon already as his own, made 
 the Jews, though they had not offended him in 
 any manner, feel the whole weight of his wrath. 
 In* his march through Palestine, he detached 
 22,000 men, the command of whom he gave to 
 I Apollonius, with orders to destroy the city of 
 I Jerusalem. 
 
 Apollonius arrived there just two years after 
 this city had been taken by Antiochus. At 
 his first coming, he did not behave in any man- 
 ner as if he had received such cruel orders, and 
 waited till the first sabbath-day before he exe- 
 cuted them. But then, seeing all the people 
 assembled peaceably in the synagogues, and en- 
 gaged in paying their religious worship to the 
 Creator ; he put in execution the barbarous 
 commission he had received, and setting all his 
 troops upon them, commanded them to cut to 
 pieces all the men, and to seize all the women 
 and children, in order that they might be ex- 
 posed to sale. These commands were obeyed 
 with the utmost cruelty and rigour. Not 
 a single man was spared ; all they could 
 find being cruelly butchered, insomuch that the 
 streets streamed with blood. The city was 
 afterwards plundered; and fire set to several 
 parts of it, after all the riches that could be 
 found had been carried off. They demolished 
 such parts of the houses as were still standing ; 
 and, with the ruins, built a strong fort on the 
 top of one of the hills of the city of David, op- 
 
 1 1 Maccab. i 30—40. and 2 IMaconb v. 24—57. Joseph. 
 Antii] L xii. c 7 
 
 posite to the temple, wnich it coukmanded- 
 They threw a strong garrison into it, to awe 
 the whole Jewish nation ; they made it a place 
 for arms, furnished with good magazines, where 
 they deposited all the spoils taken in the plun- 
 der of the city. 
 
 From hence the garrison fell on all who came 
 to worship the true God in the temple : and 
 shed their blood on every part of the sanctuary, 
 which they polluted by all possible methods. 
 A stop was put to the morning and evening 
 sacrifices; not one of the servants of the true 
 God daring to come and adore him there. 
 
 As soon as Antiochus was returned to An- 
 tioch,^ he published a decree, by which the 
 several nations in his dominions were com- 
 manded to lay aside their ancient religious cere- 
 monies and their particular usages ; and to con- 
 lorm to the religion of the king, and to worship 
 the same gods, and after the same manner, aa 
 he did. This decree, though expressed in gene- 
 ral terms, was nevertheless aimed chietiy at the 
 Jews, whose religion, as well as their nation, 
 he was absolutely determined to extirpate. 
 
 In order that this edict might be punctually 
 executed, he sent commissioners into all the 
 provinces of his empire, who were commanded 
 to see it put in execution, and to instruct the 
 people in all the ceremonies and customs to 
 which they were to conform. 
 
 The Gentiles obej^ed with no great reluctance. 
 However little affected we might suppose them 
 to be with the change of their worship or gods, 
 they however were not very well pleased with 
 this innovation in religious matters. No people 
 seemed more eager to comply with the orders 
 of the court than the Samaritans. They pre- 
 sented a petition to the king. In which they de- 
 clared themselves not to be Jews ; and desired 
 that their temple, built on mount Gerizim, 
 which, till then, had not been dedicated to any 
 deity in particular,^ might henceforwards be 
 
 2 1 Maccab. i. 41—64. and 2 Maccab. vi. 1 — 7. Joseph- 
 Antiq. 1. xii. c. 7. 
 
 3 'I'hey expressed themselves in that manner, because 
 the mighty name of the God of Israel (Jekov2fi) was never 
 uttered by the Jews.* 
 
 * What our author affirms, that the Jews never uttered 
 the name Jehovah, is, to say the least of it, problematical. 
 It is very true that this is the opinion of the modern Jews, 
 who universally teach, as also Josephus, that Jehovah wa» 
 the unutterable, or ineffable, name of the true God ; and 
 hence they call it She7n-hamphorash, the ineffable name, 
 not merely because it was unlawful to utter it, but also 
 impossible to pronounce it. A great absurdity ; because 
 if it was simply impossible to utter it, why was it revealed ? 
 and how could persons be possibly guilty of uttering that 
 which it was impossible to pronounce? The design of 
 words is to convey ide s and notions, as otherwise they 
 are of no use. As the name Jehovah conveys the mos't 
 perfect notion that we can possibly form of Him whose 
 name it is, it was revealed, most assuredly, for that very 
 purpose. If it could not be pronounced, "how could it be 
 written ? and, on the other hand, if it could be written, it 
 surely could be pronounced : and it was certainly both re- 
 vealed and written that it might be uttered. 
 
 Josephus says, lib. ii. c. 5. that the name Jehovah was 
 never heard of, nor known, before God communicated it lo 
 Moses, and adds, that he dares not so much as mention it. 
 This foolish notion is founded on a wrong interpretation of 
 Exodus vi. 3. where God said to Moses, " I am Jehovah : 
 and 1 appeared unto Abraham,unto Isaac, and unto Jacob by 
 the name of El.Shaddai (God Almighty); but by my name 
 Jehovah was I not known to them." 'l"he least reflection 
 on the state of Adam before the fall, cannot but convince 
 any reasonable mind that he could not but know his Cre- 
 ator under that name, created, as he most certair.ly w.^i 
 
525 
 
 dedicated to the Grecian Jujnter, and be called 
 after his name. Antiochus received their peti- 
 tion very graciously ; and ordered Nicanor, de- 
 puty-governor of the province of Samaria, to 
 
 in intelleotiial and moral perfection ; or, as scripture ex- 
 [ [""esses it, in the image of God; or at least under that 
 j notion which such a name implies. If he did not know 
 him by that expressive name, then it would follow, as a 
 necessary consequence, that he knew less concerning his 
 j Maker than his fallen descendants— knew not his Creator 
 to be the. Uncreated, and therefore Eternal Being. If 
 I Adam knew the name, he knew the thing signified. "We 
 are not to suppose that when he fell he lost the knowledge 
 I of the name, or that because he lost his Maker's image 
 i he lost his understanding. That he then knew it is plain 
 1 from what is recorded concerning his consort. Eve, when 
 I she bore Cain. " 1 have gotten a man," said the joyful 
 j and grateful mother of all living, " from Jehovah." We 
 are equally sure that ihis name of the true God would be 
 communicated to their posterity, as sure as we are sure of 
 the salvation of the first sinner. Hence, we read that 
 Cain and Abel brought olferings to Jehovah, and that, in 
 the days of Enos, men began to invoke the name of Jeho- 
 vah. Erom thence it was communicated to the antedilu- 
 vian patriarch Noah, who himself uses the very term in his 
 beneuiction to Shem, where he calls God the Jehovah- 
 God of Shem ; wherein Jehovah is the subject predicated, 
 as being the God of Shem. Therefore he was known to 
 Noah under that designation, else how could Noah have said 
 that Jehovah was the God of his son Shem ? and we may 
 with certainty infer that he also knew that Jehovah was 
 his own God, or a Godto himself well as to Shem and 
 Japheth his sons. 
 
 We are told, also, (len. xiii. 4. that Abraham called on 
 the name of Jehovah ; for, it must be observed, that 
 wherever, in oui translation, the name Lord is written in 
 caj)itals, it is Jehovah in the original Hebrew. In Gen. 
 XV. 11. Abraham expressly says, "Jehovah-God, what 
 wilt thou give me, seeing I go childless ?" and what does 
 God himself say to his servant in the 7th verse of the 
 same context ? " I am Jehovah :" and we are told that 
 Abraham believed in Jehovah. Abraham also called the 
 place where his beloved. Isaac was spared, and a ram was 
 taken in place of him, Jehovah-Jirch, or Jehovah will 
 provide. Isaac also called on Jehovah, Gen. xxvi. 25. In 
 the beatific vision which Jacob enjoyed at Bethel, He who 
 fitood above the ladder said to the happy man, " I am Je- 
 hovah, God of Abraham thy father, and the God of Isaac, 
 &c." What said Jacob on this occasion ? " Surely Jehovah 
 is in this place, and I knew it not." 
 
 From this enumeration of passages, and more that might 
 be quoted, it is clear as a sun beam, that God was known 
 from the beginning of time by his name Jehovah ; to the 
 I patriarchs both of the antediluvian and postdiluvian pe- 
 riods; that they ujvoked him under that name; and 
 therefore that he revealed himself to them by that su- 
 olime designation. This being the case, various ways have 
 oeen adopted by Biblical critics to solve the knot, to recon. 
 cile the apparent contradiction in the record. Some of them, 
 therefore, compelled by the force of irrefragable evidence 
 to admit that God was actually known by that name to 
 the patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, the ancestors of 
 that people to whom Moses was now commissioned to 
 carry the message of their approaching deliverance, have 
 conceived that the name Jehovah, in this passage, is not 
 to be taken in its primary sense; as if it had really been 
 the first time that he was known to them as ttie self- 
 existent, independent, necessarily existent, immutable 
 Being, but in that of a fulfiller of promises ; that in that 
 character he was not known to them ; that the time was 
 now arrived when the original promise made to Abra- 
 ham, that his seed after him should have the land of Ca. 
 naan for an everlasting possession should be accomplished ; 
 that now he was to manifest himself to them in another 
 character than he did to the patriarchs ; that he had given 
 many instances of his power before, conformable to his 
 character of El-Shaddai, or the omnipotent, but now, he 
 was to give them instances of his veracity and constancy, 
 in performing his promises, under the character of Jeho- 
 vah, the promise-fulfilling God. 
 
 'J hat he is a promise-fulfilling God is both a glorious 
 and a gracious truth ; " for he is not man that he should 
 lie, nor the son of man that he should repent ; hath he 
 said and shall he not do it, or hath he spoken (promised) 
 and shall he not make it good ? said Balaam, the son of 
 Beor ; the man who heard the words of God, and knew 
 the knowledge of the Most High, who saw the vision of 
 the Almighty, falling into a trance but having his eyes I 
 open." His promise and his oath are the two immutable 
 thmgs in which it is impossible for God to lie, and are 
 
 dedicate their temple to the Grecian Jupiter as 
 they had desii'ed, and not to molest them in any 
 manner. 
 
 But the Samaritans were not the only apos- 
 
 ground of strong consolation to those who have fled for 
 refuge to lay hold upon the hope set before them. But it 
 is equally clear to me that this cannot be the meaning of 
 the name Jehovah, neither here nor any where else. The 
 reason assigned for this interpretation is not valid ; for, 
 was he not known to the patriarchs already, in their own 
 blessed experience, as a promise-fulfilling God? Did not 
 God promise to Abraham that he should have an heir 
 out of his own bowels ? did not Abraham believe this pro- 
 mise, and was not his faith in this promise imputed to him 
 for righteousness ? 
 
 It must be observed, that this promise, so far as respected 
 an heir, was the object ot the f ikh of liim wlio was the 
 father of the faithful. He exj^ected the fruition of this 
 faith in his own lifetime, as indeed it could not be other- 
 wise. Did he not receive the fulfihnent of that promise ? 
 was not Isaac called the son of the promise ? If, therefore, 
 the term Jehovah means a fulfiller of promises, did not 
 Abraham enow him in thatcharacter as well as in that of El- 
 Shaddai ? Having received the accomplishment, did he not 
 view it as an earnest of the fulfilment of the great {)ro- 
 mise— that in his seed all nations of the earth should be 
 blessed ? Did he not, in the substitution of the ram for 
 Isaac, see the day of Christ, his illustrious descendant ac- 
 cording to the flesh, afar off, and was glad ? Did not Jacob 
 receive the accomplishment of the promise made him in 
 the Bethel vision ? Did not God fulfil, in the blessed ex- 
 perience of that patriarch, his pronii.se of going down to 
 Egypt with him, and that the heloved Joseph, he who was 
 hated of his brethren, should put his hand on his eyes? 
 Were not God's promises respecting Joseph fulfilled, and 
 that in the amplest manner? Was not the divine promise 
 made to Jacob already fulfilled— that he would make of 
 him a great nation ? Did not the dying patriarch himself 
 say, " I have waited for thy salvation, O Lord?" (Jehovah) 
 From these promises it is clear, that, since in various 
 and important instances, he had actually fulfilled what he 
 had promised, and was therefore knov^n to them as a pro- 
 mise-fulfilhng God ; that tiie name Jehovah cannot, in 
 this passage, mean a fulfiller of promises, (as if he had not 
 been previously known to tlie patriarchs under that en- 
 dearing character,) and, therefore, such a sense of the pas- 
 sage is utterly inadmissible, as at variance with fact. 
 
 The primary meaning of Jehovah is Being ; and the 
 most obvious reason of the name is, that God is Being 
 itself— Being by way of eminency and distinction from all 
 other beings, who receive their being from him, he 
 from none. He the independent Being, they dependent 
 beings. He the necessary existent Being, they contingent 
 beings. He the Eternal Being, who always was, they 
 creatures of time, once were not. He the immutable 
 Being, they beings subject to change. Hence, what says 
 God by the prophet Malachi, " I am Jehovah, I change 
 not." Hence he swore by himself, as it were, laid his im- 
 mutability in pledge, to his scrv.nrt Abraham, that in his 
 seed should all the nations of the earth be blessed. By 
 the same he swore to David, that he would establish his 
 seed for ever, and build up his throne to all generations. 
 By himself he swore, that at the name of Jesus every knee 
 should bow, and every tongue confess', that he should be 
 Lord, to the glory of him the Father. 
 
 Ashe is Being himself, he is the source of Being, or ho 
 who gives it to all other things. But this is only a 
 secondary notion of the name. But that of a fulfiller of 
 promises is still more remote from the primary notion. 
 It is a giving being, not to the world, to angels, or to men, 
 but to words, or promises; in other words, accomplishing 
 them ; which is a mere metaphorical sense put on the name 
 Jehovah, and quite remote from the proper and special 
 signification of that word. It is sinking a name essential 
 to deity — a name expressing what God is in himself— what 
 he is absolutely, not relatively cou.sidered — a name denot- 
 ing his metaphysical, or abstract nature, into the rank of 
 a mere appellative, changing his absolute into his relative 
 character. That he is a fulfiller of promises, is a conse- 
 quence of his being Jehovah, and is a necessary result oi 
 the immutability and omnipotence of him who is Jeho- 
 vah, but is not the meaning of that name. 
 
 It is one thing to say that God is Jehovah, or Being it- 
 self, another, to say that he is Creator, or the source of 
 existence to other beings. The one he could not but be, 
 the other he might not have been. It is one thing to 
 view God as Jehovah, or the eternal, necessarily existent, 
 and therefore immutable Being, another to consider him 
 as a promise-fulfilling God. He could not but be the 
 one, he might never have made tlie other. He was free 
 
52G 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 tates who forsook their God and their law in 
 this trial. Several Jews also, either to escape 
 the persecution, to ingratiate themselves with 
 the king or his officers, or else from inclination 
 
 to promise or not to promise, as he was free to create or 
 j not to create. But, on the hypothesis that he has made a 
 promise, he cannot but fulfil it. This latter results from, 
 and is a consequence of the immutabihty of his nature, or 
 from his being Jehovah. 
 
 Other critics seeing the fallacy of this low sense of the 
 term Jehovah, and its uiter repugnance to established facts, 
 would read it interrogatively, thus : — " 1 appeared unto 
 j Abraham, unto Isaac, and to Jacob, by my name El Shad, 
 dai, but by my name Jehovah, was 1 not known to them?" 
 this latter clause being understood interrogatively — that 
 is. He was known to them, or manifested to them, as God 
 Almighty and God unchangeable, " the same yesterday, 
 to-day, and for ever" — as one eternal and immutable God. 
 
 The consideration of the divine immutability, as neces- 
 sarily connected with, and implied in the notion of the 
 eternity of God, was most properly communicated to Mo- 
 ses, by that Being who is as wise as he is eternal and un- 
 changeable, to raise in the minds of the oppressed and de- 
 j sponding Israelites an assured confidence that he could 
 not possibly fail of his promise. It was now 430 years 
 since the original promise was made ; all things at that time 
 seemed, to imperfect human view, to be at variance with 
 that promise ; the aspect of his providence was dark 
 and cloudy, no ray of light shot across the gloom, to com- 
 fort a poor oppressed people, on whose backs the furrows 
 of afflictifin had been drawn deep and long by their Egyp- 
 tian ploughers. They were in the furnace of affliction, 
 I but like the burning bush they were not consumed. Je- 
 j hovah had, to use the language of the prophet Ezekiel con- 
 1 cerning this very circumstance, passed them by whilst in 
 I this forlorn situation, and said to them, as to the outcast 
 I infant, " Live in thy blood ; yea, he said unto them, 
 whilst they were in their blood, live :" and live they did, 
 I and multiplied in spite of all Pharoah's measures. 
 
 The period was now come when he was to pass them by a 
 second time, and that time was to be the tiine of love. 
 The year of his redeemed was come, and the day of ven- 
 geance was in his heart, for he looked and there was no 
 man, and wondered there was none to uphold; therefore, 
 his own arm was to toring salvation, and he was to muiti. 
 Dly his signs and wonders upon that people who had so 
 long oppressed the seed of his servant Abraham. Jeho- 
 vah had heard their cry, felt their sorrows, seen their af- 
 fliction, and remembered his covenant. 
 
 As Moses was, therefore, commissioned to announce 
 to his oppressed countrymen their approaching deliver- 
 ance, nothing was so well calculated to sooth their de- 
 spondent minds, and produce confidence in the divine 
 promise, made to their great ancestor Abraham, than the 
 announcement of the eternity, and consequent immutabi- 
 lity, of the promiser— and, therefore, of the immutaliility 
 of the purpose and promise of the eternal. The Israelites, 
 so long oppressed, would be apt, amidst the multitude of 
 their sorrows, to think that Jehovah had forsaken them, 
 and their Lord had forgotten them. They were reminded 
 by this declaration, as used interrogatively, that God was 
 not only El Shaddai — God All-Sufficient — but he was 
 much more— he was Jehovah ; and that, therefore, because 
 he was Jehovah he was El Shaddai, could not but be so, 
 and always so. By the immutabihty of nature implied in 
 the name, as dt^noting eternity and necessary existence, 
 he could not but be El Shaddai to his people, to the de- 
 scendants of those patriarchs, who knew him to be Jeho- 
 vah, and found him to be El Shaddai. He had made him- 
 self over to them as their God, their shield, and exceeding 
 groat reward. He had also promised to be the God of 
 their seed. He. had promised to put that seed in posses, 
 sion of that land— a land flowing with milk and honey, 
 wherein they themselves had no fixed residence, but wan- 
 dered as stranger!! and pilgrims. Being Jehovah and 
 therefore eternal, eternal and therefore necessarily exis. 
 tent, necessarily existent and therefore without variation 
 and shadow of change; he could not but be a Being of 
 immutable veracity, a God keeping covenant and mer- 
 cies. This immutability of purpose and promise, founded 
 on immutability of nature, is ground of assured confidence 
 and strong consolation to every pious mind, in every state 
 of adversity. Hence Jehovah is denominated the Rock, 
 by way of eminency, — the Rock of Israel, and the Rock 
 of Ages. This immutability of character throws a beauty, 
 a glory, a grandeur, over all the essential perfections of 
 his nature ; and shines with super-eminent effulgence in 
 the economy and accomplishment of that redemption, of 
 which this from Egypt was hut a type. 
 If this excellence of the Divine Character be an object of 
 
 and libertinism, did the same. From these dif 
 ferent motives many fell from Israel and sev- 
 era] of those who had once taken this wicked 
 step, joining themselves with the Idng's forces, 
 
 1 1 Maccab.vi. 21—24. 
 
 profound contemplation and ineffable delight to angelic 
 beings and glorified spirits, if its external successive acts 
 show the immutability of the counsel and purpose of the 
 Eternal; how much more will it arrest the attention and 
 fix the gaze of these profoundly sentient beings, when the 
 plan being accomplished, the scheme winded up, and the 
 drama finished, the heirs of promise shall be put in full 
 possession of the celestial Canaan prepared for them before 
 the foundation of the world. How will they contemplate 
 the immutability cf that love which was from everlasting, 
 how will they see that the one was the necessary conse- 
 quence of the other. Seeing this love to be more ancient far 
 than the ancient mountains, and older than the everlasting 
 hills— nay, as ancient as the Ancient of Days himself— the 
 irresistible conclusion, that therefore, like its author, it is 
 without variation or the shadow of change, that it cannot 
 possibly cease to be as it never began to exist, will fill 
 them with joy ineffable and full of glory. They will see 
 and contemplate the immutable connection between this 
 love and eternal glory. They will see, that as the chain 
 of salvation originated in a love which knew no date, and, 
 therefore, that its several links were immutably concate- 
 nated ; so they will see that those whom he loved with an 
 everlasting love, he could not but predestinate to be con- 
 fc rmed to the image of his son ; that whom he did predes- 
 tinate he could not but call, that whom be called he could 
 not but justify, and that whom he so justified he could not 
 but glorify— the purpose and calling of Jehovah being 
 without repentance, like their author, unchangeable. 
 
 What says the great apostle of the Gentiles respecting 
 the immutability of electing and everlasting love. Having 
 risen in a lofty climax high as the purpose of the eternal 
 God, and made each link of the glorious chain the subject of 
 exultation and of song, he rears his standard aloft, and 
 sounds a challenge to all the enemies of the church. <• If 
 God be for us, who shall be against us ? Who shall lay ( 
 any thing to the charge of God's elect ? Who shall sepa. 
 rate us from the love of Christ?" To these m succession, 
 having given a glorious answer, he concludes with asserting 
 the immutability of the love of God which is in Christ .lesus 
 our Lord, to be such, " that neither death, nor life, nor < 
 angels, nor principalities, nor powers, nor things present, j 
 nor things to come, nor height, nor depth, nor any other 1 
 creatui^e, shall be able to separate the saints from it." j 
 Compared with this sublime climax, that of the Roman j 
 poet sinks as into nothing : — ' 
 
 Jamque opus exegi quod nec Jovis ira, nec ignis, | 
 Nec poterit forrum, nec edax abolere vetustas. 1 
 
 Thus, therefore, the interpretation given of the name | 
 Jehovah, as denoting a fulfiller of promises, must be dis- | 
 missed, as contrary to the special import and primary i 
 meaning of the name, as conveying a very low and inade. 
 quate sense of that passage, and that such an interpretation 
 is falsified by fact; as God was known as really to be a 
 fulfiller of promises before the Exodos from the land of 
 Egypt as after ; and, therefore, that the declaration must 
 be understood interrogatively, as affirming two proposi- 
 tions—that as the patriarchs knew him to be God All. Suf- 
 ficient, so they also knew him to be the eternal, and there- 
 fore unchangeable, God ; and that the consideration of the j 
 divine immutability, and therefore of unchangeable vera- j 
 city, was well calculated to raise the spirits of the oppress- j 
 ed Israelites, inasmuch, as thereby they might be assured ! 
 that he would not fail of remembering his covenant, and j 
 keeping his promise, and therefore, that their deliverance | 
 was ;it hand. 
 
 It would be strange theology indeed, passing strange, if ! 
 the patriarchs of the antediluvian world, and those from 
 Noah downwards to the £era of the Exodus, should be ! 
 supposed not to have known their own God, their co- j 
 venanted God, to be a fulfiller of promises. It may be ; 
 said, indeed, that they all died in the faith, not having | 
 received the promises, but viewing them afar off through | 
 the vista of futurity. But then it must be considered, that j 
 the promises there spoken of, related to the advent of that 
 seed who was to bruise the serpent's head, and in this re. ! 
 spect the New Testament dispensation is that of accom. 
 plishment ; whereas, that of the Old Testament was the 
 dispensation of types and promises, and even in this re. 
 spect neither Moses nor the choten seed knew God to be 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 527 
 
 became (as is but too common) greater perse- 
 cutors of their unhappy brethren than the hea- 
 thens themselves, employed to execute this bar- 
 barous commission. 
 
 a fulfiller of promises more than the patriarchs who pre- 
 ceded them, and, therefore, what proves too much proves 
 nothing. But the apostle says that the patriarchs were 
 persuaded of them and emhraced them. On what did this 
 persuasion rest ? On the immutabihty of the promiser ; 
 and therefore they knew him to be Jehovah in all the 
 fulness of its meaning. 
 
 That the consideration of the divine eternity and im- 
 mutability are well calculated to encourage hope, and ex- 
 cite confidence in the divine veracity, is evident from 
 what the apostle Peter says in his second ei)istle, directed 
 to them that had obtained like precious faith as himself 
 Rud others, through the righteousness of God and (perhaps 
 et/en) our Saviour Jesus Christ ; wherein, speaking of his 
 Master's second coming to judgment, and the final per. 
 dition of ungodly men, he tells them that scoffers shall 
 come in the last days denying such an advent, saying, 
 " Where is the promise of his coming ? for since the fa- 
 thers fell asleep," namely, the ancestors of the Jewish 
 nation, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, " all things continue 
 as they were from the beginning of the creation :" being 
 willingly ignorant of a former coming to judgment, in the 
 destruction of the old world of ungodly men by a uni.. 
 versal deluge ; for God may be said to come in the way 
 of awful judgment, as well as in person, which he will do 
 at the final judgment. It must he remembered that this 
 second coming was predicted by Enoch, the seventh from 
 Adam, and therefore an antediluvian patriarch ; saying, 
 " the Lord cometh with ten thousand of his holy ones to 
 execute judgment upon all," &c. The same was predicted 
 in the 50th Psalm. El-Elohim, ".Jehovah," says David, 
 " hath spoken and called the earth from the rising to the 
 setting sun." " Out of Zion (the celestial city) the perfec. 
 tion of beauty, God hath shined denoting that he is the 
 light from whence the perfection of beauty shines. " Our 
 God shall come and shall not keep silence." This implies 
 •hat he had been long silent ; had endured with much 
 long-suflFering the vessels of wrath fitted to destruction ; 
 and because he had done so, the wicked thought him 
 ftltogetlier such a one as themselves; that because judg- 
 ment was tardy, therefore there would be no judgment at 
 all, and theretore their hearts were set in them to do evil. 
 But God, says the Psalmist, shall not always be silent, he 
 will at last speak out, and that effectually. He will roar 
 out of Zion, and utter his voice from Jerusalem," says 
 Joel. If the voice of Jehovah be powerful and full of 
 inajesty ; if it make the hinds to calve, the desert to shake, 
 the lofty Lebanon to skip as a calf, and Sirion as a young 
 unicorn ; if at his voice Sinai shook from centre to cir- 
 cumference, and the collected myriads of Israel trembled 
 at the sight and the sound, and even a Moses exceedingly 
 feared and quaked ; how awful, beyond finite conception, 
 must that voice be that shall be heard in heaven, and 
 earth, and hell ! for what are its effects ? universal nature 
 shall be convulsed at the mighty sound from centre to 
 circumference ; "a fire shall devour before him," says the 
 Psalmist, « and it shall be very tempestuous round about 
 him, The elements shall melt with fervent heat " 
 says the apostle, « and the heavens shall pass away with a 
 great noise." In consequence of this convulsive agony of 
 nature's dissolving frame, the sea shall give up her 
 dead." perhaps the antediluvian dead are specially in- 
 tended, "death and the grave shall give up their dead " 
 and hell shall be for once emptied of its inhabitants. At 
 this second coming the Judge himself shall be awfully and 
 gloriously visible. Amidst all the solemnities of Sinai, as 
 the flame, the smoke, the earthquake, and the voice no 
 similitude of the glorious lawgiver was seen. But here 
 "every eye shall see him, and they also who pierced 
 him they shall see Jehovah in the person of the eternal 
 and incarnate Son, m his Father's glory, in his own glorv 
 and in that of all the holy angels. A ^reat white throne 
 thall be erected, on it the majestic Judge shall sit, and 
 from before his face the heavens and the earth shall pass 
 away. But, it must be remembered, that this second ad 
 vent IS matter of promise to those who wait his appearins' 
 as well as of perdition to the ungodly, and to those scoffers 
 who jeenngly said, " Where is the promise of his com- 
 ing " Eor, ' says David, " he shall call to the heavens 
 from above;" for what purpose? to open and make way 
 for the spirits of the just : "to the earth; to give up the 
 dead that died m the Lord, and to his angels -to gather his 
 elect from the four winds of heaven : he shall say to the 
 north. Give up, and to the south. Keep not back " In 
 obedience to the summons " his sons shall be brought 
 from afar, and his daughters from the ends of the earth " 
 
 The commissioner who was sent into Judea 
 and Samaria, to see the king's decree punctually 
 obeyed, was called Athengeus, a man advanced 
 in years, and extremely well versed in all the 
 
 " Gather my saints together, those who have made a 
 covenant with me upon a sacrifice ;" i. e. of atonement ; 
 and gathered they shall all be, from believing Eve to the 
 last of her seed— to the last vessel of mercy that shall then 
 exist. 
 
 'I'he intention of this gathering is declared to be that 
 he may judge them, not that they are to stand as pannels 
 at his awful bar ; for they were already justified, and 
 washed, and sanctified by faith in his blood, and by his 
 Spirit : no— but to be openly acquitted from all the false 
 charges made against them by the ungodly, and to be 
 openly acknowledged as his. " They shall be mine, saith 
 Jehovah-Zebaoth, in the day that I make up my jewels ; 
 and 1 will spare them as a man spareth his own son that 
 serveth him." 
 
 The same advent was predicted by Solomon in Eccleti- 
 astes, and by Malachi, by Christ himself, and successively 
 by the apostles. But, it must be remarked, that it is not 
 simply called his coming by Peter, but the promise of his 
 coming. Now, the very nature of a promise is that of 
 conferring some future benefit on the party, or object, to 
 whom such promise is made, and the future good pre- 
 sented in that promise is matter of hope and anticipated 
 happiness to that person, 'this hope is peculiar to be. 
 lievers, and is said to be of a purifying nature. " We 
 know," .says the beloved disciple, " that when he,?' Christ, 
 here called God, " shall appear," which implies the pro- 
 mise of such an advent, " we shall be like him," why ? 
 " for we shall see him as he is. hvery man that hath this 
 hope puritieth himself, even as he (God) is pure." Says 
 Paul, " Looking for that blessed (object of) hope, the 
 glorious appearing of the great God and our Saviour Jesus 
 Christ." Here Christ, whose future appearance is the 
 object expected, is called the great God and our Saviour. 
 Elsewhere he speaks of the saints waiting for that appear- 
 ing, and in another place he says, that "to them that 
 look for him shall he appear the second time without 
 sin unto salvation ;" and declares that, " if in this life 
 only we have hope in Christ," i. e. of a second appear- 
 , ing and a blessed reiurrection, "we (tlie saints) are of 
 I all men most miserable." This second coming implies 
 I a first advent; that this second advent i.^ without sin; 
 and that it is for the final and complete salvation of 
 those who look for him and wait for him. Both ad. 
 vents were promised ; the one was an object of faith and 
 anxious expectation to Old Testament believers, the 
 other to those under the New. The intention of the 
 first advent was to take away sin, by making his soul a 
 sacrifice for sin, and therefore he came with tin, not in 
 him as a nature but as imputed to him, and laid on him 
 by his Father's appointment and his own consent. Hence 
 he was made under the curse of the law to become a curse 
 for us. Every thing in his first appearance indicated that 
 It was with sin, else he could not have been made of a 
 woman, made under the law ; he could not have appeared 
 in circumstances of more than ordinary abasement. Hence 
 it was that he was made lower far than the angels, yea, 
 became as a worm and no man, and was despised of those 
 for whom he humbled himself. Had he not taken on 
 himself our sins he could not have appeared in the form 
 of sinful flesh. But for this, he could not have appeared 
 as an infant uttering its feeble and helpless cry But for 
 this, the stable could not have been his first lodging, the 
 manger his first bed, nor the beasts that perish his first 
 companions. But for this, he might have been created, 
 he might have assumed humanity in circumstances simi. 
 lar to the protoplast, or first formed of the human race, 
 he could not have been born. Such a birth with such 
 attendant circumstances, was a thing quite new under the 
 sun, had nothing parallel to it in the annals of time. 
 Such a phenomenon had not appeared since the day when 
 the gloom profound of primeval night was dispelled by the 
 first rays of an infant sun, yea, the birth of a universe sinks 
 (if we may so express it) into nothing when compared with 
 this. The omnipotent had but to will and creation rose 
 He has but to will and it shall cease to be. In every act of 
 the omnipotent, omnipotence is necessarily implied! Om- 
 nipotence is as really requisite to the creation of the drop 
 of the bucket, and the small dust of the balance, as to 
 that of the terraqueous globe, and what can do these can 
 do the other. But though there be no degrees in omni 
 potent power, as in those of finite agents ; though the om. 
 nipotent can experience no nisus, whether in successive 
 acts of omnipotence or in continuous omnipotent energy 
 as do finite beings in the exercise of their limited powers • 
 although, metaphy,sically considered, infinite power can 
 
528 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 ceremonies of the Grecian idolatry, who, for i to the sacrifices which were offered up to the 
 that reason, Avas judged a fit person to invite God of Israel, and suppressing all the ob- 
 those nations to join in it. As soon as he ar- servances of the Jewish law. They polluted 
 rived in Jerusalem, he began by putting a stop the temple in such a manner, that it was no 
 
 never have an utmost, or a ne plus ultra, and must ever 
 i be viewed as intrinsically the same, yet the things pro. 
 ! duced by that power, or "the acts performed by it, though 
 I requiring the same power or displaying the same agency, 
 , are not all of equal value, or relative importance, or 
 equrtlly magnificent displays of that power. The creation 
 of a being endowed with mental energy and moral powers 
 ; is a greater display of creative power and continuous 
 energy than the creation of mere physical nature, or mere 
 unintelligent matter. 
 That being, in whom there is a spirit, and to whom the 
 \ inspiration of the omnipotent giveth understanding, is of 
 { more value, in the view of the eternal, than a world ; 
 
 End why ? because to the latter, as mere material sub- 
 : stance, existence alone was communicated, but to the 
 other not merely a principle of vitality was imparted, to- 
 gether with that unknown thing called instinct, and sensi- 
 ! tive powers ; for tnese he has only in common with the 
 I diversified tribes of animated nature, whether they skim 
 the concave vault, or play in the azure deep, or walk on 
 the terrestrial surface ; but mind was communicated, es- 
 sentially possessed of intellectual and moral powers, and 
 therefore capable of actively showing Ibrth the glories of 
 that Being ; of receiving intellectual and moral commu- 
 nications from that Being; of being, in some degree, a 
 living image of that Being ; and of being feasted with the 
 contemplation of his infinite excellences, whether as 
 shadowed forth in creation, or as they shine in redemp- 
 tion, or as they exist in himself Such a being, therefore, 
 as man, must be of more importance and value, in tlie 
 consideration of the omnipotent, than a world. His crea- 
 tion, therefore, is a greater display of power than that of 
 a world, or any number of them whatsoever. 
 
 I " N.iy, know'.st thou what thou art ? 
 
 j Know'st thou the importance of a soul immortal? 
 
 I Behold this midnight glory ; worlds on worlds 
 
 Amazing pomp ; redouble this amaze, 
 
 I Ten thousand add, add twice ten thousand more, 
 
 i Then weigh the whole, one soul outweighs thetn all, 
 
 I And calls the astonishing magnificence 
 
 j Of unintelligent creation poor." Young. 
 
 j But if the creation of a molecule be an act of omnipo- 
 i tence ; if that of a world be a still greater act of the same 
 I power ; if that of intelligent man exceeds them both ; 
 the redemption of a lost world of intelligent beings must 
 be the most glorious of the works of the omnijKitent, tiie 
 j chief of the ways of God. Therefore, the birth of God's 
 incarnate Son, as a necessary step to the accomplishment 
 of that wondrous w^ork, was a greater event than tlie birth 
 of a universe. For two things were displayed here that 
 j were not, and could not be, displayed in creation, whether 
 of a world or of man; namelj', infinite condescension and 
 I infinite abasement ; both of which originated in an attri- 
 i bute which had not hitherto been displayed nor could, 
 i infinite love, love that passeth knowledge, that passeth all 
 ; finite understanding. In the union between deity and 
 j dust, the former was manifested ; but that God should be 
 ! manifested, not merely in flesh, but in the form of sinful 
 ' flesh, was the very abyss of abasement. Here we must, 
 } in contemplating this exinanition, exclaim with the apos- 
 1 tie, " O tlie depth !" It was in this that that consisted 
 i *' Being in the form of God, and judging it not robbery to 
 I t>e equal with God, nevertheless," ixi^ucnv lotvrov, " he 
 ! emptied himself, took upon him the form of a ser- 
 vant," yea, a bond servant, " and was made in the 
 likeness of man, and being found in fathion as a man, 
 he humbled himself, and became obedient unto death, 
 even the death of the cross." It is impossible to re. 
 concile this fact witii the justice, equity, and benig. 
 nity of God, but on the hypothesis that he appeared 
 i w:th sin; with all the sins o'f an elect world laid upon 
 j him, at the moment of his assumption of humanity in its 
 most abased form. It was tliis that made him the man 
 of sorrows, and familiar with grief. It was this that ren. 
 dered the whole of this first appearance a scene of humi- 
 liation, and suffering, and shame It was this that made 
 the tide of sorrow to rise, and rise till it became an im- 
 passable torrent. It was, that because in this first appear- 
 ance he was made under the curse of a violated divine 
 constitution, he endured not only shame, and suffering, 
 and sorrow from men, but what was vastly more, he en. 
 dured the wrath of an incensed God ; and hence, the 
 sufferings of his soul were the soul of his sufferings It 
 ^as the contemplation of these from the hand of the Eter. 
 tjal. that maae his soul exceeding sorrowfu' even unto 
 
 death— that made him sore amazed and very heavy— thai i 
 threw him into an agony in Gethsemane's garden,' where I 
 he uttered forth strong crying and tears. It was because I 
 he appeared with sin, that 'the Eternal, delighting to bruise | 
 him, put him to grief, awaked from its scabbard the sword ■ j 
 of Justice arainst hmi who was the fellow of Jchovah-Ze- ' 
 baoth, the Lord of liosis.— " Awake, O sword, against the ! 
 man who is my fellow ! smite the shepherd and the sheep i ' 
 of the flock sliall be scattered, saith the Lord of hosts." 
 
 This first appearing was not terminated till he had suf- 
 fered the shameful death of the cross, susUined the at- | 
 lacks of infernal agents, and endured the hiding of his ! 
 Father's face. It was only when he rose from the dead ! 
 that the scene of suffering was closed, and the work of our j 
 redemption was accomplished. By his first appearance 
 with sin, not only were we redeemed from the curse of 
 the law, in his being made a curse for us, but a right and ' 
 title to an inheritance incorruptible, undefiled, and eter. 
 nal, prepared from the foundation of the world, was pro- 
 cured by the complete and perfect obedience of his holy 
 life. Thus far was the intention of the first appearance 
 accomplished. But the apostle says that his second ap- 
 pearance shall be very different from his fir^t. It shall 
 then be without sin. On account of his first appearance 
 with sin, and suffering for sin, because he then emptied ■ 
 himself, and humbled himself to the shameful death of the 
 cross, and finished the work his Father gave him to do, ; 
 " God hath highly exalted him, and given hnn a name [ 
 above every name, given him all power in heaven and in \ 
 earth, and committed all judgment to him." It was then, j i 
 when he brought him into the world, brought him again 
 into it from the dead, that he said to the angels, " V\ or- f 
 ship him all ye gods." In his humiliation and death he I 
 was made lo'wer far than the angels, but then he was | ■ 
 made their head of confirmation as tlie incarnate God, I 
 as also of government and influence. j j 
 
 His exaltation is proportioned to his abasement. He is ] 
 to appear at the end of time in the most august manner ; • 
 he is to sit on the tribunal of the universe, with ail those ; 
 attendant glories that are suitable to such an appearance; ' i 
 wherein, as the Judge i f the then living and the dead, he i 
 shall appear in the combined character of the Son of man i| 
 and the Ancient of Days, and fix the eternal state of j 
 angels and of men. " Thrones shall be erected and the i 
 Ancient of Days shall sit. HiS garment shall be white as I 
 snow-; the hair of his head like the pure wool ; his face ] 
 as that of the meridian sun ; his voice as the sound of j 
 many waters; his throne be as the fiery flame, and his 
 wheels as burning fire. A fiery flame shall issue and t ome i 
 forth from before him ; thousands thousands shall minis, 
 ter unto him, ten thousand times ten thousand shall stand 
 before him ; the judgment shall be set and the books shall 
 be opened." As it is perfectly clear that this second up- | 
 pearance, or coming, shall be the most august that ever > 
 apf.eared on the drama of time, so it is equally plain that 
 it shall exceed all finite conception ; and hence the utter ; 
 absurdity of attempting to describe it. It is sufficient to : 
 say, that tliis coming is for the salvation of those that 
 wait for him — that look for him — that are watching r.nJ ' 
 praying— as conscious that though he shall come,, yet they ! 
 neither know the day nor the hour. But to them it is an i 
 object of blessed hope and anxious expectation. Why? 
 Because their salvation shall then be completed. In his i 
 first appearance he redeemed their souls from the curse of | 
 the law, wrought out for them an everlasting righteous- 
 ness, and reconciled them unto Goil. By his Spirit he , 
 quickened their dead souls ; enabled them by faith lo ap- 
 prehend him and his righteousness ; justified them by his 
 grace ; washed them in his blood ; cast his skirt over them ; 
 covered their nakedness ; sware unto them, and they be- j 
 came his. In their sanctification he freed them from the 
 power of sin ; made his grace sufficient for them in th ■ 
 hour of trial and the season of adversity ; and, in their 
 blessed death, freed them from its very existence. Having , 
 washed their robes and made them white in his blood, | 
 their glorified spirits are received into his presence wi'h j 
 exceeding joy. But still their salvation is not completed ; | 
 they are still in an unnatural state; and hence they are i 
 waiting for the redemption of their bodies from the do- 
 minion of death and the gloomy chainbers of the grave. | 
 He, %vho ransomed their souls with his blood, shall then 
 ransom their bodies, according to his promise, from the 
 power of the grave, and redeem them from death. " O 
 death," said he who was himself for a short space under '■ 
 its power, " I will be thy plagues; O grave, I will be thy ' 
 destruction :" and declares that his purposes shall not 1 
 fail ; for, says he, " repentance shall Lf; hid from mine ' 
 
529 
 
 .1? , ^"7'^.^ ' PJ"ofaned the | them ; abolished all the ordinances of God m 
 
 sabbaths and other festivals , forbid the circum- every part of the country, and put to death 
 cision ot children ; carried off and burnt all the whoever Avas found to have acted contrary to 
 copies of the law wherever they could find the decree of the king. The Syrian soldiers. 
 
 hers, and 
 
 tyes." This is tne salvation for which he will come ; 
 pr he never comes but on business of infinite moment. 
 Then their bodies, sown in corruption, shall be raised in 
 incorruption ; sown in dishonour, they shall be raised in 
 glory; sown in weakness, they shall be raised in power; 
 Bown natural bodies, they shall be raised spiritual bodies ; 
 bodies fashioned like that glorious body wherewith the 
 Judge himself ascended upon high. By this re-unition of 
 their souls and bodies, so long divorced by the hand of 
 death, their salvation shall be completely accomplished, 
 and they shall be eternally separated from the ungodly, 
 who persecuted them, and spoke all manner of hard 
 speeches against them, and they shall be for ever freed 
 from the temptations and fiery darts of Satan and his 
 apostate angels. They sliall be received into heaven in 
 Iheir whole man, and in all their collected number, be 
 |)resented by the glorious Judge himself to his God and 
 Iheir God, to his Father and their Father, a glorious 
 church, without spot, or wrinkle, or blemish, redeemed 
 by his blood, and kept by his power, through faith, unto 
 this salvation. The bride, the Lamb's wife, being now all 
 glorious within, as perfected in the beauties of holiness, 
 and made comely through that comeliness which her hus- 
 band had put upon her in the day of espousals, the day when 
 he betrothed her to himself in righteousness, and in lov- 
 ing .kindness, and in tender mercies, the King himself shall 
 greatly desire her beauty. Covered with the robe of righte- 
 ousness, and adorned as a bride to meet her husband, she 
 shall enter into the palace of the Great King, the King 
 immortal, eternal, and invisible, the only wise God; for 
 Jehovah-Zebaoth is his name. There she shall be received 
 with exceeding joy, and there she shall ever abide. As 
 tiie bridegroom rejoiceth over his spouse, so shall the bride- 
 groom of souls lejoice over his mystic bride ; for she shall 
 be brought into the banqueting house, and his banner over 
 her shall be love— love that passeth knowledge, love im- 
 mutable. She shall be eternally feasted in contemplating 
 Him who is the perfection high of beauty, who is the 
 brightness of the Father's glory, and the express image of 
 his person. The conscious knowledge that such a beloved 
 and that she is his, will ever fill her with joy in- 
 and full of glory. The consummation of such a 
 wondrous union shall fill heaven with joy. If joy was 
 telt at Pharaoh's court when informed that Joseph's 
 brethren were come ; if joy was felt in heaven at the ad- 
 vent of the prince of peace to save a lost world ; if joy was 
 -n heaven when he sat down on the right hand of the 
 majesty on high ; if joy was in heaven when the lion of 
 the tribe of Judah prevailed to open the mystic roll and 
 unloose the seven seals ; if jov be in heaven over one sin- 
 ner that repenteth ; if joy be in heaven at the successive 
 reception of the spirits of the just made perfect; how great 
 will be the joy, how increased the felicity of angels, wlien 
 the marriage of the Lamb shall have come, and his wife 
 nave made herself ready ! 
 
 In that blessed place, where the contemplation of infi. 
 mte benevolence fills angelic minds with a kindred prin- 
 ciple, where it expands each breast and warms every 
 heart, each successive display of infinite goodness aug. 
 ments their felicity, and is a subject of new song. Princi. 
 pahties and powers, who had long contemplated the mani- 
 told wisdom of God in the salvation of the church, shall 
 then contemplate the consummation of the mystic marriage 
 with ineffable delight, as the great end of the divine pur- 
 pose, and completion of the wondrous plan; "for into 
 such things (he angels desire to look." 
 
 Now as this second coming is an object of hope anx- 
 ious desire, and confident expectation to the pious, so it 
 Is an object of dread and aversion to the ungodly. Hence 
 they do not willingly believe it, and are ever prone to 
 find out, and nouri-h, objections against this awful truth 
 Hence say the scoQers, " There are no signs of such an 
 event as you would wish us to believe. Nature still keeps 
 her wonted course, under fixed and immutable laws. The 
 sun shines as bright now as when he first shone on the 
 morning of creation, he still keeps his usual path in the 
 dky, as he has continued to do since he first commenced 
 hi, career. Day and night succeed each other still as they 
 have always done ; the stars still continue to illuminate 
 the evening sky as before, and set in their usual manner; 
 the revolving seasons of the year continue still the same ; 
 all thing.s, in fact, whether in animated or inanimate na- 
 ture, whether in the natural or the moral world, have 
 continued the same ever since the commencement of the 
 system ; and, as they have done so all along, what reason 
 have V) 9 to believe, according to vour doctrine, that it 
 
 shall ever be otherwise than il has been ? What ! are we 
 to believe, contrary to all past and uniform experience, 
 that the system shall be changed for your sakes ? that the 
 sun shall cease to give his accustomed light— that dav and 
 night shall cease to be— that the frame of nature, immu. 
 table as it seems, shall be dissolved, and all this on your 
 account ? No : It is a mere bugbear to terrify us ; a 
 phantom, conjured up by a heated and enthusiastic imagi. 
 nation, to delude yourselves and impose upon us. We 
 are not to be so easily caught. ' Where is the promise oi 
 his coming ?' " Now, what considerations does the apostle 
 suggest, to comfort and arm the saints against such scoM| 
 fing objections ? He suggests to them that one revolutiorT' 
 had already taken place on the surface of the globe, by 
 means of a universal deluge, whereby the world of the 
 ungodly perished, and, therefore, that it was not true that 
 all things had continued the same since the creation ; and 
 that the scoffers were willingly ignorant of this fact; and 
 that, previous to this fact, nothing in the face of external 
 nature indicated the approach of this revolution— all 
 things, according to their own argument, had continued 
 the same from the creation to the days of Noah. 
 
 There was not the least appearance then more than 
 now, that such an event would happen, and yet it hap. 
 pened ; whereas, according to the argument of these 
 scoffers, it should not have happened, as there were no 
 previous signs, no indications whence rational philosophi. 
 cal men, such as they, could have foreseen such an event 
 and prepared themselves for it. Now this argument of 
 theirs, brought from the seeming stability of nature, is 
 completely demolished by this stubljorn fact ; and there, 
 fore, what happened once might happen again. He goes 
 furtlier, and does not leave it as a matter of mere possi- 
 bility that another revolution might happen as happened 
 before ; that no conclusions deduced from the apparent 
 stability of tlie laws of nature are valid against the possi- 
 bility of another change in the system, another revolu. 
 tion. He expressly states that another revolution, as cer. 
 tain and yet as unexpected, as the former, shall take place 
 and that by means of fire ; as the former had been a de! 
 luge so this should be a conflagration ; and that the pre. 
 sent world is expressly reserved for such a revolution • 
 and then suggests the consideration of the divine immu! 
 tabihty as a ground of assured hope and perfect certainty 
 that the Lord would not fail in his promise; that the 
 event of his second coming could not fail of taking place ; 
 and, therefore, the certainty that such a revolution would 
 be, however unexpected when it should arrive. " Be- 
 loved, be not ignorant of this one thing," i. e. this great 
 truth, "that one day is with the Lord as a thousand years, 
 and a thousand years as one day. 'I he Lord is not slack 
 concerning his promise, (as some men count slackness,^ 
 but IS long suffering to us ward, not willing that any 
 should perish, but that all should com&'-to repentance " 
 
 By the expression of a day being with Jiiin as a thou, 
 sand years, and a thousand years as one day, he signifies 
 tfiat there are no periods in the eternity of God; that 
 fiis existence is not successive as that of finite beings ; and 
 therefore, not measured by days, or years, or ages, but 
 unsuccessive and immutable, permanent and invariable. 
 Wherever there is succession there is change; but finite 
 beings have a necessarily successive existence, and are. 
 therefore, inherently mutable. Whoever, or whatever 
 exists in space and time is liable to change. Changes arc 
 constantly taking place in the universe of God, which 
 exists in space. In intelligent finite beings, however high 
 we may suppose them in the scale of existence, that exist- 
 ence is still successive, and therefore variable. Thought!;, 
 desires, and volitions, succeed each other in finite minds, 
 — " velut unda supervenit undani,"— and therefore to us 
 successive beings: an unsuccessive and immutable exist- 
 ence IS mysterious and incomprehensible. Such a Beinir 
 as the High and Lofty One who inhabiteth eternity, caii 
 have no relation to time and .space ; therefore, whatever 
 takes place in either, or in both, can have no effect on 
 him. Time, which produces a constant series of changes 
 in created objects, can produce none on Him who is the 
 Unchangeable Being; therefore, a day and a thousand 
 years are exactly equal as to the possibility of producing a 
 change in Him who is the same yesterday, to-day, and 
 for ever. All finite beings act, and are acted upon, either 
 ab extra or ab intra, from without or from within ; but 
 in that adorable Being, who is eternally and infinitely ac- 
 tive, there can be no passivity: therefore, as his existence 
 is unsuccessive, and therefore no succession of ideas or 
 volitions, no successive acts of knowledge or of will can 
 
530 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 and tlie commissioner who commanded oyer 
 them, were the chief instruments by which the 
 Jews were converted to the religion professed 
 by the sovereign. 
 
 To establish it the sooner in every part of the 
 nation, altars and chapels filled with idols were 
 erected in every city, and sacred groves were 
 planted. Officers were appointed over these, 
 
 be in the infinite mind, as such would imp y not only mu- 
 tation, buTimperfection ; therefore, no change can take 
 fl ee in his purpose and his promise-his yerac.ty being 
 equall^ immutable with his existence No lapse of time, 
 however long, can make him change his promise 
 
 Now to appi.v all this reasoning of the apo.stle to the 
 case in hand, namely, the promise of the approaching li- 
 beration of the oppressed Israelites from J^gYPt'^n bon 
 dage, we see that, in both cases, a promise the subject 
 spoken of. In that of the second coming of the Lord, 
 however long, to theview of finiteminds and ungodly men 
 *rt may seei/'of being accomplished, and however slac-k 
 men may account the Lord respecting the fulfilment ot 
 uc^^ I promise; yet the apostle says, that al h.s arises 
 from ignorant views of the immutability of the divine 
 chracter°and exhorts those to whom he wrote to rest on 
 the divine immutability for its performance, as on a strong 
 rock In the message to the I>raelites, Jehovah reminds 
 them of the same tlTing, when he says by way of mterro- 
 eation " Was I not also known to them by my name Je- 
 hovah ?" as an eternal and immutable Being, and therefore 
 of immutable veracity. It is now 430 years since I mad 
 my nromise to your ancestor, and my friend, Abraham, 
 that'l would bring you out of Egypt with great sub^ ance^ 
 As one day is with me as a thousand years, and a thousand 
 fears as one day ; so, though 430 years have since elapsed 
 .hey have made no change in my promise ; I am the same 
 Reiner now as 430 years since, and therefore have not 
 fhanSed what with my mouth I spake. Therefore, rest 
 confident that sure as my name is Jehovah the Immuta- 
 ble so is my promise. I, the eternal, may as soon cease 
 to be as my promise fail of accomplishment. My cove- 
 nant shall stand fast with him. T^i,^v.h u far 
 That this is the meaning of the name Jehovah, is tar- 
 ther evident from God's gracious declaration to Mose, 
 who wished to know in whose name he should speak t^o 
 Oie Iraelites, or what authority he had to produce for his 
 mfssion to them. " Thus shalt thou say to them, I Am 
 
 Not only to them, wa« this declaration graciously made 
 for the purpose above-mentioned, but that in all succeed- 
 ing generations, his people nnight have strong consolation, 
 confidence, and hope. Thus has it been attempted to 
 show, that Jehovah does not signify, in Exodus vi. J. a 
 fulfiller of promises, but that all adorable Being on whose 
 immutability the Israelites, as the patriarchs before them, 
 might rest in the assured hope that he would not, could 
 not fail of keeping his promise and remembering Ins co- 
 venant. That the declaration is to be understood interro- 
 Ratively, and not affirmatively, intimating l^at their ta- 
 thers had found him to be Jehovah, as well as El Shaddai 
 —an immutable as well as an all-sufficient God— and there, 
 fore, so would they their posterity ; and therefore, that a 
 wonderful deliverance was at hand. Therefore, Josephus 
 was utterly wrong in saying that the name Jehovah vyas 
 not known till revealed to JMoses. Even some ot tlie 
 Greek writers read the passage thus -.—tcM ro o-^oum [j-ov 
 t^TiXoira. ecvroi; ; my name, Jehovah, I made known unto 
 them— which interpretation is confirmed by the Arabic 
 version. It must be remarked, too, that in many places 
 that name is mentioned by God to his people, when there 
 is no reference to a proru.se. 
 
 Further, that ft could not be an unutterable, or nn. 
 pronounceable name, as the Jews pretend, is evident from 
 the solemn benediction commanded by God himself to be 
 pronounced by Aaron and his sons, over the people an^ 
 nuallv " Jehovah bless thee and keep thee ; Jehovah 
 makfc his face to shine upon thee, and be gvacious 
 unto thee; Jehovah lift up his countenance upon thee, 
 and give thee peace, and they shall put my name .leho- 
 vah) upon the children of Israel, and I ^less them. 
 Here, in this solemn trine invocation of that name, a. the 
 high -priest could not but pronounce it, and that thrice n 
 an audible manner, the people could not but hear it ; anct 
 we may be certain that the solemnity of the manner would 
 . ri .. ..: f .^Q/^rvio Qiifi if thpv heard it tney 
 
 hath sent me unto you." Now, the generality of Hebrew 
 grammarians are agreed that the name Jehovah is derived 
 from the verb Havah, Fnit, He hath been-at least Bux- 
 tor^so derives it in his Lexicon of the roots-and deno e 
 the self-existence and eternal immutable nature of H.m 
 wLose name it is. Accordingly, he calls himself Eh<'jeh 
 asher EkeJek, J om that I am, As the Hebrew ver , 
 has no present tense, the phrase is, I WILL BL, that 1 
 •WILL BE in the future tense. Whether it be understood 
 the present or the future tense, it indicates invariable 
 oermanent existence, and self-existence. Whatever we 
 areThat we are by the will of God, and that we continue 
 to be, or that we shall be, depends on that energy which 
 is the result of the same will that willed our being. No« , 
 as the noun Jehovah is from the verb Havah, and as Ehe- 
 jeh is the future tense of the verb Hajah, it is clear that 
 it denotes eternity and immutability. , u:„,,oif 
 
 Further in the same chapter, where he declares himself 
 to be the incomprehensible I am, he says to Moses in the 
 foUowina verse, " Thus shalt thou say to them, the Jeho- 
 vah Elohim of your fathers, the Elohim of Abraham 
 of Isaac, and of Jacob, hath sent me unto you : hiMS 
 mv name for ever, and this is my memorial unto all gen- 
 So. s As th^ name Jehovah denotes the abstract or 
 me ^physical nature of the L^eity, or his essence abstrac ly 
 considered, and therefore never is nor can be used rela- 
 tively or wi-h possessive or relative pronouns ; so it is 
 alwS's the subject of the predicate, when Jomed to the 
 nluril noun. The phrase Jehovah Elohim, or the Loid 
 Sodt therefore, is elliptical, Jehovah the (who is) Omn.po. 
 Tent Elohim is often used relatively; and, therefore 
 when it is said, "The Jehovah E^lohim of your father 
 Ibraham, &c." the meaning Jehovali who is the Elo- 
 him, or God, of your father Abraham &c. ^>^ow, Jeho- 
 vah being the subject predicated, what does Jehovah here 
 predicate^ of himself? It is, that he who is Jehovah in 
 himself, is the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob 
 
 He further says, « this is my name for ever, and this 
 is my memorial unto all generations." What name?- 
 not that of Elohim, but that of Ehejeii, I am ; or Jeho- 
 vah the eternal and immutable-both signifying the same. 
 For what purpose did God make this declaration, for he 
 does nothing without design? It was with the gracious 
 inten tion of conveying consolation to his afflicted people, 
 that they might have the firmest confidence and th? most 
 assured hope of approaching deliverance, founded on the 
 imm utabilitv of his nature, his purpose, and his promise ; 
 for they that know his name will put their trust in him. 
 
 we may oe certain uiai, ouitn^j."^;' — - »u„„ 
 arrest the attention of the people, and if they heard it they 
 could surely utter it, and utter it they woulcT, as m the 
 
 cas"e of^DavidTwho, in passing judgment on him who had | 
 taken the poor man's ewe lamb, sa.d, " As Jehovah j 
 hveth." Unable to deny the fact that the high-pnest ut. 
 tered the name thrice, they tell us, that during the pro. 
 nouncing of that name on the solemn day ot expiation 
 the priests and Levites sang louder than usual, that none 
 else might hear it. Th.s is a mere fiction, got up as a 
 cloak to their own superstition ; for what reason could 
 the name be invoked on the assembled people, but thai 
 they might hear it, and there is no recorded Precept that 
 the prietts and Levites were to sing louder than usual | 
 that they might not hear it. This would have been so 
 gTaringly incongruous, that no man of sound sense could 
 poss.bly believe it. They fetch an argument against its be. 
 ing lawful to pronounce it, from Leviticus xxiv 11. &c., 
 where it is diclared, « that whosoever shall blaspheme 
 the name of Jehovah, shall be put to death ;" which they 
 read, " whosoever shall pronounce the name of Jeho^ ah, 
 shall be put to death ;"-as Philo of Alexandria, the Sep- 
 uagint,'and Theodoret-as also Rabbi Solomon Jarchi 
 and Aben Ezra, 'ihe Jewish Kabbies also afhrm, that j 
 our blessed Lord performed his miracles by pronounen^^ 
 the name Jehovah. The original is not, who shall pro- 
 nounce, but who shall blaspheme, the name of Jehovah , 
 theiefore, the prohibition is against blaspheming, not 
 against pronouncing that name. 
 
 That the name Jehovah was not considered to be the m- 
 efiable name, by the ancient Jews is plain from the case oS 
 lood king Hezekiah, when invaded by Sennacherib, king 
 of A'^yria. Wlien Rabshakeh, that railing and blasphe- 
 mous general, besieged Jerusalem, as the heutenant ot his 
 master the Assyrian monarch, with a^numerous host, the 
 good king encouraged his subjects by telling them thai 
 Jehovah was their God, and 7°"^^ deliver them Rab- 
 shakeh told the people not to depend on what Hezekiah 
 said-that Jehovah would deliver them. It the name as 
 the Jews pretend, was ineffable, and only pronounced an. 
 nuallv by the high-priest on the day of expiation, and that 
 S such attendant circumstances that the people sho.^d 
 not hear it, and therefore be unable to utter it ; how came 
 Hezekiah to utter it m presence of the people, and exhort 
 thenf o trust in Jehovah ? And, ^^;l,at is more how 
 came Rabshakeh to get hold of this iueflable name ? An 
 'vhat settles the matter beyond all controyei^y is, that he 
 uttered this very name in the language of he Jew* , for, 
 when the messengers of Hezekiah beseeched that blas- 
 plSitig c^mman^der to speak with them in the Synar 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 5H1 
 
 vho caused ali the people in general to offer sa- 
 crifices in them e\'-ery month, on the day of the 
 month on which the king was born, who made 
 them eat swine's flesh, and other unclean ani- 
 mals sacrificed there. 
 
 One of these officers,' ApelJes by name, canii 
 to Modin, the residence of Mattathias, of the 
 sacerdotal race, a venerable man, and extremely 
 zealous for the law of God. He was son to 
 John, and grandson to Simon, from whose fa- 
 
 . 8. 
 
 language, and not in the Jewish languaffe, lest the neoole ! ] 1 n,facf>-ih ii i "n t ■ a • 
 tl.at were on the wall should hoar the conference : iEstead "^"^^ 
 
 ■)t behaving politely, he grew more insolent and outrage. 
 
 ous, and cried with a loud voice to the people, in the Jews' 
 
 language, " Let not Hezekiah deceive you by savinij to ,„ i„ 
 
 you the Jehovah will deliver you." He mentions hat n^ame' ?eZ^\ntZXS'''% V'^""' "^"^ ""^ 
 not ess than six times. This fact the learned Mr. Selden, ble on p^^p^v ..f. ^'^^^'^'^ another, which is inadmissi. 
 
 in his Syntagmata De Diis Syriis, cum additamentis Bay- Drmcinle of snnn^ 
 
 en, p. quotes as conclusive evidence, not only that 
 It was not accounted ineffable by the ancient Jevvs or 
 that It was unlawful to pronounce it, but also, that it was 
 I known to, and pronounced by, the idolatrous Syrians. 
 ' -iJn/*^fh^^°^^T' oj's^^ed, by several Hebrew gram ma- 
 . an., that the two first syllables of that name enter into 
 "ames of persons not less than the 
 n?H K 1?"^ Adonai :_as Jehoshua, Jehoshaphat, Jeho- 
 '-r^^'^T.^'f u^' Jehoiakim, Jehozabad, Jehoram, Jeho- 
 • ^^^f'^^^^^s tell us another foolish story respecting 
 the tne^able name ; that the high-priest himself could 
 not pronouruie it but at the usual time. For as soon as he 
 came to the gate of the temple, two huge lions placed there 
 on purpose, set up such a tremendous roar as stunned 
 liim. and made him utterly forget the name, till the re 
 
 ble on every principle of sound judgment. 
 
 For instance, in the fiftieth Psalm, the Judge Is called 
 is thpSY, ^f'f """f Jehovah ; in the Septuagint Kv.>c, 
 IS there used for Jehovah. In the New Testament 
 the same person, or Judge, is called Kvew; ; " The Kveios 
 inL n't! ^ith a sholt, with ?he voice 
 
 of the archangel, and the trump of God." Now, in the 
 Septuagint and New Testament, the word Kvpio? is applied 
 o?itHTl'''T" ""^^^ °f the saml eventfwho 
 
 W^ miitTl' '^'^ Hebrew original of that Psalm. 
 We must theref( re suppose, that in this case, the Septua- 
 
 &wnr/"'P'''''^- P?'™''" ''^ ^^'^ Testament, used 
 
 .hat word as equivalent to Jehovah, or else they have 
 ^ZZ ti-l'islation of Jehovah, which is difficult to 
 
 reconcile with the inspiration of the New Testamen? 
 HrvV.TfTv,'"""" '^'■\^^'y iurget uie name, tiu the re- | enters. 
 
 mi Lnin,,!!."'''' """''"fl solemnity, when the name was conclusion respecting Christ's Deity, from these 
 
 rnuaculously suggested to his recollection. This ridicu- Passages, will stand, syllo|istically, thus- " He whn 
 tt of r°,hV'' "'f';''°"''^^^^"^'°'"^' t'l^'t celebrated mas. shall judge the quick 'and the dead'^^t the end , ° 
 
 ouggc.-Lcu i,u lus recollection, inis ridicu 
 
 ious story is mentioned by Buxtorf, that celebrated mas 
 ter of rabbuiical learning. 
 
 ^^^?">i! is the term most generally used by 
 .tie Septuagint, as equivalent to Jehovah, though they 
 sometimes translate it by &ioi, God. As Kmo^ signifies 
 Lord, or Ruler, and is therefore a relative term, it can 
 never be understood to be a translation of Jehovah— an 
 absolute term, expressive of the divine essence, as above 
 shown. It has, hence, been inferred, by the generality of 
 critics, that the Septuagint translators were tinged with the 
 same superstition respecting that name ; when, instead of 
 translating it by a word expressive of its true meaning, they 
 used the relative term Kv^^os, to express it. It is hardly 
 possible to believe that these translators were ignorant of the 
 meaning of the same Jehovah, or that they had lost the true 
 writing or pronunciation of it, or, that they were so su 
 perstitious as not to write it or translate it/ To suppose 
 that they durst not write it is untenable, for the name Je 
 hovah was engraved on the front of the high-priest's mil 
 ^re, and written in the sacred books. To suppose that they 
 ilid not know the meaning of Jehovah, and therefore used 
 K!;^/« as a relative word to express an abstract one, is to 
 suppose them totally unfit for the office of traiislatino- the 
 sacred canon; and to suppose that they used the refative 
 ffn^J^n^Tf ' ,i5"ow*n8ly and designedly, to express what 
 s denoted by the abstract term Jehovah, is to impeach 
 their honesty, veracity, and fidelity. nnpeacn 
 Hence, I am of opinion, with the very learned Bishop 
 Pearson, in his Exposition of ihe Creed, p. 145—150. fol, 
 that the word Ku^iog, used by the Seventy, is not the word 
 
 Commnnlv n<;prl tn cirrnJAr ^ I ^-.l T\/r_ .1 _ 
 
 J ^igimj/ d i^uiu ur iviascer— an expression 
 
 ay far coo diminutive to denote the Hebrew Jehovah, or 
 the High and Lofty One who inhabiteth eternity— but an- 
 other word, derived from an obsolete Greek verb F^veuv, 
 Existere, Esse j to Exist, to Be; and that hence the name 
 i^.T/' slgx^es the Existing One, the Being, 
 
 by way of eminency; He who exists in, and of Himself 
 the « m, the Living One. If this be really the case the 
 feeptuagint translators are at once cleared from t'ne cha ge 
 of using a term merely relative-and which may be an.' 
 
 he ah"t7/.f' '° ^'-^^t God-to^expres s 
 the abstract and incommunicable name Jehovah, It is 
 
 af ^VLS'^"^"''^"^t° Hebrew term Jehovah; 
 as It signifies permanent, invariable existence-an exis! 
 tence different in us nature from that of finite beings who 
 once were not, and may cease to be. "'^"'gs, wno 
 
 ini'.hi'^ ^°J'°w.S' as a necessary conclusion, that in quot- 
 ing the beptuagint version of the Old Testament, the New 
 Testament writers would use the term Kt;^;tf?_where the 
 terrn Kv^io; is used as an equivalent to the word Jehovah- 
 in the same sense as in that version ; and, therefore if 
 as Pearson remarks, that term be used by them, not in 
 .he common signification of a Lord, Master, or Killer, but 
 -.n that of the Being, the Existing One ; the Kv^io; of the 
 New Testament signifies the same as the Kvpw? of the 
 •septuagint version of the Old Testament-namely, tlie 
 
 shall judge the quicK and tne dead at the end of time is 
 
 ri?T,^^^'R"?^,,E*^^"^'' ^'^^'^f' the^^^n.^-, and the Mighty 
 God.' But this Judge is Christ. Ergo, Christ is jlho! 
 vah, the eternal, Kv^,o,, the Being, and the mighty God. 
 
 Further, Peter tells us that " one day is with the Lord, 
 Kv^'o;, as a thousand years, and a thousand years a= 
 IS a quotation from the ninetieth Psalm' 
 at least, If not exactly so, there is a manifest refer! 
 ence to it. " For a thousand years," says Moses, "are 
 !n \Z t'^ H.f' yesterday when it is past, or as a watch 
 n the night." Here eternity, in both cases, is applied 
 to the person predicited, 'i'he person whose eternity 
 IS thus predicated, in that Psalm is called Jehovah 
 and by Peter Kv^ic?. Therefore, in both cases, Jehovah 
 and Kv^w; must be used as equivalent terms ; or eternity 
 and immutability belong to him not as Kv^ia;, but as Je. 
 hovah, .f used in the common acceptation. The sam^ 
 reasoning is applicable to Heb. i. 12. compared with Psalm 
 
 Therefore, if the term Kveio? be employed, in both Tes 
 taments, to signify the same" person, and if that term sie- 
 iiity the Being, or be equivalent to Jehovah, then the al 
 cnption of that term to Christ makes him to be Jehovah 
 -the Jehovah of the Old Testament, and therefore God 
 Supreme— and the argument deduced from the common 
 signification of Kv^io;, as a mere relative designation 
 against his Supreme Deity, falls to the ground. It is X' 
 to be observed that if Jehovah be the incommunicable 
 name— as denoting an incommunicable nature and incom 
 municable perfections— and if Ky^/«?, in Pearson's coin 
 
 ion. he Pnilivnlur-f th..f .,„™„ I • ., " "P'" 
 
 , c^juivdieni u) tnac name, as expressing the same 
 nature and attributes ; and it Christ has what is expressed 
 by Jehovah and its equivalent Kv^io;, then he has an in. 
 communicable nature and incommunicable attributes • 
 and if so, therefore, he is God Supreme. ' 
 
 If i"c be supposed that the Septuagint translators used 
 the word Kv^w^, in the sense of the Hebrew Adonai— 
 Lord, or Ruler— they must then have translated, as the 
 learned Archbishop Magee, has observed (On the 
 Atonement, vol. iii. p. 619. note), not from a written copy 
 ot the Hebrew Scriptures (for in them all Jehovah is 
 written) ; but from hearing them read, on the supposition 
 that the Jews at that comparatively early period, near 280 
 years before Christ, were really so superstitious in readina 
 their own Scriptures, that they would not read or pro. 
 nounce Jehovah wherever it occurred, but instead of it 
 read the word Adonai, which must be proved and not as 
 sumed. It may be observed, that the name Jehovah is al«o 
 expressed in the Apocalypse by the Greek periphrasis 
 i m, 6 v,v, xcA 'o i^x^H-i^oi J the Being, the He was, and 
 the Coming One ; or, as in our version, " I am He who is 
 who was, and who is to come;" which just means the 
 eternal Being; and it would surely have been better if 
 our translators had retained the word Jehovah or tran^' 
 lated it as the Genevese translators have done, by tire 
 phrase of the Eternal, instead of the relative. Lord L 
 would also have been better, iu many instances at least 
 'i L 2 
 
532 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 ther Asmoneus the family was caUed Asmo- ber of his council ; and toat himself and his 
 neans. With him were his five sons, all brave sons should be raised, by the court, to the great- 
 men, and fired vrith as ardent a zeal^ for the ; est honours and preferments 
 law of God as himself. 
 
 Mattathias said, 
 as to be heard by the 
 
 '-•pin 
 
 These were Joannan, i with a loud voice, so 
 'siirnVmed Gaddis; Simon, surnamed Thasi ; Ju- whole assembly, that though all the nations of 
 das surnamed Maccabeus ; Eleazar, surnamed the earth should obey king Antiochus, and all 
 Aharon ■ and Jonathan, surnamed Apphus. On the people of Israel should abandon the law ot 
 
 ' theij. forefathers, and obey his ordinances, yet 
 
 himself, his children, and' his brothers, would 
 adhere for ever inviolably to the laAV of Gop. 
 
 After having made this declaration, seeing a 
 Jew eoing up to the altar which the heathens 
 had raised, to sacrifice there in obedience to the 
 king's injunction ; fired with a zeal like that of 
 of his Phineas, and transported with a just and holy 
 in the indignation,- he rushed upon the apostate and 
 killed him : after this, being assisted by his sons, 
 and some others who joined them, he also killed 
 the king's commissioner and all his followers. 
 Having in a manner set up the standard, by 
 this bold action, he cried aloud in the city : 
 " Vrhosoever^ is zealous of the law,^ and main- 
 taineth the covenants, let him foUow me." 
 Having now assembled his whole family, and 
 all who were truly zealous for the worship of 
 he retired w'ith them to the mountains, 
 
 his arrival at Modin, Apelles assembled the in- 
 habitants, and explained to them the purport of 
 his commission. Directing himself afterwards 
 to INIattathias, he endeavoured to persuade him 
 to conform to the king's orders ; in hopes that 
 the conversion of so venerable a man would in- 
 duce all the rest of the inhabitants to follovr his 
 example. He promised that, in case 
 compliance, the king would rank him 
 number of his friends, and appoint him a mem. 
 
 to have translated Elohim bv the phrase of the Ommpo. 
 tent J instead of the word God, as it is manifestly frora 
 El, strong, powerful. It would have had a peculiar per- 
 ■ tinencv and beautv to have so translated it in the first 
 chapter of Genesis,' where the creation is described, in so 
 manv successive acts of omnipotence, during the Hexs- 
 
 meron or six davs' work. " In the beginning the Omnipo- | God, 
 
 tent created the' heavens and the earth. But the earth —i^j^jjei. ^hev were soon followed bv others 
 was invisible and unfurnished, and darkness was upon the ' - - ■ - • 
 
 face of the deep. Therefore, the breath of the Omnipotent 
 went forth upon the face of the waters, and the Omnipo- 
 tent said, Be Hght, and hght was." , , . 
 It mav be remarked, that, in the whole of that chapter. 
 
 so that all the deserts of Judea were filled, m a 
 little time, with people who fled from the per- 
 secution. - 
 fit first,5 ^hen the Jews were attacked on 
 
 the Creator i> called Elohim, no other name being given i - ^^u^ath for fear of violating the holiness of 
 ^:;?ce.S".c?.-':roi„rpScrEn'11 we?rr™"e i Z t^:'^lymZt dare .0 ma.e the least de- 
 
 successive acts ui omnipot, _ , ^ ... . 
 
 nated bv the creation of man. Every verse ot that 
 chapter 'suo-c^ests tlie notion of omnipotence, or infinite 
 power, andrtherefore, that the Being who put forth these 
 acts, is the Omnipotent, or powerful one ; and, therefore, 
 is so denominated relatively to, or consequently from, 
 these acts of infinite power. 
 
 It mav be said that the term God is a complex notion, 
 and that omnipotence takes in but part of that notion. 
 This is freelv granted, as it expresses both his metaphy- 
 sical nature and his relative character; and, m the for- 
 mer of these, the Septuagint applied the name Qic? to 
 
 fence, "but suffered themselves to be cut to pieces. 
 However, thev soon became sensible, that the 
 law of the sabbath was not binding on persons 
 in the case of such imminent danger. 
 
 Advice being brought to 
 A. M. SS37. Antiochus,^ that his decrees 
 Ant. J. C. 167. were not so implicitly obeyed 
 in Judea as in all other na- 
 tions, he went thither in person, in order to see 
 
 rxpreTs The'name Jehovah as well as the term K...... | them put in execution He 
 
 - P ■ ■ - ^ — if omnipotence horrid cruelties over aU such Jews as refused to 
 
 But, it must also be remembered, that, 
 
 express onlv a part of the notion denoted by the word ^^i^re their reliffion ; m or( 
 
 God, and is', therefore, only a partial conception, it also ^ ^ ^ dread of 'the like inhuman treatment, to 
 
 rder to force the rest, 
 
 implies the'esisterce of every other attribute peculiar to | 
 
 with what was required of them. At 
 
 I H^'itv"^" riTtheVerfe^^ j comply - 7 
 
 and^thfv cannot eSt separated from each other in oar this time happened the martjn'dom of Eleazar, 
 concepti'ons. He who has omnipotence has every other ^^^^ mother and her seven sons, 
 
 attribute, as whatever is in God is God He who has It ^ ^ ^-^^ .Maccabees. Although 
 
 I rvsst%r!ikS inihX^^^^^ 
 
 ; Sp'otence exist in a creature. ^ ^ .^^ I me so important, _ and relates so nearh to An- 
 
 If knowledge be power, ,to use the words of the lUus- 1 tio^-hus, whose reign I am now writing, tnat l 
 trious Bacon,) then infinite knowledge is infinite power, | ^ prevail with mvself to omit it. I shall 
 
 ipotence; and. If these be mutually ^^^^.^^J^ repeat it in 'almost the very words of 
 
 or omniscience is omn 
 
 convertible terms, then omnipotence is omniscience 
 which is just another name for infinite wisdom ; and this 
 last must necesfarilv be connected in the same subject 
 with infinite goodness, and, if infinitely good, he must be 
 infinitelv just and holv. It would be a contraoiction to 
 suppose 'that anv moral perfection could be wanting to a , 
 Being who is metaphysically infinite. , 
 
 The relative character of God, which only commenced 
 with creation, is not intrhisically necessarv, put only 1 
 hvpotheticallv so, as that act was the result of the divine \ 
 w'ilL He might not have created, but he could not but ^ 
 be omnipotent, as that could not have been without this. , 
 
 For the Hebrew names of the Divine Being, the learned 
 and curious reader mav consult Buxtorf de Nomimbus | 
 Dei Hebraicis, Selden De Diis Syriis, cum adaitamentis ; 
 Bayeri, Capellus in ejus diatribis de Hohim et Jehovah, • 
 Gomarus de iisdem vocibus, Drusius de Tetragrammato, , 
 Amama, Martinius, Zanchius De Tribus Elohim, Hot- 1 
 Fasciculus dissertationum. Mi 
 
 Scripture. 
 
 The extreme violence of the persecution occa- 
 sioned manv Jews to fall away ; but on the 
 other side, 'several continued inflexible, and 
 chose to suffer death, rather than pollute them- 
 selves bv eating impure meats. One ot the 
 
 1 Etsi omnes gentes regi Antiocho obediunt, ut disce. 
 dat unusquisque a servitute legis patrum suorum, et con- 
 sentiat mandatis ejus ; ego, et filii mei, et fratres mei, 
 obediemus legi patrum nostrorum. 
 o God had commanded his people to slay those who 
 unger-s rascicuuis ui«.. t........ ..ch^Suppf^d j shouW^^^^ them to sacrifice to idols. See Deut. 
 
 lfr.^'^^JrS^LT^^^^^ ?a^-"S, ' "3 Omnis, qui zelum habet legis, statuens testamentum, 
 
 Sacred Dissertations , . 
 
 Jehovah, Ehejeb, El. Elohim, ELon, Shaddai, Gibbor 
 Adonai, &c. judiciouslv and satisfactorily explainer, and 
 the Hutchinsonian etvmology of the name God, from a 
 verb signifving to swear, completely demolished. Ale- 
 him, or the swearers, being, in their opinion, the name or 
 the Divine Being — £d. 
 
 exeat post me. 
 5 1 Maccab. ii. 
 
 4 1 Maccab. ii. £/• 
 
 ;i 41. 2 Maccab. vi. 11. Joseph. Atv 
 
 "•J- 6 Joseph.de Maccab. civ & v. 
 
 7 '2 Maccab. vi. & vii. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 53-3 
 
 mmt lilustvious among these was Eleazar. He 
 Was a venerable old man, ninety years of age, 
 
 and a doctor of the lavr, whose life had been one 
 continued series of spotless innocence. He 
 commanded to eat swine's flesh, and endeavours 
 %vere used to make him swallow it, by forcibly 
 opening his mouth. But Eleazar, preferring a 
 glorious death to a criminal life, went volun- 
 tarily to execution ; and persevering in his re- 
 solute patience, was determined not to infringe 
 the law to save his life. 
 
 His^ friends who were present, moved with 
 an unjust compassion, took him aside, and ear- 
 nestly besought him to permit them to bring 
 him such meats as he was allowed to eat ; in 
 order that it might be imagined that he had 
 eaten of the meats of the sacrifice, pursuant to 
 the king's command ; and by that means save 
 his life. But Eleazar, considering only what 
 bis gi-eat age, the noble and generous sentiments 
 he was born with, and the life of purity and 
 innocence which he had led from his infancy, 
 required of him, answered, pursuant to the or- 
 dinances of the holy law of God, that he would 
 rather die than consent to what was desired of 
 him. " It would be shameful," says he to them, 
 " for me, at this age, to use such an artifice, 
 which would occasion many young men, upon 
 the supposition that Eleazar, at ^urscore and 
 ten years of age, had embraced the principles of 
 the heathens, to be imposed upon by the deceit, 
 which I should have employed to preserve the 
 short remains of a corruptible life ; and thereby 
 I should dishonour my old age, and expose it to 
 the curses of all men. Besides, supposing I 
 should by that means for the present avoid "the 
 punishment of men, I could never fly from the 
 hand of the Almighty, neither in this world nor 
 in that which is to come. For this reason, if I 
 lay down my life courageously, I shall appear 
 worthy of my old age: and shall leave behind 
 me, for the imitation of young people, an exam- 
 ple of constancy and resolution, by suffering 
 patiently an honourable death, for the sake of 
 our venerable and holy laws." Eleazar had no 
 sooner ended his speech, than he was dragged to 
 execution. The officers that attended him, and 
 who hitherto had behaved with some humanity 
 towards him, grew furious upon M^hat he had 
 said, which they looked upon as the effect of 
 pride. When the torments had made him ready 
 to breathe his last, he vented a deep sigh, and 
 O Lord ! thou who art possessed of the 
 
 said 
 
 holy knowledge, thou seest that I, who could 
 have delivered myself from death, do yet suffer 
 cruel agonies in my body : but in my soul find 
 ^^^'^^ sufferings, because I fear thee." 
 Ihu8 died this holy man, leaving by his death, 
 not only to the young men, but to his whole 
 nation, a glorious example of virtue and resolu- 
 tion. 
 
 At this time seven brothers, with their mo- 
 ther, were seized ; and king Antiochus would 
 force them to eat swine's flesh contrary to their 
 law, by causing their bodies to be scourged in a 
 most inhuman manner. But the eldest of the 
 brethren said to him : " What is it thou wouldst 
 ask or learn of us ? We are ready to lay down 
 our lives, rather than violate the holy laws 
 which God gave to our forefathers." The king 
 being exasperated at these words, ordered brazen 
 pans and caldrons to be heated : and, when they 
 were red, he caused the tongue of that man who 
 had spoken first, to be cut off; had the skin 
 lorn from his head, and the extremities of his 
 nands and feet cut off, before the eyes of his 
 
 mother and his brethren. After being muti- 
 lated in every part of his body, he was brought 
 to the fire, and fried in the pan. Whilst these 
 tortures were inflicting upon him, his brothers 
 and their mother exhorted each other to die 
 courageously, saying, « The Lord God will 
 have regard to truth : he will have pity on us, 
 and comfort us, as Moses declares in his song." 
 
 The first dying in this manner, the second 
 was taken ; and after the skin of his head, with 
 the hair, were torn away, he was asked whether 
 he would eat of some meats which were pre- 
 sented to him, before that all his limbs should 
 be severed one after another from his body. 
 But he ansM^ered in the language of his coun- 
 try, "I will not." He was then tortured in 
 the same manner as his brother. Being ready 
 to expire, he spoke thus to the king : " Wicked 
 prince ! you bereave us of this present life : but 
 the King of heaven and earth, if we die for the 
 defence of his laws, will one day raise us up to 
 everlasting life." 
 
 They now proceeded to the third. He was 
 commanded to put forth his tongue, which he 
 did immediately ; and afterwards stretching 
 forth his hands manfully, he bravely said : " I 
 received these limbs from heaven, but now I 
 despise them, since I am to defend the laws of 
 God J from the sure and steadfast hopes that he 
 will one day restore them to me." The king 
 and all his followers were astonished at the in- 
 trepidity of this young man, who utterly dis- 
 regarded the severest tortures. 
 
 The fourth was tortured in the same man- 
 ner, and being ready to die, he said to the king : 
 "It is for our advantage to be killed by men, 
 because we hope that God, by raising us up 
 again, will restore us to life ; but thy resurrec- 
 tion, O king, shall not be unto life." 
 
 The fifth, whilst they %vere tormenting him, 
 said to Antiochus : " You now act according to 
 your own will and pleasure, because you are 
 invested with absolute power among men, 
 though you are but a mortal man. But do not 
 imagine that God has forsaken our nation. 
 Stay but a little, and you will see the won- 
 drous effects of his power ; and in what man- 
 ner he will torment both yourself and your 
 posterity." 
 
 The sixth came next, who, the moment be- 
 fore he expired, said : " Do not deceive your- 
 self: It is true, indeed, our sins have drawn 
 upon us the exquisite tortures which we now 
 suffer; but do not flatter yourself with the 
 hopes of impunity, after having presumed to 
 make war against God himself." 
 
 In the meantime their mother, supported by 
 the hopes that she had in God, beheld with in- 
 credible resolution all her seven sons die thus in 
 one day. She encouraged them by her discourse 
 full of fortitude and wisdom, and uniting a 
 manly courage with the tenderness of a mother, 
 she said to them : " 1 know not in what man- 
 ner you were formed in my womb ; for it was 
 not 1 who inspired you with a soul and with 
 life, nor formed your members ; but I am sure 
 that the Creator of the world who fashioned 
 man, and who gave being to all things, will one 
 day restore you to life by his infinite mercy, in 
 return for your having despised it here, out of 
 the love you bear to his laws." 
 
 There still remained her youngest son. An- 
 tiochus began to exhort him to compliance • 
 assuring him, with an oath, that he would raise 
 him to riches and power, and rank him in the 
 number of his favourites, if he would forsake 
 
534 
 
 the laws of his forefathers. But the youth be- 
 ing insensible to all these promises, the king 
 called his mother, and advised her to counsel 
 the young man so as to save his life, ihis she 
 promised ; and going up to her sou, and laugh- 
 ina at the tyrant's cruelty, she said to him in 
 her native language, "Son, have pity on me, 
 who bore you nine months in my womb ; who 
 for three years fed you with milk from my 
 breasts, and brought you up to your present 
 age. I conjure you, dear child, to look upon 
 heaven and earth, and every thing they contain, 
 and to consider that God formed them all ot 
 things that were not, as well as man. Fear not 
 that cruel executioner ; but show yourself wor- 
 thy of your brethren, by submitting cheerfully 
 to death : in order that, by the mercy of God, I 
 may receive you, together with your brothers, 
 in the glory which awaits us." 
 
 As she was speaking in this manner, the 
 young man cried aloud : " What is it you ex- 
 pect from me ? I do not obey the king's com- 
 mand, but the law which was given us by 
 Moses. As to you, from whom all the calami- 
 ties with which the Hebrews are afflicted flow, 
 you shall not escape the hand of the Almighty. 
 Our sufferings, indeed, are owing to our sins : 
 but if the Lord our God, to chasten and correct 
 us, be for a little time angry with us, he at last 
 will be appeased and be reconciled to his ser- 
 vants. But as for you, the most wicked, the 
 most impious of men, do not flatter yourself 
 with vain hopes. You shall not escape the 
 judgment of God, who is all-seeing and omni- 
 potent. As to my brothers, they, after having 
 suffered a moment the most cruel tortures, have 
 entered into the eternal covenant. In imitation 
 of the example they have set me, 1 freely give 
 up my body and life for the laws of my fore- 
 fathers ; and I beseech God to extend his mercy 
 soon to our nation ; to force you by plagues and 
 tortures to confess that he is the only God ; and 
 that his anger, which is justly fallen on the 
 Hebrews, may end by my death and that of my 
 brethren." 
 
 The king, now transported witli tury, and 
 unable to bear these insults, caused this last 
 youth to be tortured more grievously than the 
 rest. Thus he died in the same holy manner 
 as his brethren, and with a full confidence in 
 God. At last the mother also suffered death. 
 
 Mattathias,' before he died, 
 A. M. S838. sent for his five sons, and 
 Ant. J. C. 166. after exhorting them to fight 
 valiantly for the law of God 
 against their persecutors, he appointed Judas 
 for their general, and Simon as president of 
 the council. He afterwards died, and was in- 
 terred at Modin, in the burying-place of his 
 ancestors, much regretted and lamented by all 
 the faithful Israelites. 
 
 Antiochus,^ finding that Paulus ^milius 
 after having defeated Perseus and conquered 
 Macedonia, had solemnized games in the city 
 of Amphipolis, situated on the river Strymon, 
 was desirous of doing the same at Daphne near 
 Antioch. He appointed the time for them, sent 
 to all places to invite spectators, and drew to- 
 gether prodigious multitudes. The games were 
 celebrated with incredible pomp, cost immense 
 
 1 1 Maccab. ii. 49—70. Joseph. Antiq. 1. viii. c. 12. 
 2 Polyb. apud. Atheii. 1. v. p. 193, &c. Diod. in Ex- 
 cerpt. Vales, p. 321. 
 
 sums, and lasted several days. The pai't he 
 there acted during the whole time, answered in 
 every respect to the character given of him by 
 Daniel,^ who calls him a vile or contemptible 
 person ; as I have said elsewhere. He there 
 committed so many extravagant actions before 
 that infinite multitude of people, assembled from 
 different parts of the earth, that he became the 
 laughing-stock of them all : and many of them 
 were so much disgusted, that, to prevent their 
 being spectators of a conduct so unworthy a 
 prince, and so repugnant to the rules of modesty 
 and decorum, they refused to go any more to 
 the feasts to which he invited them. 
 
 He had scarce ended the solemnization of 
 those g:ames,* when Tiberius Gracchus arrived 
 as ambassador from the Romans, in order to 
 have an eye on Antiochus's actions. That 
 prince gave him so polite and friendly a recep- 
 tion, that the ambassador not only laid aside all 
 suspicion with regard to him, and did not per- 
 ceive that he retained any resentment for what 
 had happened in Alexandria, but even blamed 
 those who had spread such reports of him. 
 And indeed Antiochus, besides other civilities, 
 quitted his palace to make room for Tiberius 
 Gracchus and his train, and was even going to | 
 resign his crown to him. The ambassador 
 ought to have been politician enough to suspect 
 all these civilities : for it is certain that Antio- 
 chus was meditating, at that time, how he 
 might best revenge himself of the Romans ; but 
 he disguised his sentiments, in order to gain 
 time, and to be the better able to carry on his 
 preparations. 
 
 Whilst Antiochus was amusing himself with 
 celebrating games at Daphne,^ Judas was acting 
 a very different part in Judea. After having 
 levied an army, he fortified the cities, rebuilt 
 the fortresses, threw strong garrisons into them, 
 and thereby awed the whole country. Apollo- 
 nius, who was governor of Samai-ia under An- 
 tiochus, thought he should be able to check his 
 progress, and accordingly marched directly 
 against him. However, Judas defeated him, 
 killed him, and made a great slaughter of his 
 troops. Seron, another commander, who had 
 flattered himself with the hopes of revenging 
 the affront his master had received, met with 
 the same fate as Apollonius, and like him was 
 also defeated and killed in the battle. 
 
 When news was brought to Antiochus of this 
 double defeat, he was exasperated to fury. Im- 
 mediately he assembled all his troops, which 
 formed a mighty army, and determined to de- 
 stroy the whole Jewish nation, and to settle 
 other people in their country. But when his 
 troops were to be paid, he had not sufficient 
 sums in his coffers, having exhausted them in 
 the foolish expenses he had lately been at. For 
 want of money he was obliged to suspend the 
 vengeance he meditated against the Jewish na- 
 tion, and all the plans he had formed for the 
 immediate execution of that design. 
 
 He had squandered immense sums on the 
 games.^ Besides this, he had been extravagantly 
 profuse in every other respect, particularly in 
 the presents he bestowed on private persons and 
 whole bodies of men. He would often throw 
 
 3 Lian. XI. '/I. 
 
 4 Polyb. Legat. ci-civ. Diof in Exceirt. Vales, p. o^. 
 
 5 1 Maccab iii. 1-26. 2 Maccab. vm. 5-7. Joseph 
 Lntiq. 1. xii. c 10. ...,■•„ n 
 
 6 Joseph. Antiq. 1. xu. c. IL 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 535 
 
 liands-full of money among his attendants and 
 others ; sometimes seasonably enough, but most 
 frequently without sense or reason. On these 
 occasions he verified what the prophet Daniel 
 had foretold of him, that he should " scatter 
 amorg them the prey and spoil of riches and 
 the author of the Maccabees says,^ that he had 
 been exceedingly liberal, and had " abounded 
 above the kings that were before him." We 
 are told by Athenseus,^ that the funds Avhich 
 •enabled him to defray so prodigious an ex- 
 pense were, first, the spoils he had taken in 
 Egypt, contrary to the promise he had made 
 Philometor in his minority; secondly, the sums 
 he had raised among his friends, by way of free 
 gifts; lastly (which was the most considerable 
 article), the plunder of a great number of tem- 
 ples, which he had sacrilegiously pillaged. 
 
 Besides the difficulties to which the want of 
 money reduced him,'" others arose, according to 
 Daniel's prophecy, "from the tidings" which 
 came to him " out of the east and out of the 
 north." For northward, Artaxias, king of 
 Armenia, had rebelled against him ; and Per- 
 sia, which lay eastward, discontinued the regu- 
 lar payment of the tribute. There,'' as in al- 
 most every other part of his dominions, all 
 things seemed in the ujjnost confusion, occa- 
 sioned by the new ordinance by which the an- 
 cient customs of so many of his subjects were 
 abolished ; and those of the Greeks, of which 
 
 tants, and to distribute the lands among them 
 by lot. He thought it necessary for him to 
 make the more despatch in this expedition, be- 
 cause advice was daily brought him that the 
 arms of Judas made prodigious progress, and 
 increased in strength by taking all the fortresses 
 which he approached. 
 
 Philip, whom Antiochus had left governor of j 
 Jadea, seeing Judas's success, had sent ex- 
 presses, with advice of this, to Ptolemy Macron, 
 governor of Ccele-syria and Palestine, on which 
 Judea depended ; and had pressed him, by let- 
 ter, to employ such measures as might best sup- 
 port the interests of their common sovereign in 
 this important conjuncture. Macron had com- 
 municated his advices and letters to Lysias. A 
 resolution was therefore immediately taken, to 
 send an army, of which Ptolemy Macron was 
 appointed generalissimo, into Judea. He ap- 
 pointed Nicanor, his intimate friend, his lieute- 
 nant-general ; sent him before, at the head of 
 20,000 men, with Gorgias, a veteran officer of 
 consummate experience, to assist him. Accord- 
 ingly they entered the country, and were soon | 
 followed by Ptolemy, with the rest of the forces 
 intended for that expedition. The army, after 
 their junction, came and encamped at Emmaus, 
 near Jerusalem. It consisted of 4-0,000 foot and 
 7000 horse. 
 
 ^ Thither also repaired an army of another 
 kind. It consisted of merchants who came to 
 
 he was ridiculously fond, established in their I purchase the slaves, who, it was supposed, would 
 stead. 1 hese commotions occasioned great con- certainly be taken in that war. Nicanor, who 
 fusion with respect to the payments, which till had flattered himself with the hopes of levvine 
 then, had been very regular throughout that large sums of money by this means, sufficient to 
 vast and rich empire, and had always supplied | pay the 2000 talents which the king still owed 
 
 the Komans, on account of the ancient treaty of 
 Sipylus, published a proclamation in the neigh- 
 bouring countries, declaring that all the prison- 
 ers taken in that war should be sold, at the i-ate 
 of ninety for a talent.'* A resolution indeed 
 cut to pieces all the men 
 
 sums sufficient to defray the great expense it 
 was necessary to incur. 
 
 To remedy these grievances,'^ as well as a 
 multitude of others, he resolved to divide his 
 forces into two parts ; to give the command of 
 
 one of his armies to Lysias, descended from the ] had'beVu taken 'to 
 
 0 
 
 J , _ _ „ 
 
 •egul 
 provinces. He 
 
 blood-royal in order that he might subdue the | grown ; to reduce all the rest to a state of cap 
 Jews; and to march the other himself into Ar- tivity; and 180,000 of the latter, at the priS 
 menia, and afterwards into Persia, to regulate I above mentioned, would have sold exactly foi 
 affairs and restore order in those provinces. He [ the sum in question. The merchants, there- 
 accordingly left to Lysias the government of all ; fore, finding this would be a very profitable ar- 
 toe countries on this side the Euphrates ; and i tide to them (as it was a very low price), flocked 
 the care of his son s education, who was then I thither in crowds, and brought considerable 
 
 only seven years old, and who afterwards was 
 called Antiochus Eupator. After passing mount 
 Taurus he entered Armenia, defeated Artaxias, 
 and took him prisoner. He marched from thence 
 into Persia, where he supposed he should have 
 rso other trouble than to receive the tribute of 
 that rich province, and those in its neighbour- 
 hood. He fondly flattered himself that he 
 should there find sums sufficient to fill his 
 cofl'ers, and reinstate all his affairs upon as good 
 a foot as -ever. 
 
 Whilst he was revolving all these projects, 
 Lysias was meditating how he might best put 
 in execution the orders he had left him, espe- 
 cially those which related to the Jews. The 
 king had commanded him to extirpate them, so 
 as not to leave one Hebrew in the country; 
 which he intended to people with other inhabi- 
 
 1 Dan. XI. 24. 8 1 Maccab. iii. 30. 
 
 9 Athen. 1. v. p. 195. 
 10 Dan, xi. 44. ^ Hieron. in hunc locum. 
 11 1 Maccab. iii. 29. 
 12 1 Maccab. iii. 31—60. & iv. 1—2,5. 2 Maccab. viii. 
 v-28. Joseph. Antiq. 1. xii. c. 11. Anpian. in Syr. u, 117 
 Hieron. in Dan. xi. 44. 
 
 brough 
 
 sums with them. We are told that 1000, all of 
 them very considerable mei'chants, arrived in 
 the Syrian camp on this occasion, without in- 
 cluding their domestics, and the persons that 
 would be wanted to look after the captives they 
 intended to purchase. 
 
 Judas and his brethren, perceiving the dan- 
 ger with which they were threatened by the 
 approach of so powerful an army, which they 
 knew had been commanded to extirpate entirely 
 the Jewish nation, resolved to make a very 
 vigorous defence ; to fight for themselves, their 
 law, and their liberty; and either to conquer or 
 die sword in hand. Accordingly, they divided 
 the 6000 men under their command into foui 
 bodies of 1500 men each. Judas put himself at 
 the head of the first, and gave the command oi 
 the three others to his brethren. He afterwards 
 I marched them to Maspha, there to offer to- 
 gether their prayers to God, and to implore his 
 assistance in the extreme danger to which they 
 i were now exposed. He made choice of this 
 
 13 About 300,C00/. sterling. 
 14 A thousand crowas. 
 
536 
 
 HISTORY OF, 
 
 place, because, as Jerusalem was in the hands | with immense booty ; and great numbers ot 
 of their enemies, and the sanctuary trodden those who were come as to a fair, to buy the 
 down, thev could not assemble in it to solem- ! captive Jews, were themselves taken prisoners 
 nize that religious act ; and Maspha seemed the and sold. The next day, being the sabbath, wau 
 fittest place for that purpose, because God was I kept in the most rehgious manner. The He- 
 worshinned there before » the foundation of the brews, on that occasion, gave themselves up to 
 temnle ^ returned a solemn thanksgiving 
 
 Here are now two armies ready to engage ; [ to God for the great and signal deliverance he 
 the numbers on each side very unequal, and the had wrought in their favour, 
 disposition of their minds still more so. They We have here a sensible image of the feeble 
 aeree, however, in one point ; that is, both are ' opposition which an arm of flesh is able to make 
 fii-mlv nersuaded they shall gain the victory; against that of the Almighty, on whom alone 
 
 fii-mly persuaded they shall gain tne victory 
 the one, because they have a mighty army of 
 well-disciplined troops, commanded by brave 
 and experienced generals ; the other, because 
 they put their whole trust in the God of ar- 
 mies. 
 
 After proclamation had been made according 
 to the law,^ that those who had built a house 
 that year, or married a wife, or planted a vine, 
 or were afraid, had liberty to retire ; Judas's 
 6000 men were reduced to half that number. 
 Nevertheless this valiant captain of the people 
 of God, resolutely determined to fight the 
 mighty host of the enemy with only this hand- 
 ful of men, and to leave the issue to Providence, 
 advanced with his few forces, encamped very 
 near the enemy, and told his soldiers, after hav- 
 ing animated them by all the motives which the 
 present conjuncture supplied, that he intended 
 to give the Syrians battle on the morrow, and 
 therefore that they must prepare for it._ 
 
 But receiving advice that same evening, that 
 Gorgias had been detached from the enemy's 
 camp with 5000 foot and 1000 horse, all chosen 
 troops, and that he was marching by a by-way, 
 through which the apostate Jews led him, in 
 order to come and surprise his camp in the 
 night ; he was not satisfied with frustrating that 
 design, but even made use of the very stratagem 
 which the enemy intended to employ against 
 him, and was successful in it ; for, raising his 
 camp immediately, and carrying off all the bag- 
 gage, he marched and attacked the enemy's 
 camp, weakened by the best troops having been 
 detached from it; and spread such terror and 
 confusion into every part of it, that after SOOO 
 Syi'ians had been cut to pieces, the rest fled, 
 and left him the whole plunder of their camp. 
 
 As Gorgias was still to be apprehended, at 
 the head of this formidable detachment, Judas, 
 like a wise captain, kept his troops together, 
 and would not suffer them to straggle about 
 after plunder, or in pursuit of the enemy, till 
 they should have defeated that body also. He 
 was successful, without coming to a battle ; for 
 Gorgias, after failing to meet with Judas in his 
 camp, and having sought for him in vain in the 
 mountains, whither he supposed he had retired, 
 withdrew at last into his camp, and finding it 
 in flames, and the army routed and put to 
 flight, it was impossible for him to keep his 
 soldiers in order; so that these threw down 
 their arms and fled also. Then Judas and the 
 men under his command pursued them vigo- 
 rously, and cut to pieces a greater number on 
 this occasion than they had before done in the 
 camp. Nine thousand Syrians were left dead 
 in the field, and the greatest part of those who 
 escaped were either maimed or wounded. 
 
 After this Judas marched back his soldiers, 
 in order to plunder the camp, where they met 
 
 the fate of battles depends. It is evident that 
 Judas was fully sensible of his own weakness. 
 
 How can we," says he to the Almighty before 
 the battle, " stand before them, unless thou thy- 
 self assistest us ?" And it is as evident that he 
 was no less firmly persuaded of the success of 
 his arms. " The victory," he had said before, 
 " does not depend on the number of soldiers, 
 but it is from Heaven that all our strength 
 comes." But although Judas had so entire a 
 confidence in God, he employs all those expe- 
 dients which the most experienced and bravest 
 general could use, in order to obtain the victory. 
 How excellent a pattern have we here for gene- 
 rals ! to pray with humility, because all things 
 depend on God ; and to act with vigour, as if 
 all things depended on man. — We still possess 
 (thanks to the Almighty) generals who glory 
 in entertaining such thoughts ; and who, at the 
 head of great armies, composed of as brave sol- 
 diers as ever were, as well as of cflBcers and 
 commanders of an almost unparalleled courage 
 and zeal, do not rely on all those human advan- 
 tages, but solely on the protection of the God of 
 armies. 
 
 Judas,^ encouraged by the important victory 
 he had gained, and reinforced by a great num- 
 ber of troops whom this success brought to him, 
 employed the advantage which this gave him to 
 distress the rest of his enemies. Knowing that 
 Timotheus and Bacchides, two of Antiochus's 
 lieutenants, were raising troops to fight him, he 
 marched aeainst them, defeated them in a great 
 battle, and kiUed upwards of 20,000 of their 
 men. 
 
 Lysias hearing of the ill 
 A. M. S839. success which Antiochus's 
 Ant. J. C. 165. arms had met with in Ju- 
 dea,* and the great losses he 
 had sustained in that country, was in great as- 
 tonishment and perplexity. However, know- 
 ing that the king had a strong desire to extir- 
 pate that nation, he made mighty preparations 
 for a new expedition against the Jews. Ac- 
 cordnigly he levied an army of 60,000 foot and 
 5000 horse, all chosen troops, and putting him- 
 self at their head, he marched into Judea, firmly 
 resolved to lay waste the whole country, and to 
 destroy all the inhabitants. 
 
 He encamped at Bethsura, a city standing to 
 the south of Jerusalem, towards the frontiers of 
 Idumsea. Judas advanced towards him at the 
 head of 10,000 men ; and fully persuaded that 
 the Lord would assist him, he engaged the ene- 
 my with this disproportionate body of troops, 
 killed 5000 of them, and put the rest to flight. 
 Lysias, dismayed at the surprising valour of 
 Judas's soldiers, who fought with intrepid cou- 
 rage, determined to conquer or die, led back his 
 
 1 Judges XN 1. 1 Sam. viL 5. 
 
 2 Deut. XX, 5, &c. 1 
 
 3 2 Maccab. viii. 30—33. 
 1 Maccab. iv. 26—35. Joseph. Antiq. 1. xu. c. 11. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 537 
 
 defeated army to Antioch ; intending, never- 
 theless, to come and attack them again the next 
 year witli a still more powerful body of forces. 
 
 Judas,^ being left master of the country by 
 the retreat of Lysias, took advantage of this in- 
 terval of rest, and marched to Jerusalem, where 
 he recovered the sanctuary from the heathens, 
 purified and dedicated it again to the service of 
 God. This solemn dedication continued for 
 eight days, which were spent in thanksgiving I 
 for the deliverance that God had vouchsafed ; 
 them ; and it was ordained that the anniversary 
 of it should be solemnized every year. The 
 neighbouring nations, jealous of the prosperity 
 of the Jews, made a league to destroy them, and 
 resolved to join Antiochus, in order to extirpate 
 that people. 
 
 This prince was then in 
 A. M. 3840. Persia,** levying the tribute 
 Ant. J. C. 164. which had not been paid re- 
 gulaiiy. He was informed 
 that Elymais was thought to abound with 
 riches ; and especially, that in a temple of that 
 city, which according to Polybius was dedicated 
 to Diana, and to Venus according to Appian, 
 prodigious sums were laid up. He went thither 
 with a design to take the city, and plunder the 
 temple, as he had before done to Jerusalem ; but 
 his design having been discovered, the country 
 people and the inhabitants of the city took up 
 arms to defend their temple, and gave him a 
 shameful repulse. Antiochus, enraged at this 
 disgrace, withdrew to Ecbatana. 
 
 To add to this affliction, news was there 
 brought him of the defeat of Nicanor and Ti- 
 motheus in Judea. In the violence of his rage 
 he set out with all possible expedition, in order 
 to make that nation feel the dreadful effects of 
 his wrath ; venting nothing but menaces on his 
 march, and breathing only final ruin and de- 
 struction. Advancing in this disposition to- 
 wards Babylonia, which was in his way, fresh 
 expresses came to him with advice of Lysias's 
 defeat, and also that the Jews had retaken the 
 temple, thrown down the altars and idols which 
 he had set up in them, and re-established their 
 ancient worship. At this news his fury in- 
 creased. Immediately he commands his coach- 
 man to drive with the utmost speed, in order 
 that he might sooner have an opportunity of 
 fully satiating his vengeance; threatening to 
 make Jerusalem the burying-place of the whole 
 Jewish nation, and not to leave one single in- 
 habitant in it. He had scarce uttered that 
 blasphemous expression, when he was struck 
 by the hand of God. He was seized with in- 
 credible pains in his bowels, and the most ex- 
 cessive pangs of the colic. " Thus the murderer 
 and blasphemer," says the author of the Mac- 
 cabees, " having suffered most grievously, as 
 he treated other men, so died he a miserable 
 death." 
 
 But still his pride was not abated by this first 
 shock ; so far from it, that suffering himself to 
 be hurried away by the wild transports of his 
 fury, and breathing nothing but vengeance 
 against the Jews, he gave orders for proceeding 
 with all possible speed in the journey. But as 
 his horses were running forwards impetuously, 
 he fell from his chariot, and thereby bruised, in 
 
 5 1 Maccab. iv. 35—61. and v. 1, 2. 2 Maccab. x. 1—8. 
 Joseph. Antiq. 1. xii. c. 11. 
 
 6 1 Maccab. vi. 1—16, 2 Maccab. ix. 1—29. Polyb. in 
 Excerpt. Vales, p. 143. Appian. in Syr. p. 131. 
 
 a grievous manner, every part of his body ; so 
 that his attendants were forced to put him into 
 a litter, where he suffered inexpressible tor- 
 ments. Worms crawled from every part of 
 him ; his flesh fell away piecemeal ; and the 
 stench was so great, that it became intolerable 
 to the whole army. Being himself unable to 
 bear it, " It is meet,"' says he, " to be subject 
 unto God; and man, who is mortal, should not 
 think of himself as if he were a god. " Acknow- 
 ledging that it was the hand of the God of Is- 
 i-aei which struck him, because of the calamities 
 he had brought upon Jerusalem, he promises to 
 exert the utmost liberality towards his chosen 
 people ; to enrich with precious gifts the holy 
 temple of Jerusalem, which he had plundered • 
 to furnish, from his revenues, the sums neces- 
 sary for defraying the expense of the sacrifices ; 
 to turn Jew himself; and to travel into every 
 part of the world in order to publish the power 
 of the Almighty. He hoped he should calm his 
 wrath by these mighty promises, which the 
 violence of his present affliction, and the fear of 
 future toi-ments, extorted from his mouth, but 
 not from his heart. But, adds the author of 
 the Maccabees, " This wicked person vowed 
 unto the Lord, who now no more would have 
 mercy upon him."^ And indeed this murderer 
 and blasphemer (these are the names v/hich this 
 writer substitutes in the place of illustrious, 
 which men had bestowed on that prince), being 
 struck in a dreadful manner, and treated as he 
 treated others, finished an impious life by a 
 miserable death. 
 
 Before he expired, he sent for Philip, who 
 had been brought up with him from his in- 
 fancy, and was his favourite ; and bestowed on 
 him the regency of Syria during the minority 
 of his son, then nine years of age. He put into 
 his hands the diadem, the seal of the empire, 
 and all the other ensigns of royalty ; exhorting 
 him especially, to employ his utmost endeavours 
 to give him such an education as would best 
 teach him the art of reigning, and of governing 
 his subjects with justice and moderation. Few 
 princes give such instructions to their children 
 till they are near their end : and that, after 
 having set them a quite different example dur- 
 ing their whole lives. Philip caused the king's 
 body to be conveyed to Antioch. This prince 
 had reigned eleven years. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 Prophecies of Daniel relating to Antiochus Epiphanes. 
 
 As Antiochus Epiphanes was a violent per- 
 secutor of the people of God, who formed the 
 Jewish church, and was at the same time the 
 type of the Antichrist, who in after-ages was 
 to afflict the Christian church ; Daniel details 
 much more fully his prophecy respecting this 
 prince, than those which relate to any other ol 
 whom he makes mention. This prophecy con- 
 sists of two parts ; one of which relates to hib 
 
 I 
 
 7 2 Maccab. ix. 12. 8 Ver. 13. 
 
 9 Polybius attests the truth of this, and relates that 
 Antiochus was troubled with a perpetual delirium ; ima- 
 gining that spectres stood continually before him, re- 
 proaching him with his crimes. This historian, who was 
 unacquainted with the Scriptures, assigns as the cause of 
 this punishment, the sacrilegious attempt formed by thi? 
 prince against the temple of Diana ia Elymais. Polyb 
 in Excerpt. Vales, p. 145. 
 
538 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 wars in Egypt, and the other to the persecution 
 carried on by him against the Jews. We shall 
 treat these separately, and unite together the 
 various places where mention is made of them. 
 
 T. The wars of Anliochus Epiphanes against 
 Egypt, foretold hy Daniel the prophet. 
 
 " And in his,"' Seleucus Philopator's, " es- 
 i tate shall stand up a vile person, to whom they 
 shall not give the honour of the kingdom : but 
 he shall come in peaceably, and obtain the king- 
 dom by flatteries." This verse, which points 
 out the accession of Antiochus to the crown, 
 has been already explained. 
 
 " And with the arms of a flood shall they,"^ 
 the Syrians, " be overflown before him," Anti- 
 ochus Epiphanes, " and shall be broken ; yea, 
 also the prince of the covenant." Heliodorus, 
 the murderer of Seleucus and his adherents, as 
 also those of the Egyptian king, who had form- 
 ed designs against Syria, were defeated by the 
 forces of Attains and Eumenes, and dispersed 
 by the arrival of Antiochus, whose presence 
 disconcerted all their projects. By \h.^ prince of 
 the covenant, we may suppose to be meant, ei- 
 ther Heliodorus, the ringleader of the conspira- 
 tors, who had killed Seleucus ; or rather Pto- 
 lemy Epiphanes, king of Egypt, who lost his 
 life by a conspiracy of his own subjects, at the 
 very time that he was meditating a war against 
 Syria. Thus Providence removed this power- 
 ful adversary, to make way for Antiochus, and 
 raise him to the throne. 
 
 It appears that the prophet, in the following 
 verses, points out clearly enough the four differ- 
 ent expeditions of Antiochus into Egypt. 
 
 Antixhus's first expedition into Egypt, 
 
 " And after the league made with him,"^ with 
 Ptolemy Philometor his nephew, king of Egypt, 
 " he shall work deceitfully ; for he shall come 
 up, and shall become strong with a small peo- 
 ple." Antiochus, though he was already deter- 
 mined on the war, still assumed a specious ap- 
 pearance of friendship for the king of Egypt. 
 He even sent Apollonius to Memphis, to be 
 present at the banquet given on occasion of that 
 prince's coronation, as a proof that it was agree- 
 able to him. Nevertheless, soon after, on pre- 
 tence of defending his nephew, he marched into 
 Egypt with a small army, in comparison of 
 those which he levied afterwards. The battle was 
 fought near Pelusium. Antiochus was strong, 
 that is, victorious : and afterwards returned 
 to Tyre. Such was the end of his first expedi- 
 tion. 
 
 Antiochus^ s seco7id edcpedition into Egypt. 
 
 " He shall enter peaceably even upon the fat- 
 test places of the province (Egypt),* and he 
 shall do that which his fathers have not done, 
 nor his fathers' fathers : he shall scatter among 
 them (his troops) the prey and spoil and riches : 
 yea, and he shall forecast his devices against the 
 strong holds, even for a time. 
 
 " And ^ he shall stir up his power and his 
 courage against the king of the South (of Egypt) 
 w^ith a great army, and the king of the South 
 
 1 Dan. xi. 21. 2 Ver. 22. 3 Ver. 23, 
 •i Ver. 24. 5 Ver. 25. 
 
 shall be stirred up to battle with a very great 
 and mighty army ; but he shall not stand, for 
 they shall forecast devices against him." 
 
 " Yea^ they that feed of the portion of his 
 (the king of Egypt's) meat shall destroy him, 
 and his army shall overflow; and many shall 
 fall down slain." 
 
 In these three verses appear the principal 
 characters of Antiochus's second expedition into 
 Egypt ; his mighty armies, his rapid conquests, 
 the rich spoils he carried from thence, and the 
 dissimulation and treachery he began to put in 
 IJractice towards Ptolemy. 
 
 Antiochus, after employing the whole winter j 
 in making preparations foj- a second expedition \ 
 into Egypt, invaded it both by sea and land, the ! 
 instant the season would permit. " Whei'efore 
 he entered into Egypt with a great multitude,' 
 with chariots, and elephants, and horsemen, and 
 a great navy. And made war against Ptolemy, 
 king of Egypt : but Ptolemy was afraid of him, 
 and fled; and many were wounded to death. 
 Thus they got the strong cities in the land of 
 Egypt, and he took the spoils thereof." 
 
 Daniel, some verses after, is more minute 
 and circumstantial in his prophecy of this 
 event. 
 
 " And^ at the time of the end shall the king 
 of the South push at him (Ptolemy is here 
 meant) ; and the king of the North (Antiochus) 
 shall come against him like a whirlwind, with 
 chariots and with horsemen, and with many 
 ships ; and he shall enter into the countries, and 
 shall overflow and pass ovei". 
 
 " He shall enter also into the glorious land,^ j 
 and many countries shall be overthrown : but 
 he shall escape out of his hand. | 
 
 " He shall stretch forth his hand also upon ' 
 the countries,'" and the land of Egypt shall not i 
 escape. ' 
 
 " But he shall have power over the treasures 1 
 of gold and silver," and over the precious things I 
 of Egypt." ! 
 
 If we compare the relation given by the au- ' 
 thor of the Maccabees with Daniel's prophecy, I 
 we find a perfect resemblance, except that the 
 prophet is even more clear and particular than j 
 the historian. i 
 
 Diodorus relates,'^ that Antiochus, after this i 
 victory, conquered all Egypt, or at least the 
 greatest part of it : for all the cities, Alexandria 
 excepted, opened their gates to the conqueror. 
 He subdued Egypt with an astonishing rapidity, 
 and did that " which his fathers had not done,'^ 
 nor his fathers' fathers." 
 
 Ptolemy either surrendered himself, or fell j 
 into the hands of Antiochus, who at first treat- | 
 ed him with kindness ; had but one table with 
 him ; seemed to be greatly concerned for his 
 welfare, and left him the peaceable possession 
 of his kingdom, reserving to himself Pelusium, 
 which was the key of it. For Antiochus as- 
 sumed this appearance of friendship with no 
 other view than to have the better opportunity 
 of ruining him. " They that feed of the por- 
 tion of his meat shall destroy him."'* 
 
 Antiochus did not make a long stay in Egypt 
 at that time ; the news which was brought of 
 
 6 Ver. 26. 7 1 Maccab. 1. 18— £0. 
 
 8 Dan. xi. 40. 9 Ver. 41. 
 
 10 Ver. 11 Ver. 43. 
 
 V2 In Excerpt. Vales, p. 310. 
 13 Dan. xi. 24. 14 Ver. £6. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 539 
 
 the general revolt of the Jews, obliging him to 
 march against them. 
 
 In the mean time, the inhabitants of Alex- 
 andria, offended at Philometor for having con- 
 cluded an alliance with Antiochus, raised Eu- 
 ergetes, his younger brother, to the throne in 
 his stead. 
 
 Antiochus, who had advice of what had pass- 
 ed in Alexandria, took this opportunity to re- 
 turn into Egypt, upon pretext of restoring the 
 dethroned monarch, but in reality to make him- 
 self absolute master of the kingdom. 
 
 Antiochus'' s third exjiedition into Egypt. 
 
 " And both these kings' hearts shall be to do 
 mischief and they shall speak lies at one ta- 
 ble ; but it shall not prosper : for yet the end 
 shall be at the time appointed. 
 
 " Then shall he (Antiochus) return into his 
 land with great riches.'*^" 
 
 Antiochus's third expedition could scarce be 
 pointed out more clearly. That prince, hearing 
 that the Alexandrians had raised Euergetes to 
 the throne, returned to Egypt upon the specious 
 pretence of restoring Philometor : Per honestam 
 speciem majoris Ptolemcei rsducendi in regnum. 
 After having overcome the Alexandrians in a 
 sea-fight at Pelusium, he laid siege to Alexan- 
 dria. But finding the inhabitants made a strong 
 opposition, he was contented with making him- 
 self again master of the rest of Egypt, in the 
 name of his nephew, in whose behalf he pre- 
 tended to have di'awn the swoi'd : Cui regnum 
 ([U(Eri suis viribus simulabatJ^ They were then 
 at Memphis, at the same table, and behaved to- 
 wards one another with all the outward marks 
 of a sincere fi'iendship. The uncle seemed to 
 have his nephew's interest at heart, and the 
 nephew to repose the highest confidence in his 
 uncle ; but all this was mere show and outside, 
 both dissembling their real sentiments. The 
 uncle endeavoured to crush his nephew; Cui 
 regnum quceri suis virihus simulabat,^^ ut mox vic- 
 torem aggredereiur ; and the nephew, who saw 
 through this design, voluntatis ejus non ignarus, 
 strove immediately to be reconciled to his bro- 
 ther. Thus did neither prosper in deceiving of 
 the other ; nothing was yet determined, and 
 Antiochus returned into Syria. 
 
 Antiochus's fourth expedition into Egypt. 
 
 " At the time appointed he shall return and 
 come towards the South,^'' but it shall not be as 
 the former, or as the latter. 
 
 " For the ships of Chittim shall come against 
 him.®^ Therefore he shall be grieved and re- 
 turn, and have indignation against the holy co- 
 venant." 
 
 Advice being brought Antiochus, that the 
 two brothers were reconciled, he threw off the 
 mask, and declared publicly, that he intended to 
 conquer Egypt for himself. And to support 
 his pretensions, " he returned towards the 
 South," that is, into Egypt, but was not so 
 succeesful in this expedition as before. As he 
 was advancing forward to besiege Alexandria,^^ 
 
 15 Dan. xi. 27. 16 Ver. 28. 
 
 17 Liv. 1. xliv. n. 19. 
 18 Liv. 1. xlv. n. 11. Hieron. in Daniel. 
 19 Liv. 1. xlv. n. 11. 20 Dan. xi. 29. 
 
 21 Ver. 30. 22 Liv. ). xlv. n. 10. 
 
 Popilius and the other Roman ambassadors, 
 who were on board a fleet composed of Mace- 
 donian or Greek ships (for this the Hebrew 
 word Chittim signifies), which they found at 
 Delos, obliged him to lay down his arms, and 
 leave Egypt. He obeyed; but " was grieved 
 and returned, and had indignation against the 
 holy covenant," and the city and temple of Je- 
 rusalem, as will be presently seen. 
 
 Had the prophet been eye-witness to this 
 event, would it have been possible for him to 
 point it out in a clearer and more exact maa- 
 ner ? 
 
 II. Cruel persectitions exercised , by Antiochus 
 against the Jeivs, and foretold by the prophet Da- 
 niel. 
 
 I have mentioned and explained, in another 
 place, the account which Daniel the prophet 
 gives of Alexander the Great's reign, and those 
 of his four successors. 
 
 Behold a he-goat came from the West/^ on 
 the face of the whole earth, and touched not the 
 ground." Is it possible to denote more plainly 
 the rapidity of Alexander's conquests? — " The 
 he-goat waxed very great and when he was 
 strong, the great horn was broken ; and for it 
 came up four notable ones towards the four 
 winds of heaven." These are Alexander's four 
 succe.ssors. " And out of one of them came 
 forth a little horn,^^ which waxed exceeding 
 great towards the South, and towards the East, 
 and towards the pleasant land." This is Anti- 
 ochus Epiphanes, who gained sevei'aJ victories 
 towards the South and the East, and who 
 strongly opposed the army of the Lord and the 
 Jewish people, of whom God was the strength 
 and the protector. 
 
 The prophet afterwards points out the war 
 which Epiphanes proclaimed against the people 
 of God, the priests of the Lord, his laws and his 
 temple. 
 
 " And it waxed great, (the horn),^^ even to 
 the host of heaven, and it cast down some of 
 the host, and of the stars to the ground, and 
 stamped upon them. Vea," he magnified him- 
 self even to the prince of the host (to God) : and 
 by him the daily sacrifice was taken away, and 
 the place of his sanctuary was cast down. And 
 a host was given him against the daily sacrifice 
 by reason of transgression,^^ and it cast down 
 the truth to the ground, and it practised and 
 prospered." 
 
 Daniel gave still greater extent to the same 
 prophecy in his eleventh chapter. 
 
 " His heart shall be against the holy cove- 
 nant, and he shall do exploits. — He shall re- 
 turn, and have indignation against the holy co- 
 venant." 
 
 During the siege of Alexandria,''" a report 
 had prevailed that Antiochus was dead, and the 
 Jews had been accused of expressing great joy 
 at it. He thereupon marched to their city, 
 stormed it, and exercised all the barbarity that 
 his fury could suggest. About 40,000 men 
 were killed in the compass of three days,^' and 
 
 23 Dan. viii. 5, 24 Ver. 8. 95 Ver. 9. 
 26 Ver. 10. 27 Ver. 11. 2S Ver. 12. 
 29 Dan. xi. 28—30. 
 
 30 1 Maccab. i. 21—24. 2 Maccab. v. 5—21. Joseph 
 Lib. de Maccab. &c. 
 
 31 We are told in the Maccabees, that it was twice thi- 
 number. 
 
540 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 the same number sold as slaves. Antiochus 
 went into the temple, polluted it, and carried o& 
 all the vessels, treasures, and rich ornaments. 
 
 After Popilius had forced him to leave 
 Egypt,' he turned the fury with which he was 
 inflamed upon that occasion against the Jews. 
 He sent Apollonius into Judea, with orders to 
 kill all the men capable of bearing arms, and to 
 sell the Avomen and children. Accordingly, 
 Apollonius made dreadful havoc in Jerusalem, 
 set fire to the city, beat down the walls, and 
 carried the women and children into captivity. 
 
 " He shall return,*^ and have intelligence 
 with them that forsake the holy covenant. And 
 ai'ras shall staTid on his part, and they shall pol- 
 lute the sanctuary of strength, and shall take 
 away the daily sacrifice, and they shall set up 
 the abomination that maketh desolate. And 
 such as do wickedly against the covenant, shall 
 he corrupt by flatteries. 
 
 Antiochus declared openly for all those who 
 should renounce the law.^ Having published 
 an ordinance, by which all the Jews in general 
 were commanded, upon pain of death, to change 
 their religion, he sent some officers to Jerusa- 
 lem, ordering them to pollute the temple, and 
 abolish the worship of the Most High. They 
 accordingly dedicated this temple to Jupiter 
 Olympius, and placed his statue in it. They 
 raised in every part of the city profane temples 
 and altars, where they forced the Jews to ofi'er 
 sacrifices, and eat of meats sacrificed to idols. 
 Many, from the dread of the torture, seemed to 
 comply in all things required of them ; and 
 even prompted others to imitate their dissimu- 
 lation in order so countenance their base apos- 
 tacy. 
 
 " And such as do wickedly against the cove- 
 nant,* shall he (Antiochus) corrupt by flatter- 
 ies : but the people that do know their God, 
 shall be strong and do exploits." This mani- 
 festly points at old Eleazar, the seven Macca- 
 bees, and their mother, and a great number of 
 other Jews, who courageously opposed the im- 
 pious orders of the king. 
 
 " And they that understand among the peo- 
 ple,^ shall instruct many ; yet they shall fall by 
 the sword, and by flame, by captivity, and by 
 spoil, many daj's." This relates chiefly to Mat- 
 tathias and his sons. 
 
 " Now when they shall fall,® they shall be 
 holpen with a little help : but many shall cleave 
 to them with flatteries." Mattathias and Ju- 
 das Maccabeus supported the distressed nation, 
 and the almost universally abandoned religion, 
 with so small a number of forces, that we can 
 consider the success which the Almighty gave 
 their arms no otherwise than as a miracle. 
 Their troops grew m.ore numerous by degrees, 
 and afterwards formed a very considerable 
 body. 
 
 " And some of them of understanding shall 
 fall,^ to try them, and to purge, and to make them 
 white, even to the time of the end, because it is 
 yet for a time appointed." The sufi'erings and 
 death of those who steadfestly refused to obey 
 the king's decree, was their glory and triumph. 
 
 " And the king shall do according to his will,** 
 
 1 1 Maccab. i. 30—34. 2 Maccab. v. 24—26. 
 2 Dan. xi. 30—32. 
 3 J Maccab. i. 43, gic. 2 Maccab. iv. 7, &c. vi. 1, Sec. 
 4 Dan. xi. 32. 5 Ver. 3.3. 
 
 6 Ver. 34. 7 Vtr. 35. 8 Ver. 36. 
 
 and he shall exalt himself, and magnify himself 
 above every god, and shall speak marvellous 
 things against the God of gods, and shall pros- 
 per till the indignation (of God) be accomplish- 
 ed : for that that is determined shall be done. 
 
 " Neither shall he regard the god of his fa- 
 thers,^ nor the desire of women, nor i-egard 
 any god : for he shall magnify himself above 
 all." 
 
 Epiphanes ridiculed all religions. He plun- 
 dered the temples of Greece, and wanted to rob 
 that of Elymais.'" He exercised his impious 
 
 9 Dan. xi. 37. 
 
 10 It is difficult to conceive that the king mentioned in 
 the verses quoted in the text, is Antiochus Epiphanes. 
 It seems rather more applicable to the Romish Antichrist, 
 who is described as " sitting in the temple of God, as op- 
 posing and exalting himself above all that is called God, 
 or that is worshipped ; and showing liirr.self that he is 
 God." 2 Thess. ii. 4. This cannot a^ply to Antiochus 
 Epiphanes, who worshipped the gods of his ancestors, the 
 gods of Greece ; and enjoined all his sul)jects, and amongst 
 the rest the Jews, to do the same. It is not true, like- 
 wise, that he did not regard the di'sire of women ; if by 
 that phrase be meant the desire to have women, or wives, 
 for Antiochus was married and begat children ; one o( 
 whom, Antiochus Eupator, succeeded him, though a 
 minor. He was, besides, much addicted to uncleanness ; 
 being an open adulterer, having a prostitute to whom he 
 was much attached, and to whom he assigned the revenues 
 of Tarsus and Mallos, cities in Cilicia, for a suitable main- 
 tenance. 
 
 This description can only agree to the Romish Anti. 
 Christ and the clergy of the papal church, on whom 
 celibacy, and abstemiousness from all sexual intercourse, 
 is strictly enjoined. Besides this, the learned Stanley Ta 
 ber, in his Dissertations on the Prophecies, has clearlj 
 proved that the expression, tfie desire of women, does 
 not signify the desire to have women, or wives, but that 
 which women desire to have — namely, the Messiah j and 
 that this passage is parallel with that of the prophet 
 Haggai, chap. ii. ver. 7., where Christ is called " the De- 
 sire of aU nations." The Jewish women must of course be 
 meant, as Messiah was to come of the tribe of Judah, as 
 they, and they only, could nourish such a desire. Now, 
 if by the Desire of women the Messiah be understood, this 
 part of the prediction cannot apply to Antiochus Epipha. 
 nes, as the Desire of all nations and of the Jewish women, 
 was not then come. Now, the Romish Antichrist is re- 
 presented as the grand adversary of the Messiah, under 
 the character of the beast who made war with the saints— 
 as the scarlet coloured whore who was drunk with the 
 blood of saints and martyrs. He who arrogates to himself 
 the worship due to the Messiah, and who persecutes to 
 the death all those who worship him, and who refuse to 
 worship the beast or his image, is he who may be justly 
 said to hate him who was the Desire of women — the 
 Messiah. 
 
 Now, this can by no means apply to Antiochus Epi- 
 phanes. Our author, in interpreting this prediction, says 
 that Antiochus ridiculed all religions, because he plun- 
 dered the temples of Greece, and attempted to rob that 
 of Elymais ; as if this were to be received as an interpre- 
 tation of the prediction. No one can infer from the 
 prediction that any thing like that of plundering pagan 
 temples was intended; and besides, he did not plunder 
 the temples of Greece, as he was never there, like his fa- 
 ther Antiochus the Great. How God can be said to in- 
 flict judgments on men for plundering heathen temples, 
 the abodes of fraud and imposture, I cannot see. He 
 had, indeed, plundered the temple of the true God at 
 Jerusalem ; but in this he was no worse than Jason and 
 Menelaus, the high-priests of that very temple, who had 
 plundered it themselves, which was much worse sacrilege 
 in them than in liim — who being a profligate pagan 
 prince, could not possibly be supposed to have the same 
 sentiments of veneration and respect for that sanctuary 
 as its high-priests, its official guardians, .should be sup- 
 posed to have had. The plundering of temples was quite 
 a common thing in those days, by the generals of invad- 
 ing and conquering armies ; as generally the wealth of the 
 district or country was deposited in them as places of 
 safety, and as the'acquisition of monied plunder was the 
 great end which such conquerors had in view. 
 
 Polybius, in agreement with the genius of his pagan 
 creed, ascribes his miserable death to the vengeance of 
 ofi'ended heaven, for his sacrilegious attempt to rob the 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 541 
 
 fury chiefly against Jerusalem and the Jews, 
 and almost Avithout any resistance. The Al- 
 mighty seemed to wink for a time at all the 
 abominations which were committed in his 
 
 temple of Elymais ; whilst Josephus, in agreement with 
 his Jewish creed, ascribes it to his sacrilegious plundering 
 that of Jerusalem, and his profanation of the holy place ; 
 and certainly with far more colour of reason, as the con. 
 science of the afflicted prince reproached him with the 
 fact, and aggravated the horror of his dying moments. 
 But the question stiU returns, is this a just interpretation 
 of the two verses of the prophet, cited by our author, as 
 actually corresponding to the prediction ? Our author's 
 interpretation v/ould have much better suited the charac- 
 ter of the Great Fredericli king of Prussia, than that of ' 
 Antiochus, as he in reality ridiculed all rehgions and be- 
 lieved in none — being a notorious infidel and materialist, 
 lived apart from his wife, and never had any progeny. 
 
 The great error of our author, and of many commen- 
 tators even of great name, lies in supposing the subject of 
 the predicate of a continued series of predictions to be 
 one and the same; whereas, nothing is more certainly 
 false. In the predictions concerning the Messiah, though 
 he be the glorious subject predicated in them aU, and 
 therefore one and the same, yet in those very predictions 
 he is presented under such different aspects that the Jews 
 could not believe him to be one and the same person 
 spoken of; and in agreement with this notion, imagined 
 that there were either to be two Messiahs, or only viewed 
 those predictions of him that described bim as a trium- 
 phant conqueror, and applied the other parts to another 
 person. From the 13th verse of the fitty-second to tlie 
 end of the fifty-third chapter of the prophecies of Isaiah, 
 we have a continued series of predictions concerning the 
 Messiah, in his humiliated and exalted character, where 
 the subject of the various predicates is so clearly one and 
 the same that it is next to impossible to mistake, now that 
 we have seen the exact accomplishment of that celebrated 
 prophetical chapter, and the exact harmony of the event 
 with the prediction. But in other predictions the same 
 unity of subject is not preserved. Different predictions 
 of different events are, as it were, mingled together, and 
 that in such a way as to lead the most of readers to believe 
 that they refer to the same thing, and that there is no 
 change of subject; as, for instance, in the predictions 
 concerning Solomon and Christ, where, in the same chap- 
 ter, things are apparently predicted concerning Solomon 
 that cannot possibly belong to him, but to another, who 
 Was to be both David's Son and David's Lord ; as also in 
 those respecting the destruction of Jerusalem, where sev- 
 eral things are, as it were, thrown in which belong to a 
 much more awful and important event— the final perdi- 
 tion ot the ungodly. 
 
 This being a well known fact, that sudden transitions are 
 quite common in prophecy, or an abrupt transition from 
 one subject to another, 1 take this eleventh chapter of Daniel 
 to be one instance of such transitions, amongst many more 
 that might have been produced- In the beginning of that 
 chapter, a series of successive events, beginning from the 
 epoch of the Persian empire, and reaching down to the 
 desolation of the sanctuary by Antiochus Epiphanes, is 
 uttered ; and which, in my opinion, terminates at the 35th 
 verse. This series of predicted events, therefore, contains 
 the expedition of Xerxes against Greece— the destruction 
 of the Persian empire by Alexander the Great — the di- 
 vision of his empire subsequent to his death, into four 
 states, amongst which were those of Syria and Egypt, as 
 being the most powerful and intimately connected with 
 the political state of the Jews— then the successive reigns 
 of Antiochus the Great, his son Seleucus, and then of 
 Antiochus Epiphanes — whose predicted history is continu- 
 ed to the end of the chapter, according to our author, 
 and to those of the Ancient Universal History, both 
 of whom herein follow the current opinion of commenta- 
 tors. 
 
 Others, to whose opinion I assent, think that there is a 
 change of subject in the 36th verse — the prediction con- 
 cerning Antiochus Epiphanes, and the deplorable state 
 of the Jew.<;, terminating at the verse immediately pre- 
 ceding. The copulative and, which commences the 36th 
 verse, does not necessarily denote the unity of the subject 
 of the predicate, or that it is the same individual person, 
 Antiochus Epiphanes, v.'ho is still spoken of. It often 
 marksonly a transition from one subject to another. It will 
 then be asked, to what person do the words commencing 
 the 36th verse. And the king, refer ? I conceive it to re- 
 fer to the little horn that came up among the ten horns 
 of the fourth beast, or Roman empire, which horn had 
 eyes like those of a man, and a mouth speaking great 
 things ; the horn whose look v.'as more stout than that of 
 
 temple, till his wrath against his people was aa- 
 tisfted. 
 
 " But tidings out of the East," and out of the 
 North, shall trouble him : therefore he shall go 
 
 11 Dan. XI. 44. 
 
 his fellows, the horn that made war with the saints of the 
 Most High (literally in the Chaldee, Elionin, the Most 
 High Ones) and prevailed against them. Until the An. 
 cient of Days came, the horn that should speak great 
 words against the Most High, should wear out the saints 
 of the Most High, and think to change times and laws, 
 and into whose hands the saints should be given until a 
 time, times, and half a time. This horn I consider to be 
 the king mentioned by Daniel in the 36th verse of the 
 eleven chapter, who " shall do according to his will ; shall 
 exalt himself, and magnify himself above every god, 
 ehall speak marvellous things against the God of gods 
 (the great God, or the Most High), and who shall pros- 
 per till the indignation (the time of the indignation) be 
 accomplished : for that that is determined shall be done." 
 
 Now, Antiochus Epiphanes was, in several, but not in 
 all respects, a type of this great Antichristian king who 
 shall appear towards the end of the indignation ; inas- 
 much, as this Syrian king was also, originally, a little 
 horn that came out of one of the four horns of the Gre- 
 cian monarchy ; a horn which waxed exceeding great to- 
 wards the South (Egypt), and the pleasant land (Pales- 
 tine) ; a horn which made war against God's chosen peo- 
 pie, prevailed against them even till he took the holy city, 
 defiled the temple, set up the abomination that maketh 
 desolate, even the altar, statue, and worship, of the Olym. 
 plan Jupiter, in the sanctuary ; and took away the daily 
 sacrifice (that is, the morning and evening sacrifice of two 
 lambs). In these respects Antiochus Epiphanes was a 
 type of the great Antichristian king of the seventh chapter, 
 and of the king in the S6th verse of the eleventh chapter. 
 Daniel, therefore, having delineated, in the spirit of pro. 
 phecy, the character of Antiochus Epiphanes in the eighth 
 chapter, and in the eleventh chapter, verses til — 3.5, in- 
 clusive, passes at once to a description of the antitype— 
 the little horn of the seventh chapter, and here described 
 as a king, and as the king of the North, like his predeces- 
 sor in enmity to the Most High and the holy people. I 
 do not presume to say who or what he shall be. l hat is 
 hid in the womb of futurity ; but I may venture to say 
 that he shall not appear till the end of the indignation, or 
 immediately before the commencement of the Millenium, 
 which shall begin subsequent to his destruction. 
 
 Those who understand this king described from the 36th 
 verse to the end of the chapter, of Antiochus Epiphanes, 
 are compelled, consistently with such a hypothesis, to un- 
 derstand the expedition and conquests of this king from 
 the 40th verse to the 43d, inclusive, of his second or 
 third expeditions into Egypt. But this cannot be, as it is 
 expressly stated that this victorious expedition shall be at 
 the time of the end. "What end.'— not the end of Anti- 
 ochus' life and reign. Nor is it the end of the Roman 
 empire, as Newton and others imagine — making the king 
 of the South the Saracens, and the king of the North the 
 Turks ; whilst the Him, or Roman empire, is made, with 
 them, the subject predicated, as being pushed at by the 
 one and invaded by the otlier — for the Roman empire no 
 longer existed under that name in the days of Moham- 
 med, but under that of the Greek empire ; and it is no. 
 toriously absurd to make two events nigh 900 years distant 
 to be predicted in the 40th verse, whereas the events bhere 
 foretold are evidently contemporaneous ; and it is stil 
 more so, to say that the conquest of Egypt by Sultan Se- 
 lim, in \5\1, was at the time of the end of the Roman 
 empire— for Constantinople, the head of the Greek or 
 Eastern empire, had been taken more than 70 years be- 
 fore, and Egypt had ceased to be either a Roman or Greek 
 province for nigh 900 years. Those who understand it of 
 Antiochus' expedition into Egypt forget themselves; for 
 though he invaded and overran Egypt four several times, 
 he did not make a complete conquest of it, nor reside in 
 it— Alexandria, the capital, still held out. Like the As- 
 syrian, he overflowed Egypt to the neck like a sweeping 
 deluge; but it was hasty and transient, the head, like 
 Alexandria, was still above water, and, therefore, the 
 political existence of Egypt still remained. Nay, what is 
 more, he was com[)eUed by tlie Romans, or the ships ol 
 Chittim, to abandon Egypt altogether ; therefore, he was 
 grieved, and returned with great indignation. 
 
 We are further told, that the king of the North should 
 remain in possession of Egypt, and the neighbouring coun 
 trits to the West and South, till tidings from the JSorlJ 
 
542 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 forth n ith grec.t fury to destroy, and utterly to 
 make away many." 
 
 Antiochus was troubled when news was 
 brought him, that the provinces of the East, and 
 
 and from tlie Ea^t should make him rotuvn Now, thii 
 Caimot at all apply to Aiitiochus's return ; for the ships 
 ; of Cliittim came tVom the West, and the liomau amba-sa- 1 
 dor, Fopiluis L?jna>, commanded him., even on Egyptian 
 ground, to leave Egypt, which he did in a most pusil- 
 lanimous manner. "'Such an interpretation makes the 
 prophet repeat, w;th>>i;t any api>arent necessity for so do- 
 ing, what he had before said from the -1st to the ;\")th 
 verse, over and above tlie gross contradiction in making 
 him leave Egypt on account of bad tidings from the North 
 and the E;istVwhilst the prophet expressly declares that it 
 was the ships of Clnttim, or the West, that made him re- 
 turn. 
 
 The end, therefore, is that of the ind'gnation, the end 
 mentioned in the twelfth chapter, wi en Mich.iel, the 
 strong Prince, should stand up for Daniels countrymen ; 
 the end of the time, times, and halt a tune, when the in- 
 I dignatioii should be aecomphshed; in short, the end nf 
 i the reign of the Antichristian bea-t. It is there predicted, 
 I that at" sucli a time, or a little before it, the king of the 
 I South (EsTvpt^ (.Egypt, t'nerefore, shall, at that tunc, be 
 I an independent monarcliy) shall push at him; the Anti- 
 christian. ki lt;, described iVom tlie Soth to the 3;,Hh rerse, 
 here calletl the king of the North, shall come against liim 
 like a whirlwind, with chariots, and horsemen, and wiiu 
 many ships (th's king, therefore, shall also be a povv-en'ul 
 maritime prince) ; and he shall enter into the countries, 
 and shall overflow, and pass ever ^like a rapid and mighty 
 flood). He shall also enter into the glorious land (.Pales- 
 tine),' and many countries shall he overthrow (he shall 
 go from conquest to conquest). But these shall escape 
 out of his hand, even Edom and Moab, and the chief of 
 the children of Animon. Not that these shall then be 
 known as siicii, or have the same political existence as 
 durini: the limes of the Old Testament. Though these 
 people h .ve long ceased to have any political existence, 
 vet their descendents, though lilended with the Arabs of 
 the desert, stiil exist ; and though not visible to the eye 
 of man, are still visible in the eye of Omniscieece. These 
 shall eseajie, for the Arabs thcii, as now, sha 1 itiU retain 
 their independence. 
 
 He .-hall s;retch his li.and also over the countries, and 
 the land of Egy;)! shall not escape. But he .-hall have 
 power over the treasures of gold and silver, and over all 
 the precious thins,'s of Egypt; all the y^•ealtll of Egypt, of 
 whatever kind, si.all be his, and tiie Libyans (the people 
 of Barea and Cvrene, on the west of Egypt) and the 
 Ethiopians (net tlie Abyssinians, but the people of Nubia, 
 Don>;ola, and Sennaar, alengst the course of the Nile to 
 the frontiers of the high mountainous country of Habbcsh, 
 or Abyssinia) shall be at his steps. Having made a per- 
 manent and thorough cenquest of Egypt, with the coui:- 
 tries above described, he shall fix his residence there till 
 tidings out of the North and out of the East shall cause 
 h\m to return, being troubled at these news. Therefore, 
 he shall go forth (out of Egypt) with great fury, utterly to 
 destroy a"nd make awe.v ma.ny. 
 
 I would now ask any serious, sensible, and well inform- 
 ed reader, if all these predicted circumstances can possilily 
 agree to Antiochus Epiphanes? Did lie make a permanent 
 thorough conquest of Egypt ? Is the king here mentioned 
 represented as making more than one successful expedi- 
 tion ? Did Antiochus conquer the people of Libya and 
 Ethiopia? Did he, like Ismael Pashaw, sail up the Nile 
 to Sennaar ? Were all the African or Arab tribes of that 
 extensive intervening tract, or those to the west of Egypt, 
 at his command? 1 defy any commentator to show me, 
 from ancient history, tliat such was the fact respecting 
 Antiochus Epiphanes. If they shall establish such a fact, 
 I shall then bow assent, not otherwise. 
 
 Now, what say our author and the learned gentlemen 
 of the Ancient 'Universal History, respecting the tidings 
 out of the East and out of the North, that should trouble 
 this king ? It was the revolt of Artaxias, king of Arme- 
 nia, and the revolt of the Persians (of the Parthi uis, say 
 others, who know not that these had revolted nigh a ccn- 
 turv previous), that made him set out with great fury, to 
 destroy and utterly to make away many. Even cur au- 
 thor q'uotes Tacitus to show tiiat it was the revolt of the 
 ' Parthians, that induced him to go forih, subsequent to his 
 decree of compelling the Jews to worsidp the gods of the 
 Greeks. Rolhn could not but know that Tacitus, who 
 was no contemporary historian, but who flourished thrtC 
 centuries posterior to this event, was guilty of a gross an- 
 achronism in making the revolt of the Parthians subse- 
 quent to the return of Antiochus Epiphanes from Egypt. 
 
 Artaxiiis king of Armenia towards the North, 
 were in arms, and going to throw off his yoke- 
 Tacitus' tells us, that when Antiochus had 
 formed a resolution to force the Jews to change 
 
 1 Antiochus demere superstitionem ct mores GriECO- 
 rum dare adnixus, quominus teterrimam gentem in me- 
 lius mutaret, Parthorum beUo prohibitus est: nani ed j 
 tempestate Arsaces defecerat. Taeit. 1. v. c. 8. i 
 
 Antiochus the Great, the father of this very prince, had ' 
 made an unsucce^sful war with them many years before, 
 and had been compelled to recognize their independency : 
 This our author had already related in his history of that ' \ 
 sovereign. How came lie,' therefore, to ijuote from Ta- j 
 citus what he knew to be false, to be a gross blunder on 
 the part of that writer? This is, at least, a most injudi- | 
 cious quotation. Three points are here to be consider- ! 
 ed :— the iei-miniis a quo, or poi.)t of departure— the 
 intention of the expedition— and, tinaily, its result. 
 The terminus a quo of the prophet is Egypt— that of our 
 author, and those who embraie his opinieii, is Antioch, 
 the capital of Syria, and must be so, as history relates the 
 fact. Now, this departure from Antioch was, at least, 
 three years subscquer.t to his depaiture from Egypt. Dis- 
 .':ppointed in his design of subjugating Egypt, I'ly Roman 
 imerfcrenee, he venteti his rage on the unhappy Jews : 
 plundered their temple, and set up the abomination of 
 desolation, which lasted three years and a half, (ill it was 
 cleansed by Judas iMaccabeus, about the time of his death. 
 Unless we' except the expeditions made against the re- 
 fractory Jews, imder the command of Ins generals, Anti- 
 ochus remained in peace at Antioch, and solemnized there 
 a grand mock festival in imitation of a Koman rriumph ; | 
 tiU the revolt of Artaxias, and the want of money, which | 
 had been foolishly squandered in his games at Antioch, | 
 compelled him to 'set out from thence, to punish the one | 
 for his revolt, and gather the arrears of tribute due him | 
 in Elyniais ai'id iMedia. Now, as the terminus of depar- j 
 tore 'was not Egypt, hut Antioch— so the terminus ad j 
 quern was not to "the North, but to the East, namely, the ' 
 Euphrates. It was not till he had crossed that stre-m that i 
 he could be said to turn to the North, and enter Armenia, > 
 which, lies to the north of Mesopotamia, not of Syria j 
 Now, in the prophet Daniel, the bad tidings from the , 
 North and from the East were to reach the king mention- | 
 ed as having conquered Egypt, during his residence there; 
 whereas, the bad tidings reached -\ntiochus, not when in 
 Egypt, but some three or four years after, and at Antioch, 
 in fyria. 
 
 The progress of the king, meiitiomd by the prophet, 
 is from South to N''rth, and th.it with his whole army — 
 or from Egypt to the glorious land, or P.destine ; where- 
 as, Antiochus ma'ched from Antioch to the East, and 
 that not with his \shole army, but only part of it, as lie 
 had sent Lysias with b(i,Ut.O men to the South, or Pales- 
 tine, against the revolted Jlws. The issue ot the expcdi- 
 tion against Artaxias proved successful, and in so far does 
 not suit the prediction at all His attempt on a pagan 
 temple, to pillage its treasures wiih a detachment of men, 
 wherein he was shamefully baiilcd, cannot, so properly 
 speaking, be called a war or an expetiition, as the act of a 
 freebooter, and cannot therefore suit the prediction. 
 
 \N e are further told by the prophet, that in his march 
 towards the North and towards the Ea>t, from whence the 
 bad tidings had come~lie shall plant the tabernacles of his 
 palace between the seas in the glorious holy mountain. 
 There can be no reasonable doubt b"ut the holy land is meant, j 
 which lay norih of Egypt, and just in the hue of march ; but | 
 what particular mountain is thus designated 1 pretend not i 
 to say, but the two seas are evidently the Mediterranean ami 
 the Dead Sea, or rather, (lerhaps, t'he Red Sea. Now, what 
 says our author respecting this part of the prediction ? " He 1 
 shali pl.uit the tabernacles ot his palace [in Apadno] be- j 
 tween the seas in the glorious holy mountain [ofZabi] ; yet \ j 
 he shall come to his end, and none shall help him." Here j 
 our author takes tlie words Apadno and Zabi to be hames of 1 
 lilaces where Antiochus should encamp. These words have 
 no place in our version, Apadno being translated his palace, ' 
 and Zabi by glorious. The term Apadno is retained both 
 in the ^^eptuagint and tliC N'ulgate, as a proper name, arid 
 our author has followed them bolh in his quotation. In 
 the \'ulgate, Zat)i is translated Iiich/tus, rcnotv/u-il, or tr- 
 ctilcnt ; and is generally translated 'ornaincnt, although in 
 Daniel viii. P. i't is rendered strength, both by the Septua 
 gint and Vulgate. Apadno, instead of being regarded as a 
 proper name^ lias, by Hebrew Lexicographers, been rcn- 
 dered his garment, "dominion, or camp. But Buxtort 
 translates it, in his Lexicon, thus; Palutium seu, Augus 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 543 
 
 their religion, and embrace that of the Greeks, 
 the Parthians had revolted from Antiochus. 
 Before he set out for the provinces on the other 
 side of the Euphrates,^ he gave Lysias, vi'hom 
 
 2 1 Maccab. iii. 31—39. 
 
 talc ejus : his palace, or royal tent ; and quotes Jer. xliii. 
 10. where it is said " he shall spread his royal pavilion 
 (Apadno) over them which passage is thus given ir: the 
 Targum, " He shall spread Apadne over them." The 
 Hebrew verb apad signifies to adorn the body with rai- 
 ment, and the substantive epkod, or apudah, an orna- 
 mental garment, or robe of state— Apadno denotes, there- 
 fore, something precious, the state of a king or other 
 person of rank ; and, as it is a militai-y expedition that is 
 here predicated, Apadno must, in this place, denote the 
 royal camp, and not the name of a place as RoUin sup. 
 poses ; aikd our translation is perfectly correct in not re- 
 taining Apadno and Zabi as proper names, but in trans- 
 lating them as common words. Such a camp as that men- 
 
 • tioned above requires a number of tents, placed in due 
 order, with the roy?.l tent or pavilion in the centre. He 
 
 I shall spread the tents of his camp, is the real meaning of 
 the phrase. Where ? In the glorious holy mountain be- 
 tween the seas ; namely, the Mediterranean and Red seas. 
 
 KoUin makes Zabi the name of the mountain where the 
 camp should be spread— mount Zabi, which, in our ver- 
 sion, is rendered adjectively, and not as the name of the 
 mountain. . 
 
 If you ask at our author what mountain corresponds, 
 in ancient geography, to mount Zabi, he will tell you that 
 it is doubtless the same place with Taba, where, according 
 to Folybius, Antiochus died. This is a piece of geogra- 
 phical information quite new, in two respects ; first, that 
 
 I there is any such mountain as Zabi, and, secondly, that 
 It is identical with the obscure village of Talis, or Taba. 
 He first assumes and then proves. Even though the as. 
 sumption were true, that there was such a mountain so 
 •^Ued, it will not follow that it was identical with Taba2, 
 but on the hypothesis that Antiochus Epiphanes was really 
 the subject of this prediction. We have heard of Arma. 
 geddon, or the mountain of Megiddo, (for, if there be the 
 valley of Megiddo, there must also be the mountain .so 
 called, as valley and mountain are mutually relative 
 things,) but we never heard of mount Zabi. If there be 
 such a mountain, and if such a mountain be identified 
 with Taba?, then the seas of tliepropnel, between which 
 it is placed, must be the Casiiian sea and the Persian gulf. 
 Further, if mount Zabi be TdbsB, and both be the pre. 
 dieted place of the de.ath of Antiochus, according to Rol. 
 lin, what is the consequence ? It is plainly this, that he 
 died in his march, not against Artaxias and the Persians, 
 asRoUin would have it, or in his march to the north and 
 to the east, as Daniel says, but in a direction quite con- 
 trary ; namely, to the south and to the west, and against 
 a quite contrary enemy from the Armenians and Per- 
 sians, namely, the revolted Jews. 
 
 Even Taba, or Tabs, is so obscure a place that it is not 
 mentioned by either Strabo, Pliny, or Ptolemy, so that it 
 is impossible to fix its site any other way than from the 
 narrative itself, as it is told in Polybius. After his repulse 
 at Kunghevar in Elymais, he retreated to Ecbatana in 
 Media, where he received the news of the defeat of his 
 generals by the revolted Jews, which so enraged him that 
 he set out directly from that city with all possible expedi- 
 tion homewards. Further bad tidings reaching him on 
 ihe road, he was still more enraged, and, in his impatience 
 to get home, he fell out of his chariot, and was so bruised 
 as to be unable to be carried any other way than in a 
 litter. But even this would not do. Unable, from ex. 
 treroe pain in his bowels, to travel any farther, he was 
 obliged to halt at the place mentioned above, where he 
 
 I died in great agony. 
 
 j Now this city, or village, is plainly oti the route from 
 I Ecbatana south-west to the Tigris. As the road thither 
 I is through a mountainous range of great breadth, called 
 ! Zagros, it is clear that such a road abounding in inequali- 
 j ties, 'IS a mountain road must necessarily do, would be 
 very incommodious for carriages of any kind, and the ex- 
 I I cessive jolting of his chariot along a rugged and uneven 
 j path, could not fail of increasing the disorder in his bowels 
 to such a degree as to render him altogether unable to 
 proceed farther. Hence, his halt and death at Tabre. 
 Hence, it is clear that this obscure place stood somewhere 
 in the road, amongst the mountains separating Media 
 from Assyria, called Babylonia. 
 
 It could not have been in Persia, as Polybius says ; for 
 that country lay quite out of the way from Ecbatana to 
 the Tigris and Babylonia : nor could it be in Parcetacene 
 
 [ he appointed regent of the kingdom in his ab- 
 j sence, half his army ; commanding him to ex- 
 tirpate all the Jews, and to settle other nations 
 in their country. 
 
 as Curtius says, if that mountainous tract, accordmg to I 
 Ptolemy, divided the whole of Media from Persia, as tbat j 
 is also equally out of the way. It must, therefore, have | 
 stood somewhere in the range of Zagros, to the south-west j i 
 of Ecoatana, on the direct road from that place to the Ti. 
 gris and Babylon ; and, we may be perfectly sure, that, I 
 in the rage and haste which actuated Antiochus, he would 
 not take the very circuitous road of Persia, but ihe one 
 that would conduct him soonest to Anlioch. This is all 
 
 I that can be said of Tabas — a jjlace so obscure, that, had it 
 not been mentioned by Polybius, the Maccabees, and Por- 
 phyry, as the concluding scene of the la:-t agonies of the 
 
 ! dying prince, we would never have either read or heard 
 
 j of it at all. 
 
 Zabi, therefore, is not a proper name, but an epithet 
 I applied to that mountain where the collected army of the 
 ■ last, or Roman, or perhaps infidel antichrist, shall be ! 
 encamped, and where the final conflict that shall ter. I 
 minate the indignation shall take place ; and the place 
 I of Antiochus' death does not at all suit the predic- | 
 \ tion, as he died in his march, not against the Arme- | 
 j nians and Persians, but in that against the Jews — not | 
 in his progress to the north and the east, but in Jiis 
 way to the south-west, directly contrary to the prediction 
 — not in the glorious holy mountain between the seas, but 
 in an inland tract several hundred miles from any sea— 
 not at the head of a numerous host in martial array, but 
 in a small, pitiful village, and apparently with few atten. 
 dsnts. The tidings that produced his hasty march and 
 violent death, did not come from the north and from the 
 east, but from the south and from the west — not from 
 Armenia and Persia, but from Palestine and Syria. The 
 prophet declares that these bad tidings should reach this 
 king, this antichristian monarch, while in Egypt; but tl.e 
 bad news reached Antiochus, not in Egypt, but in Media ; 
 not in Alexandria, but in Ecbatana. What is the great 
 reason that inductd Rollin to apply the prediction of the 
 last verse to the march of Antiochus beyond the Euphra- 
 tes, and his subsequent death ? The opinion of Porphyry 
 and that of the greatest part of interpreters. Therefore, 
 says he, we ought to be satisfied with it. Because they 
 thought so ; ergo, we should do so too ; be of the same 
 opinion. Most conclusive reasoning to be sure! If we 
 could but suppose that their interpretations were infalli- 
 ble, we would be bound, in this case, to bring our reason 
 to the obedience of faith, and rest satisfied. 'I'his is much 
 of a piece with the opinion of certain theologians, who, 
 besotted with a foolish admiration of Christian antiquity, 
 proclaim the Fathers of the Church to be the best exposi.. 
 tors of Scripture; and who, provided they can get a ma. 
 jority of Fathers on their side, in expounding certain pas- 
 sages of the sacred canon, tell us, that such and such an 
 exposition of this or that passage of scripture must be the 
 true one, because a majority of the Fathers expounded it 
 the same way. 
 
 As the prophet has declared in this very chapter that 
 the king of the north, (this latter antichrist,) should enter 
 the glorious land, namely Palestine, analogy requires that 
 the mountain dignified with tlie epithet of Zabi, or glo- 
 rious, should also be in the glorious land. It has even a 
 more eminent name than ariy other place in the pleasant, 
 or glorious land It is not merely called the Zabi, or 
 beautiful mountain, or the mountain of beauty or of de- 
 light, but the mountain of the beauty of holiness. Now, 
 ; to what mountain can this so well apply as to mount Mo- 
 riah ?— the place where Abraham saw the day of Christ 
 ! afar off' and was glad— the place w here the temjjle stood, | 
 that, was built by Solomon, and where also stood the second | 
 temple. I 
 As the temple was called holy, so was the mountain on j 
 which it stood. " I cried unto the Lord," says David, j 
 " and he heard me out of his holy hill," -Vs. iii. 4. It is | 
 called the mountain of the I<ord, and the mountain of the 
 house of the Lord, Isa. ii. 2. " 'i hey shall not hurt nor 
 destroy in all my holy mountain, saiLh the Lord," Isa. 
 xi. 9. The mountain, by way of eminency. La. xxv. 6, • 
 7 — 10. and a very high mouTitain, Ezek. xi. 2. It is this 
 holy mountain of which the Assyrian said, in the pride of 
 his heart, " I will sit also upon the mount of the congre. 
 gation, in the sides of the north ; 1 will ascend above the 
 height of the clouds ; I wiU be like the Most High," Isa. 
 xiv. 13, 14. Well it might be called the mountain of the 
 beauty of holiness, for it was the abode of the Shechinah, 
 I or the Brightness of the glory of Him who dwelt between 
 ' the cherubims ; the habitation of tlie mighty God of Ja- I 
 i cob • the house of Him who i!> the perfection high of 
 
544 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 " He shall plant the tabernacles of his palace 
 [in Apadno] ^ between the seas in the glorious 
 mountain [of Zabil f yet he shall come to his 
 end, and none shall help him." The former 
 
 1 B. The words between the crotchets in this verse 
 are not in our English translation of the Bible. 
 
 2 Dan. xi. 45, 
 
 beauty. " Arise, O Lord," said David, " into thy rest, thou 
 and the ark of thy strength !" What said the Lord to the 
 petition of his servant Uavid ? "This (hill) is my rest for 
 ever: here will 1 dwell, for I have desired it." It was his 
 symbolical, not his essential dwelling; for, said the illustrious 
 builder, the great Solomon himself, " the heaven of heavens 
 cannot contain thee, how much less this house which I 
 have built !" In pleasing astonishment at the divine con- 
 descension of dwelling, sym.bolically, in that temple on 
 that hill, he exclaimed, in profound humility and wonder, 
 «« Will God in very deed dwell with man !" Yes, said 
 the High and Lofty One that inhabiteth eternity, I wiU 
 in very deed dwell with man here, and with him will I 
 commune from ofF the mercy-seat, between tiie cheru- 
 bims, the symbols of my gracious presence. Hence, the 
 gates and doors of this dwelling are poetically personified, 
 and invoked to open and let in the glorious King, Jeho- 
 vah of hosts, into his dwelling. Often here was a visible 
 glory displayed to the assembled Israelites, especially at 
 its dedication by Solomon, when the cloud filled the house 
 of the Lord, so that the priests could not stand to minis- 
 ter, because of the cloud ; for the glory of the Lord had 
 filled the house. The most holy place, which stood on 
 the western extremity of mount Moriah, and on its Jofti. 
 est summit, was called, by way of eminency, the height of ' 
 Zion. This was the presence-chamber of the great God, 
 while the holy place was the anti-chamber. The solemn 
 question was put in the xxivth Psalm, " Who shall stand 
 in liis holy place ? who shall ascend the hill of Zion ? He 
 that hath clean hands and a pure heart, and hath not 
 lifted up his soul unto vanity, nor sworn deceitfully," was 
 the answer. But, how could sinful dust and ashes stand 
 before God— stand in the most holy place ? None, but 
 on the footing of an atonement. The people could only 
 enter it representatively, by means of the high-prjest, and 
 that only annually, on the solemn day of expiation. Even 
 then he could not enter witliout expiatory blood for his 
 own sins, and then for those of the people. 
 
 But, if the glory of mount Moriah was great because ot 
 the first temple, it was still greater during the second 
 temple. The glory of the Lord had left the first temple, 
 and then the city, for the sins and ingratitude of the peo- 
 ple, and because the priests had grievously corrupted the 
 covenant of Levi. Mount Moriah might then be called 
 Ichabod, because the glory was departed for a season, and 
 there were but few, but a small remnant, who mourned a 
 departing and a departed glory. The aged Jews who had 
 returned from the captivity, and who remembered the 
 glory and splendour of the first temple, wept when they 
 beheld the mean appearance of the second. The contrast 
 was so forcible that it could not but affecr them, and they 
 could not but see how utterly it was out of their power to 
 build one like the former. To comfort their de.'pondent 
 minds, and encourage them to build another temple, mean 
 as it might appear, the prophet Haggai told them that the 
 glory of this temple, however mean in its appearance com- 
 pared with the first, should exceed that of the first. How ? 
 " The Desire of all nations shall come, and I will fill this 
 house with my glory, saith the Lord of hosts." He, who 
 dwelt only symbolically in the first, should come in person 
 to the second. The former was only a shadowy, typical, 
 or symbolical glory ; but then, when the Desire of all 
 nations should come, there would be a real, substan- 
 tial, personal glory. "Jehovah, whom ye seek," says 
 Malachi. "shall suddenly come to his temple, his own 
 temple, even the messenger of the covenant whom ye de- 
 light in." Zechariah told them of another temple and 
 another builder who should come— a greater than Solo- 
 mon who built the first— a temple from which the glory 
 should never depart, which should never be laid in ruins 
 as the first and second— a spiritual temple, a holy building, 
 constructed of living, imperishable stones. He shall build 
 the temple of Jehovah, even He shall build the temple of 
 Jehovah, and bear the glory, and sit and rule upon his 
 throne, and be a priest upon Jehovah's throne, and the 
 counsel of peace be In tween him and Jehovah. While 
 he is a priest, it shall be a temple, and, as he is an ever- 
 lasting priest, it shall be an everlasting temple — a temple 
 that shall survive the shock of contending elements, the 
 wreck of nature, and the crash of worlds. 
 
 1 he Desire of all nations accordingly came to his own 
 
 part of this verse, which is translated literally 
 from the Hebrew, is very difficult to be ex- 
 plained, because of the two words Apadno and 
 Zabi, which are not to be found in the ancient 
 
 people, to his own land, and to his own temple, at the 
 predicted time ; and was not Moriah now the mountam 
 of the beauty of holiness ? was not the place of his feet 
 now made glorious? was it not now glorified by the actual 
 personal presence of the God of the temple? The ques- 
 tion was now fully solved. Will God in very deed dwell 
 with man, with sinful dust and ashes? The Chaldean 
 sages characterized the gods as they whose dwelling is not 
 with flesh ; but hear, O heavens 1 and" be astonisiied, thou 
 earth ! He, whose dwelling is not with flesh, not only con- 
 descended to dwell with flesh, but even to dwell in flesh. 
 It is true, indeed, " he came to his own, and his own re- 
 ceived him not." Why ? Because he came in the form 
 of a servant, a bond servant, in the likeness of sinful flesh. 
 But there were some who saw the God in the man — saw 
 a transcendent majesty amidst all the meanness of that 
 appearance. How came they to see this ? The vail was 
 taken from off their eyes ; the face of .covering was re. 
 moved ; and hence, what could not be seen by the carna,' 
 eye, by a people, 
 
 " A race who knew not whence he came. 
 Even God's eternal Son," 
 
 was seen by them. The eye of faith penetrated through 
 the vail of flesh that concealed the dwelling God. Such, 
 who thus saw, admired and adored ; " were born, not ol 
 blood, nor of the will of the flesh, nor of the will of man, 
 but of God." What said one of those who had received 
 spiritual light to discern this hidden, this spiritual glory, 
 and spiritual taste to desire it, contemplate, and relish it i 
 " The Word who was in the beginning, who was with 
 God, and who was God, was made flesh, and dwelt among 
 us, (and we beheld his glory, the glory as of the only be- 
 gotten of the Father,) full of grace and truth." 
 
 The incarnate God now glorified the house of his glory by 
 frequently teaching in the temple. On one illustrious occa- 
 sion he remarkably displayed themajesty of his character, as- 
 sumed the God, and verified the prediction that he should 
 sit as a refiner of silver and purify the degenerate sons of 
 Levi, by taking a whip of cords and driving the buyers 
 and sellers out of the temple ; saying, " My Father's house 
 is a house of prayer, but ye have made it a den of thieves." 
 Thus> the glory of the second temple eclipsed that of the 
 first. 
 
 God may be said, as was said of Japheth, to have dwelt 
 symbolically in the tents of Shcm, when he abode in the 
 portable ark that accompanied the chosen seed, and regu- 
 lated their marches in the desert — " Arise, O Lord, let 
 thine enemies be scattered, and let them that hate thee 
 flee before thee," was the signal for commencing the march 
 at the moving of the ark. Equally solemn was the signal at 
 the close of the march, when the ark was to be set down— 
 " Return, O Lord, unto the many thousands of Israel." 
 This symbolical dwelling in a tent, or moveable dwelling, 
 continued till a fixed habitation for the glorious symboli- 
 cal dweller was made on mount Moriah, which continued 
 during the first and second temple, till the dweller himself 
 at last came and dwelt personally amongst us. Therefore, 
 no wonder that mount Moriah may be here called the 
 mountain of the beauty of holiness. Thus mount Mo. 
 riah, or mount Zion, may justly be denominated the glo. 
 rious holy mountain, because it lay in the glorious holy 
 land— the land of Immanuel, because on its summit was 
 the temple, the dwelhng place of the mighty God of Israel ; 
 because on that account it was denom.inated the holy hill, 
 the mountain, and the mountain of the house of the 
 Lord; because it was the hill of Zion, wherein, as the 
 Psalmist says, " thou hadst thy habitation in time past ;" 
 because on this hill praise waited for the Lord, to him was 
 prayer made, and to him was paid the vow ; because a 
 visible glory, emphatically denominated the Shechinah, 
 indicated there the presence of the glorious dweller ; be- 
 cause to this hill the faces of God's people, in whatevei 
 region they dwelt, as in the case of Daniel, were directed 
 because from this hill the blessings of graco, mercy, and 
 peace, were dispensed to the pious and believing worship- 
 per ; because He who dwelt between the cherubims came 
 at last, in person, to this hill, and glorified the house of 
 his glory ; because the rod of Messiah's strength was sent 
 from this ; and, finally, because the waters, the living 
 waters, the healing waters of the sanctuary, rose in this 
 hill, and ran northward, and southward, and westward, 
 and eastward, fertilizing wherever they flow, adumbrat- 
 ing the limpid perennial stream that flows from the throne 
 of God and the Lamb, and which waters the celestial 
 
ALEXANDER'S 
 
 g-eography. The reader knows that I do not 
 take upon me to clear up these kind of difficul- 
 ties. jPorphyry, whom we have no reason to 
 suspect, imagined that this verse alluded to 
 Aniiochus's expedition beyond the Euphrates, 
 and to his death, which happened on that 
 march. This is the opinion of the greatest part 
 of the interpreters, and therefore we ought to 
 be satisfied with it. 
 
 The prophet therefore declares, that Antio- 
 chus shall pitch his camp near mount Zahi 
 (doubtless the same with Taba,^ where, accord- 
 ing to Polybius,* he died), and that there "he 
 shall come to his end," being abandoned by 
 God, and having none to "help him." We 
 have seen how he expired in the most cruel 
 agonies, and struck with an unavailing repent- 
 ance, which only increased his torments, 
 
 Theodoret, St. Jerome, and several interpre- 
 ters, take all that the prophet Daniel speaks 
 concerning Antiochus Epiphanes in a double 
 sense, as alluding to Antichrist. It is certain 
 that this pi'ince, who was equally impious and 
 cruel, is one of the most sensible, as well as 
 most expressive, types of that enemy of Christ 
 Jesus and our holy religion. 
 
 It is impossible for us, whilst we are reading 
 this prophecy, not to be prodigiously struck 
 
 paradise, where the saints, as trees of righteousness, trees 
 of Jehovah's planting, for ever grow in youthful vigour, 
 with unfading leaf, and with an autumnal green. 
 
 It is here that the last scene of the king of the north 
 shall take place where he shall come to his end and none 
 shall (be able) to help him. I do not presume to say who 
 or what king this is. This is a matter only to be revealed 
 by time, the great chronicler of events. But, taking him 
 to be the little horn of the viith chapter of this prophet, 
 his end is to be slain, and his body to be destroyed and 
 cast into the burning flame, in pursuance of the sentence of 
 the celestial judicatory, and then is to commence the king, 
 dom of the Son of man. If this be the case, this event is 
 the same as the battle of Armageddon in the holy land — 
 the same with that great, decisive, and final overthrow of 
 the beast and false prophet, when the indignation shall be 
 finally accomplished and the millenium succeed. I give 
 this merely as matter of conjecture ; but of this I am cer. 
 tain, that the prediction does not belong to Antiochus 
 Epiphanes, and that it is yet to be fulfilled. In the mean- 
 time, let us pray the God of Daniel to have mercy on his 
 land and on his people ; arise and plead his own cause ; 
 have mercy on that sanctuary which has been so long de. 
 solate i on that Zion hill, where, in time past, he dwelt ; 
 on the city, that was once called by his name. On that 
 hill, where once incense and a pure offering was paid to 
 the God of all grace, mercy, and peace, now stands a Mo- 
 hammedan mosque, and long has stood. Let us pray that 
 the God of Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, may yet re- 
 member his covenant— return, as in the days of old, the 
 days of former generations, to the many thousands of Is. 
 rael, and turn away iniquity from Jacob. Let us pray 
 that the time to favour Zion may soon come— that the 
 vail may be taken off" the eyes of a people long scattered, 
 in just judgment— that to them Christ may no longer be a 
 vailed Christ, a Christ in whom they see no beauty that 
 they should desire him. Let us pray that they may be 
 made to seek the Lord God and David their king, and be 
 brought back to their own land — a land which was once 
 the glory of all lands, for in it was God once well known. 
 We believe, we know, that, though long cast off, yet, as 
 the descendants of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, they are 
 still beloved for the fatliers' sake, and that God will not 
 utterly cast off his people whom he foreknew. Let us 
 pray foJ that event in the spirit of true benevolence, as 
 with it the happiness of future ages is connected ; " for if 
 the casting away of them was the reconciling of the 
 world, what shall their receiving be but life from the 
 dead? if their diminishing was the riches of the Gentiles, 
 how mucli more their fulness ? for with them shall be 
 brought in the fulness of the Gentile tribes." "O the 
 depth of the riches both of the wisdom and knowledge of 
 God ! How unsearchable are his judgments, and his ways 
 past finding out ?" — Ed. 
 
 3 Taba, according to Polybius, was in Persia ; and in 
 ParjEtacena, according to Quintus Curtius. 
 
 4 Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales, p, 145. 
 
 SUCCESSORS. 545 
 
 when we see the justness and accuracy with 
 which the prophet traces the principal charac- 
 teristics of a king, whose history is so much 
 blended with that of the Jews ; and we perceive 
 evidently, that for this reason the Holy Spirit, 
 either entirely omitting, or taking only a tran- 
 sient notice of the actions of other much more 
 famous princes, dwells so long on those of An- 
 tiochus Epiphanes. 
 
 With what certainty does Daniel foretell a 
 multitude of events, so very remote, and which 
 depended on so many arbitrary circumstances ! 
 How manifestly did the Spirit, which pre- 
 sented futurity to his view, show it him as 
 present, and in as clear a light, as if he had 
 seen it with his bodily eyes! Do not the divine 
 authority of the Scriptures, and by a necessary 
 consequence, the certainty of the Christian re- 
 ligion, become by such proofs, in a manner, 
 palpable and self-evident? 
 
 No prophecy was ever fulfilled in so clear, so 
 perfect, and so incontrovertible a manner as 
 this. Porphyry,^ the professed enemy of the 
 Christian religion, as well as of the Holy Scrip- 
 tures both of the Old and New Testament, 
 being infinitely perplexed at finding so great a 
 conformity between the events foretold by Da- 
 niel and the relations given by the best histo- 
 rians, did not pretend to deny this conformity, 
 for that would have been repugnant to plain 
 sense, and denying the shining of the sun at 
 noon-day. However, he took another course, 
 in order to undermine the authority of the 
 Scriptures. He himself laboured, by citing all 
 the historians extant at that time, and which 
 are since lost, to show, at great length, that 
 whatever is written in the eleventh chapter of 
 Daniel, happened exactly as foretold by that 
 prophet : and he inferred from this perfect uni- 
 formity, that so exact a detail of so great a 
 number of events, could not possibly have been 
 written by Daniel so many years before they 
 happened ; and that this work must certainly 
 have been written by some person who lived 
 after Antiochus Epiphanes, and borrowed Da- 
 niel's name. 
 
 In this contest between the Christians and 
 Heathens, the former would indisputably carry 
 their cause, could they be able to demonstrate, 
 by good proofs, that Daniel's prophecies were 
 really written by him. Now this they proved 
 unanswerably, by citing the testimony of a 
 whole people, I mean the Jews ; whose evi- 
 dence could not be suspected nor disallowed, as 
 they were still greater enemies to the Christian 
 religion than the Heathens themselves. The 
 reverence they had for the sacred writings, of 
 which Providence had appointed them the de- 
 positaries and guardians, was carried to such a 
 pitch, that they would have thought him a cri- 
 minal and sacrilegious wretch who should have 
 attempted only to transpose a single word, or 
 change one letter in them. What idea, then, 
 would they have entertained of that man who 
 should pretend to introduce any supposititious 
 books among them? Such are the witnesses 
 who attested the genuineness of Daniel's pro- 
 phecies. And were ever proofs so convincing, 
 or cause so victorious? " Thy testimonies art 
 very sure, O Lord, for ever."® 
 
 5 PoiTshyry was a learned heathen, norn at Tyre, A. D 
 233, and wrote a very voluminous treatise against the 
 i Christian religion. 
 
 6 Psal. xciii. 5. 
 2M 
 
THE HISTORY 
 
 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS 
 
 CONTINUED. 
 
 BOOK XX, 
 
 ms twentieth book contains three articles. In 
 the first, the history of Perseus, the last king 
 of Macedonia, is related. He reigned eleven 
 years, and was dethroned in the year of the 
 world 3836. The second article goes on from 
 the defeat of Perseus to the ruin of Corinth, 
 which was taken and burnt in the year ot 
 the world 3858, and includes something more 
 than twenty-one years. The third article 
 contains the history of SjTia and that ot 
 Egypt, which are generally joined together. 
 That of Syria comprises almost 100 years 
 from Antiochus Eupator, son of Antiochus 
 Epiphanes, to Antiochus Asiaticus, under 
 whom Syria became part of the Roman em- 
 pire, that is to say, from the year of the world 
 3840 to 3939. The history of Egypt includes 
 also 100 years, from the twentieth year ot 
 Ptolemy Philometor, till the expulsion of 
 Ptolemy Auletes ; that is, from year of the 
 world 3645 to the year 3946. 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 
 THIS article contains eleven years, being 
 the duration of the reign of Perseus, the 
 last king of Macedonia, from the year of the 
 world 3826 to 3837. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Perseus prepares secretly for a war against the Romans. 
 He endeavours a reconciliation with the Achseans m 
 vain. His secret measures not unknown at Rome. 
 Euraenes arrives there, and informs the senate of them. 
 Perseus attempts to rid himself of that prince, first by 
 assassination, and afterwards by poison. The Romans 
 break witli Perseus. Different opinions and disposi- 
 tions of the kings and states, in regard to the IMacedo- 
 
 nian war. After several embassies on both sides, the 
 war is declared in form. 
 
 The death of Philip hap- 
 A. M. 3826. pened very opportunely for 
 Ant. J. C. 178. suspending the war against 
 the Romans,' and giving 
 them time to prepare for it. That prince had 
 formed a strange design, and had already begun 
 to put it in execution ; this was to bring a con- 
 siderable body of troops, both horse and foot, 
 from European Sarmatia, which now forms part i 
 of Poland. Certain Gauls had settled near the 
 mouths of Borysthenes, now called the Nieper, 
 and had taken the name of Bastarnse. That 
 people were neither accustomed to till the earth, 
 to feed cattle, nor to engage in commerce : they 
 lived by war, and sold their services to any 
 people that would employ them. After they 
 had passed the Danube, Philip was to have set- 
 tled them upon the lands of the Dardanians, 
 whom he had resolved utterly to exterminate; 
 because, being very near neighbours of Macedo- 
 nia, they never failed to take every favourable oc- 
 casion for making inroads into it. The Bastarnoe 
 were to leave their wives and children in this 
 new settlement, and to march into Italy, in 
 order to enrich themselves with the booty they 
 were in hopes of making there. Whatever the 
 success might be, Philip conceived he should 
 find great advantages in it : If it should happen 
 that the Bastarnse were conquered by the Ro- 
 mans, he should easily be consoled for their de- 
 feat in seeing himself delivered from his dan- 
 gerous neighbours, the Dardanians, by their 
 
 .1 Liv. 1. xl. n. 57, 58. Oros. 1. iv. c. 20. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 547 
 
 means ; and ff their irruption into Italy suc- 
 ceeded, whilst the Romans were employed in 
 repulsing these new enemies, he should have 
 time to i-ecover all he had lost in Greece. The 
 Bastarnee were already upon their march, and 
 were considerably advanced, when they received 
 advice of Philip's death. This news, and seve- 
 ral accidents that befell them, suspended their 
 first design, and they dispersed into different 
 parts. Antigonus, whom Philip intended for 
 his successor, had been employed against his 
 will in negotiating this affair. At his return, 
 Perseus put him to death ; and to secure him- 
 tself the better on the throne, sent ambassadors 
 to the Romans, to demand that they would re- 
 new with him the alliance they had made with 
 his father, and that the senate would acknow- 
 ledge him king. His sole intent was to gain 
 time. 
 
 Part of the Bastarnae had 
 A. M. 3829. pursued their march,^ and 
 Ant. J. C. 175. Avere actually ^t war with 
 the Dardanians. The Ro- 
 mans took umbrage at it. Perseus excused him- 
 self by his ambassadors, and represented that 
 he had not sent for them, and had no share in 
 their enterprise. The senate, without making 
 any farther inquiry into the affair, contented 
 themselves with advising him to take care that 
 he observed inviolably the treaty made with 
 the Romans. The Bastarnse, after having 
 gained some advantages at fii-st, were at length 
 reduced, the greatest part of them at least, to 
 return into their own country. It is said, that 
 having found the Danube frozen over, in endea- 
 vouring to pass it, the ice broke under them, 
 and a great number of them were swallowed up 
 ' in the river. 
 
 It was known at Rome 
 A. M. 38S0. that Perseus had sent am- 
 Ant. J. C. 174. bassadors to Carthage,^ and 
 that the senate had given 
 them audience in the night, in the temple of 
 ^sculapius. It was thought proper to send 
 ambassadors into Macedonia to observe the con- 
 duct of that prince. He had lately reduced the 
 Dolopians,* who refused to obey him, by force 
 of arms. After that expedition he advanced to- 
 wards Delphi, upon pretence of consulting the 
 oracle; but in reality, as it was believed, of 
 having an opportunity to make the tour of 
 Greece, and negotiate alliances. This journey 
 at first alarmed the whole country, and occa- 
 sioned so general a consternation, that even 
 Eumenes did not think himself safe in Per- 
 gamus. But Perseus, as soon as he had con- 
 sulted the oracle, returned into his own king- 
 dom, passing thx'ough Phthiotis, Achaia, and 
 Thessaly, without committing any hostilities in 
 his march. He afterwards sent either ambas- 
 sadors or circular letters to all the states through 
 which he had passed, to demand that they 
 would forget such subjects of discontent as they 
 might have had under the reign of his father, 
 which ought to be buried in his grave. 
 
 His principal attention was to reconcile him- 
 self with the Achaeans. Their league, and the 
 city of Athens, had carried their hatred and re- 
 sentment so high against the Macedonians, as 
 by a decree to prohibit all intercourse with 
 
 2 Freinshem. in Liv. 3 Liv. 1. xli. n. 27—29. 
 
 4 Dolopia was a region of Thessaly, upon the confines 
 if Epirus. I 
 
 them. This declared enmity gave the slaves, 
 who fled from Achaia, the opportunity of retir- 
 ing into Macedonia, where they found an as- 
 sured asylum, and knew they should not be 
 followed or claimed after that general interdic- 
 tion. Perseus caused all these slaves to be 
 seized, and sent them back to the Achaeans, 
 with an obliging letter, in which he exhorted 
 them to take effectual methods for preventing 
 their slaves from making his dominions their 
 place of refuge any longer. This was tacitly 
 demanding the re-establishment of their ancient 
 intercourse. Xenarchus, who was at that time 
 in office, and desirous of making his court to 
 the king, seconded his demand very strongly, 
 and was supported by those who were most so- 
 licitous for recovering their slaves. 
 
 Callicrates, one of the principal persons of 
 the assembly, who was convinced that the safety 
 of the league consisted in the inviolable obser- 
 vance of the treaty concluded with the Romans, 
 represented, that a reconciliation with Macedo- 
 nia was a direct infraction of it, whilst that 
 kingdom was making preparations to declare 
 war against Rome as soon as possible. He con- 
 cluded, that it was necessary to leave things in 
 their present condition, till time should ascer- 
 tain whether their fears were just or not. That 
 if Macedonia continued in peace with Rome, it 
 would be time enough when that appeared, to 
 re-establish an intercourse with them ; with- 
 out which, a reunion would be precipitate and 
 dangerous. 
 
 Acron, Xenarchus's brother, who spoke after 
 Callicrates, did his utmost to prove that such 
 terrors were without foundation ; that the ques- 
 tion did not relate to the making of a new 
 treaty and alliance with Perseus, and much less 
 to coming to a rupture with the Romans, but 
 solely to reverse a decree, for which the injus- 
 tice of Philip might have given room, but which 
 Perseus, who had no share in his father's con- 
 duct, was undoubtedly far from deserving. 
 That that prince could not but be assured, that, 
 in case of a war against the Romans, the league 
 would not fail to declare for them. " But," 
 added he, " whilst the peace subsists, if ani- 
 mosities and_ dissensions are not made to cease 
 entirely, it is at least reasonable to suspend 
 them, and to let them sleep for awhile." 
 
 Nothing was concluded in this assembly. As 
 it was taken amiss that the king had contented 
 himself with only sending them a letter; he 
 afterwards sent ambassadors to the assembly, 
 which had been summoned to Megalopolis. But 
 those who apprehended giving Rome offence, 
 used such effectual means, that they were re- 
 fused audience. 
 
 The ambassadors sent be 
 A. M. 3831. the senate into Macedonia,* 
 Ant. J. C. 173. reported, at their return, 
 that they could not get ac- 
 cess to the king, upon pretence that he was 
 sometimes abroad, and sometimes indisposed ; 
 two subterfuges equally false. That, for the 
 rest, it appeared plainly, that great preparations 
 were making for war, and that it was reason- 
 able to expect it would speedily break out. 
 They gave an account also of the state in which 
 they found ^tolia ; that it was in great com- 
 motion from domestic divisions, which the vio- 
 lence of two contending parties had carried to 
 
 a Liv. 1, xlii. n. 2. 5, 6. 
 2M2 
 
548 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 the utmost excess ; and that their authority had 
 not been capable of uniting and appeasing the 
 persons at the head of them. , 
 
 As Rome expected a war with Macedonia, 
 preparations were made for it by the rehgious 
 ceremonies, which amongst the Romans always 
 preceded declarations of war ; that is to say, by 
 expiation of prodigies, and various sacnhces 
 offered to the gods. 
 
 Marcellus was one of the ambassadors whom 
 the senate had sent into Greece. After having 
 appeased to the utmost of his power the troubles 
 of ^tolia, he went into Peloponnesus, where 
 he had caused the assembly of the Achajans to 
 be summoned. He extremely applauded their 
 zeal, in having constantly adhered to the de- 
 cree, which prohibited all intercourse with the 
 kings of Macedonia. This was an open decla- 
 ration of what the Romans thought with regard 
 
 to f^Gl'SGXlS» 
 
 That prince was incessantly soliciting the 
 Grecian cities, by frequent embassies and mag 
 nificent promises, far exceeding his power to 
 perform. They were sufficiently inclined m 
 his favour, and far more than in that of Eume- 
 nes, though the latter had rendered great ser- 
 vices to most of those cities; and those who 
 formed part of his dominions would not have 
 changed condition with such as were entirely 
 free. There was, however, no comparison be- 
 tween the two princes in point of character and 
 manners. Perseus was utterly infamous for 
 his crimes and cruelties. He was accused of 
 having murdered his wife with his own hands 
 after the death of his father ; of having made 
 away with Apelles, whose aid he had used in 
 destroying his brother ; and of having committed 
 many other murders, both within and vt^ithout 
 his kingdom. On the contrary, Eumenes had 
 rendered himself esteemed by his tenderness for 
 his brothers and relations; by his justice in 
 governing his subjects; and by his generous 
 propensity to do good and to serve others. Not- 
 withstanding this difference of character, they 
 gave Perseus the preference; whether it was 
 that the ancient grandeur of the Macedonian 
 kings inspired them with contempt for a state 
 whose origin was wholly recent, and whose 
 birth they had witnessed ; or that the Greeks 
 bad some change in view; or because they were 
 
 E leased with having some support in him to 
 old the Romans in respect. 
 Perseus was particularly attentive in culti- 
 vating the amity of the Rhodians,i and in se- 
 parating them from the side of Rome. It was 
 from Rhodes that Laodice, the daughter of Se- 
 leucus, went to share the Macedonian throne 
 with Perseus, by marrying him. The Rho- 
 dians had fitted him out as fine a fleet as could 
 be imagined. Perseus had furnished the mate- 
 rials, and gave gold ribands to every soldier and 
 seaman who came with Laodice. A sentence 
 passed by Rome in favour of the Lycians 
 against the people of Rhodes, had extremely 
 exasperated the latter. Perseus endeavoured to 
 take advantage of their resentment against 
 Rome to attach them to himself. 
 
 The Romans were not 
 A. M. 8832. ignorant of the measures 
 Ant. J. C. 172. taken by Perseus to bring 
 over the states of Greece 
 into his views Eumenes came expressly to 
 
 Rome to inform them at large of his proceed- 
 ings. He was received there with all possible 
 
 1 Polyb. Legat. Ix. Ixi. 
 
 2 Liv. 1. xUi. n. 11—14. 
 
 marks of distinction. He declared that, besides 
 his desire to pay his homage to the gods and 
 men, to whom he owed an establishment whicb 
 left him nothing to wish, he had undertaken 
 this voyage expressly to advise the senate in 
 person to be upon their guard against the enter- 
 prises of Perseus. That that prince had in- 
 herited his father's hatred for the Romans as 
 well as his crown, and omitted no preparations 
 for a war which he believed in a manner fallen 
 to him in right of succession. That the long 
 peace Macedonia had enjoyed supplied him with 
 the means of raising numerous and formidable 
 troops ; that he had a rich and powerful king- 
 dom ; that he was himself in the flower ot his 
 youth, full of ardour for military expeditions^ 
 to which he had been early inured in the sight 
 and under the conduct of his father, and in 
 which he had since much exercised himself, ir^ 
 different enterprises against his neighbours. 
 That be was highly considered by the cities of 
 Greece and Asia, though it was impossible to 
 say by what sort of merit he had acquired that 
 influence, unless it were by his enmity for the 
 Romans. That he was upon as good terms 
 with powerful kings. That he had espoused 
 the daughter of Seleucus, and given his sister in 
 marriage to Prusias. That he had found means 
 to engage the Boeotians in his interest, — a very 
 warlike people, whom his father had never 
 been able to bring over ; and that, but for the 
 opposition of a few persons well affected to the 
 Romans, he certainly would have renewed the 
 alliance with the Achsean confederates. That 
 it was to Perseus the .^:tolians applied for aid 
 in their domestic troubles, and not to the Ro- 
 mans. That, supported by these powerful 
 allies, he made such preparations for war him- 
 self, as put him into a condition to dispense 
 with any foreign aid. That he had S0,000 foot, 
 6000 horse, and provisions for ten years. That, 
 besides his immense annual revenues from the 
 mines, he had enough to pay 10,000 foreign 
 troops for a like number of years, without reck- 
 oning those of his own kingdom. That he had 
 laid up in his arsenals a sufficient quantity of 
 arms to equip three armies as great as that he 
 had actuallv on foot ; and that, though Mace- 
 donia should be incapable of supplying him with 
 troops, Thrace (which was an inexhaustible 
 nursery of soldiers) was at his devotion. Eu- 
 menes added, that he advanced nothing upon 
 simple conjecture, but upon the certain know- 
 ledge of facts, founded upon the best informa- 
 tion. " For the rest," said he, in concluding, 
 " having discharged the duty which my regard 
 and gratitude for the Roman people made in- 
 dispensable, and delivered my conscience, it only 
 remains for me to implore all the gods and god- 
 desses, that they would inspire you with senti- 
 ments and measures consistent with the glory 
 of your empire, and the preservation of your 
 friends and allies, whose safety depends upon 
 yours." 
 
 The senators were much affected with this 
 discourse. Nothing that passed in the senate, 
 except that king Eumenes had spoken, was 
 known abroad, or suffered to take air at first ; 
 so inviolably were the deliberations of that au- 
 gust assembly kept secret. 
 
 The ambassadors from king Perseus had au- 
 dience some days after. They found the senate 
 highly prejudiced against their master; anc' 
 what Harpalus foneof them) said in his .crpp-f^' 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 549 
 
 tnriamed them still more against him. It was, 
 that Perseus desii'ed to be believed upon his 
 own word, when he declared he had neither 
 done nor sajd any thing that argued an enemy. 
 That, as for the rest, if he discovered that they 
 were obstinately bent upon a rupture with him, 
 he should know how to defend himself with 
 valour. That the fortune and events of war 
 are always hazardous and uncertain. 
 
 The cities of Greece and Asia, anxious for 
 the effect which these embassies might produce 
 at Rome, had also sent deputies thither under 
 different pretexts, especially the Rhodians, who 
 suspected that Eumeiies had joined them in his 
 accusation against Perseus ; and they were not 
 deceived. In an audience granted them, they 
 inveighed violently against Eumenes, reproach- 
 ing him with having stirred up Lycia against 
 the Rhodians, and of having rendered himself 
 more insupportable to Asia than Antiochus him- 
 self. This discourse was very agreeable to the 
 Asiatic people, who secretly favoured Perseus ; 
 but very much displeased the senate, and had 
 no other effect than to make them suspect the 
 Rhodians, and hold Eumenes in higher con- 
 sideration, from this kind of conspiracy which 
 they saw formed against him. He was dis- 
 missed in consequence with the highest honours 
 and great presents. 
 
 Harpalus having returned into Macedonia 
 with the utmost diligence, reported to Perseus,^ 
 that he had left the Romans in a disposition 
 not to defer long a declaration of war against 
 him. The king was not displeased with his 
 account, believing himself in a condition, with 
 the great preparations he had made, to support 
 it with success. He was more particularly glad 
 of a rupture with Eumenes, from whom he 
 suspected that Rome had been apprized of his 
 most secret measures ; and began v/ith declar- 
 ing against him, not by the way of arms, but 
 by that of the most criminal treachery. He 
 despatched Evander of Crete, the general of his 
 auxiliai'y forces, with three Macedonians, who 
 had already been employed by him upon like 
 occasions, to assassinate that prince. Perseus 
 knew that he was preparing for a journey to 
 Delphi, and directed his assassins to Praxo, 
 a woman of condition, in whose house ho had 
 lodged when be was in that city. They lay in 
 ambush in a defile, so narrow that two men 
 could not pass abreast. When the king came 
 there, the assassins, from the heights where 
 they had posted themselves, rolled two great 
 stones down upon him, one of which fell upon 
 his head, and laid him senseless upon the earth, 
 and the other wounded him considerably in the 
 shoulder ; after which they jioured a hail of 
 lesser stones upon him. All that were with 
 him fled, except one who stayed to assist him. 
 The assassins, believing the king dead, made off 
 to the top of mount Parnassus. His ofBcers, 
 when they returned, found him without mo- 
 tion, almost without life. When he came a 
 little to himself, he was carried to Corinth, and 
 from thence into the island of ^gina, where 
 great care was taken to cure his wounds, but 
 with so much secresy that no one was tidmitted 
 into his chamber ; which gave reason to believe 
 him dead. That report spread even to Asia. 
 Attalus gave credit to it too readily for a good 
 brother; and looking upon himself already as 
 
 king, was preparing to espouse the widow. 
 Eumenes, at their first interview, could nof 
 forbear making him some gentle reproaches 
 upon that head, though he had at first resolved 
 to dissemble his sentiments of his brother's im- 
 prudence. 
 
 Perseus had attempted at the same time to 
 poison him by the means of Rammius, who had 
 made a voyage into Macedonia. He was a rich 
 citizen of Brundusium, who received in his 
 house all the Roman generals, foreign noble- 
 men, and even princes, who passed through that 
 city. The king put into his hands a very subtle 
 poison, for him to give to Eumenes when he 
 should come to his house, Rammius did not 
 dare to refuse this commission, however great 
 his horror for it, lest the king should make a 
 trial of the draught upon himself ; but he set 
 out with a full resolution not to execute it. 
 Having been informed that Valerius was at 
 Chalcis, upon his return from his embassy into 
 Macedonia, he went to him, discovered the 
 whole, and attended him to Rome. Valerius 
 also carried Praxo thither along with him, at 
 whose house the assassins had lodged in Delphi. 
 When the senate had heard these two witnesses, 
 after such black attempts, they thought it un- 
 necessary to deliberate longer upon declaring 
 war against a prince who made use of assassi- 
 nations and poison to rid himself of his enemies, 
 and proceeded to take due measures for the suc- 
 cess of so important an enterprise. 
 
 Two embassies which arrived at Rome about 
 the same time, gave the senate great pleasure. 
 The first came from Ariarathes king of Cappa- 
 docia, the fifth of that name. He sent the son 
 whom he intended for his successor, to Rome, 
 to be educated there, from his earliest infancy, 
 in the principles of the Romans, and to form 
 himself in the great art of reigning, by the con- 
 versation and study of their great men ; and he 
 desired that the Roman people would tal^e him 
 under their care and tuition. The young prince 
 was received Avith all the marks of distinction 
 that could be shown him ; and the senate caused 
 a commodious house to be provided for him and 
 his train at the expense of the public. The 
 other embassy was from the Thracians, who 
 desired to be admitted into the allian e and 
 amity of the Romans. 
 
 As soon as Eumenes^ was entirely recovered, 
 he repaired to Pergamus, and applied himself 
 in making preparations for war with uncom- 
 mon ardour, inflamed more than ever by the 
 new crime of his enemy. The senate sent am- 
 bassadors to compliment him upon the extreme 
 danger he had escaped ; and despatched others 
 at the same time to confirm the kings, their 
 allies, in their ancient amity with the Roman 
 people. 
 
 I'hey had sent also to Perseus to make their 
 complaints, and to demand satisfaction. These 
 ambassadors, seeing they could not have audi- 
 ence, though many days had elapsed, set out iu 
 order to return to Rome. The king caused 
 them to be recalled. They represented that by 
 the treaty concluded with Philip his father, 
 and afterwards renewed with him, it was ex- 
 pressly stipulated, that he should not carry the 
 war out of his own kingdom, nor attack the 
 Roman people. They then enumerated all his 
 infractions of that treaty, and demanded that 
 
 3 Liv. 1. xlii. n. 15—19. 
 
 4 Liv. 1. xlil. n. 25—27. 
 
550 
 
 restitution should be made to the allies of all 
 he had taken from them by force. The king 
 replied only with rage and reproaches, taxing 
 the Romans with their avarice and pride, and 
 the insupportable haughtiness with which they 
 treated kings, to whom they pretended to dic- 
 tate laws as to their slaves. Upon their de- 
 manding a positive answer, he referred them to 
 the next day, as he intended to give it them m 
 writincr. The substance of it was, that the 
 treaty concluded with his father did not affect 
 him : that if he had accepted it, it was not be- 
 cause he approved it, but because he could not 
 do otherwise, not being sufficiently established 
 upon the throne : that if the Romans were 
 willing to enter into a new treaty, and would 
 propose reasonable conditions, he should con- 
 sider what it was necessary for him to do. The 
 king, after having delivered this writing, with- 
 drew abruptly; and the ambassadors declared 
 that the Roman people renounced his alliance 
 and amity. The king returned in great wrath, 
 and told them in a menacing tone, that they 
 were to take care to quit his kingdom in three 
 jiays. At their return to Rome, they reported 
 the result of their embassy ; and added, that 
 they had observed, in all the cities of Macedo- 
 nia through which they passed, that great pre- 
 parations were making for war. 
 
 The ambassadors that had been sent to the 
 kings in alliance with the Romans, reported 
 that they found Eumenes in Asia, Antiochus in 
 Syria, and Ptolemy in Egypt, well inclined to 
 the Roman people, and ready to do every thing 
 that should be desired of them. The senate 
 would not grant audience to the ambassadors of 
 Gentius, king of Illyria, who was accused of 
 holding intelligence with Perseus ; and deferred 
 hearing those from the Rhodians, who had also 
 rendered themselves suspected, till the new con- 
 suls entered upon their office. However, not 
 to lose time, orders were given for fitting out a 
 fleet of tifty galleys, to sail as soon as possible 
 for Macedonia, which was executed without 
 delay. 
 
 A. M. 3833. 
 Ant. J. C. 171. 
 
 P. Licinius Crassus and 
 C. Cassius Longinus, were 
 elected consuls, and Mace- 
 donia fell by lot to Licinius. 
 Not only Rome and Italy, but all the kings 
 and cities, as well of Europe as Asia, had their 
 eyes fixed upon the two great powers on the 
 point of entering into a war. 
 
 Eumenes was animated by an ancient hatred 
 against Perseus, still more by the new crime, 
 which had almost cost him bis life in his jour- 
 ney to Delphi. 
 
 Prusias, king of Bithynia, had resolved to 
 stand neuter, and wait the event. He flattered 
 himself that the Romans would not insist upon 
 his taking up arms against his wife's brother; 
 and hoped that, if Perseus were victorious, that 
 prince would easily acquiesce in his neutrality 
 at the request of his sister. 
 
 Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, besides having 
 promised to aid the Romans, inviolably ad- 
 hered, either in war or peace, to the party which 
 Eumenes espoused, after having contracted an 
 affinity with him, by giving him his daughter 
 in marriage. 
 
 Antiochus had formed a design to possess 
 himself of Egyptj relying upon the weakness ot 
 the king's youth, and the indolence and cowar- 
 dice of those who had the care of his person and 
 aff"airs. He imagined that he had found a plau- 
 sible pretext for making war upon that prince, 
 
 by disputing Coele-syria with him ; and that 
 the Romans, employed in the war with Mace- 
 donia, would not obstruct his ambitious designs. 
 He had, however, declared to the senate by his 
 ambassadors, that they might dispose of all his 
 forces, and had repeated the same promise to 
 the ambassadors whom the Romans had sent to 
 him. 
 
 Ptolemy, through his tender age, vvas incapa- 
 ble of resolving for himself. His guardians were 
 making preparations for the war with Antio- 
 chus, in defence of C«ele-syria, and promised to 
 contribute every thing in their power to aid the 
 Romans in the Macedonian war. 
 
 Masinissa supplied the Romans with corn, 
 troops, and elephants, and intended to send his 
 son Misagenes to join them. His plan and 
 political motives were the effect of his desire to 
 possess himself of the Carthaginian territories. 
 If the Romans conquered, he conceived it im- 
 possible to execute that project, because they 
 would never suffer him to ruin the Carthagi- 
 nians entirely; in which case he should con- 
 tinue in his present condition. If, on the con- 
 ti'ary, the Roman power, which alone, out of 
 policy, prevented him from extending his con- 
 quests, and at that time supported Carthage, 
 should happen to be reduced, he expected, in 
 consequence, to make himself master of all 
 Africa. 
 
 Gentius, king of Illyria, had only rendered 
 himself much suspected by the Romans, with- 
 out knowing, however, which party he should 
 choose ; and it seemed, that if he adhered to 
 either, it would be rather out of caprice and by 
 chance,, than from any fixed plan or regular 
 project. 
 
 As for Cotys of Thrace, king of the Odrysee, 
 he had declared openly for the Macedonians. 
 
 Such was the disposition of the kings with 
 regard to the Macedonian war. As for the 
 states and free cities, the populace were univer- 
 sally inclined in favour of Perseus and the 
 Macedonians. The opinions of the persons in 
 authority amongst those states and cities were 
 divided into three classes. Some of them aban- 
 doned themselves so abjectly to the Romans, 
 that by their blind devotion to them they lost 
 all credit and authority among their citizens; 
 and of these, few concerned themselves about 
 the justice of the Roman government; most o^ 
 them havihg no views but to their private inte- 
 rest, convinced that their influence in their 
 cities would prevail in proportion to the services 
 they should render the Romans. The second 
 class was of those who gave entirely in to the 
 king's measures; some because their debts and 
 the bad state of their affairs made them desire a 
 change ; others, because the pomp that reigns in 
 the courts of kings, upon which Perseus valued 
 himself, agreed best with their own pride and 
 vanity. A third class, which were the most 
 prudent and judicious, if it were absolutely ne- 
 cessary to take either part, would have preferred 
 the Romans' to the king's ; but had it been left 
 to their choice, they would have been best satis- 
 fied that neither of the parties should become 
 too powerful by reducing the other; but, pre- 
 serving a kind of equality and balance, should 
 always continue in peace ; because then one of 
 them, by taking the weaker states under 
 protection, whenever the other should attempt 
 to oppress them, would render the condition of 
 them all more happy and secure. In this kind 
 of indeterminate neutrality they saw, as from 
 a place of safety, the battles and dangers of 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 551 
 
 those who had engaged either in one party or 
 the other. 
 
 The Romans, after having according to their 
 laudable custom discharged all the duties of re- 
 ligion, offered solemn prayers and sacrifices to 
 the gods, and made vows for the happy success 
 of the enterprise for which they had been so 
 long preparing, declared war in foi'm against 
 Perseus, king of Macedonia, except he made 
 immediate satisfaction in regard to the several 
 grievances already more than once explained to 
 him. 
 
 At the same time arrived ambassadors from 
 him, who said that the king their master was 
 much amazed at their having made troops enter 
 Macedonia, and that he was ready to give the 
 senate all the satisfaction that could be required. 
 As it was known that Perseus sought only to 
 jfain time, they were answered, that the consvil 
 Licinius would be soon in Macedonia, with his 
 army; and that if the king desired peace in 
 earnest, he might send his ambassadors to him, 
 but that he need not give himself the trouble of 
 sending any more into Italy, whei*e they would 
 not be received ; and for themselves, they were 
 ordered to quit it in twelve days. 
 
 The Romans omitted nothing that might con- 
 tribute to the success of their arms.' They des- 
 patched ambassadors on all sides to their allies, 
 to animate and confirm those who pei'sisted to 
 adhere to them, to determine such as were fluc- 
 tuating and uncertain, and to intimidate those 
 who appeared inclined to bi*eak with them. 
 
 Whilst they were at Larissa, in Thessaly, 
 ambassadors arrived there from Perseus, who 
 had orders to address themselves to Marciua, one 
 of the Roman ambassadors, to remind him of 
 the ancient ties of friendship his father had con- 
 tracted with king Philip, and to demand an in- 
 terview between him and their master. Mar- 
 ftius answered, that his father had often spoken 
 of king Philip's friendship and hospitality; and 
 appointed a place near the river Peneus for the 
 interview. They went thither some days after. 
 The king had a great train, and was surround- 
 ed with a crowd of great lords and guards. The 
 ambassadors were no less attended; many of the 
 citizens of I.arissa, and of the deputies from 
 other states, vv ho had repaired thither, making 
 it a duty to go with them, well pleased with 
 that occasion of carrying home what they should 
 see and hear. They had besides a curiosity to 
 be present at an interview between a great king 
 and the ambassadors of the most powerful peo- 
 ple in the world. 
 I After some difficulties which arose about the 
 j ceremonial, and which were soon removed in 
 I favour of the Romans, who had the precedency, 
 i they began to confer. Their meeting was high- 
 ly respectful on both sides. They did not treat 
 j each other like enemies, but rather as friends, 
 j bound by the sacred tics of hospitality. Mar- 
 j cius, who spoke first, began by excusing himself 
 ! for the unhappy necessity he was under of re- 
 I proaching a prince for whom he had the highest 
 i consideration. He afterwards expatiated upon 
 { all the causes of complaint the Roman people 
 j had against him, and his various infractions of 
 j treaties with them. He insisted very much 
 on his attempt upon Eumenes, and concluded 
 with professing, that he should be very glad the 
 king would supply him with good reasons for 
 
 1 Liv. 1. xlii. n. 37 44. Folyb. Legat. Ixiii. 
 
 his conduct, and thereby enable him to pleau 
 his cause, and justify him before the senate. 
 
 Perseus, after having touched lightly upon 
 the affair of Eumenes, which he seemed as- 
 tonished that any one should presume to impute 
 to him without any proof; rather than to so 
 many others of that prince's enemies, entered 
 into a long detail, and replied, as well as he was 
 able, to the several heads of the accusation 
 against him. " Of this I am assured,'^" said he, 
 in concluding, "that my conscience does not 
 i-eproach me with having committed any fault 
 knowingly, and with premeditated design, 
 against the Romans ; and if I have done any 
 thing unwarily, apprized as I now am, it is in 
 my power to amend it. I have certainly done 
 nothing to deserve the implacable enmity with 
 which I am pursued, as if I had been guilty of 
 the blackest and most enormous crimes, which 
 were neither to be expiated nor forgiven. It 
 must be v/ithout foundation, that the clemency 
 and wisdom of the Roman people are universal- 
 ly extolled, if for such slight causes as scarce 
 merit complaint and remonstrance, they take 
 up arms and make war upon kings in alliance 
 with them." 
 
 The result of this conference was, that Per- 
 seus should send new ambassadors to Rome, in 
 order to try all possible means to prevent a rup- 
 ture and open war. This was a snare laid by 
 the artful commissioner for the king's inadver- 
 tency, in order to gain time. He feigned at first 
 great difficulties in complying with the truce de- 
 manded by Perseus, for time to send his am- 
 bassadors to Rome, and seemed at last to accede 
 to it only out of consideration for the king. 
 The true reason was, because the Romans had 
 not yet either troops or general in a condition to 
 act ; whereas on the side of Perseus every thing 
 was ready ; and if he had not been amused by 
 the vain hope of a peace, he might have taken 
 the advantage of a conjuncture so favourable for 
 himself, and so contrary to his enemies, to have 
 entered upon action. 
 
 After this interview the Roman ambassadors 
 advanced into Bceotia, where there had been 
 great commotions ; some declaring for Perseus, 
 and others for the Romans ; but at length the 
 latter party prevailed. The Thebans, and the 
 other people of Bceotia, by their example, made 
 an alliance with the Romans; each by their 
 own deputies, and not by the consent of the 
 whole body of the nation according to ancient 
 custom. In this manner the Boeotians, from 
 having rashly engaged in the party of Perseus, 
 after having formed, through a long course of 
 time, a republic which on several occasions had 
 preserved itself from the greatest dangers, saw 
 themselves separated and governed by as many 
 councils as there were cities in the province ; all 
 of which in the sequel remained independent of 
 each other ; and formed no longer one united 
 league as at first. And this was'an effect of the 
 Roman ]>olicy, which divided them, to make 
 them weak ; well knowing that it was much 
 easier to bring them into their measures, and 
 subject them by that means, than if they were 
 
 •2 Conscius mihi sum, nihil me scientem deliquisse; e( 
 si quid fecerim iinprudentia lapsus, corrigi me et emen- 
 dari castigatione hac posse, JSihil certd insanabile, rec 
 quod bello et armis perscquendum esse censeatis, commi- 
 si: aut frustr^ dementia} gravitatisque vestrce fama vul. 
 gataper gentes est, si talibus de causis, quae vix querela 
 et expostulatione dignas sunt, arma capitis, et regibus so 
 ciis belia infertis. Liv. 
 
HloTORY OF 
 
 552 
 
 still all united together. No other cities in Bce- 
 otia, except Coronsea and Haliartus, persisted 
 in the alliance with Perseus. . 
 
 From Bceotia the comnaissioners went into 
 Peloponnesus. The assembly of the Achaean 
 league was summoned to Argos. -l-^^ey/.^ 
 manded only 1000 men, to garrison Chalcis, 
 till the Roman army should enter C^reece : 
 which troops were ordered thither immediately. 
 Marcius and Atilius, having terminated the af- 
 fairs of Greece, returned to Rome in the be- 
 ginning of the winter. 
 
 About the same time Rome sent new com- 
 missioners into the most considerable islands ot 
 Asia,' to exhort them to send powerful aid into 
 the field against Perseus. The Rhodians sig- 
 nalized themselves upon this occasion. Hegisi- 
 lochus, who was at that time Prytanis (the 
 principal magistrate was so called), had pre- 
 pared the people, by representing to them that 
 it was necessary to efface by actions, and "ot by 
 words only, the bad impressions with which 
 Eumenes had endeavoured to inspire the Ro- 
 mans in regard to their fidelity. So that upon 
 the arrival of the ambassadors, they showed 
 them a fleet of forty ships, entirely equipped, 
 and ready to sail upon the first orders, ihis 
 agreeable surprise was highly pleasing to the 
 Romans, who returned from thence exceedingly- 
 satisfied with so conspicuous a zeal, which had 
 even anticipated their demands. 
 
 Perseus, in consequence of his interview 
 with Marcius, sent ambassadors to Rome to 
 treat there upon what had been proposed in that 
 conference. . , , 
 
 He despatched other ambassadors with letters 
 for Rhodes and Byzantium, in which he ex- 
 plained what had passed in the interview, and 
 deduced at large the reasons upon which his 
 conduct was founded. He exhorted the Rho- 
 dians in particular to remain quiet, and to wait 
 as mere spectators till they saw what resolu- 
 tions the Romans would take. " If, contrary 
 to the treaties, subsisting between us, they at- 
 tack me, you will be," said he, " the mediators 
 between the two nations. All the world is in- 
 terested in their continuing to live in peace, but 
 it behoves none more than you to endeavour to 
 reconcile them. Defenders not only of your 
 own, but of the liberty of all Greece, the more 
 zeal and ardour you have for so great a good, 
 the more ought you to be upon your guard 
 against every one who should attempt to inspire 
 you with different sentiments. You cannot 
 but know, that the certain means to reduce 
 Greece into slavery,^ is to make it dependent 
 upon one people only, without leaving it any 
 other to have recourse to." The ambassadors 
 were received with great respect ; but were an- 
 swered, that, in case of war, the king was de- 
 sired not to rely upon the Rhodians, nor to de- 
 mand any thing of them to the prejudice of the 
 alliance they had made with the Romans. Ihe 
 same ambassadors went also into Bceotia, where 
 they had almost as little reason to be satisfied ; 
 only a few small cities separating from the 
 Thebans to embrace the king's party.' 
 
 Marcius and Atilius at their return to Rome 
 reported to the senate the success of their com- 
 mission. They dwelt particularly upon their 
 address, in their stratagem to deceive Perseus, 
 by granting him a truce, which prevented him 
 from beginning the war immediately with ad- 
 vantage, as he might have done, and gave the 
 Romans time to complete their preparations, 
 and to take the field. They did not forget their 
 dexterity in dissolving the general assembly of 
 the Boeotians, to prevent their uniting with 
 Macedonia by common consent. 
 
 The greatest part of the senate expressed much 
 satisfaction in so wise a conduct, which argued 
 profound policy and uncommon dexterity in ne- 
 gotiation. But the old senators, who had im- 
 bibed other principles, and persevered in their 
 ancient maxims, said, they did not recognize the 
 Roman character in such dealing : that their 
 ancestors, relying more upon true valour than 
 stratagem, used to make war openly, and not in 
 disguise and under cover ; that such unworthy 
 artifices should be abandoned to the Carthagini- 
 ans and Grecians, with whom it was reckoned 
 more glorious to deceive an enemy, than to con- 
 quer him with open force ; that indeed strata- 
 gem sometimes, in the moment of action, seem- 
 ed to succeed better than valour; but that a 
 victory, obtained vigorously in a battle, where 
 the force of the troops on each side, was closely 
 tried, and which the enemy could not ascribe 
 either to chance or cunning, was of a much 
 more lasting effect, because it left a strong 
 conviction of the victor's superior force and 
 bravery. 
 
 Notwithstanding these remonstrances ot the 
 elder senators, who could not relish these new 
 maxims of policy, that part of the senate which 
 preferred the useful to the honourable were 
 much the majority upon this occasion, and the 
 conduct of the two commissioners was approved. 
 Marcius was sent again with some galleys into 
 Greece, to regulate affairs as he should think 
 most consistent with the service of the public ; 
 and Atilius into Thessaly, to take possession of 
 Larissa, lest, upon the expiration of the truce, 
 Perseus should make himself master of that im- 
 portant place, the capital of the country. Len- 
 tulus was also sent to Thebes, to have an eye 
 upon Bceotia. 
 
 Though the war with Perseus was resolved 
 at Rome, the senate gave audience to his am- 
 bassadors. Thev repeated the same things 
 which had been' said in the interview with 
 Marcius, and endeavoured to justify their mas- 
 ter, principally upon the attempt he was ac- 
 cused of having made on the person of Eumenes. 
 They were heard with little or no attention, and 
 the senate ordered them and all the Macedoni- 
 ans at Rome to quit the city immediately, and 
 Italy in thirty days. The consul Licinius, who 
 was to command in Macedonia, had orders to 
 march as soon as possible with his army. 
 The praetor Lucretius, who had the command 
 of the fleet, set out with five-and-forty galleys 
 from Naples, and arrived in five days at Cepha- 
 lonia, where he waited for the arrival of the 
 land forces. 
 
 1 Liv. L xlii. n. 45—48. Polyb. Legat. Ixiv— Ixviii. 
 2 Cilm cffiterorum id interesse, turn prsecipud Rhodio- 
 rum, qui plus inter alias civitates dignitate atque opibus 
 excellant : quae serva atque obnoxia fore, si nullus alib sit 
 qudm ad Romanes respectus. Liv. 
 
 3 Coronaea and Haliartus. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 The con«m Licinius, and king Perseus take the field. 
 They both encamp near the river Peneus, at some dis. 
 tance from each other. Engagement ot the cavalry, in 
 which Perseus has considerably the advantage, ano 
 makes an ill use of it. He endeavours to make a peace 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 but ineffectually. The armies on both sides go into 
 w nter-quarters. 
 
 The consul Licinius, after 
 A. M. 3833. having offered his vows to 
 Ant. J. C. 171. the gods in the capitol, set 
 out from Rome, covered 
 with a coat of arms, according to the custom. 
 The departure of the consuls, says Tivy,* was 
 always attended with great solemnity and an 
 incredible concourse of the people, especially 
 upon an important war, and against a powerful 
 enemy. Bssides the interest which every in- 
 dividual might have in the glory of the consul, 
 the citizens were induced to throng about him, 
 out of a curiosity to see the general, to whose 
 prudence and valour the fate of the republic was 
 confided. A thousand anxious thoughts pre- 
 sented themselves at that time to their minds 
 upon the events of the war, which are ahvays 
 precarious and uncertain. They remembered 
 the defeats which had happened through the bad 
 conduct and temerity, and the victories for 
 which they were indebted to the wisdom and 
 courage, of their generals. " What mortal," 
 said they, " can know the fate of a consul at his 
 departure : whether we shall see him with his 
 victorious army return in triumph to the Capi- 
 tol, from whence he sets out, after having offer- 
 ed up his prayers to the gods ; or whether the 
 enemy may not rejoice in his overthrow ?" The 
 ancient glory of the Macedonians ; that of Phi- 
 lip who had made himself famous by his wars, 
 and particularly by that against the Romans, 
 added very much to the reputation of Perseus ; 
 and every body knew, that from the time of his 
 accession to the crown a war had been expected 
 from him. Full of such thoughts, the citizens 
 in crowds conducted the consul out of the city. 
 C. Claudius and Q. Mutius, who had both been 
 consuls, did not think it below them to serve in 
 his army in quality of military tribunes (or, as 
 we may now say, as colonels or brigadiers), 
 and went with him ; as did P. Lentulus and 
 the two Manlii Acidini. The consul repaired 
 in their company to Brundusium, which was 
 the rendezvous of the army ; and passing the 
 sea with all his troops, arrived at JSlympheeum, 
 in the country of the ApoUonians. 
 
 Perseus, some days before, upon the report 
 of his ambassadors who had returned from 
 Rome, and assured him that there remained no 
 hope of peace, held a great council, in which 
 opinions were different. Some thought it ne- 
 cessary for him either to pay tribute, if required, 
 or give up a part of his dominions, if the Ro- 
 mans insisted I'pon it j in a word, to suffer every 
 thing that could be endured, for the sake of 
 peace, rather than expose his person and king- 
 dom to the danger of entire destruction. That 
 if a part of his kingdom was left him, time and 
 chance might produce favourable conjunctures, 
 to put him in a condition not only to recover 
 all he had lost, but even to render him formi- 
 dable to those who at present made Macedonia 
 tremble. 
 
 The greater number were of a quite different 
 opinion. They insisted, that by making cession 
 of any part he must determine to lose all his 
 kingdom. That it was neither money norlands 
 that incited the ambition of the Romans, but 
 universal empire. That they knew the greatest 
 
 4 Liv. lib. Ixii. n. 49— R3. 
 
 kingdoms and most powerful empires were sub 
 ject to frequent I'evolutions. That they ban 
 humbled, or rather ruined Carthage, without 
 taking possession of its territories ; contentin; 
 themselves with keeping it in awe by the reioh- 
 bourhood of Masinissa. That they had driven 
 Antiochus and his son beyond mount Taurus. 
 That there was no kingdom but Macedonia that 
 was capable of giving umbrage to, or making 
 head against, the Romans. 'J'hat prudence re- 
 quired Perseus, whilst he was still master of it, 
 seriously to consider with himself, whether by 
 making the Romans sometimes one concession, 
 and sometimes another, he was resolved to see 
 himself deprived of all power, expelled from 
 his dominions, and obliged to ask as a favour of 
 the Romans, permission to retire and confine 
 himself in Samothracia, or some other island, 
 there to pass the rest of his days in contempt 
 and misery, with the mortification of surviving 
 his glory and empire ; or whether he would 
 prefer to hazard ail the dangers of the war, 
 armed as became a man of courage in defence of 
 his fortunes and dignity ; and, in case of being 
 victorious, have the glory of delivering the uni- 
 verse from the Roman yoke. That it would 
 be no more a wonder to drive the Romans out 
 of Greece, than it had been to drive Hannibal 
 out of Italy. Besides, was it consistent for 
 Perseus, after having opposed his brother with 
 all his efforts, when he attempted to usurp his 
 crown, to resign it merely to strangers that en- 
 deavoured to wrest it out of his hands ? That, 
 in fine, all the world agreed, that there was no- 
 thing more inglorious than to give up empire 
 without resistance, nor more laudable than 
 to have used all possible endeavours to preserve 
 it. 
 
 This council was held at Pella, the ancient 
 capital of Macedonia. " Since you think it so 
 necessary," said the king, " let us make war 
 then with the help of the gods." He gave or- 
 ders at the same time to his generals to assemble 
 all th ir troops at Citium, whither he went 
 soon after himself, with all the lords of his 
 court and his regiments of guards, after having 
 offered a sacrifice cf a hecatomb, or 100 oxen, 
 to Minerva Alcidema. He found the whole 
 army assembled there. It amounted, including 
 the foreign troops, to 39,000 foot, of whom al- 
 most half composed the phalanx, and 4000 horse. 
 It was agreed, that since the army Alexander 
 the Great led into Asia, no king of Macedonia 
 commanded one so numerous. 
 
 It was twenty-six years since Philip had 
 made peace with the Romans ; and as during all 
 that time Macedonia had remained in tranquil- 
 lity, and without any considerable war, there 
 were in it great numbers of youth capable of 
 bearing arms, who had already begun to exer- 
 cise and form themselves in the wars which Ma- 
 cedonia had supported against the Thracians 
 their neighbours. Philip besides, and Perseus 
 after him, had long formed the design of under- 
 taking a war with the Romans. Hence it was 
 that at the time we speak of every thing wa? 
 ready for beginning it. 
 
 Perseus, before he took the field, thought it 
 necessary to harangue his troops. He mounteo 
 his throne, therefore, and from thence, having 
 his two sons on each side of him, spoke to them 
 with great energy. He began with a long re- 
 cital of all the injuries the Romans had com- 
 mitted with regard to his father, which had in- 
 duced him to resolve to take up arms against 
 them ; but that a sudden death had preventef 
 
554 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 I him from putting- that design in execution. He 
 I added, that presently after the death of Philip, 
 I the Romans had sent ambassadors to him, and 
 I at the same time had marched ti'oops into 
 I Greece to take possession of the strongest places ; 
 I that afterwards, in order to gain time, they had 
 i amused him during all the winter with deceit- 
 I ful interviews and a pretended truce, under the 
 specious pretext of negotiating a reconciliation, 
 i He compared the consul's army, which was ac- 
 ' tually on its march, with that of the Macedo- 
 nians; which, in his opinion, was much supe- 
 rior to the other, both in the number and valour 
 of their troops, as well as in ammunition and 
 ; provisions of war, collected with infinite care 
 \ dui'ing a great number of years. " You have 
 j therefore, Macedonians," said he, in concluding, 
 " only to display the same courage which your 
 ancestors showed, when having triumphed over 
 all Europe, they crossed into Asia, and set no 
 other bounds to their conquests, than those of the 
 universe. You are not now to carry your arms 
 to the extremities of the Kast, but to defend 
 yourselves in the possession of the kingdom of 
 Macedonia. When the Romaiis attacked my 
 father, they covered the unjust war with the 
 specious pretence of re-establishing the ancient 
 liberty of Greece ; the present they undertake 
 without any disguise, to reduce and enslave 
 Macedonia. ' That haughty people cannot bear 
 that the Roman empii-e should have any king 
 for its neighbour, nor that any warlike nation 
 should have arms for their defence. For you 
 may be assured, if you refuse to make war, and 
 will submit to the orders of those insulting mas- 
 ters, that you must resolve to deliver up your 
 arms with your king and his kingdom to 
 them." 
 
 At these words the whole arm.y, which had 
 expressed only moderate applause for the rest 
 of his discourse, raised cries of anger and indig- 
 nation, exhorting the king to entertain the best 
 hopes, and demanding earnestly to be led against 
 the enemy. 
 
 Perseus then gave audience to the ambassa- 
 dors from the cities of jNIacedonia, who came to 
 oifer him money and provisions for the occasions 
 of the army ; each according to their power. 
 The king thanked them in the kindest manner, 
 but did not accept their offers; giving for his 
 reason, that the army was abundantly pi'ovided 
 with all things necessary. He only demanded 
 carriages to convey the battering-rams, catapul- 
 tse, and other military engines. 
 
 The two armies were now in motion. That 
 of the Macedonians, after some days' march ar- 
 rived at Sycurium, a city situated at the fout of 
 mount CEta; the consul's was at Gomphi in 
 Thessaly, after having surmounted tlie most in- 
 credible difficulties in ways and defiles almost 
 impassable. The Romans themselves confessed, 
 that had the enemy defended those passes, they 
 might easily have* destroyed their vrhole army 
 in them. The consul advanced within three 
 mile« of the country called Tripolis, and en- 
 camped upon the banks of the river I'eneus. 
 
 At the same time Eumenes arrived at Chal- 
 cis, with his brothers Attains and Athenf5eus : 
 Philetserus, the fourth, was left at Pergamus, 
 for the defence of the country. Eumenes and 
 Attains joined the consul with 40(30 foot and 
 1000 horse. They had left Athena;us with 2000 
 foot at Chalcis, to reinforce the garrison of that 
 important place. The allies sent also other 
 troops, though not in any considerable number, 
 and some galleys. Perseus, in the mean time. 
 
 sent out several detachments to ravage the neigh- 
 bouring country of Pherse, in hopes that if the 
 consul should quit his camp, and march to the 
 aid of the cities in his alliance, that he might 
 surprise and attack him to advantage ; but he 
 was disappointed, and obliged to cojitent him- 
 self with distributing the booty he had made 
 amongst his soldiers, which was very consid- 
 erable, and consisted principally in cattle of aU 
 sorts. 
 
 The consul and king held each of them a 
 council at the same time, in order to resolve in 
 what manner to begin the war. The king, 
 highly proud of having been suffered to ravage 
 the ten itories of the Pherseans without opposi- 
 tion, thought it advisable to go and attack the 
 Romans in their camp without loss of time. 
 The Romans were very sensible, that their 
 slowness and delays would discredit them very 
 much in the opinion of their allies, and re- 
 proached themselves with not having defended 
 the people of Phera?. "Whilst they were con- 
 sulting upon the measures it was necessary to 
 take (Eumenes and Attains being present), a 
 courier came in upon the spur, and informed 
 them that the enemy was very near with a nu- 
 merous army. The signal was immediately 
 given for the soldiers to stand to their arms, and 
 100 horse were detached, v. ith as many of the 
 light- armed foot, to take a view of the enemy. 
 Perseus, at ten in the morning, finding himself 
 no farther from the Roman camp than a short 
 half league, made his foot halt, and advanced 
 with his hn'se and light-armed soldiers. He 
 had scarce marched a quarter of a league, v/hen 
 he perceived a body of the enemy, against which 
 he sent a small detachment of horse, supported 
 by some light-armed troops. As the two de- 
 tachments were very near equal in number, and 
 neither side sent any fresh troops to their aid, 
 the skirmish ended without its being possible to 
 say which side was victorious. Persuus march- 
 ed back his troops to Sycurium. 
 
 The next day, at the same hour, Perseus ad- 
 vanced with all his troops to the same place. 
 They were follov»'cd by carts laden with water, 
 for there was none to be found within six 
 leagues of the place ; the way was A-cry dusty, 
 and the troops might have been obliged to fight 
 immediately, fatigued as they were with thirst, 
 which would have incommoded them exceed- 
 ingly. The Romans keeping close in their 
 camp, and having withdrawn their advanced 
 guards within their intrenchments, the king's 
 troops returned to their camp. They did the 
 same several days, in hopes the Romans would 
 not fail to detach their cavalry to attack their 
 rear-guard, and when they had drawn them on 
 far enough from their camp, and the battle was 
 begun, that they might face about. As the 
 king's horse and light-armed foot were very 
 much superior to those of the Romans, they as- 
 sured themselves of having no difficulty in de- 
 feating them. 
 
 This first design not succeeding, the king en- 
 camped nearer the enemy, within little more 
 than two leagues of them. At break of day, 
 having drawn up his infantry in the same place 
 as he had done the two preceding days, about 
 1000 paces from the enemy, he advanced at the 
 head of his cavalry and' light-aimed foot to- 
 wards the caicp of the Romans. The sight of 
 the dust, which flew nearer than usual, and 
 seemed to be raised by a greater number of 
 troops, gave them the alarm, and the first who 
 brought the news, could scarcely persuade thenc 
 
ALEXANDER S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 that the enemy was so near, because for severaj 
 days before they had not appeared till ten in the 
 morning, and the sun at that time was just ris- 
 ing. But when it was confirmed by the cries 
 of many, who ran in crowds from the ijates, 
 there was no longer any room to doubt it, and the 
 camp was in very great confusion. All the offi- 
 cei's repaired with the utmost haste to the gen- 
 eral's tent, as the soldiers did each to his own. 
 The negligence of the consul, so ill informed in 
 the motions of an enemy, whose nearness to 
 him ought to have kept him perpetually upon 
 his guard, gives us no great idea of his ability. 
 
 Perseus had drawn up his troops at less than 
 500 paces from the consul's intrenchments. 
 Cotys, king of the Odryste in Thrace, com- 
 manded the left, with the horse of his nation ; 
 the light-armed troops were distributed in the 
 intervals of the front rank. The Macedonian 
 and Cretan horse formed the right wing. At 
 the extremity of each wing, the king's horse 
 j and those of the auxiliaries were posted. The 
 king kept the centre with the horse that al- 
 ways attended his person ; before whom were 
 placed the slingers and archers, about 400 in 
 number. 
 
 The consul, having drawn up his foot in bat- 
 tle array within his camp, detached only his 
 cavalry and light-armed troops, who had orders 
 to form a line in the front of his intrenchments. 
 The right wing, which consisted of all the Ital- 
 ian hoFje, was commanded by C. Licinius Cras- 
 sus, the consul's brother ; the left, composed of 
 the horse of the Grecian allies, by M. Valerius 
 Levinus; both intermingled with the light- 
 armed troops. Q,. Mutius was posted in the 
 centre with a select body of horse ; and 200 of 
 the Gaulish cavalry, and 300 of Eumenes's 
 troops, were drawn up in his front. Four 
 hundred Thessalian horse were placed a little 
 beyond the left wing, as a body of reserve. 
 King Eumenps and his brother Attains, with 
 their troops, were posted in the space between 
 the intrenchments and the rear ranks. 
 
 This was only an engagement of cavalry, 
 which in number was almost equal on both sides, 
 and might amount to about 4000 on each, with- 
 out including the light-armed troops. The ac- 
 tion began by the ,slings and missive weapons, 
 which were posted in front ; but that was only 
 the prelude. The Thracians, like wild beasts 
 long pent up, and thereby rendered more furi- 
 ous, threw themselves first upon the right wing 
 of the Romans, who perfectly brave and intre- 
 pid as they were, could not support so rude and 
 violent a -charge. The light-armed foot, whom 
 the Thracians had amongst them, beat down the 
 lances of the enemy with their swords, some- 
 times cutting the legs of the horses, and some- 
 times wounding them in their flanks. Perseus, 
 who attacked the centre of the enemy, soon put 
 the Greeks into disorder ; and as they were 
 vigorously pursued in their flight, the Thessa- 
 lian horse, which at a small distance from the 
 left wing, formed a body of reserve, and in the 
 beginning of the action had been only spectators 
 of the battle, were of great service when that 
 wing gave way. For those horse retiring gent- 
 ly and in good order, after having joined the 
 auxiliary troops of Eumenes, gave a safe retreat 
 between their ranks to those who fled and were 
 dispersed; and when they saw the enemy was 
 not warm in their pursuit, were so bold as to 
 advance to sustain and encourage their own 
 party. As this body of horse marched in good 
 order, and always kept their ranks, the king's 
 
 cavalry, who had broke iu the pursuit, did not 
 «lare to wait their approach, nor to come to blows 
 with them. 
 
 Hippias and Leoiiatus having learned the ad- 
 vantage gained by the cavali-y, that the king 
 might not lose so favourable an opportunity of 
 completjng the glory of the day, by vigorously 
 pushing the enemy, and charging them in their 
 intrenchments, brought on the Macedonian pha- 
 lanx of their own accord, and without orders. 
 It appeared, indeed, that had the king made the 
 least effort, he might have rendered his victory 
 complete ; and in the present ardour of his troops, 
 and terror into which they had thrown the Ro- 
 mans, the latter must have been entirely defeat- 
 ed. Whilst he was deliberating with himself 
 between hope and fear, upon what he should 
 resolve, Evander of Crete,' in whom he re- 
 posed great confidence, upon seeing the pha- 
 lanx advance, ran immediately to Perseus, and 
 earnestly begged of him not to abandon himself 
 to his present succes-s, nor engage rashly in a 
 new action that Avas not necessary, and where- 
 in he hazarded every thing. He represented to 
 him, that if he continued quiet, and contented 
 himself with the present advantage, he would 
 either obtain honourable conditions of peace, or, 
 if he should choose to continue the war, this 
 first success would infallibly determine those, 
 who till then had remained neuter, to declare in 
 his favour. The king v/as already inclined to 
 follow that opinion ; wherefore, having praised 
 the counsel and zeal of Evander, he caused the 
 retreat to be sounded for his horse, and ordered 
 his foot to return into the camp. 
 
 The Romans lost 2000 of their light-armed 
 infantry at least in this battle; and had 200 of 
 their horse killed, and as many taken prisoners. 
 On the other side, only twenty of their cavalry 
 and forty foot soldiers were left upon the field, 
 The victors I'eturned into their camp with great 
 joy, especially the Thracians, who, with songs 
 of triumph, carried the heads of those they had 
 killed upon the end of their pikes : — it was to 
 tliem that Perseus was principally indebted for 
 his victory. The Romans, on the contrary, in 
 profound sorrow, kept a mournful silence, and, 
 filled with terror, expected every moment that 
 the enemy would come and attack them in their 
 camp. Eumenes was of opinion, that it was 
 proper to remove the camp to the other side of 
 the Peneus, in order that the river might serve 
 as an additional fortification for the troops, till 
 they had recovered their panic. The consul was 
 averse to taking that step, which, as an open 
 profession of fear, was highly dishonourable to 
 himself and his army; but, however, being 
 convinced by reason, and yielding to necessity, 
 he passed with his troops, under cover of the 
 night, and encamped on the other bank of the 
 river. 
 
 Perseus advanced the next day to attack the 
 enemy, and to give them battle ; but it was then 
 too late; he found their camp abandoned. 
 When he saw them intrenched on the other side 
 of the river, he perceived the enormous eri'or he 
 had committed the day before, in not pursuing 
 them immediately upon their defeat; but he 
 confessed it a still greater fault to have continued 
 quiet and inactive during the night. P'or with- 
 out putting the rv^t of his army in motion, if he 
 
 1 Perseus made use of him in the intended assassination 
 of Eumenes. 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 had only detached his light-armed troops against 
 the enemy during their contusion and disorder 
 in passing the river, he might, without diflficul- 
 ty, have cut off at least part of their army. 
 
 We see here, in a sensible example, to what 
 causes revolutions of states, and the fall of the 
 greatest empires, owe their being. There is no 
 reader but must have been surprised at seeing 
 Perseus stop short in a decisive moment, and 
 let slip an almost certain occasion of defeating 
 his enemy : it requires no great capacity nor 
 penetration to discern so gross a fault. But 
 how came it to pass, that Perseus, who wanted 
 neither judgment nor experience, should be so 
 much mistaken ? A notion is suggested to him 
 by a man he confides in. It is weak, rash, and 
 absurd. But God, who rules the heart of man, 
 and who wills the destruction of the kingdom of 
 Macedonia, suffers no other notion to prevail in 
 tlie king's breast, and removes every thought 
 which might, and naturally ought to have in- 
 duced him to take quite different measures. Nor 
 is that sufficient. The first fault might have 
 been easily retrieved by a little vigilance during 
 the night. God seems to have laid that prince 
 and his army in a profound sleep. Not one of 
 his officers has the least thought of observing the 
 motions of the enemy in the night. We see 
 nothing but what is natural in all this : but the 
 Holy Scripture teaches us to think otherwise ; 
 and we may well apply to this event what was 
 said of Saul's soldiers and officers : " And no 
 man saw it, nor knew it, neither awaked : for 
 they were all asleep, because a deep sleep from 
 the'Lord was fallen upon them." 1 Sam, xxvi. 
 12. 
 
 The Romans, indeed, having put the river 
 between them and the enemy, saw themselves 
 no longer in danger of being suddenly attacked 
 and routed ; but the check they had lately re- 
 ceived, and the wound they had given the glory 
 of the Roman name, made them feel the sharp- 
 est affliction- All who were present in the 
 council of war assembled by the consul, laid the 
 fault upon the ^tolians. It was said, that they 
 were the first who took the alarm and fled ; that 
 the rest of the Greeks had been drawn away by 
 their example, and that five of the chief of their 
 nation were the first who took to flight. The 
 Thessalians, on the contrary, were praised for 
 their valour, and their leaders rewarded with 
 several marks of honour. 
 
 The spoils taken from the Romans were not 
 inconsiderable. They amounted to 1500 buck- 
 lers, 1000 cuirasses, and a much greater number 
 of helmets, swords, and darts of all kinds. The 
 king made great presents of them to the officers 
 who had distinguished themselves most ; and 
 having assembled the army, he began by telling 
 them, that what had happened was a happy 
 presage for them, and a certain pledge of what 
 they might hope for the future. He made 
 great encomiums upon the troops who had been 
 in the action ; and in magnificent terms expa- 
 tiated upon their victory over the Roman horse, 
 in which the principal force of their army con- 
 sisted, and which they had before believed in- 
 v^incibie ; and promised himself from thence a 
 more considerable success over their infantry, 
 who had only escaped their swords by a shame- 
 ful flight during the night ; but that it would 
 be easy to force the intrenchments in which their 
 fear kept them shut up. The victorious sol- 
 diers, who carried the spoils of the enemies they 
 had slain upon their shoulders, heard this dis- 
 course with sensible pleasui'e, and promised 
 
 themselves every thing from their valour, judg- 
 ing of the future by the past. The foot, on theii 
 side, especially that which composed the Mace- 
 donian phalanx, stimulated by a laudable jeal- 
 ousy, pretended at least to equal, if not to excel, 
 the glory of their companions upon the first oc- 
 casion. In a word, the whole army demanded, 
 with incredible ardour, only to com.e to blows 
 with the enemy. The king, after having dis- 
 missed the assembly, set forward the next day, 
 passed the river, and encamped at Mopsium, 
 an eminence situate between Tempe and La- 
 rissa. 
 
 The joy for the good success of so important 
 a battle affected Perseus at first in all its extent. 
 He looked upon himself as superior to a people, 
 who themselves were so with respect to all other 
 princes and nations. This was not a victory 
 gained by surprise, and in a manner stolen by 
 stratagem and address, but carried by open force, 
 and the valour and bravery of his* troops, and 
 that in his own sight and under his own con- 
 duct. He had seen the Roman haughtiness 
 give way before him three times in one day: 
 at first, in keeping close through fear in their 
 camp ; then, when they ventured out of it, shame- 
 fully betaking themselves to flight ; and, lastly, 
 by flying again, during the obscui-ity of the 
 night, and in finding no other security than by 
 being enclosed within their intrenchments, the 
 usual refuge of terror and apprehension. These 
 thoughts were highly soothing, and capable of 
 deceiving a prince, already too much affected 
 with his own merit. 
 
 But when his first transports were a little 
 abated, and the inebriating fume of sudden joy 
 was somewhat evaporated, Perseus cametohim^ 
 self ; and reflecting in cold blood upon all the 
 consequences which might attend his victory, he 
 began to be in some sort of terror. Tlie wisest 
 of the courtiers about him,' taking advantage of 
 so happy a disposition, ventured to give him the 
 advics which his present temper made him ca- 
 pable of appreciating ; this was, to make the 
 best of his late success, and conclude an hon- 
 ourable peace with the Romans. They repre- 
 sented to him, that the most certain mark of a 
 prudent and really happy prince, was not to re- 
 ly too much upon the present favours of fortune, 
 nor abandon himself to the delusive glitter of 
 prosperity. That, therefore, he would do well 
 to send to the consul, and propose a renewal of 
 the treaty, upon the same conditions as had 
 been imposed by T. Quintius, when victorious, 
 upon his father Philip. That he could not put 
 an end to the war more gloriously for himself, 
 than after so memorable a battle ; nor hope a 
 more favourable occasion of concluding a sure 
 and lasting peace, than at a conjuncture when 
 the check the Romans had received would ren- 
 der them more tractable, and better inclined to 
 grant him good conditions. That if, notwith- 
 standing that check, the Romans out of a pride 
 too natural to them, should reject a just and 
 equitable accommodation, he would at least 
 have the consolation of having the gods and men 
 for witnesses of his own moderation, and the 
 haughty obstinacy of the Romans. 
 
 The king acquiesced in these wise remon- 
 strances, to which he never was averse. The ma- 
 jority of the council also applauded them. Am- 
 bassadors were accordingly sent to the consul, who 
 
 1 Polyb, Legat. Ixix. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 557 
 
 gave them audience in the i)resence of a numerous 
 assembly. They told him they came to demand 
 peace; that Perseus would pay the same tribute 
 to the Romans as his father Philip had done, 
 and abandon all the cities, territories, and places, 
 which that prince had abandoned. 
 
 When they withdrew, the council deliberated 
 upon the answer it was proper to make. The 
 Roman firmness displayed itself upon this occa- 
 sion in an extraordinary manner. It was the 
 custom at that time,^ to express in adversity all 
 the assurance and loftiness of good fortune, and 
 to act with moderation in prosperitj\ The an- 
 swer was, that no peace could be granted to 
 Perseus, unless he submitted himself and his 
 kingdom to the discretion of thi^ senate. When 
 it was related to the king and his friends, they 
 w«re strangely surprised at so extraordinary, 
 and, in their opinion, so ill-timed a pride ; most 
 of them believed it needless to talk any farther of 
 peace, and that the Romans would be soon re- 
 duced to demand what they now refused. Per- 
 seus was not of the same opinion. He judged 
 rightly, that Rome was not so haughty bat fi'om 
 a consciousness of superiority ; and that reflec- 
 tion daunted him exceedingly. He sent again 
 to the consul, and offered a more considerable 
 tribute than had beeti imposed upon Philip. 
 When he saw the consul would retract nothing 
 from his first answer, having no longer any 
 hopes of peace, he returned to his former camp 
 at Sycurium, determined to try again the for- i 
 tune of the war. 
 
 We may conclude, from the whole conduct of I 
 Perseus, that he must have undertaken this 
 war with great imprudence, and without having 
 compared his strength and resources with those 
 of the Romans. 'J'o think himself fortunate in 
 being able, after a signal victory, to demand 
 peace, and submit to more oppressive conditions 
 than his father Philip had complied with till ; 
 after a bloody defeat, seems to argue that he had ! 
 taken his measures and concerted the means of 
 success very ill ; since, after a first action entire- 
 ly to his advantage, he begins to discern all his 
 vs^eakness and inferiority, and in some sort in- i 
 clines to despair. Why then was he the first ! 
 to break the peace ? Why was he the aggressor ? 
 Why was he in such haste ? Was it to stop 
 short at the first step? How came he not to 
 know his weakness, till his own victoi'y showed I 
 it him ? These are not the signs of a wis^ and 
 judicious prince. 
 
 The news of the battle of the cavalry, which 
 soon spread in Greece, made known what the 
 people thought, and discovered in its full light to 
 which side they inclined. It was received with 
 joy, not only by the partisans of Macedonia, but 
 even by most of those whom the Romans had 
 obliged, of whom some suffered with pain their 
 haughty manners and insolence of power. 
 
 The praetor Lucretius at the same time was 
 besieging the city of Haliartus in Boiotia.^ 
 After a long and vigorous defence, it was taken 
 at last by storm, plundered, and afterwards en- 
 tirely demolished. Thebes soon after surren- 
 dered, and then Lucretius returned with his 
 deet. 
 
 Perseus, in the mean time, who was not far 
 from the camp of the Romans, gave them great 
 
 trouble ; harassing their troops, and falling upon 
 their foragers, whenever they A'entuved out oi 
 their camp. He took one day a thousand car- 
 riages, laden principally with sheafs of corn 
 which the Romans had been to reap, and made 
 600 prisoners. He afterwards attacked a small 
 body of troops in the neighbourhood, of which 
 he exppcted to make himself master with little 
 or no difficulty ; but he found more I'esistance 
 than he had imagined. That small body was 
 commanded by a brave officer called L. Pom- 
 peius, who, retiring to an eminence, defended 
 himself there with intrepid courage, determined 
 to die with his troops, rather than surrender. 
 He was upon the point of being borne down by 
 numbers, when the consul arrived to his assis- 
 tance Avith a strong detachment of horse and 
 light-armed foot; the legions were ordered to| 
 follow him. The sight of the consul gav6 Pom- 
 peius and his troops new courage, who were 800 
 men, all Romans. Perseus immediately sent 
 for his phalanx ; but the consul did not wait its 
 coming up, and came directly to blows. The 
 Macedonians, after having made a very vigorous 
 resistance for some time, were at last broken 
 and put to the rout. Three hundred foot were 
 left upon the field, with twenty-four of the best 
 horse, of the troop called the Sacred Squadron, 
 of which the commander himself, Antimachus, 
 was killed. 
 
 The success of this action re-animated the 
 Romans, and very much alarmed Perseus. Af- 
 ter having put a strong garrison into Gonnus, 
 he marched back his army into Macedonia. 
 
 The consul having reduced Perrhoebia, and 
 taken Larissa and some other cities, dismissed 
 all the allies, except the Achssans ; dispersed his 
 troops in Thessaly, whei'e he left them in win- 
 ter-quarters, and went into Boeotia at the re- 
 quest of the Thebans, upon whom the people of 
 Coronaea had made incursions. 
 
 SECT, IIL 
 
 The senate pass a wise decree to put a stop to the avarice 
 of the generals and magistrates, who oppressed the al- 
 lies. The consul Marcius, after sustaining great fatigue, 
 enters Macedonia. Perseus takes the alarm, and leaves 
 the passes open : he resumes courage afterwards. Inso. 
 lent embassy of the Ilhodians to Rome. 
 
 Nothing memorable passed 
 A. M. S634. the following year.* The 
 Ant. J. C. 170. consul Hostilius had sent 
 Ap. Claudius into Illyria 
 with 4000 foot, to defend such of the inhabitants 
 of that country as were allies of the Romans , 
 and the latter had found means to add 8000 
 men, raised among the allies, to his first body 
 of troops. He encamped at Lychnidus, a city 
 of the Uassaretse. Near that place was another 
 city called Uscana, which belonged to Perseus, 
 and where he had a strong garrison. Claudius, 
 upon the promise which had been made him of 
 having the place put into his hands, in hopes of 
 making gi'eat booty, approached it with almost 
 all his troops, without any order, distrust, or 
 precaution. Whilst he thought least of it, th3 
 g-arrison made a furious sally upon him, put his 
 whole army to fiight, and pursued them a grea* 
 way with dreadful slaughter. Of 11,000 men, 
 scarce 2000 escaped into the camp, of which 100€ 
 
 •2 Ita turn mos erat, in adversis vultum secundje fortu.< 
 E gerere, moderari animos in secundis. 
 
 3 Liv. 1. xlii. n. 64—67. 
 
 4 Liv, 1, xliii. n. 9 ]tl. 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 had been left to guard: Claudius returned to 
 Lychnidus with the ruins of his army. The 
 news of this loss very much afflicted the senate ; 
 and the more, because it had been occasioned by 
 the imprudence and avarice of Claudius. 
 
 This was the almost universal disease of the 
 commanders at that time.^ The senate received 
 various complaints from many cities, as well of 
 Greece as the other provinces, against the Ro- 
 man officers, who treated them with unheard-of 
 rapaciousness and cruelty. They punished some 
 of them, redressed the wrongs they had done 
 the cities, and dismissed the ambassadors well 
 satisfied with the manner in which tLeir re- 
 monstrances had been received. Soon after, to 
 prevent such disorders for the future, they 
 passed a decree, which expressed that the cities 
 should not furnish the Roman magistrates with 
 any thing m.ore than what the senate expressly 
 appointed ; which ordinance was published in 
 all the cities of Peloponnesus. 
 
 C. Popilius and Cn. Octavius, who were 
 charged with this commission, went first to 
 Thebes, where they very much praised the citi- 
 zens, and exhorted them to continue firm in 
 their alliance with the Roman people. Pro- 
 ceeding afterwards to the other cities of Pelo- 
 ponnesus, they boasted evei'y where of the lenity 
 and moderation of the senate, which they proved 
 by their late decree in favour of the Greeks. 
 ' They found great divisions in almost all the 
 cities, especially among the ^tolians, occasioned 
 by two factions which divided them, one for the 
 Romans, and the other for the Macedonians. 
 The assembly of Achaia was not exempt from 
 these divisions ; but the wisdom of the persons 
 of greatest authority prevented their conse- 
 quences. The advice of Archon, one of the 
 principal persons of the league, was to act ac- 
 cording to conjunctures, to leave no room for 
 calumny to irritate either of the contending 
 powers against the republic, and to avoid the 
 misfortunes into which those were fallen, who 
 had not been sufficiently aware of the power 
 of the Romans. This advice prevailed ; and it 
 was resolved that Archon should be made chief 
 magistrate, and Poiybius captain-general of the 
 horse. 
 
 About this time, Attains having something 
 to demand of the Achaean league, caused the 
 liew magistrate to be sounded ; who being de- 
 termined in favour of the Romans and their 
 allies, promised that prince to support his suit 
 with all his power. The affair in question was, 
 to have a decree reversed, by which it was or- 
 dained, that all the statues of king Eumenes 
 should be removed from the public places. At 
 the first council that was held, the ambassadors 
 of Attalus were introduced to the assembly, 
 who demanded, that in consideration of the 
 prince who sent them, Eumenes, his brothei-, 
 should be restored to the honours which the re- 
 public had formerly decreed him. Archon sup- 
 ported this demand, but with great moderation. 
 Poiybius spoke Avith moi-e force, enlarged upon 
 the merit and services of Eumenes, demon- 
 strated the injustice of the first decree, and con- 
 cluded that it was proper to repeal it. The 
 whole assembly applauded his discourse, and it 
 was resolved that Eumenes should be restored 
 to all his honours. 
 
 It was at this time that Rome sent Popi- 
 
 1 Fol^b. Legat. Ixxiv. Liv. 1. xUii. n. 17. 
 
 lius to Antiochus Epipha- 
 A. M. S8S5. nes,^ to prevent his enter- 
 Ant. J. C. 169. prises against Egypt, which 
 we have mentioned before. 
 The Macedonian war gave the Romans great 
 employment. Q. Marcius Philippus, one of 
 the two consuls lately elected, was charged 
 with it. 
 
 Before he set out, Perseus had conceived the 
 design of taking the advantage of the winter to 
 make an expedition against Illyria, which was 
 the only province from whence Macedonia had 
 reason to fear irruptions during the king's being 
 employed against the Romans. This expedition 
 succeeded very happily for him, and almost 
 without any loss on his side. He began with 
 the siege of Uscana, which had fallen into the 
 hands of the Romans (it is not known how), 
 and took it, after a defence of some duration. 
 He afterwards made himself master of all the 
 strong places in the country, the most part of 
 which had Roman garrisons in them, and took 
 a great number of prisoners. 
 
 Perseus at the same time sent ambassadors to 
 Gentius, one of the kings of Illyria, to induce 
 him to quit the party of the Romans, and to 
 come over to him. Gentius was far from be- 
 ing averse to it ; but he observed, that having 
 neither ammunition for the war, nor money, 
 he was in no condition to declare against the 
 Romans; which was explaining himself suffi- 
 ciently. Perseus, who was avaricious, did not 
 understand, or rather affected not to under- 
 stand, his demand, and sent a second embassy 
 to him without mention of money, and received 
 the same answer. Poiybius observes, that this 
 fear of expense, which denotes a little and mean 
 soul, and entirely dishonours a prince, made 
 many of his enterprises miscarry ; and that U 
 he would have sacrificed certain sums, and those 
 far from considerable, he might have engaged 
 several republics and princes in his party. Can 
 such a blindness be conceived in a rational crea- 
 ti'.re! Poiybius considers it as a punishment 
 from the gods. 
 
 Perseus, having led back his troops into Ma:Ce- 
 donia, made them march afterwards to Stratus, 
 a very strong city of JLtolia, above the gulf of 
 Ambracia. The people had given him hopes 
 that they would surrender it as soon as he ap- 
 peared before the walls ; but the Romans pre- 
 vented them, and threw succours into the place. 
 
 Early in the spring the consul Marcius left 
 Rome, and went to Thessaly, from whence, 
 without losing time, he advanced into Mace- 
 donia, fully assured that it was necessary to at- 
 tack Perseus in the heart of his dominions. 
 
 Upon the report that the Roman army was 
 ready to take the field,^ Archon, chief magis- 
 trate of the Achseans, to justify his country 
 from the suspicions and injurious reports that 
 had been propagated against it, advised the 
 Achseans to pass a decree, by which it should be 
 ordained, that they should march an army into 
 Thessaly, and share in all the dangers of the 
 war with the Romans. That decree being con- 
 firmed, orders were given to Ai'chon to raise 
 troops, and to make all the necessary prepara- 
 tions. It was afterwards resolved, that am- 
 bassadors should be sent to the consul, to ac- 
 quaint him with the i-esolution of the republic, 
 
 2 Liv, 1. xliii. n. 11. ; and 18—23 Polyb. Lcgat Ixxvi. 
 Ixxvii. 
 
 5 Poljb. Legat. Ixxviii. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 559 
 
 and to know from him where and when tlie 
 Achaean army should join him. Polybius, our 
 historian, with some others, was charged with 
 this embassy. They found the Komans had 
 quitted Thessaly, and were encamped in Per- 
 rhoebia, between Azorus and Doliche, greatly 
 perpkxed about the route it was necessary to 
 take. They followed them, in order to await a 
 favourable opportunity of speaking to the con- 
 sul, and shared with him in all the dangers he 
 ran in entering Macedonia. 
 
 Perseus,* who did not know what route the 
 consul would take, had posted considerable 
 bodies of troops in two places, by which it was 
 probable he would attempt to pass. For him- 
 self, he encamped with the rest of his army 
 near Dium, marching and countermarching 
 without any fixed object. 
 
 Marcius, after long deliberation, resolved to 
 pass the forest that covered the heights of Oc- 
 tolophus. He had incredible difficulties to sur- 
 mount, the ways were so steep and impracti- 
 cable ; but he had had the precaution to seize an 
 eminence, which favoured his passage. From 
 hence the enemy's camp, which was not distant 
 above a thousand paces, and all the country 
 about Dium and Phila, might be discovered ; 
 which very inuch animated the soldiers, who 
 had before their eyes such opulent lands, where 
 they hoped to enrich themselves. Hippias, 
 whom the king had posted to defend this pass 
 with a body of 12,000 men, seeing the eminence , 
 possessed by a detachment of the Romans, 
 marched to meet the consul, Avho was advancing 
 with his whole army, harassed his troops for 
 two days, and distressed them very much by 
 frequent attacks. Marcius was in great trouble, 
 not being able either to advance with safety, or 
 retreat without vshame, or even danger. He 
 had no other choice to make, than to pursue 
 with vigour an undertaking, formed perhaps ' 
 with too much boldness and temerity, but which [ 
 could not succeed without a determinate perse- 
 verance, which is often crowned in the end 
 with success. It is certain, that if the consul 
 had had to deal with an enemy like the ancient 
 kings of Macedonia, in the narrow defile where 
 his troops were pent up, he would infallibly 
 have received a great blow. But Perseus, in- 
 stead of sending fresh troops to support Hippias, 
 the cries of whose soidiers in battle he could 
 hear in his camp, and of going in perso-n to at- 
 tack the enemy, amused himself with making 
 useless excursions with his cavalry into the 
 country about Dium, and by that neglect gave 
 the Romans an opportunity of extricating them- 
 selves from the dangerous situation into which 
 they had brought themselves. 
 
 It was not without infinite pains that they 
 effected this; the horses laden with their bag- 
 gage sinking under their burdens as they de- 
 scended the mountain, and falling down at 
 almost every step they took. The elephants, 
 especially, gave them great trouble : it was ne- 
 cessary to find some new means for their descent 
 in such extremely steep places. Having cleared 
 a level on the snow on these declivities, they 
 drove two beams into the earth at the lower 
 part of the road, at the distance of something 
 more than the breadth of an elephant from each 
 other. Upon those beams they laid planks of i 
 thirty feet in length, and formed a kind of 
 
 i Liv. I xliv. n. 1—10. 
 
 ; bridge, which they covered with earth. At thti 
 end of the first bridge, but at some little dis- 
 tance, they erected a second, then a third, and 
 as many more of the same kind as were neces- 
 sary. The elephant passed from the firm ground 
 to the bridge ; and before he came to the end, 
 they contrived to lower insensibly the beams 
 that supported it, and let him gently down with 
 the bridge : he went on in that manner to the 
 second, and so to all the rest. It was not easy 
 1 to express the fatigues they underwent in this 
 j pass ; the soldiers being often obliged to roll 
 down with their arms, because it was impossi- 
 ble for theiYi to keep their footing. It was 
 agreed, that with a handful of men the enemy 
 might have defeated the Roman army. At 
 length, after infinite difficulties and dangers, it 
 arrived in a plain, and found itself in safety. 
 
 As the consul seemed then to have happily 
 ovei'come the greatest difficulties of his enter- 
 prise,^ Polybius thought this a proper time for 
 presenting to Marcius the decree of the Achse- 
 ans, and assuring him of their resolution to join 
 him with all their forces, and to share with him 
 in all the labours and dangers of this war. 
 Marcius, after having thanked the Acheeans for 
 their good will in the kindest terms, told them, 
 they might spare themselves the trouble and 
 expense that war would give them ; that he 
 would dispense with both ; and that, in the 
 present posture of affairs, he had no occasion for 
 the aid of the allies. After this discourse, Poly- 
 bius's colleagues returned into Achaia. 
 
 Polybius alone continued in the Roman ar- 
 my, till the consul, having received advice that 
 Appius, surnamed Cento, had demanded of the 
 Acheeans a body of 6000 men to be sent him 
 into Epirus, despatched him home with advice, 
 not to sulfer his republic to furnish those troops, 
 or engage in expenses entirely unnecessary, as 
 Appius had no reason to demand that aid.* It 
 is difficult, says the historian, to discover the 
 real motives that induced Marcius to talk in 
 this manner. Did he wish to spare the Achse- 
 ans, or was he laying a snare for them ? or did 
 he intend to put it out of Appius's power to 
 undertake any thing? 
 
 Whilst the king was bathing, he was in- 
 formed of the enemy's approach. That nevi^s 
 alarmed him terribly. Uncertain what plan to 
 pursue, and changing every moment his resolu- 
 tion, he cried out, and lamented his being con- 
 quered without fighting. He recalled the two 
 officers, to whom he had confided the diifence of 
 the passes ; sent the gilt statues •* at Dium on 
 board his fleet, lest they should fall into the 
 hands of the Romans ; gave orders that his trea - 
 sures, which were laid up at Pella, should be 
 thrown into the sea, and all his galleys at Thes- 
 salonica burnt. For himself, he retired to 
 Pydna. 
 
 The consul had brought the army to a place 
 from whence it was impossible to disengage 
 himself without the enemy's permission. The 
 only passage for him was through two forests ; 
 by the one he might penetrate through the val- 
 leys of Tempe in Thessaly, and by the other, 
 beyond Dium, enter farther into Macedonia; ( 
 and both these important posts were possessed i 
 by strong garrisons whom the king had placed [ 
 
 5 Polyb. Legat, Ixxviii. 
 6 These were the statues of the horse-soldiers killed in 
 passing the Granicus, which Alexander had caused to be 
 made by Lysii){)us, and to be set up in Dium. 
 
560 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 there. So that if Perseus had only staid ten 
 davs without taking fright, it had been impossi- 
 ble for the Romans to have entered Thessaly by 
 Tempe, and the consul would have had no pass 
 by which provisions could be conveyed to him. 
 
 For the ways through Tempe are bordered b 
 such vast precipices, that the eye could scarce 
 look doT\-n from them without dizziness. Ihe 
 k'na's trcops guarded this pass at four several 
 p aces, of which the last was so narrow, that 
 ten men, vrell armed, could alone have defended 
 the entrance. The Romans, therefore, not be- 
 ing able either to receive provisions by the nar- 
 .•o\v passes of Tempe, nor to get through them, 
 must have been obliged to regain the mountains 
 from whence they came down, which was be- 
 come impracticable, the enemy having possessed 
 themselves of the eminences. The only choice 
 they had left was to open their way into Mace- 
 donia, through their enemies, to Dium ; which 
 would have been no less difficult,' if the gods, 
 says Livv, had not deprived Perseus of pru- 
 dence and counsel. For in making a fosse with 
 intrenchments in a very narrow defile at the 
 foot of mount Olympus," he would have abso- 
 lutely shut them out, and stopped them short. 
 But 'in the blindness into which his fear had 
 thrown the king, he neither saw nor put in 
 execution any of the various means in his power 
 to save himself, but left all the passes of his 
 kingdom open and unguarded, and took refuge 
 at Pydna Avith precipitation. 
 
 Tlie consul perceived aright, that he owed his 
 safety to the king's timidity and imprudence. 
 He ordered the prsetor Lucretius, who was at 
 Larissa, to seize the posts bordering upon 
 Tempe, which Perseus had abandoned, in order 
 to secure a retreat in case of accident ; and sent 
 Popilius to take a view of the passes iu the way 
 to Dium. When he was informed that the 
 ways were open and unguarded, he mai'ched 
 thither in two days, and encamped his army 
 near the temple of Jupiter, in the neighbour- 
 hood, to prevent its being plundered. Having 
 entered the city, which was full of magnificent 
 buildings, and well fortified, he was exceedingly 
 surprised that the king had abandoned if so 
 easily. He continued his march, and made 
 himself master of several places, almost without 
 i any resistance. But the farther he advanced, 
 ! the less provisions he found, and the more the 
 i dearth increased ; which obliged him to return 
 I to Dium. He was also reduced to quit that 
 i city, and retire to Phila, where the praetor Lu- 
 ' cretins had informed him he might find pro- 
 visions in abundance. His quitting Dium sug- 
 gested to Perseus, that it was now time to re- 
 cover by his courage what he had lost by his 
 fear, fie repossessed himself th^refoi-e of that 
 city, and soon repaired its ruins. Popilius, on 
 his side, besieged and took Heraclea, wjiich 
 ' was only a quarter of a league distant from 
 
 Phila. , , . ^ . , 
 
 Perseus, having recovered his fright and re- 
 sumed his spirits, would have been very glad 
 that his orders to throw his treasures at Peila 
 into the sea, and burn all his ships at Thessalo- 
 nica, had not been executed. Andronicus, to 
 whom he had given the latter order, had de- 
 layed obeying it, to give time for the repentance 
 which might soon follow that command, as in- 
 
 deed it happened. Nicias, with less precaution, 
 had thrown all the money he found at Pella 
 into the sea. But his fault was soon repaired 
 by divers, who brought up almost the whole 
 money from the bottom of the sea. To reward 
 their "services, the king caused them all to be 
 put to death secretly, as well as Andronicus 
 and Nicias; so much was he ashamed of the 
 abiect terror to which he had abandoned him- i 
 self, that he could not bear to have any witnesses j 
 or traces of it in being. i 
 
 Several expeditions passed on both sides by 
 sea and land, which were neither of much con- 
 sequence nor importance. 
 
 AVhen Polvbius retui-ned from his embassy 
 into Peloponnesus,^ Appius's letter, in which 
 he demanded 5000 men, had been received there. 
 Some time after, the council which was assem- 
 bled at Sicyon, to deliberate upon that affair, 
 gave Polvbius great pei-plexity. Not to execute 
 the order he had received from Marcius, had 
 been an inexcusable fa'olt. On the other side, 
 it was dangerous to refuse the Romans the 
 trcops they might have occasion for, and of 
 which the* Achseans were in no want. ^ To ex- 
 tricate themselves in so delicate a conjuncture, 
 they had recourse to the decree of the Roman 
 senate, that prohibited their paying any regard 
 to the letters of the generals, unless an order oi 
 the senate was annexed to them, which Appius 
 had not sent with his. It was his opinion, 
 therefore, that before any thing was sent to 
 Appius, it was necessary to inform the consul 
 of his demand, and to wait for his decision upon 
 it. By that means, Polybius saved the Achse- 
 ans an expense, which would have amounted to 
 more than 120,000 crowns. 
 
 In the meantime an-ived at Rome ambassa- 
 dors from Prusias,* king of Bithynia, and also 
 from the Rhodians, in favour of Perseus. The 
 former expressed themselves very modestly, de- 
 claring that Prasias had constantly adhered to 
 the Roman party, and should continue to do so 
 during the war ;' but that having promised Per- 
 seus to employ his good offices in his behalf with 
 the Romans, in order to obtain a peace, he de- 
 sired, if it were possible, that they would grant 
 him that favour, and make use of his mediation 
 as they should think convenient. The language 
 of the Rhodians was very different. After 
 having set forth, in a lofty style, the services 
 they had done the Roman people, and ascribed 
 to themselves the gi'eatest share in the victories 
 they had obtained, and especially in that over 
 Antiochus, they added, that whilst the peace 
 subsisted between the Macedonians and Ro- 
 mans, they had negotiated a treaty of alliance 
 with Perseus ; that they had suspended it 
 against their will, and without any subject of 
 complaint against the king, because it had 
 pleased the Romans to engage them on their 
 side ; that during the three years which this 
 war had continued, they had suffered many in- 
 conveniences from it ; that their trade by sea 
 being interrupted, the island found itself in 
 great straits, from the reduction of its revenues 
 and other advantages arising from commerce; 
 that being no longer able to support such con- 
 siderable losses, thev had sent ambassadors into 
 Macedonia, to king IPerseus, to inform him that 
 the Rhodians thought it necessaiy that he 
 
 2 Quod, nisi dii mentem regi aderaissent, ipsum in- 
 gentis difficultatis erat. Liv. 
 
 3 Polvb. Legat. IxxviiL 
 
 4 Liv.' L xliv. n. 14—16. 
 
5C1 
 
 j should make peace with the Romans, and that 
 they were also sent to Rome to make the same 
 declaration ; that if either of the parties refused 
 to accede to so j-easoii;ihle a proposal, the Rho- 
 dians should know what they had to do. 
 
 It is easy to judge in what manner so vain 
 find presumptuous a discourse was received. 
 Some historians tell us, that all the answer that 
 vas given to it was, to order a deci'ee of the 
 senate, whereby the Caj ians and Lycians were 
 declared free, to be I'ead iu their presence. This 
 was touching them to the quick, and mortifying 
 them in the most sensible part; for they pre- 
 tended to an authority over both those nations. 
 Others say, the senate answered in few words ; 
 that the disposition of the Rhodians, and their 
 secret intrigues with Perseus, had been long 
 known at Rome : that when the Roman people 
 should have conquered him, of which they ex- 
 pected advice every day, they should know in 
 their turn what they had to do, and should then 
 treat their allies according to their respective 
 merits. They made the ambassadors, however, 
 the usual presents. 
 
 The consul Q,. Marcius's letter was then 
 , read ; in which he gave an account of the man- 
 ner he had entered Macedonia, after having 
 suffered incredible difficulties in passing a very 
 narrow defile. He added, that by the wise 
 precaution of the prsetor, he had sufficient pro- 
 visions for the whole winter; having received 
 from the Epirots 20,000 measures of wheat and 
 10,000 of barley, for which it was necessary to 
 ! pay their ambassadors then at Rome : that it 
 was also necessary to send him clothes for the 
 soldiers : that he wanted 200 horses, especially 
 from Numidia, because there was none of that 
 kind in the country where he was. AH these 
 rirticles were exactly and immediately exe- 
 rted. 
 
 After this they gave audience to Onesimus, a 
 Macedonian nobleman. He had always advised 
 the king to maintain peace ; and putting him in 
 mind that his father Philip, to the last day of 
 his life, had caused his treaty with the Romans 
 to be constantly read to him twice every day, 
 he had admonished him to do as much, if not 
 with the same regularity, at least from time to 
 time. Not being able to dissuade him from the 
 war, he had begun to withdraw himself from 
 his councils, under different pretexts, that he 
 might not be witness to the resolutions taken in 
 them, which he could not approve. At length, 
 j ;3eeing himself become suspected, and tacitly 
 considered as a traitor, he had taken refuge 
 amongst the Romans, and had been of great 
 service to the consul. Having made this rela- 
 tion to the senate, they gave him a very favour- 
 able reception, and provided magnificently for his 
 subsistence. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 Paulas .a^milius chosen corioul. He sets out for Mace- 
 donia with the praetor Cn. Octavius, who commanded 
 the fleet. I'erseCis solicits aid on all sides. His avarice 
 is the cause of his losing considerable allies. The prsetor 
 Anicius's victories in Illyria. Paulus .Similius's cele- 
 brated victory over Perseus near the city of Pydna. 
 Perseus taken with all his children. The command of 
 Paulus .^Hnilius in Macedonia prolonged Decree of 
 the senate granting liberty to the Macedonians and 11- 
 lyrians. Paulus iEmillus, during the winter quarters, 
 visits the most celebrated cities of Greece. Upon his 
 return to AraphipoJis he gives a great feast He marches 
 for Rome. On his way he suffers his army to plunder 
 all the cities of Epirus. He enters Rome in triumph. 
 
 1 
 
 Death of Perseus. Cn. Octavius and L. Anicius hav 
 also the honour of a triumph decreed them. 
 
 The time for the comitia, 
 A. M. 3836. or assemblies for the elec- 
 Ant. J. C, 168. tion of consuls at Rome, 
 approaching, all the world 
 were anxious to know upon whom so impor- 
 tant a choice would fall, and nothing else wao 
 talked of in all conversations. They were not 
 satisfied with the consuls who had been em- 
 ployed for three years against Perseus, and had 
 very ill sustained the honour of the Roman 
 name. They called to mind the famous victo- 
 ries formerly obtained over his father Philip, 
 who had been obliged to sue for peace ; over 
 Antiochus, who was driven beyond mount 
 Taurus, and forced to pay a great tribute ; and, 
 what was still more considerable, over Hanni- 
 bal, the greatest general that had ever appeared 
 as their enemy, or perhaps in the world, whom 
 they had reduced to quit Italy after a war of 
 more than sixteen years' continuance, and con- 
 quered in his own country almost under the 
 very walls of Carthage. The formidable pre- 
 parations made by Perseus, and some advan- 
 tages gained by him in the former campaigns, 
 augmented the apprehension of the Romans. 
 They plainly discerned that it was no time to 
 confer the command of the armies by faction or 
 favour, and that it was necessary to choose a 
 general for his wisdom, valour, and experience ; 
 in a word, one capable of conducting so impor- 
 tant a war as that now upon their hands. 
 
 All the world cast their eyes upon Paulus 
 iEmilius. There are times when distinguished 
 merit unites the voices of the public ; and no- 
 thing is more grateful than such a judgment, 
 founded upon the knowledge of a man's past 
 services, the ai-my's opinion of his capacity, and 
 the state's pressing occasion for his valour and 
 conduct. Paulus jEmilius was near sixty years 
 old : but age, without impairing his faculties in 
 the least, had rather improved them yvith ma- 
 turity of wisdom and judgment; more neces- 
 sary in a general than even valour and bravery. 
 He had been consul thirteen years before, and 
 had acquired general esteem during his adminis- 
 tration. But the people repaid his services with 
 ingratitude, having refused to raise him again 
 to the same dignity, though he had solicited it 
 with sufficient ardour. For several yeai's he 
 had led a private and retired life, solely em- 
 ployed in the education of his children, in which 
 no father ever succeeded better, nor was more 
 gloiiously rewarded for his care. All his rela- 
 tions, all his friends, urged him to comply with 
 the people's wishes in taking upon him the con- 
 sulship : but believing himself no longer capable 
 of commanding, he avoided appearing in public, 
 kept himself at home, and shunned honours 
 with as much solicitude as others generally pur- 
 sue them. However, when he saw the people 
 assemble every morning in crowds before his 
 door, that they summoned him to the Forum, 
 and exclaimed highly against his obstinate re- 
 fusal to serve his country, he acceded at last to 
 their remonstrances ; and appearing amongst 
 those who aspired to that dignity, he seemed 
 less to receive the command of the army, than 
 to give the people the assurance of an ap- 
 
 4 Liv. 1. xliv. n. 17. Plut. in Paul ^mil. p. £59, 260. 
 2N 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 proaching and complete Tictory. This consul- 
 ship was conferred upon him unanimously ; 
 and, according to Plutarch, the command of the 
 army in Macedonia was assigned to him in 
 preference to his colleague, though Livy says it 
 fell to him by lot. 
 
 It is said, ' that on the vei-y day that he was 
 elected general in the war against Perseus, at 
 his return liome, attended by all the people, 
 who followed to do him honour, he found his 
 daughter Tertia, at that time a little infant, 
 crying bitterly. lie embraced her, and asked 
 her the cause of her tears. Tertia hugging him 
 with her little arms, " Do you not know, then, 
 father,'' said she, " that our Perseus is dead?" 
 She spoke of a little dog she had brought up, 
 called Perseus. " And at a very good time, my 
 dear child," said Paulus ^milius, struck with 
 the word; " J accept this omen with joy." 
 The ancients cai'ried their superstition with re- 
 spect to this kind of fortuitous occurrences very 
 high. 
 
 The manner in which Paulus ^milius pre- 
 pared for the war he was charged with,' gave 
 room to judge of the success to be expected from 
 it. He demanded, first, that commissioners 
 should be sent into Macedonia to inspect the 
 army and fleet, and to make their report, after 
 an exact inquiry, of the number of troops which 
 were necessary to be added both by sea and land. 
 They were also to inform themselves, as near as 
 possible, of the number of the king's forces; 
 where they and the Romans actually lay ; if the 
 latter were encamped in the forests, or had en- 
 tirely passed them, and were arrived in the 
 plain; upon which of the allies they might rely 
 with certainty, which of them were dubious, 
 and wavering, and whom they might regard as 
 declared enemies ; for how long time they had 
 provisions, and from whence they might be 
 supplied with them either by land or water ; 
 what had passed during the last campaign, ei- 
 ther in the army by land, or in the fleet. As an 
 able and experienced general, he thought it ne- 
 cessary to enter fully into this detail ; convinced 
 that the plan of the campaign upon which he 
 was about to enter, could not be formed, nor its 
 operations concerted, without a perfect know- 
 ledge of all these particulars. The senate high- 
 ly approved these wise measures, and appointed 
 commissioners, with the approbation of Paulus 
 iEmilius, who set out two days after. 
 
 During their absence, audience was given 
 the ambassadors from Ptolemy and Cleopatra, 
 king and queen of Egypt, who brought com- 
 plaints to Rome of the utijust enterprises of An- 
 tiochus king of Syria ; which have been before 
 related. 
 
 The commissioners made extraordinary des- 
 patch. Upon their return, they reported that 
 Marcius had forced the passes of Macedonia, to 
 get entrance into the country, but with more 
 danger than utility : that the king was advanced 
 into Pieria, and in actual possession of it : that 
 the two camps were very near each other, being 
 separated only by the river Enipeus : that the 
 king avoided a battle, and that the Roman army 
 was neither in a condition to oblige him to fight, 
 nor to force his lines ; that, in addition to the 
 other inconveniences, a very severe winter had 
 happened, from which they sulfered exceedingly 
 in their mountainous country, and were entire- 
 
 1 Liv. 1. xliv. n. 18—22. Rut. in. Paul. ^mil. p. 260. 
 
 ly prevented from acting; and that they hac' 
 only provisions for six days : that the army of 
 the Macedonians was supposed to amount to 
 30,000 men ; that if Appius Claudius had beer, 
 sufficiently strong in the neighbourhood of Lych- 
 nidus, in lllyria, he might have acted with good 
 etfect against king Geutius ; but that Claudius 
 and his troops were actually in great danger, 
 unless a considerable reinforcement were im- 
 mediately sent him, or he ordered directly to 
 quit the post he then occupied : that after hav- 
 ing visited the camp, they had repaired to the 
 fleet : that they had been told, that part of the 
 crews were dead of diseases : that the rest of 
 the allies, especially those of Sicily, were re- 
 turned home ; and that the fleet was entirely in 
 want of seamen and soldiers ; that those who 
 remained had not received their pay, and had no 
 clothes ; that Eumenes and his fleet, after hav- 
 ing just shown themselves, disappeared imme- 
 diately without any cause that could be assign- 
 ed ; and that it seemed his inclinations neither 
 could nor ought to be relied on ; but that as foi 
 his brother Attalus, his good will was not to be 
 doubted. 
 
 Upon this report of the commissioners, after 
 Paulus ^milius had given his opinion, the se- 
 nate decreed that he should set forward without 
 loss of time for Macedonia, with the praetor 
 Cn. Octavius, who had the command of the 
 fleet, and L. Anicius, another prsetor, who was 
 to succeed Ap. Claudius in his post near Lych- 
 uidus, in lllyria. The number of troops which 
 each of them was to command, was regulated in 
 the following manner: — 
 
 The troops of which the army of Paulus 
 ^milius consisted, amounted to 25,800 men; 
 that is, two Roman legions, each composed of j 
 6000 foot and 300 horse ; as many of the infan- : 
 try of the Italian allies, and twice the number 
 of horse. He had, besides, 600 horse raised in i 
 Gallia Cisalpina, and some auxiliary troops ' 
 from the allies of Greece and Asia. The whole, ! 
 in all probability, did not amount to more than \ 
 30,000 men. I'he prsetor Anicius was to have 
 also two legions; but they consisted of only 5000 , 
 foot and 300 horse each ;' which, with 10,000 of j 
 the Italian allies and 800 horse, composed the j 
 army under him of 21,200 men. The troops 
 that served on board the fleet were 6000 men. 
 These three bodies together made 56,200 men. 
 
 As the war which they were preparing to 
 make this year in Macedonia seemed of the ut- 
 most consequence, every precaution was taken 
 that might conduce to the success of it. The 
 consuls and people had the choice of the tribunes 
 who were to serve in it, and each commanded 
 in his turn an entire legion. It was decreed that 
 none should be elected into this employment but 
 such as had already served, and Paulus iEmili- 
 us was left at libei ty to choose out of all the tri- 
 bunes such as he approved for his army : he had 
 twelve for the two legions. 
 
 It must be allowed that the Romans acted 
 with great wisdom upon this occasion. They 
 had, as we have seen, unanimously chosen as 
 consul and general, the person amongst theni 
 who was indisputably the greatest captain of his 
 time. They had resolved that no officers should 
 be raised to the post of tribune, but such as were 
 distinguished by their merit, experience, and 
 capacity, instanced in real service; advantages 
 that are not always the efl"ect of birth or senior- 
 ity, to which indeed the Romans paid little or 
 no regard. They did more : by a particular 
 exception, compatible with republican govern- 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 56£ 
 
 I ttient, Paulus ^inilius was left at entire liberty 
 1 to choose such of the tribunes as he thought fit ; 
 j well knowing the great importance of a perfect 
 union between the general, and the officers who 
 serve under him, in order to ensure the exact 
 and punctual execution of the commands of the 
 former, who is in a manner the soul of the ar- 
 my, and ought to direct all its motions, which 
 cannot be done without the best understanding 
 between them, founded in a love for the public 
 good, with which neither interest, jealousy, nor 
 ambition, is capable of interfering. 
 
 After all these regulations were made, the 
 consul Paulus iEmilius repaired from the senate 
 to the assembly of the people, to whom he spoke 
 in this manner. " You seem to me, Romans, 
 to have expressed more joy when Macedonia fell 
 to my lot, than when I was elected consul, or 
 entered upon that office ; and to me your joy 
 seemed to be occasioned by the hopes you con- 
 ceived that 1 should put an end, in a manner 
 worthy of the grandeur and reputation of the 
 Roman people, to a war, which, in your opin- 
 j ion, has already been of too long continuance, 
 i have reason to believe, that the same gods,^ 
 who have occasioned Macedonia to fall to my 
 lot, will also assist me with their protection in 
 conducting and terminating this war success- 
 fully : but of this I may venture to assure you, 
 that I shall do my utmost not to fall short of 
 your expectations. The senate has wisely regu- 
 lated every thing necessary for the expedition 
 with which I am charged ; and, as I am ordered 
 to set out immediately, in which I shall make 
 no delay, I am convinced that my colleague, C. 
 Licinius, out of his great zeal for the public 
 service, will raise and march off the troops ap- 
 pointed for me, with as much ardour and expe- 
 dition as if they were for himself. I shall take 
 care to remit to you, as well as to the senate, an 
 exact account of all that passes; and you may 
 rely upon the certainty and truth of my letters; 
 but I beg of you as a great favour, that you will 
 not give credit to, or attribute consequence by 
 your credulity to, the vague and unauthenticated 
 reports which are frequently spread abroad. 1 
 perceive well, in this war, more than any other, 
 that with whatever resolution people may de- 
 termine to disregard these rumours, they will 
 not fail to make an impression, and inspire some 
 degree of discouragement. There are those, 
 who in company, and even at tables, command 
 armies, regulate the disposition of the forces, and 
 prescribe all the operations of the campaign. 
 They know better than we where we should 
 encamp, and what posts it is necessary for us to 
 seize; at what time, and by what defile, we 
 ought to enter Macedonia ; where it is proper 
 to establish our magazines ; from whence, either 
 by sea or land, we are to bring provisions ; when 
 we are to fight the enemy, and when lie still. 
 They not only prescribe what is best to be done, 
 but for deviat ing ever so little from their plans, 
 they make it a crime in their consul, and cite 
 him before their tribunal. But know, Romans, 
 this is a great impediment with your generals. 
 All have not the resolution and constancy of 
 Fabius, to despise impertinent reports. He 
 could choose rather to suffer the people upon 
 such rumours to invade his authority, than to 
 
 2 It was a received opinion in all ages and nations, that 
 tbc Divinity presides over chance. 
 
 ruin the business of the state in order to secure 
 to himself their good opinion and an empty 
 name. I am far from believing that generals 
 stand in no need of advice : 1 think, on the con- 
 trary, that whoever would conduct every thing 
 alone, upon his own opinion, and without con- 
 sulting the judgment of others, shows more 
 presumption than prudence. But some may 
 ask, How then shall we act reasonably ? By 
 not suffering any persons to obtrude their ad- 
 vice upon your generals, but such as are, in the 
 first place, versed in the art of war, and have 
 learned from experience what it is to command ; 
 and in the second, who are upon the spot, who 
 know the enemy, are witnesses in person to all 
 that passes, and sharers with us in all dangers. 
 If there be any one who conceives himself ca- 
 pable of assisting me with his counsels in the 
 war you have charged me with, let him not re- 
 fuse to do the republic that service, but let him 
 go with me into Macedonia; a ship, horses, 
 tents, provisions, shall all be supplied at my 
 charge. But if he will not take so much trou- 
 ble, and prefers the tranquillity of the city to 
 the dangers and fatigues of the field, let him not 
 take upon him to hold the helm, and continue 
 idle in port. The city of itself supplies suffi- 
 cient matter of discourse on other subjects ; but 
 as for these, let it be silent, and know, that we 
 shall pay no regard to any counsels, but such as 
 shall be given us in the camp itself." 
 
 This discourse of Paulus iEmilius, which 
 abounds with reason and good sense, shows that 
 men are the same in all ages of the world. Peo- 
 pie have an incredible itch for examining, criti- 
 cising, and condemning the conduct of generals, 
 and do not observe, that by so doing they act in 
 manifest contradiction to reason and justice : to 
 reason ; for what can be more absui'd and ridi- 
 culous, than to see persons, without any know- 
 ledge or experience in war, set themselves up 
 for censors of the most able generals, and pro- 
 nounce with a magisterial air upon their ac- 
 tions? to justice ; for the most experienced can 
 make no certain judgment without being upon 
 the spot ; the least circumstance of time, place, 
 disposition of the troops, secret orders not di- 
 vulged, being capable of making an absolute 
 change in the general rules of conduct. But 
 we must not expect to see a failing reformed, 
 that has its source in the curiosity and vanity of 
 human nature; and generals would do wisely, 
 after the example of Paulus ^milius, to des- 
 pise these city reports, and crude opinions of 
 idle people, who have nothing else to do, and 
 have generally as little judgment as business. 
 
 Paulus JEmilius, after having discharged, ac- 
 cording to custom, the duties of religion, set 
 out for Macedonia, with the praetor Cn. Octa- 
 vius, to whom the command of the fleet bad 
 been allotted. 
 
 Whilst they were employed at Rome in mak- 
 ing preparations for the war,^ Perseus, on his 
 side, had not been asleep. The fear of the ap- 
 proaching danger which threatened him, hav- 
 ing at length got the better of his avarice, he 
 agreed to give Gentius, king of Illyria, 300 ta- 
 lents of silver (that is, 300,000 crowns), and pui-- 
 chased his alliance at that price. 
 
 He sent ambassadors at the same time to 
 
 3 Liv. 1. xliv. n. 23—29, Polyb. Legat. Ixxxv— iKXXVa 
 Plut. in Paul. iEmil. p. 260, 261. 
 
 2 N 3 
 
564 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 Rhodes, convinced that if that island, very 
 powerful at that time by sea, should embrace 
 his party, Rome would be very much embar- 
 rassed. 'He sent deputies also to Eumenes and 
 Antiochus, two very potent kings, and capable 
 of giving him great aid. Perseus did wisely in 
 having recourse to these measures, and in en- 
 deavouring to strengthen himself by such sup- 
 ports ; but he entered upon them too late. He 
 ought to have begun by taking those steps, and 
 to have made them the first foundation of his 
 enterprise. He did not think of putting those 
 remote powers in motion, till be was reduced 
 almost to extremity, and his affairs were almost 
 absolutely desperate. It was rather calling in 
 spectators and associates of his ruin, than aids 
 and supports. The instructions which he gave 
 his ambassadors were very solid and forcible, as 
 we shall soon see ; but he sliould have made use of 
 them three years sooner, and have waited^ their 
 effect, before he embarked, almost alone, in the 
 war against so powerful a people, and one that 
 had so many resources in case of misfortune. 
 
 The ambassadors had the same instructions 
 for both those kings. They represented to them, 
 that there was a natural enmity between re- 
 publics and monarchies. That the Roman peo- 
 ple attacked the kings one after another, and, 
 what added extreinely to the indignity, that 
 they employed the forces of the kings themselves 
 to ruin them in succession. That they had 
 crushed his father by the assistance of Attalus ; 
 that by the aid of Eumenes, and, in some mea- 
 sure, by that of his father Philip, Antiochus 
 had been subjected, and that at present they had 
 armed Eumenes and Prusias against himself. 
 That after the kingdom of JMacedonia should be 
 destroyed, Asia would be the next to experience 
 the same fate; of which they had already 
 usurped a part, under the specious pretext of 
 re-establishing the cities in their ancient liberty; 
 and that Syria's turn would soon follow. That 
 they had already begun to prefer Prusias to 
 Eumenes by particular distinctions of honour, 
 and had deprived Antiochus of the fruits of his 
 victories in Egypt. Perseus requested of them, 
 either to induce the Romans to give Macedonia 
 peace ; or, if they persevered in the unjust de- 
 sign of continuing the war, to regard them as 
 the common enemy of all kings. The ambassa- 
 dors treated with Antiochus openly, and with- 
 out any reserve. 
 
 In regard to Eumenes, they covered their 
 voyage with the pretext of ransoming prisoners, 
 and treated only in secret upon the real cause 
 of their mission. There had passed already 
 several conferences, at different times and places, 
 upon the same subject, which had begun to ren- 
 der that prince very much suspected by the 
 Romans. It was not that Eumenes desired in 
 reality, that Perseus should be victorious against 
 the jft,omans ; the enormous power he would 
 then have had, would have given him umbrage, 
 and highly alarmed his jealousy; neither was 
 he more willing to declare openly against him, 
 or to make war upon him. But, in hopes to 
 see the two parties equally inclined to peace ; 
 Perseus, from his fear of the misfortunes which 
 might befall him ; the Romans, from being 
 weary of a war spun out to too great a length ; 
 he desired to become the mediator of a peace 
 between them, and to make Perseus purchase 
 his mediation, or at least his inaction and neu- 
 trality, at a high price. That was already 
 agreed upon, an"d was 1500 talents (1,500,000 
 crowns). The only difference that remained, 
 
 was in settling the time for the payment of that 
 sum. Perseus was for waiting till the service 
 was performed, and in the mean time offered to 
 deposit the money in Samothracia. Eumenes 
 did not believe himself secure in that, because 
 Samothracia depended on Perseus ; and there- 
 fore he insisted upon immediate payment of 
 part of the money. This broke up the treaty. 
 
 He failed likewise in another negotiation, 
 which might have been no less in his favour. 
 He had caused a body of Gauls to com.e from 
 the other side of the' Danube, consisting of 
 10,000 horse and as many foot, and had agreed | 
 to give ten pieces of gold to each horseman, five ; 
 to the infantry, and 1000 to their captains. I i 
 have observed "above, that these Gauls had taken | 
 the name of Bastarnse. When he received ad- | 
 vice that they were arrived upon the frontiers 1 
 of his dominions, he went to meet them with 
 half his troops, and gave orders, that in the 
 towns and villages through which they were 
 to pass, great quantities of corn, wine, and cat- 
 tle, should be provided for them ; he had pre- 
 sents for their principal oliicei's, of horses, arms, 
 and jackets ; to these he added some money, i 
 which was to be distributed amongst a smali | 
 number: he imagined he should gain the mul- | 
 titude by this bait. The king halted near the 
 river Axius, where he encamped with his 
 troops. He deputed Antigonus, one of the 
 IMacedonian lords, to the Gauls, who were 
 about thirty leagues distant from him. Anti- 
 gonus was astonished when he saw men of pro- 
 digious stature, skilful in all the exercises of 
 the body, and in handling their arms; and 
 haughty and audacious in their language, \>hich 
 abounded with menaces and bravadoes. He set 
 off, in the best terms, the orders his master had 
 given for their good recejjtion wherever they 
 passed, and the pi'esents he had prepai'ed for ! 
 them : after which he invited them to advance | 
 to a certain place he mentioned, and to send 
 their principal officers to the king. The Gauls 
 were not a people to be put off with words. \ 
 Clondicus, the general and king of these stran- ; 
 gers, came directly to the point ; and asked, j 
 whether he had brought the sum agreed on. ! 
 As no answer was given to that question, | 
 " Go," said he, "and let your prince know, j 
 that till he sends the hostages and sums agreed 
 on, the Gauls will not stir from hence." The 
 king, upon the return of his deputy, assembled 
 his council. He foresaw what they would ad- 
 vise ; but, as he was a much better guardian o4 
 his money than of his kingdom, to disguise his 
 avarice, he expatiated upon the perfidy and fe. 
 rocity of the Gauls ; adding, that it would be 
 dangerous to give such numbers of them en- 
 trance into Macedonia, from which every thing 
 was to be feared, and that 5000 horse would be 
 sufficient for him. Every body perceived that 
 his sole apprehension was for his money ; but 
 nobody dared to contradict him. Antigonus j 
 returned to the Gauls, and told them his mas- r 
 ter had occasion for no more than 5000 horse, j 
 Upon which they raised a universal cry and 
 murmur against jPerseus, who had made them 
 come so far merely to insult them. Clondicus 
 having asked Antigonus again, whether he had 
 brought the money for the 5000 horse ; as the 
 deputy sought for an evasion, and gave no di- 
 rect answers, the Gauls grew furious, and were 
 just going to cut him in pieces, and he himself 
 was under terrible apprehensions. However, 
 they paid respect to his quality of deputy, and 
 dismissed him without any ill treatment of his 
 
5C5 
 
 person. The Gauls marched away immedi- 
 ately, resumed their route to the Danube, and 
 j plundered Thrace in their way home. 
 
 Perseus, with so considerable a reinforce- 
 I ment, might have given the Romans great trou- 
 i ble. He could have detached those Gauls into 
 I Thessaly, where they might have plundered the 
 ! country, and taken the strongest places. By 
 [ that n cans, remaining quiet about the river 
 I : Knipeus, he might have put it out of the power 
 i vt' the Romans either to have penetrated into 
 \ Macedonia, of which he might have barred the 
 ' entrance with his troops, or to have subsisted 
 any longer in the country, b' cause they could 
 have drawn no provisions as before from Thes- 
 I saly, which would have been entirely laid 
 i waste. The avarice by which he was governed, 
 prevented his making any use of so great an 
 i advantage. 
 
 j ! The same vice made him lose another of the 
 : same nature. Urged by the condition of his 
 i affairs, and the extreme danger that threatened 
 I him, he had at length consented to give Gentius 
 j the 300 talents, which he had demanded for 
 1 nrrore than a year, for raising troops and fitting 
 j out a Heet. Pantauchus had negotiated this 
 1 treaty for the king of Macedonia, and had be- 
 gun by paying the king of Illyi"ia ten talents 
 ! (10,000 crowns) in part of the sum promised 
 him. Gentius despatched his ambassadors, and 
 \ with them persons in whom he could confide, 
 i to receive the money. He directed them also, 
 ! when all should be concluded, to join Perseus's 
 ! ambassadors, and to go with them to Rhodes, 
 I in order to induce that republic to form an alli- 
 I ance with them. Pantauchus had represented 
 to him, that if the Rhodians came into it, Rome 
 would not be able to make head against the 
 three powers united. Perseus received those 
 ambassadors with all possible marks of distinc- 
 tion. After the interchange of hostages, and 
 the taking of oaths on both sides, it only re- 
 mained to deliver the 300 talents. The ambas- 
 I sadors and agents of the lUyrian repaired to 
 Pella, where the money was told down to them, 
 I and put into chests, under the seal of the am- 
 bassadors, to be conveyed into Illyria. Perseus 
 had covertly given orders to the persons charged 
 with this convoy, to march slowly, and by short 
 journeys, and when they arrived upon the fron- 
 I tiers of Macedonia to stop for his farther orders. 
 I During all this time, Pantauchus, who had re- 
 I mained at the court of Illyria, pressed the king 
 } with great earnestness to declai'e against the 
 Romans by some act of hostility. In the mean 
 ■ while arrived ambassadors from the Romans, 
 to negotiate an alliance with Gentius. He had 
 I already received 10 talents by way of earnest, 
 and was informed that the whole sum was 
 ipon the road. Upon the repeated solicitations 
 i of Pantauchus, in violation of all rights human 
 i and divine, he caused the two ambassadors to 
 [ be imprisoned, under the pretence that they 
 j were spies. As soon as Perseus had received 
 I this news, believing him sufficiently and irre- 
 trievably engaged against the Romans by so 
 I glaring an act, he recalled those who carried 
 i the 300 talents ; congratulating himself in secret 
 upon the good success of his perfidy, and his 
 ! great dexterity in saving his money. But he 
 did not see that he only kept it in reserve for 
 the victor ; whereas he ought to have employed 
 it in defending himself against him, and to con- 
 quer him, according to the maxim of Philip and 
 1 is son Alexander, the most illustrious of his 
 predecessors, who used to say, " That victory 
 
 should be purchased with money, and not monej 
 saved at the expense of victory." 
 
 The ambassadors of Perseus and Gentius met 
 with a favourable reception at Rhodes. A de- 
 cree was imparted to them, by which the re- 
 public had resolved to employ all their credit 
 and power to oblige the two parties to make 
 peace, and to declare against that which should 
 refuse to accept proposals for an accommoda- 
 tion. 
 
 The Roman generals had each of them re- 
 paired to their posts in the beginning of the 
 spring ; the consul to Macedonia, Octavius to 
 Oreum with the fleet, and Anicius into Illyria. 
 
 The success of the latter was as rapid as for- 
 tunate. He was to carry on the A\ ar against 
 Gentius, and put an end to it before it was 
 known at Rome that it was begun. Its dura- 
 tion was only thirty days. Having treated 
 Scorda, the capital of the country, which had 
 surrendered to him, with great moderation, the 
 other 'cities soon followed its example. Gen- 
 tius himself was reduced to come and throw 
 himself at Anicius's feet to implore his mercy ; 
 confessing, with ttars in his eyes, his fault, or 
 rather folly, in having abandoned the party of 
 the Romans. The prsetoir treated him with 
 humanity. His first care was to take the two 
 ambassadors out of prison. He sent one ol 
 them, named Perpenna, to Rome, to carry the 
 news of his victory, and some days after caused 
 Gentius to be conducted thither, with his mo- 
 ther, wife, children, brother, and the principal 
 lords of the country. The sight of such illus 
 trious prisoners very much augmented the peo- 
 ple's joy. Public thanksgivings were made to 
 the gods, and the temples were crowded with 
 a vast concourse of persons of all sexes and 
 ages. 
 
 When Paulus yEmilius approached the ene- 
 my, he found Pei-seus encamped near the sea, 
 at the foot of mount Olympus, in places which 
 seemed inaccessible. He had the Enipeus in 
 front, whose banks were very high ; and on the 
 side where he lay, he had thrown up strong in- 
 trenchments, with towers at proper distances, 
 on which were placed balistse, and other ma- 
 chines for discharging darts and stones upon 
 the enemy, if they ventured to approach. Per- 
 seus had fortified himself in such a manner, as 
 made him believe himself entirely secure, and 
 gave him hopes of weakening, and at last re- 
 pulsing, Paulus ^milius by length of time, and 
 the difficulties he would find in subsisting his 
 troops and maintaining his ground, in a country 
 already eaten up by the enemy. 
 
 He did not know what kind of adversary he 
 had to cope with. Paulus ^milius employed 
 his thoughts solely in preparing every thing for 
 action, and was continually meditating expe- 
 dients and measures for executing some enter- 
 prise with success. He began by establishing 
 an exact and severe discipline in his army, 
 which he found corrupted by the licentiousness 
 in which it had been suffered to live. He re- 
 foraied several things, as well with regard to 
 the arms of the troops, as the duty of sentinels. 
 It had been a custom amongst the soldiers tc 
 criticise their general, to examine all his actions 
 amongst themselves, to prescribe his duties, and 
 to point out what he ought, or ought not, to do. 
 He spoke to them with resolution and dignity. 
 He gave them to understand that such dis- 
 courses did not become a soldier ; that he ought | 
 to make only three things his business : the i 
 care of his body, in order to render it robust | 
 
566 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 and active ; that of his arms, to keep them al- 
 ways clean, and in good condition ; and that of his 
 provisions,' that he might be always in readiness 
 to march upon the first notice ; that for the rest, 
 he ought to rely upon the goodness of the im- 
 mortal gods, and the vigilance of his general. 
 That for himself, he should omit nothing that 
 might be necessary to give them occasion to 
 evince their valour ; and that they had only to 
 take care to do their duty well when the signal 
 was given them. 
 
 It is incredible how much they were animated 
 by this discourse. The old soldiers declared that 
 they bad never known their duty aright till that 
 day. A surprising change was immediately ob- 
 served in the camp. Nobody was idle in it. 
 The soldiers were seen sharpening tlieir swords, 
 polishing their helmets, cuirasses, and shields ; 
 practising an active motion under their arms ; 
 whirling their javelins, and brandishing their 
 naked swords ; in short, forming and inuring 
 themselves to all military exercises : so that it 
 was easy to foresee that, upon the first oppor- 
 tunity they should have of coming to blows with 
 the enemy, they were determined to conquer or 
 die. 
 
 The camp was situated very commodiously, 
 but wanted water, which was a great inconve- 
 nience to the army. Paulus ^milius, whose 
 thoughts extended to every thing, seeing mount 
 Olympus before him very high, and covered all 
 over with trees extremely green and flourishing, 
 judged, from the quantity and quality of those 
 trees, that there must be springs of water in the 
 caverns of the mountain, and at the same tiine 
 ordered openings to be made at the foot of it, 
 and pits to be dug in the sand. The surface*^ 
 was scarce broken up, when springs of water 
 were seen to run, muddy at first, and in small 
 quantities, but in a little while very clear, and 
 in great abundance. This event, though natu- 
 ral, was looked upon by the soldiers as a singu- 
 lar favour of the gods, who had taken Paulus 
 JEmilius under their protection; and made 
 him more beloved and respected by them than 
 before. , t. 
 
 When Perseus saw what passed in the Ko- 
 man camp, — the ardour of the soldiers, their ac- 
 tive behaviour, and the various exercises by 
 which they prepared themselves for combat, — ^he 
 began to be truly disquieted, and perceived plain- 
 ly that he had no longer to deal with a Licinius, 
 an Hostilius, or a Marcius ; and that the Ro- 
 man army was entirely changed, together with 
 the general. He redoubled his attention and 
 application on his side, animated his soldiers, 
 tmployed himself in forming them by different 
 exercises, added new fortifications to the old, 
 and used all means to secure his camp from dan- 
 ger or insult. 
 
 In the mean time came the news of the vic- 
 tory in Illyria, and of the taking of the king 
 with all his family. This caused incredible joy 
 in the Roman army, and excited amongst the 
 soldiers an inexpressible ardour to signalize 
 themselves also on their side. For it is common, 
 when two armies act in different parts, for the 
 
 one to be unwilling to give place to the other, 
 either in valour or glory. Perseus endeavoured 
 at first to suppress this news, but his care to 
 stifle it only served to make it more public and 
 certain. The alarm was general amongst his 
 troops, and made them apprehensive of the same 
 fate. 
 
 At this time arrived the Rhodian ambassa- 
 dors, who came to make the same proposals to 
 the army in regard to peace, that at Rome had 
 so highly offended the senate. It is easy to judge 
 in what manner they were received in the camp. 
 Some, in the height of their anger, were for 
 having them dismissed with insult. The con- 
 sul thought the best way to express his contempt 
 for them, was to reply coldly, that he would 
 give them an answer in fifteen days. To show 
 how little he valued the pacific mediation of the 
 Rhodians, he assembled his council to deliberate 
 upon the means of entering upon action. It is 
 probable that the Roman army, which the year 
 before penetrated into Macedonia, had quitted it, 
 and returned into Thessaly; perhaps upon ac- 
 count of provisions ; for at present they con- 
 sulted upon measures for opening a passage into 
 Macedonia. Some, and those the oldest ofllcers, 
 were for attempting to force the enemy's in- 
 trenchments upon the bank of the Enipeus. 
 They observed that the Macedonians, who the 
 year before had been driven from higher and 
 better fortified places, could not sustain the 
 charge of the Roman legions. Others were of 
 opinion that Octavius, with the fleet, should go 
 to Thessalonica, and ravage the sea-coasts, in 
 order to oblige the king, by that diversion, to 
 detach part of his troops from the Enipeus for 
 the defence of his country, and thereby leave 
 the passage open. It is highly important for 
 an able and experienced general to have it in his 
 power to choose what measures he pleases. 
 Paulus JEmilius had quite different views. He 
 saw that the Enipeus, as well from its natural 
 situation as from the fortifications which had 
 been added to it, was inaccessible. He knew 
 besides, without mentioning the machines dis- 
 posed on all sides, that the enemy's troops were 
 much more expert than his own in discharging 
 javelins and darts. To undertake the forcing of 
 such impenetrable lines as those were, had been 
 to expose his troops to inevitable slaughter ; and 
 a good general spares the blood of his soldiers, 
 because he looks upon himself as their father, 
 and believes it his duty to preserve them as his 
 children. He kept quiet, therefore, for some 
 days, without making the least movement. 
 Plutarch says, that it was believed there never 
 was an example of two armies so numerous, 
 that lay so long in the presence of each other, 
 in such profound peace and so perfect a tran- 
 quillity. At any other time the soldiers would 
 have murmured through ardour and impatience ; 
 but Paulus ^milius had taught them to acqui- 
 esce in the conduct of their leader. 
 
 At length, after diligent inquiry, and using 
 all means for information, he was told by two 
 Perrhcebian merchants, whose prudence and fi- 
 delity he had experienced, that there was a way 
 through Perrhoibia, which led to Pythium, a 
 town situated upon the brow of mount Olym- 
 pus that this way was not of difficult access. 
 
 1 The Roman soldiers sometimes carried provisions for 
 Uii or twelve days. ^ . . 
 
 2 Vix deducta summa arena erat, cilm scaturjgmes tur- 
 bidse prim5 et tenues emicare, dein liquidam multamque 
 fundere aquam, velut detm dono, coeperunt. ALquan. 
 turn ea quoque res duci famse et auctoritatis apud Biilites 
 adjecit. Liv. 
 
 3 The perpendicular height of mount Olympus, where 
 Pythium was situated, was upwards of ten stadia, or a mile 
 and a quarter. 
 
ALEXANDER'S 
 
 567 
 
 j but was well guarded. Perseus had sent thither 
 1 a detachment of 5000 men. He conceived that, 
 
 I in causing an attack to be made in the night, 
 and at unawares, by good troops, the enemy 
 might be beaten from this post, and he take pos- 
 sesion of it. It was necessary therefore to 
 amuse the enemy, and to conceal his real design. 
 He sent for the praetor Octavius, and having im- 
 
 i parted his plan to him, he ordered him to go 
 
 I I with his fleet to Heraclea, and to take ten days' 
 ! i provisions with him for 1000 men ; in order to 
 
 j make Perseus believe that he was going to ra- 
 I vage the sea-coasts. At the same time he made 
 ; his son Fabius Maximus, then very young, with 
 j Scipio Nasica, the son-in-law of Scipio Afri- 
 1 1 can us, set out: he gave them a detachment of 
 I 5000 chosen troops, and ordered them to march 
 I by the sea-side towards Heraclea, as if they 
 j vvere to embark there, according to what had 
 1 been proposed in the council. When they ar- 
 rived there, the pra;tor told them the consul's 
 orders. As soon as it was night, quitting their 
 route by the coast, they advanced without halt- 
 ing towards Pythium, over the mountains and 
 rocks, conducted by the two PeiThoebian guides, 
 i It had been concluded that they should arrive 
 there the third day before it was light. 
 I In the mean time Paulus ^milius, to amuse 
 the enemy, and prevent his havirig any other 
 thoughts, the next day in the morning detached 
 his light-armed troops, as if he intended to at- 
 tack the Macedoruans. They came to a slight 
 engagement in the very channel of the river, 
 which was then very low. The banks on each 
 side, from the top to the bed of the river, had a 
 I declivity of 300 paces, and the stream was 1000 
 paces broad. The action passed in the sight of 
 the king and consul, who were each with his 
 troops in the front of their camps. The consul 
 caused the retreat to be sounded towards noon. 
 The loss was almost equal on both sides. The 
 next day the battle was renewed in the same 
 manner,* and almost at the same hour ; but it 
 was warmer, and continued longer. The Ro- 
 mans had not only those upon their hands with 
 whom they fought; but the enemy, from the 
 tops of the towers placed along the banks, poured 
 volleys of darts and stones upon them. The 
 consul lost many more of his people this day, 
 and made them retire late. The third day 
 Paulus iEmilius lay still, and seemed to design 
 to attempt a passage near the sea. Perseus did 
 not suspect in the least the danger that threaten- 
 ed him. 
 
 Scipio had arrived in the night of the third 
 day near Pythium. His troops were very much 
 j fatigued, for which reason he made them rest 
 j themselves the remainder of the night. Perse- 
 ' us in the mean time was very quiet. But on a 
 sudden a Cretan deserter, who had gone oiF 
 j from Scipio's troops, roused him from his secu- 
 I rity, by letting him know the compass the Ro- 
 I mans had taken to surprise him. The king, 
 terrified with the news, detached immediately 
 10,000 foreign soldiers, with 2000 Macedonians, 
 i under the command of Milo, and ordei'ed them 
 I with all possible diligence to take possession of 
 an eminence, which the Romans had still to 
 pass before they arrived at Pythium. He ac- 
 cordingly got thither before them. A very se- 
 vere engagement ensued upon this eminence, 
 and the victory was for some time in suspense. 
 But the king's detachment at length gave way 
 on all sides, and were put to the rout. Scipio 
 pursued them vigorc asly, and led his victorious 
 • roops into the plain. 
 
 When those who fled came to the camp of 
 Perseus, they occasioned so great a terror in it, 
 that he immediately decamped, and retired by 
 his rear, overwhelmed with terror, and almost 
 in despair. He held a great council to deliber- 
 ate upon the measures he was to pursue. The 
 question was, whether it was best to halt under 
 the walls of Pydna, to try the chance of a bat- 
 tle, or to divide his troops among his towns, 
 supply them well with provisions, and expect 
 the enemy there, who could not long subsist in 
 a country, which he would take care to lay 
 waste, and which could furnish neither forage 
 for the horse, nor provisions for the men. The 
 latter resolution was attended with great incon- 
 veniences, and betokened a prince reduced to 
 the last extremity, and destitute of either hope j 
 or resource; not to mention the hatred he j 
 would draw upon himself by ruining the coun- , 
 try, which was to be not only commanded but 
 executed in person by the king himself. Whilst 
 Perseus, uncertain what to resolve, fluctuated 
 in doubt, the principal officers represented to : 
 him, that his army was much superior to that 
 of the Romans; thut his troops wtre determined 
 to behave well, having their wives and children ! 
 to defend ; that being himself witness of all i 
 their actions, and fighting at their head, they i 
 would behave with double ardour, and give | 
 pi'oofs of their valour in emulation of each { 
 other. These reasons reanimated the prince, j 
 He retired under the walls of Pydna, where he \ 
 encamped, and prepared for a battle. He forgot 
 nothing that might conduce to the advantage of 
 his ground, assigned every one his post, and 
 gave all his orders with great presence of mind ; 
 resolved to attack the Romans as soon as they 
 appeared. 
 
 The place where he encamped was a bare 
 level country, very fit for drawing up a great 
 body of heavy-armed foot in battle. Upon the 
 right and left there was a ridge of little hills, 
 which, joining together, gave the light-armed 
 foot and the archers a secure I'etreat, and also 
 afforded them the means of concealing their 
 march to surround the enemy, and to charge 
 them in flank. The whole front of the army 
 was covered by two small rivers, which had not 
 much water at that time, in consequence of the 
 season (for it was then about the end of sum- 
 mer), but whose steep banks would give the 
 Romans great trouble, and break their ranks. 
 
 Paulus ^milius being arrived at Pythium, 
 and having joined Scipio's detachment, marched 
 down into the plain, and advanced in order of 
 battle against the enemy; keeping always on 
 the sea-coast, for the convenience of having pro- 
 visions brought in barks from the Roman fleet. 
 But when he came in view of the Macedonians, 
 and had considered the good disposition of their 
 army, and the number of their troops, he halt- 
 ed, to deliberate upon what he had to do. 
 
 The young officers, full of ardour and impa- 
 tience for the battle, advanced at the head of 
 the ti'oops, and came to him to entreat him to 
 give battle without any delay. Scipio, whose 
 boldness was increased by his late success upon 
 mount Olympus, distinguished himself above 
 all the rest by his earnestness, and the urgency 
 of his request. He represented to him that the 
 generals, his predecessors, had suffered the ene- 
 my to escape out of their hands by delays. That 
 he was afraid Perseus would fly in the night, 
 and they should be obliged to pursue him, with 
 great danger and difficulty, to the remotest parts 
 of his kingdom, in making the army take gi'eat 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 compasses through defiles and forests, as had 
 happened in the preceding years. He advised 
 him, therefore, whilst the enemy were in the 
 open field, to attack him immediately, and not 
 to let slip so fair occasion of conquering him, 
 
 " Formerly," replied the consul to young 
 Scipio, " I thought as you do now, and one 
 day you will thinli as 1 do. I shall give you 
 the reasons of my conduct another time ; at 
 present, rely upon the discretion of an old gene- 
 ral." The young officer was silent, well con- 
 vinced that the consul had good reasons for act- 
 ing as he did. 
 
 After having spoken thus, he commanded the 
 troops who were at the head of the army, in 
 view of the enemy, to draw up in order of bat- 
 tle, and to present a front, as if they intended to 
 engage. They were disposed, according to the 
 custom of the Romans,' in three lines : at the 
 same time the pioneers, covered by those lines, 
 were employed in forming a camp. As they 
 were a great number, the work was soon com- 
 pleted. The consul then made the battalions 
 file off gradually, beginning with the rear, 
 which was nearest the workmen, and drew off 
 the whole army into the intrcnchments, with- 
 out confusion, disorder, or being perceived by 
 the enemy. The king, on his side, seeing the 
 Romans declined fighting, retired also into his 
 ^amp. 
 
 It was an inviolable law amongst the Ro- 
 mans,^ though they were to stay only one day 
 or night in a place, to enclose themselves in a 
 well-fortified camp : by that means they placed 
 themselves out of the reach of insult, and avoided 
 all surprise. The soldiers looked upon this mili- 
 tary abode as their city ; the intrenchments 
 served instead of walls, and the tents, of houses. 
 In case of a battle, if the army was ovei'come, 
 the camp served for their retreat and refuge ; 
 and, if victorious, they found it a place of quiet 
 and security. 
 
 The night being come, and the troops having 
 taken their refreshment ; whilst they had no 
 other thoughts than of going to rest, on a sud- 
 den the moon, which was then at full, and 
 already very high, began to grow dark ; and the 
 light failed by little and little, it changed its 
 colour several times, and was at length totally 
 eclipsed. A tribune, called C. Sulpitius Gallus, 
 one of the principal officers of the army, having 
 assembled the soldiers the day before, with the 
 consul's permission, had apprized them of the 
 eclipse, and pointed out to them the e-xact mo- 
 ment when it would begin, and how long it 
 would continue. The Roman soldiers thei'e- 
 fore were not astonished at this accident ; they 
 only believed that Sulpitius had more than hu- 
 man knowledge. But the whole camp of the 
 Macedonians were seized with horror and 
 dread ; and it was whispered throughout all 
 the army, that this prodigy foretold the ruin of 
 the king. 
 
 The next day Paulus ^milius, who was a 
 very religious observer of all the ceremonies 
 prescribed for the sacrifices, or rather very 
 superstitious, employed himself in offering oxen 
 to Hercules. He sacrificed twenty, one after 
 
 1 Hastati. Principes. Triarii. 
 2 Majores vestri castra munita portum ad omnes casus 
 ex.ercitCls ducebant esse. — Patria altera est militaris hcec 
 sedes, vallutnque promoenibus, et tentorium suum cuique 
 militi donius acpeiiates sunt— Castro sunt victori recei)- 
 taculuni, victo perfugium. Liv L xliv. n. 39. 
 
 another, without finding any favourable sign in 
 the entrails of those victims. At length, at 
 the one-and-twentieth, he imagined he saw 
 such as promised him the victory, if he only de- 
 fended himself, without attacking the enemy. 
 At the same time he vowed a sacrifice to the 
 same god of 100 oxen, with public games. Hav- 
 ing made an end of all these religious ceremo- 
 nies, about nine in the morning he assembled 
 his council. He had heard complaints of his 
 slowness in attacking the enemy. He was 
 anxious therefore to give this assembly an ac- 
 count of his conduct, especially out of regard 
 for Scipio, to whom he had promised it. The 
 reasons for his not having given battle the day 
 before, wei"e, first, because the enemy's army 
 was much superior in number to his own, 
 which he had been obliged to weaken consider- 
 ably by the great detachment i-equisite to guard 
 the baggage. In the second place, would it 
 have been consistent with prudence to engage 
 troops entirely fresh, with his, exhausted as 
 they were by a long and painful march, by the 
 excessive weight of their arms, by the heat of 
 the sun, with which they had been almost 
 broiled, and by thirst, which gave them almost 
 insupportable pain? In the last place, he in- 
 sisted strongly on the indispensable necessity a 
 good general was under, not to fight till he had 
 a well intrenched camp behind him, which 
 might, in case of accident, serve the army for a 
 retreat. He concluded his discourse with bid- 
 ding them prepare for battle the same day. 
 
 We see here,*^ that there is a wide difference 
 between the duty of soldiers and subaltern offi- 
 cers, and that of a general; the former have 
 only to desire to engage, and behave well in 
 battle; but the general s business is to foresee, 
 weigh, and compare every thing, in order to 
 choose his measures with mature deliberation ; 
 and frequently by a wise delay of some days, 
 or even hours, he preserves an army, which an 
 inconsiderate precipitation might have exposed 
 to ruin. 
 
 Though the resolution for fighting had been 
 taken on both sides, it was, however, rather a 
 kind of chance that drew on the battle, than 
 the order of the generals, who were not in great 
 haste on either side. Some Thracian soldiers 
 charged a party of Romans in tl eir return from 
 foraging. Seven hundred Ligurians ran to as- 
 sist those foragers. The Macedonians caused 
 troops to advance, to support the Thracians; 
 and the reinforcements on both sides continu- 
 ally increasing, the battle at length became 
 general. 
 
 It is a misfortune that we have lost the pas- 
 sage of Polybius, and after him of Livy, which 
 describes the order of this battle : this puts it 
 out of my power to give a just idea of it, what 
 Plutarch says being quite different from the 
 little which remains of it in Livy. 
 
 In the beginning of the charge, the Macedo- 
 nian phalanx distinguished themselves from all 
 the king's troops in a particular manner. Upon 
 which Paulus Jimilius advanced to the front 
 ranks, and found that the Macedonians, who 
 formed the head of the phalanx, drove the points 
 of their pikes into the shields of his soldiers in 
 such a manner, that the latter, in spite of all 
 
 3 Divisa inter exercitum ducesque munia. Militibus 
 cupidinem pugnandi convenire ; duces providendo, con- 
 suitando, cunctatione ssepius quam temeritate prodesss. 
 Tacit. Hist. 1. iii. c. 20. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 their efforts, were unable to reach them with 
 their swords; and he saw, at the same time, 
 that the whole front line of the enemies joined 
 their bucklers, and presented their pikes. This 
 rampart of brass and forest of pikes, impene- 
 trable to his legions, filled him with astonish- 
 ment and terror. He often spoke afterwards 
 of the impression that dreadful sight made upon 
 him, so strong as to make him doubt the success 
 of the battle. But not to discourage his troops, 
 he concealed from them his anxiety ; and ap- 
 pearing with a gay and serene countenance, 
 rode through all the ranks without helmet or 
 cuirass, animating them with his expressions, 
 and much more by his example. The general, 
 more than sixty years of age, was seen ex- 
 posing himself to danger and fatigue like a 
 young officer. 
 
 The Pelignians, a people of Italy, who had 
 attacked the Macedonian phalanx, not being 
 able to break it with their utmost endeavours, 
 I one of their officers took the standard of his 
 company, and tossed it into the midst of the 
 enemy. The rest thi'ew themselves, in conse- 
 quence, like desperate men, upon that battalion. 
 Astonishing actions of valour ensued on both 
 sides, with a most dreadful slaughter. The 
 Pelignians endeavoured to cut the pikes of the 
 Macedonians with their swords, or to push 
 them back with their bucklers ; striving some- 
 times to pull them out of their hands, or to 
 turn them aside, in order to open themselves an 
 entrance between them. But the Macedonians 
 always keeping close order, and holding their 
 pikes in both hands, presented that iron ram- 
 part, and gave such violent strokes to those that 
 rushed upon them, that, piercing shields and 
 cuirasses, they laid the boldest of the Pelignians 
 dead, who, without any caution, continued to 
 throw themselves headlong, like wild beasts, 
 upon the spears of their enemies, and to rush 
 upon a death they saw before their eyes. 
 
 The whole front line being thus put into dis- 
 order, the second was discouraged, and began 
 to fall back. They did not indeed fly ; but, 
 instead of advancing, they retreated toward 
 mount Olocris.* When Paulus ^Emilius saw 
 that, he tore his clothes, and was struck with 
 extreme sorrow to see, upon the first troops 
 ! having given way, that the Romans were afraid 
 to face the phalanx. It presented a front cov- 
 ered thick with pikes, and close as an impene- 
 trable intrenchment ; and continuing invincible, 
 it could neither be broken nor opened. But at 
 length the inequality of the ground, and the 
 great extent of the front of battle, not admit- 
 ting the enemy to continue every where that 
 line of bucklers and pikes, Paulus ^milius ob- 
 served the Macedonian phalanx was obliged to 
 leave openings and intervals, and that it fell 
 back on one side, whilst it advanced on the 
 other ; as must necessarily happen in great ar- 
 mies, when the troops, not always acting with 
 the same vigour, fight also with different suc- 
 cess. 
 
 Paulus iEmilius, as an able general, who 
 knew how to improve all advantages, dividing 
 his troops into platoons, gave orders for them to 
 fall into the void spaces of the enemy's line, 
 and to attack them no longer in front by a gene- 
 ral charge, but by small detachments, and in 
 different places at the same time. This order, 
 
 t That mountain was probably part of Olympus. 
 
 so critically given, occasioned the gaining of the 
 battle. The Romans immediately fell into the 
 void spaces, and thereby put it out of the ene- 
 my's power to use their long pikes, charging 
 them in flank and rear, where they were un- 
 covered. The phalanx was broken in an in- 
 stant; and all its force, which consisted solely 
 in its union and the weight of the whole body 
 together, vanished and disappeared. When they 
 came to fight man to man, or platoon to pla- 
 toon, the Macedonians with their short swords 
 struck upon the Roman shields, which were 
 very strong and solid, and covered them almost 
 from head to foot ; and on the contrary, they 
 opposed only small bucklers against the swords 
 of the Romans, which were heavy and strong, 
 and handled with such force and vigour, that 
 they scarce discharged a blow which did not 
 either cut deep, or make shields and armour fly 
 in pieces, and draw blood. The phalanx having 
 lost their advantage, and being taken on their 
 weak side, stood their ground with great diffi- 
 culty, and were at length overthrown. 
 
 The king of Macedonia, abandoning himself 
 to his fear, rode off full speed in the beginning 
 I of the battle, and returned into the city of 
 ! Pydna, under pretence of going to offer a sacri- 
 fice to Hercules ; as if, says Plutarch, Hercules 
 were a god that would receive the sacrifices of 
 abject cowards, or give ear to unjust vows ; for 
 it is not just, that he should be victorious, who 
 durst not face his enemy: whereas the same 
 god received the prayer of Paulus Jimilius, 
 because he asked victory with sword in hand, 
 and invoked his aid while he fought valiantly. 
 
 It was in the attack of the phalanx where the 
 battle was warmest, and where the Romans 
 found the greatest resistance. It was there 
 also, that the son of Cato, Paulus ^milius's 
 i son-in-law, after having done prodigies of va- 
 lour, unhappily lost his sword, which slipped 
 out of his hand. Upon this accident, quite dis- 
 tracted and inconsolable, he ran through the 
 ranks, and assembling a body of brave and re- 
 solute young soldiers, he rushed headlong and 
 furious upon the Macedonians. After extra- 
 ordinary efforts, and a most bloody slaughter, 
 they made the latter give way ; and remaining 
 masters of the ground, they proceeded to search 
 , for the sword, which they found at last with 
 i great difficulty under heaps of arms and dead 
 j bodies. Transported with that good fortune, 
 i and raising shouts of victory, they fell with new- 
 ardour upon such of the enemy as yet stood 
 . firm ; so that at length the 8000 Macedonians 
 i who remained, and were a distinct body from 
 I the phalanx, were entirely cut to pieces ; not a 
 ! man of them quitting his rank, or ceasing to 
 
 fight to the last moment of his life, 
 j After the defeat of this body, all the rest fled ; 
 , and so great a number of them were killed, that 
 I the whole plain, to the foot of the mountain, 
 was covered with the dead ; and the next day, 
 when the Romans passed the river Leucus, 
 i they found the waters still stained with blood. 
 It is said that upwards of 25,000 men on the 
 pide of the Macedonians perished in this battle. 
 The Romans lost only 100, and made 11 or 
 12,000 prisoners. The cavalry, which had no 
 share in this battle, seeing the foot put to the 
 route, had retired ; and the Romans, whose 
 fury was principally directed against the pha- 
 lanx, did not think at that time of pursuing 
 them. 
 
 This great battle was decided so suddenly, 
 that the charge, which began at three in the 
 
570 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 afternoon, was followed hy the victory before 
 foar. The rest of the day was employed in the 
 pursuit, which was carried very far; so that 
 the troops did not return till late in the night. 
 All the servants in the army went out to meet 
 their masters with great shouts of joy, and 
 conducted them with torches to the camp, 
 where they had made illuminations, and cov- 
 ered the tents with wreaths of ivy and crowns 
 of laurel.' 
 
 But in the midst of this great victory, the 
 general was in extreme affliction. Of the two 
 sons he had in the battle, the youngest, who was 
 but seventeen years old, and whom he loved 
 with most tenderness, because he had already 
 g'ven great hopes of himself, did not appear. 
 The camp was in a universal alarm, and the 
 cries of joy were changed into a mournful si- 
 lence. They searched for him with torches 
 amongst the dead, but to no purpose. At length, 
 when the night was very far advanced, and they 
 
 necessary to be done for the retrieving his af- 
 fairs. This cruel treatment of two of the prin- 
 cipal officers of his court, who had failed only 
 out of an imprudent and ill-timed zeal, entirely 
 lost him the affection of every one. Alai-med 
 by the almost universal desertion of his officers 
 and courtiers, he did not think himself safe at 
 Peila, and left it the same night to go to Am- 
 phipolis, carrying along with him the greatest 
 part of his treasures. When he arrived there, 
 he sent deputies to Paulas iEmilius, to implore 
 his mercy. From Amphipolis he went into the 
 island of Samothracia, and took refuge in the 
 temple of Castor and Pollux. All the cities of 
 Macedonia opened their gates to the victor, and 
 made their submission. 
 
 The consul having quitted Pydna, arrived the 
 next day at Pella, the happy situation of which 
 he admired. The king's treasures had been 
 kept in this city; but only the SOO talents he 
 had sent to Gentius, king of Thrace, and after- 
 
 wlien tne nignt was very lar auvaiiceu, auu tucy .^..^ _ 
 
 despaired of ever seeing him more, he returned | wards caused to be brought back, were found 
 from the pursuit, attended by only two or three \ there. Paulus iEmilius having been informed 
 
 pur 
 
 of his comrades, all covered with the blood of 
 the enemy. Paulus iEmilius thought he had 
 recovered him from the dead, and did not begin 
 to taste the joy of his victory till that moment. 
 He was reserved for other tears, and losses no 
 less to be deplored. The young Roman, of 
 whom we speak, was the second Scipio, who 
 was afterwards called Africanus, and Numan- 
 tinus, from having destroyed Carthage and _Nu- 
 mantia. He was adopted by the son of Scipio, 
 the conqueror of Hannibal. The consul imme- 
 diately despatched three couriers of distinction 
 (of whom his son Fabius was one) to carry the 
 i news of this victory to Rome. 
 I In the mean time, Perseus, continuing his 
 j flight, had passed the city of Pydna, and en- 
 I deavoured to gain Pella, with all his cavalry, 
 i which had escaped from the battle without strik- 
 i ing a blow. The foot-soldiers that fled in disor- 
 I der, meeting them upon the *road, reproached 
 i them in the sharpest terms, calling them cow- 
 I ards and traitors ; and carrying their resent- 
 ment farther, they pulled them off their horses, 
 and wounded a great number of them. The 
 king, who dreaded the consequence of that tu- 
 mult, quitted the high road, and that he might 
 not be known, folded up his royal mantle, put 
 it behind him, took the diadem from his head, 
 and carried it in his hand ; and, in order to dis- 
 course witii his friends with the more ease, he 
 alighted and led his horse in his hand. Several 
 of those who attended him took different routes 
 from his, under various pretexts; less to avoid 
 the pursuit of the enemy, than to shun the fury 
 of their prince, whose defeat had only served to 
 irritate and inflame his natural ferocity. Of 
 all his courtiers, three only remained with him, 
 and those all foreigners. Evander of Crete, 
 whom he had employed to assassinate king Eu- 
 menes, was one of them. He retained his fi- 
 delity for him to the last. 
 
 When he arrived about midnight in Pella, he 
 stabbed two of his treasurers with his own 
 hands, for being so bold as to represent to him 
 the faults he had committed, and with ill-timed 
 freedom to give him their advice upon what was 
 
 that Perseus was in Samothracia, repaired to 
 Amphipolis, in order to pass from thence into 
 that island. 
 
 He was encamped at Sirae,' in the country of 
 the Odomantes,^ when he received a letter from 
 Perseus, which was presented to him by three 
 deputies of inconsiderable birth and condition. 
 He could not forbear shedding tears when he 
 reflected upon the uncertainty of human affairs, 
 of which the present condition of Perseus was 
 a sensible example. But when he saw this title 
 and inscription upon the letter, "■' Perseus the 
 king, to the consul Paulus xEmilius, greeting ;" 
 the stupid ignorance of his condition in which 
 that prince seemed to be, extinguished in him all 
 sense of compassion ; and though the tenor of 
 the letter was couched in an humble and suppli- 
 ant style, and little consistent with the royal 
 dignity, he dismissed the deputies without an 
 answer. How haughty were these proud re- 
 publicans, to degrade an unfortunate idng im- 
 mediately in this manner ! Perseus perceived 
 what name he was henceforth to forget. He 
 wrote a second letter, to which he only put his 
 name, without the addition of his quality. He 
 demanded, that commissioners should be sent to 
 treat with him, which was granted. This ne- 
 gotiation had no effect, because, on the one side, 
 Perseus would not renounce the royal dignity, 
 and Paulus ^milius, on the other, insisted, that 
 he should submit his fate entirely to the deter- 
 mination of the Roman people. 
 
 During this time the prsetor Octavius, who 
 commanded the fleet, arrived at Samothracia. 
 He did not take Perseus by force out of that 
 asylum, through respect to the gods who pre- 
 sided in it ; but he endeavoured by promises 
 and threats to induce him to quit it, and surren- 
 der himself to the Romans. His endeavours 
 were ineffectual. 
 
 A young Roman (named Acilius), either of 
 his own accord, or in concert with the praetor, 
 took another course to draw the king out of his 
 sanctuary. Having entered the assembly of the 
 Samothracians, which was then held, he said to 
 them : " Is it a truth, or is it without any foun- 
 dation, that your island is held a sacred and in- 
 
 1 This was a custom among the Romans. Caesar writes 
 In the third book of the civil war, that he found in Pom. 
 pey's camp the tents of Lentulus, and some others, cover, 
 ed with ivy. L. etiam Lentuli et nonnullorum tabernacu- 
 la -prote^ta hcdera. 
 
 2 I.iv. 1. xlv. n. 3—9. Plot, in Paul, .ffimil. p. 2h9, m 
 
 3 All obscure unknown city, upon the eastern frontier 
 i of Macedonia. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS, 
 
 57J 
 
 violable asylum throughout all its extent?" 
 Upon being answered by all present, that it was 
 undoubtedly so ; " How then (continued he) do 
 you suffer its sanctity to be violated by a homi- 
 cide, contaminated with the blood of king Eu- 
 menes ? And as all religious ceremonies begin 
 by the exclusion of those whose hands ai'e im- 
 pure, how can you suffer your temple to be pro- 
 faned and defiled by the presence of an infamous 
 murderer ?" This accusation was directed 
 against Perseus j but the Samothracians chose 
 rather to £pply it to Evander, whom all the 
 world knew to have been the agent in the in- 
 tended assassination of Eumenes. They sent 
 therefore to tell the king, that Evander was ac- 
 cused of assassination, and that he must appear, 
 according to the custom of their sanctuary, to 
 justify himself before the judges; or, if he was 
 afraid to do that, that he should take measures 
 for his safety, and quit the temple. The king, 
 having sent for Evander, advised him in the 
 strongest terms not to submit to that trial. He 
 had his reasons for giving this advice, appre- 
 hending he would declare, that the assassination 
 had been undertaken by his order. He there- 
 fore gave him to understand, that the only me- 
 thod he could take was to kill himself. Evan- 
 der seemed at fii'st to consent to it, and profess- 
 ing that he had rather die by poison than the 
 sword, he intended to make his escape by flight. 
 The king was aware of that design, and fearing 
 the Samothracians would let the weight of their 
 resentment fall on him, as having withdrawn 
 the offender from the punishment he deserved, 
 he ordered him to be killed. This was pollut- 
 ing the sanctuary with a new crime ; but he 
 corrupted the principal magistrate with presents 
 of money, who declared in the assembly, that 
 Evander had laid violent hands upon himself. 
 
 The praetor, not being able to persuade Per- 
 seus to quit his asylum, could do no more than 
 deprive him of all means to embark and make 
 his escape. Howevei-, notwithstanding his pre- 
 cautions, Perseus gained secretly a certain Cre- 
 tan, called Oroandes, who had a merchant ship, 
 and prevailed upon him to receive him on board, 
 with all his treasures : they amounted to 2000 
 talents, that is, to ?.bout 300,000/. But, from 
 his extreme suspicion, he did not dispossess him- 
 self of the whole ; he sent only a part of it to the 
 ship, and reserved the rest of it to be carried on 
 board with himself. The Cretan, following the 
 genius of his country upon this occasion, shipped 
 all the gold and silver that had been sent him in 
 the evening, and let Perseus know, that he had 
 only to come to the port at midnight with his i 
 children, and such of his people as were abso- 
 lutely necessary to attend his person. 
 
 The appointed time approaching, Perseus, 
 with infinite difficulty, crept through a very 
 narrow window, crossed a garden and got out 
 through a ruinous house, with his wife and son. 
 The remainder of his treasures followed him. 
 His grief and despair were inexpressible, when 
 he was informed that Oroandes, with his rich 
 freight, was under sail. He was therefore ( om- 
 pelled to return to his asylum with his wife and 
 Philip his eldest son. He had intrusted his 
 other children to Ion of Thessalonica, who had 
 been his favourite, and who betrayed him in his 
 misfortunes ; for he delivered up his children to 
 Of^tavius ; which was the principal cause that 
 induced Perseus to put himself into the power 
 of those who had his children in their hands. 
 
 He accordingly surrendered himself and Phi- 
 lip his son to the preetor Octavius, who made 
 
 him embark, in order to his being carried to the 
 consul ; having first apprized him of his coming. 
 Paulus jS^milius sent his son-in-law Tubero to 
 meet him, Perseus, in a mourning habit, en- 
 tered the camp, attended only by his son. The 
 consul, who waited for him with a sufficiently 
 numerous ti'ain, seeing him approach, rose from 
 his seat, and advancing some few steps, offered 
 him his hand. Perseus threw himself at his 
 feet; but he raised him immediately, and 
 would not suffer him to embrace his knees. 
 Having introduced him into his tent, he made 
 him sit down, facing those who formed the as- 
 sembly. 
 
 He began by asking him : " What cause of 
 discontent had induced him to enter with so 
 much animosity into a war with the Roman 
 people, that exposed himself and his kingdom to 
 the greatest dangers?" As, instead of the an- 
 swer which every body expected, the king, fix- 
 ing his eyes upon the ground, and shedding tears 
 kept silence ; Paulus iEmilius continued to this 
 effect : '* Had you ascended the throne a youth, 
 I should be less surprised at your being ignorant 
 of what it was to have the Roman people for 
 your friends or enemies. But having been pre- 
 sent in the war made by your father against us, 
 and certainly remembering the peace, which we 
 
 ! have punctually observed on our side, how could 
 
 1 you prefer war, rather than peace, with a peo- 
 ple, whose force in the former, and fidelity in 
 the latter, you had so well experienced?" Per- 
 
 1 seus making no more answer to this reproach 
 than lie had done to the first question : *' In 
 whatsoever manner, notwithstanding (resumed 
 
 , the consul) these affairs have happened, whether 
 
 j they are the effects of error, to which all man- 
 kind are liable, or of chance, or of that fatal des- 
 tiny which superintends all things, take cour- 
 
 ) age. The clemency with which the Roman 
 people have behaved towards many other kings 
 
 ' and nations, ought to inspire you, I do not say 
 with some hope only, but with almost entire 
 
 : confidence, that you will meet with the same 
 treatment." He spoke this in Greek to Per- 
 
 I seus: then turning towards the Romans, " You* 
 see (said he in his own language) a great exam- 
 
 ! pie of the inconstancy of human affairs. It is 
 to you principally, young Romans, I address 
 this discourse. The uncertainty of what may 
 happen to us every day, ought to teach us never 
 to treat any one with insolence and cruelty in 
 our prosperity, nor rely too much upon our pre- 
 sent advantages. The proof of real merit and 
 true valour is neither to be too elate in good, nor 
 too dejected in bad fortune." Paulus ^milius 
 having dismissed the assembly, charged Tubero 
 with the care of the king. He invited him that 
 day to his table, and ordered him to be treated 
 with all the honours his present condition would 
 admit. 
 
 The army went afterwards into winter-quar- 
 ters. Amphipolis received the greatest part of 
 the troops; the rest were distributed into the 
 neighbouring cities. Thus ended the war be- 
 tween the Romans and Perseus, which had con- 
 tinued four years ; and with it a kingdom so il- 
 lustrious both in Europe and Asia. Perseus 
 
 4 Exemplum insigne cernitis, inquit, mutationis rerum 
 humanarum. Vobis hoc prsecipud dico, juvenes. Ide6 in 
 secundis rebus nihil in quemquam superbd ac violenter 
 consulere decet, nee prsesenti credere fortunae, cOm quid 
 vesper ferat, incertum sit. Is demum vir erit, cujus ini. 
 mum nee prospera flatu suo efteret, nee adversa infrinsjet 
 Liu. 
 
572 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 had reigned eleven years.' He was reckoned 
 the fortieth king from Caranus,''* who was the 
 first that reigned in Macedonia. So important 
 a conquest cost Paulus iEmilius only fifteen 
 days. 
 
 The kingdom of Macedonia had been very 
 obscure till the time of Philip, son of Amyntas. 
 Under that prince, and by his great exploits, it 
 made considerable acquisitions, which did not 
 extend, however, beyond the bounds of Europe; 
 he annexed to it a part of Thrace and lUyria, 
 and acquired a kind of empire over all Greece. 
 It afterwards extended into Asia; and in the 
 thirteen years of the reign of Alexander sub- 
 jected all" the provinces, of which the vast em- 
 pire of the Persians was composed, and carried 
 its victorious arms to the extremities of the 
 earth ; I mean to Arabia on one side, and the 
 Indies on the other. This empire of Macedo- 
 nia, the greatest in the world, divided, or rather 
 torn into different kingdoms after the death of 
 Alexander, by his successors, who each took 
 part to himself, subsisted during something 
 more than 150 years : from the exalted height 
 to which the victorious arms of that prince had 
 raised it, to the entire ruin of Macedonia. Such 
 was the period of the so -much-boasted exploits 
 of that famous conqueror, the terror and admi- 
 ration of the universe ; or, to speak more justly, 
 the example of the most vain and most frantic 
 ambition the world ever knew. 
 
 The three deputies whom Paulus JSmilius 
 had sent to Rome, to carry thither the news of 
 his victory over Perseus, used all possible dili- 
 gence on their journey. But long before their 
 arrival, and only the fourth day after the battle, 
 I whilst the games were celebrating in the Cir- 
 I cus, it was whispered about, that a battle had 
 I been fought in Macedonia, and Perseus entirely 
 j defeated. This news was attended with clap- 
 ping of hands and cries of victory throughout 
 I the whole Circus. But when the magistrates, 
 after a strict inquiry, had discovered that it was 
 a rumour without either author or foundation, 
 that false and short-lived joy ceased, and left 
 only a secret hope, that it was perhaps the pre- 
 sage of a victory, which either was already or 
 would soon be obtained. 
 
 The arriA'al of the deputies put Rome out of 
 pain. They were informed, that Perseus had 
 been entirely defeated ; that he was Hying, and 
 could not escape falling into the hands of the 
 victor. The people's joy, which had been sus- 
 pended till then, broke' out immoderately. The 
 deputies read a circumstantial narrative of the 
 battle, first in the senate, and afterwards in the 
 assembly of the people. Public prayers and 
 sacrifices were decreed, and all the temples tilled 
 in an instant with infinite crowds of people, of 
 every age and sex, who went thither to return 
 thanks to the gods for the signal protection 
 which they had vouchsafed to the republic. 
 
 After the nomination of 
 A. M. 3837. new consuls at Rome,^ the 
 Ant. J. C. 167. command of the army in 
 Macedonia was continued to 
 Paulus iEmilius, and of that in Illyria to L. 
 Anicius; ten commissioners were then appointed 
 
 1 I.iv. 1. xlv; n. 4, 
 2 Livy, such as we have him, says the twentieth. Jus. 
 tin the thirtieth. It is thought there is an error in the 
 cipher, and that it should be corrected, the fortieth, as in 
 Eusebius. 
 
 3 Liv. 1. xlv. n. 17, 18. 
 
 to regulate affairs in Macedonia, and five for 
 Illyria. The senate, before they set out, regu- 
 lated their commission in part. It was decreed 
 in particular, that the Macedonians and Illy- 
 rians should be declared free, in order that all 
 nations might know, that the end of the Roman 
 arms was not to subject free people, but to de- 
 liver such as were enslaved ; so that the one 
 under the protection of the Roman name, might 
 always retain their liberty, and the other who 
 were under the rule of kings, might be treated 
 with more lenity and justice by them through 
 consideration for the Romans, or that, when- 
 ever war should arise between those kings and 
 the Roman people, the nations might know that 
 the issue of those wars would be victory for the 
 Romans and liberty for them. The senate also 
 abolished certain duties upon the mines and 
 landed estates, because those duties could not be 
 collected but by the intervention of farmers of 
 the taxes, commonly called publicans ; and that 
 wherever such sort of farmers are suffered,^ the 
 laws are of no force, and the people are always 
 oppressed. They established a general council 
 for the nation, lest the populace should cause 
 the liberty granted them by the senate to de- 
 generate into a destructive licentiousness. Mace- 
 donia was divided into four regions, each of 
 which was to have a distinct council, and to 
 pay the Romans one moiety of the tributes 
 which they had been accustomed to pay their 
 kings. These were in part the orders with 
 which the commissioners of Macedonia were 
 charged. Those for Illyria had almost the 
 same instructions, and arrived there first. After 
 having communicated their commission to the 
 pro-prsetor Anicius, who came to Scodra to 
 meet them, they summoned an assembly of the 
 principal persons of the nation. Anicius hav- 
 ing ascended his tribunal, declared to them, that 
 the senate and people of Rome granted liberty 
 to the Illyrians, and that the garrison should 
 be withdrawn from all the cities and forts ol 
 the country as soon as possible. As to some 
 nations, who either before or during the war 
 had declared for the Romans, an exemption 
 from all taxes was added , to their liberty; and 
 all the rest were exonerated from' one half of 
 the imposts formerly paid to the king. Illyria 
 was divided into three regions or parts, which 
 had each of them their public council and ma- 
 gistrates. 
 
 Before the deputies for Macedonia arrived 
 there,* Paulus jEmilius, who was at leisure, 
 visited, during the autumn, the most celebrated 
 cities of Greece, to see those things with his 
 own eyes which all the world talked of, with- 
 out knowing them. Having left the command 
 of the camp to Sulpicius Gallus, he set out 
 with a small train, accompanied by young Sci- 
 pio his son, and Athenseus, king Eumenes's 
 brother. 
 
 He passed through Thessaly in his way to 
 Delphi, the most celebrated oracle in the uni- 
 verse. The multitude and value of the pre- 
 sents, statues, vases, and tripods, with which 
 that temple was filled, surprised him extremely, 
 lie there offered a sacrifice to Apollo. Having 
 seen a great square pillar of white marble, on 
 which a golden statue of Perseus was to have 
 been placed, he caused his own to be set upon 
 
 4 Et ubi publicanus est, ibi aut jus publicum vanum aut 
 ibertatem sociis nullam esse. Liv. 
 
 5 Liv. 1. xlv. n. 5^7, 28. Plut. in Paul. JEmil. p. 270. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 it, saying, " That the vanquished ought to give 
 jdace to the victors." 
 
 He saw at Lebadia tlie temple of Jupiter, 
 surnamed Trophonius, and the entrance of the 
 cavern, into which those who consulted the ora- 
 cle descended."^ He offered a sacrifice to Jupi- 
 ter, and the goddess Hercynna, who was be- 
 lieved to be the daughter of Trophonius. 
 
 At Chalcis he gratified his curiosity in seeing 
 the Euripus, and the ebb and flow of the sea, 
 which is very frequent and extraordinary. 
 
 From thence he went to the city of Aulis, 
 from which port the famous fleet of Agamem- 
 non formerly set sail for Troy. He made a 
 visit to the temple of Diana in that place, upon 
 whose altar that king of kings sacrificed his 
 daughter Iphigenia, to obtain a prosperous voy- 
 age from the goddess. 
 
 After having passed through Oropus in At- 
 tica, where the soothsayer Amphilochus was 
 honoured as a god, he came to Athens, a city 
 celebrated for its ancient renown, where abun- 
 dance of objects presented themselves to his 
 view, well capable of inspiring and gratifying 
 his curiosity: the citadel, the ports, the walls 
 which joined the Pirseeus to the city, the arse- 
 nals for the navy, erected by illustrious gene- 
 rals, the statues of gods and men, in which it 
 was hard to know whether the materials or art 
 were most worthy of admiration. He did not 
 forget to offer a sacrifice to Minerva, the tute- 
 lary goddess of the citadel. 
 
 Whilst Paulus ^milius was in that city, he 
 demanded of the Athenians an excel'ent philo- 
 sopher to finish the education of his children, 
 and a skilful painter to design the ornaments of 
 his triumph. They immediately cast their eyes 
 upon Metrodorus, who excelled both in philoso- 
 phy and painting ; a very singular and extra- 
 ordinary praise, which was confinned by expe- 
 rience, and the approbation of Paulus ^milius. 
 We here see the attention paid by the great 
 men of antiquity to the education of their chil- 
 dren. The sons of that Roman general were 
 then of some age, the youngest of the two, who 
 made the campaign in Macedonia with his fa- 
 ther, being at that time seventeen yearc old. 
 He thought it necessary, however, to have a 
 i philosopher with them, capable of forming both 
 their minds by the study of the sciences, and 
 their manners" by that of moral virtue, which 
 of all studies is the most important, and yet the 
 most neglected. If we are anxious to know the 
 effects of such an education, we have only to 
 call to mind the demeanour of the youngest of 
 the two sons of this consul, who inherited the 
 name and merit of Scipio Africanus, his grand- 
 father by adoption, and of Paulus ^milius, his 
 natural father : who ruined Carthage and Nu- 
 mantia ; who distinguished himself as much by 
 his acquaintance with polite learning and the 
 sciences, as by his military valour ; who reck- 
 oned it an honour to have Polybius the histo- 
 j rian, Pansetius the philosopher, and Terence 
 ' the poet, for his friends and companions ; who, 
 in a word, to use the terms of a very judicious 
 writer/ never said, did, or thought, any thing 
 
 6 For an account of this oracle, see Book x. Chap. iii. 
 
 ^T^pV scipio ^milianus, vir avitis P. Africaiii pater- 
 nisque L Pauli virtutitius simillimus ; omnibus belli ac 
 toeae dotibus, ingeniique ac studiorum emmentissimus 
 scculi sui, qui nihil in viti nisi laudandum aut fecit, aut 
 dixit, aut sensit. Paterc. 1. i. c. 12. 
 
 ' unworthy of a Roman. Paulus iEmilius hav- 
 ing found the precious treasure he sought, in 
 the person of Metrodorus, left Athens well sa- 
 tisfied. 
 
 He arrived in two days at Corinth. The 
 citadel and isthmus were an agreeable sight to 
 him : the first, which was situated upon the 
 t«»p of a mountain, abounded with streams and 
 fountains of exceedingly pure water; and the 
 isthmus, which separated by a very narrow 
 neck of land two neighbouring seas, the one on 
 the east, and the other on the west of it. 
 
 Sicyon and Argos, two very illustrious cities, 
 were the next in his way; and afterwards Epi- 
 daurus, less opulent than the two others, but 
 well known from the famous temple of ^scu- 
 lapius, where at that time were to be seen an 
 infinite multitude of rich presents, the offei-- | 
 ings of sick persons, out of gratitude for the 
 cures they imagined they had received from 
 that god. 
 
 Sjiarta v/as not distinguished by the magnifi- 
 cence of its buildings, but by the wisdom of its 
 laws, customs, and discipline. 
 
 Having taken Megalopolis in his way, he ar- 
 rived at Olj'mpia, where he saw abundance of 
 things worthy of admiration ; but when he cast 
 his eyes upon the statue of Jupiter, Phidias's 
 masterpiece, he was as much struck, says Livy, 
 as if he had seen the god himself, and cried out, 
 that " This Jupiter of Phidias was the exact 
 Jupiter of Horner."^ Imagining himself in the 
 Capitol, he offered a more solemn sacrifice here 
 than he had done any where else. 
 
 Having made the tour of Greece in this man- 
 ner, without giving himself any trouble to know 
 people's thoughts in regard to Perseus, that he 
 might avoid giving the allies any cause of dis- 
 content, he returned to Demetrias. He had 
 met on his way a number of ^tolians, who 
 came to inform him of an unhappy accident 
 which had befallen their city. He ordered 
 them to attend him, at Amphipolis. Having 
 received advice that the ten commissioners had 
 already passed the sea, he quitted all other 
 affairs, and went to meet them at Apollonia, 
 u liich was only one day's journey from Am- 
 phipolis. Pie was very much surprised to meet 
 Perseus there, whom his guards suffered to go 
 about with abundance of liberty, for which he 
 afterwards warmly reproved Sulpicius, to whose 
 care he had confided that important prisoner. 
 He put him, with Philip his son, into the hands 
 of Posthumius with orders to guard him better. 
 As for his daughter and younger son, he caused 
 them to be brought fr( m Samothracia to Am- 
 phipolis, where he ordered such care to be 
 taken of them as their birth and condition re- 
 quired. 
 
 The commissioners being come hithei-,^ as 
 had been agreed on by them, and having en- 
 tered the chamber of the assembly, where a 
 great number of Macedonians were present, he 
 took his seat on his tribunal, and after having 
 caused silence to be proclaimed by the crier, 
 Paulus u3imiiius repeated in Latin the regula- 
 tions made by the senate and by himself, in 
 conjunction vvith the commissioners relating 
 to 'Macedonia. The principal articles were, 
 
 8 To have so well expressed the idea of Homer, is 
 highly to the praise of Phidias ; but the having so well 
 conceived all the majesty of the g( d, is much more to 
 that of Homer. { 
 9 Liv. 1 xiv. n. 29, 30. \ 
 
57i 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 That Macedonia was declared free : that it 
 should pay the Romans one half the tribute paid 
 the king, which was fixed at the sum of 100 ta- 
 lents, or 100,000 crowns : that it should have a 
 public council composed of a certain number of' 
 senators, wherein all affaii's should be discussed 
 and adjudged: that it should be divided for the 
 future' into four regions or districts, that should 
 each have their council, in which their particu- 
 lar affairs should be examined : and that no per- 
 son should contract marriage, or purchase lands 
 or houses, out of their own district. Several 
 other articles of less importance were annexed 
 to these. The prsetor Octavius, who was pre- 
 sent in this assembly, explained the several arti- 
 cles in Greek, as Paulus ^milius pronounced 
 them in Latin. The article of liberty, and that 
 of the diminution of tribute, gave the Macedo- 
 nians exceeding pleasure, who little expected 
 them ; but they looked upon the division of Ma- 
 cedonia into different regions, that were not to 
 have their usual intercourse with each other, 
 like the rending a body in pieces, by separating 
 its members, which have no life, nor subsist, 
 but in their mutual support of each other. 
 
 The consul afterwards gave audience to the 
 ^tolians.' I shall relate elsewhere the subject 
 of it. 
 
 After those foreign affairs were settled,^ Pau- 
 lus ^Emilius recalled the Blacedonians into the 
 assembly, in order to put the last hand to his re- 
 gulations. He spoke at first on the subject of 
 the senators who were to compose the public 
 council, wherein the national affairs were to be 
 transacted, and the choice of them was left to 
 the people. A list was then read of the princi- 
 pal persons of the country, who were to be sent 
 into Italy with such of their children as had at- 
 tained the age of fifteen. This article seemed 
 very hard at first ; but it was soon perceived, 
 that it had been resolved upon only for the bet- 
 ter security of the people's liberty. For this 
 list included the great lords, generals of the ar- 
 my, commanders of the fleet, all such as had 
 any offices at the court, or had been employed 
 in embassies, with many other officers accus- 
 tomed to pay their court to the king in the ab- 
 ject manner of slaves, and to command others 
 with insolence. These were all rich persons, 
 who lived at a great expense, had magnihcent 
 equipages, and would not easily be reduced to a 
 quite different kind of life, in which liberty 
 makes the whole people equal, and subjects all 
 to the laws. They were therefore all ordered to 
 quit Macedonia, and transport themselves into 
 Italy, upon pain of death for such as disobeyed. 
 The regulations made for Macedonia by Paulus 
 iEmilius were so reasonable, that they did not 
 seem calculated for conquered enemies, but for 
 faithful allies, with whom there was every rea- 
 son to be satisfied ; and the execution of them, 
 from which the nature of laws is best known, 
 proved that there was nothing to be amended in 
 the institutions of that wise magistrate.^ 
 
 1 Liv. 1. xlv. n. 31. 'i Ibid. n. 32. 
 
 3 It is grating to our feelings to find our author always 
 praising the Romans whenever he can find an opportu- 
 nity to descant in their favour; and making us believe 
 that the conquest of Macedon by the Romans was a 
 real blessing to the unhappy natives, who were rather 
 dealt with as faithful allies, than as a conquered people. 
 All this eulogy upon the Romans is drawn from the writ- 
 ings of Romans themselves, or of Greek authors, who 
 were quite happy in being permitted to flatter the con. 
 querors of their country. The partial -Livy, ever ready to 
 
 To these serious affairs* succeeded a celebra- 
 tion of games for which preparations had long 
 been making, and to which cai'e had been taken 
 to invite all the most considerable persons in the 
 
 4 Flut. in Paul. Mmil p. 270. Liv. 1. xlv. n. 32. 
 
 praise his countrymen, is the author from whom Rollin 
 has given the account in the text, of the conduct of Pau- 
 lus ^milius to the Macedonians. He represents his coun- 
 trymen as always right, and their opponents as always 
 wrong ; and that the Romans always acted on liberal and 
 philosophical principles. He says, with respect to the Ma- 
 cedonians, that they were treated in such a handsome 
 manner by Paulus jEmilius, as toided to convince all ca- 
 pable of being so, that the Romans did not make war with 
 a view to enslave free men, but, on the contrary, that they 
 might be able to set such nations as were already enslaved, 
 free. What a felicitous time was it then for the world, 
 to enjoy the good offices of this magnanimous disinterested 
 people — this phoenix of a republic, that never fought but 
 for the good of mankind— and who never conquered but 
 for the purpose of conferring the boon of freedom on the 
 conquered ! — What a happiness to be conquered by such a 
 people ! Plutarch sings to the same measure as Livy, and 
 praises the Romans for their kindness and benificence to 
 the conquered. We have no contemporaneous historians 
 of the conquered to tell us another story, whose accounts 
 might be compared with Polybius, Livy, and the philoso- 
 pher of Ch£eronea; and which might tend to moderate 
 our admiration of Roman generosity, beneficence, and 
 philanthropy. 
 
 It must be first proved that the Macedonians were ruled 
 by tyrants, before it be assumed as a fact by Rollin, from 
 Livy and Plutarch, that the Romans, by conquering Per- 
 seus, set them free. It must be proved that the Macedo- 
 nian kings were tyrants, or arbitrary despots, and not as. 
 sumed. i acknowledge, that in the opinion of the Cireeks 
 monarchy of any kind was accounted tyranny, and that 
 the very name of king was hateful to a Grecian ear, es- 
 pecially those Greeks who Uved under a democracy. But 
 the Macedonians were not Greeks, nor the latter Macedo- 
 nians. These latter had always lived under a monarchy, and 
 never felt it tyrannical, and had never imbibed those no. 
 tions of political freedom which were common to the 
 Greeks. They revered monarchy and loved their kings, 
 who were mild and able sovereigns compared with those 
 of Syria and Egypt. It is pure nonsense to say that the 
 Romans set a nation free who never complained of op- 
 pression, and who never desired a change of government. 
 It does not follow, that because the Romans overcame the 
 mean and pusillanimous Perseus, and abolished monarchy 
 in Macedon, that therefore the Macedonians were set at 
 liberty. It was not so ; the change was not from slavery 
 to freedom, from a monarchy to a republic— but from one 
 set of masters to another, from being ruled by their own 
 hereditary sovereigns to that of subjection to a foreign 
 power — nottolive under such laws as they might be left at 
 liberty to frame for themselves, but to receive such as a 
 stern and haughty military republic might choose to dic- 
 ta'e. And let it be remembered, that it is a poor business 
 indeed for a nation to receive their ])olitical liberty from 
 another. If a nation have not spirit and intelligence to as- 
 sert and know their own lilierty, they shall never enjoy it 
 but at the arbitrium of that power or nation which gave 
 it them. What is given may be taken away— it is enjoyed 
 only durante placito. 
 
 The Macedonians, in fact, enjojed greater practical 
 freedom under their sovereigns than was enjoyed under 
 most of the Grecian republics, where the word " liberty " 
 was in every one's mouth ; a< in Athens, where all would 
 be masters but none obey— where no other sovereignty 
 was known but what was denominated that of the people 
 — in other words, the mob. The Macedonian kings ruled 
 according to law, not against it, and not by arbitrary will. 
 They governed according to the maxims of natural equity 
 — tuch as were suggested by plain common sense, enlight. 
 ened by acquaintance with the Greeks, their more polish, 
 ed neighbours. This was the original constitution, and it 
 may be said, to the glory of the Macedonians, that it was 
 not subverted but with the kingdom itself. On this ac- 
 count, Lucian, introducing Philip and Alexander in his 
 dialogues, makes the former call the Macedonians free- 
 men. In every capital case, the cause was heard by the 
 army or by the people; and till the party libelled was 
 found guilty the king did not pretend to put him to death. 
 The Macedonians did not deity their kings, and declared 
 to Alexander the Great, who would have introduced the 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 575 
 
 cities of Asia and Greece, 'i'he Koman general 
 offered magnificent sacrifices to the gods, and 
 gave superb feasts, the king's treasures supply- 
 ing him abundantly with the means of defray- 
 
 oriental custom of adoring the royal presence, that rever- 
 ence was due to kings, but adoration to the gods. Their 
 sovereigns never affVcted great magnificence, but lived 
 moderately. If, therefore, their revenue was n^t great, 
 their expenditure was comparatively small. All sorts of 
 persons were admitted to their presence, and by a contin- 
 ual habit of business, their sovereigns made them>elves 
 at once necessary and agreeable to their subjects. They 
 heard causes in person, and sufiered those who pleaded 
 before them to speak with the utmost freedom. Even 
 Livy, the partial Livy, tells us, that Perseus, the last of 
 them, the very king conquered by Paulus ^inilius, sat in 
 an ivory chair and heard all sort of causes, even those cf 
 small importance. They spoke to the private soldiers 
 with great freedom and affability, took as much care of 
 them as if they had been their own children, and such t f 
 them as had been slain in the wars were always intened 
 with all military honours. 
 
 Let us see now how the generous, magnanimous, heroic 
 Romans behaved to Perseus, and then to his subjects. It 
 is plain, that however much this monarch hated the Ro- 
 mans, and there was no reason why he should love them, 
 that he was soon conscious of his inability to resist them ; 
 and that from this conviction he was, almost from the very 
 commencement of the war, willmg to submit to any thing 
 almost, provided the Romans would grant him peace ; 
 which was refused him, but upon such conditions as no- 
 thing short of the most unsuccessful war could induce any 
 prince to accept. They were such as would have render- 
 ed him a king merely by sufferance. These couditi ns 
 the consul Licinius Crassus announced Jacoiiically and im- 
 periously, when as yet the Romane had not entered Mace- 
 don, and were even in danger of being driven out of 
 Thessaly. Every reader of sense, and who knows what 
 the Macedonians had been, and what they still were, must 
 admit that this was very haughty, if not tyrannical con- 
 duct. If political degradation were so hateful a thing to 
 the magnanimous Romans— that rather than endure it 
 they would suffer the greatest haidships, and make the 
 greatest sacritice.'— why should it not appear in the same 
 light to the Macedonians ? and if so, wJiat magnanimity, 
 nay, what justice or equity, was there in pressing such 
 terms upon them ? and how was Perseus or his subjects to 
 blame for doing what tliey could to ward off' such degrada- 
 tion. 
 
 Next what sort of liberty was it which the Macedoni. 
 ans received at the bands of this merciful, benign, and 
 generous conqueror, Paulus jEniilius ? Were they left at 
 liberty to form a new constitution— to choose such a form 
 of government as best suited their inclinations, or their 
 circumstances ? Were they even permitted to make any 
 objections to that whicli their gracious conquerors conde- 
 scended to make for them ? Neither of these were grant, 
 ed them ; and, therefore, how in the name of common 
 sense could they be said to have received liberty at the 
 hands of the Romans? Instead of receiving such a boon, 
 if boon it can be called, to a people who had never felc 
 oppression's iron rod, they were left with much less poli- 
 tical liberty than they had previously enjoyed under their 
 own princes. 
 
 It is clear, from the history of Macedon, that its most 
 eminent cities were somewhat like the former free cities 
 in the Germanic body— a kind of small republics assffci. 
 ated amongst themselves, and owing certain homage to 
 their princes. Under this liberty they grew rich and 
 populous, and were effectually protected by the Macedo- 
 nian monarchs in their rights and privileges, for ouglit 
 that we know, Perseus himself did not invade or violate, 
 infringe or take away, their municipal rights, or commer- 
 cial privileges. On the contrary, when the deputies of 
 these cities off'ered him levies and subsidies he declined 
 both, and only desired them to furnish his army with 
 waggons. Paulus .ffimilius instantly divided the whole of 
 Macedon into four tetrarchies, or governments; strictly 
 l>rohibiting the inhabitants of each district to have any 
 correspondence, amicable or otherwise, with those of an- 
 other. They were forbidden to intermarry with those of 
 another district ; to carry on any trade with them ; to buy 
 or sell to any who was an inhabitant of a district different 
 from their own. Was this giving them liberty, to break 
 asunder every tie, whether of mutual interest or affection 
 — whether political or commercial, that had bound them 
 together for ages ? This was " Divide el Impera" with a 
 vengeance. Was not this done on design and purpose to 
 prevent, and that as far as human policy and power could 
 efiiict, the future independence of the Macedonians? 
 
 ing such great expenses ; but for the good order 
 and fine taste observable in them, he was in- 
 debted solely to himself. For although he had 
 so many thousands to receive, he displayed so ! 
 
 That a Livy, ever partial to his countrymen, should call i 
 this liberty, is what might have been expected from him , j 
 but tnat Rollin should have adopted the same sentiments, I 
 and have t.old his readers, that " the regulations made by , 
 Paulus .^mihus were so reasonalle"~VRa.x^ the expression, ! 
 so reasonable—'' that they d d not seem calculated for con- j 
 quered enemies, but for faithful allies, with whom thert. I 
 ivas every reason to be satisfied," is strange, passing ! 
 strange. To say so is to insult the common sense of his | 
 readers. 
 
 We have still more instances cf Roman benevolence to | 
 the conquered Macedonians. They were prohibited to 
 work their own mines of gold and silver. 'This regula- , 
 tion could not fail of being vastly agreeable to the pro- 
 prietors of these mines, and to those who had been engaged ' 
 in these undertakings! A most beneficent regulation 
 this ! that Macedonia should be deprived of all benefit 
 from her metallic treasures ; and was no doubt done with 
 the same enlightened and virtuous intentions that had al- ' 
 ways actuated these benefactors of mankind, trtfe Romans , 
 —that the Macedonians might no longer have it in their 
 power to corrupt the virtuous Greeks, and endanger the 
 liberty of Greece. They were, however, graciously al- I 
 lowed to work their iron mines, for I never knew that 
 they had brass mines, as it could not be supposed that they 
 could well dispense with the use of iron. That they were 
 prohibited to import foreign salt, was another beneficent 
 law, which was followed by another breathing the same 
 spirit ; namely, to export no ship timber to the barbarous 
 liHtions. They v.'ere, however, permitted to keep small 
 garrisons in their frontier places, for their necessary pro. 
 tection ; and, finally, they were graciously told, that as 
 their former laws had been totally wrong, they were to 
 send in their names to be enrolled by the conqueror, as 
 he intended to give <■! em a new constitution, and new 
 law.s. It was no wonder that when these regulations were 
 published the Macedonians could not understand either 
 what liberty they had obtained, or were still to obtain, 
 /'hey had no liberty to reject this constitution. They were 
 to receive it ad arbitrimn victoris. 
 
 What was the next merciful regulation ? All the power 
 of governing them was to be vested in certain senators. 
 All the nobility, and all their cliildren exceeding the age 
 I of fifteen, were commanded immediately to transport 
 themselves over into Itaiy; all the great lords, all their 
 commanders, whether by sea or land, all who had borne 
 any offices at court, or had been employed in embassies 
 all in short, wlio had borne any employments under the 
 former government; and all these descriptions of persons 
 were to do so on pain of death. Now, what says our au- 
 thor respecting this regulation : " This article seemed very 
 hard at first, but it was soon perceived that it had been 
 resolved upon only for the better security of the people's 
 liberty." I must say, that in this representation Rolhn 
 has not acted the part of an honest historian. I'o approve 
 him here would argue either consummate impudence or 
 sottish ignorance. By whom was the mercy of this regu. 
 lation perceived ? Was it by the Macedonians themselves ? 
 Ihey never told him so, or anv other author Did Livy or 
 Plutarch tell him this ? If so, who tMd them that the Ma. 
 cedonians soon perceived the mercy of a regulation, which 
 at first seemed hard to flesh and t'lood ? Did Rollin seri- 
 ously think that there was no security for the people ( i 
 Macedon, unless all the nobility and "persons of any dis. 
 tinction were transported to Italy ? Did he really imagine 
 that the Macedonian peasantry were in the same state a^^ 
 those of Russia and Poland ? " Did he really believe that 
 the Macedonian nobility, like the Russian Bojars or Po. 
 lish nobles, had the absolute power of life and death over 
 the Macedonian vassals? that there was no liberty for the 
 peasantry till the nobles were all transported, man, woman, 
 and child, to Italy, and that attheir own expense, on pain ol 
 death? He did not, he could not say that. What reason, then, 
 does he assign further, for the mercy, justice, and propriety 
 of this imperious mandate? " They were all rich persons, 
 who lived at a great expense, had magnificent equipages, ' 
 and could not easily be reduced to a quite different way of , 
 life, in which liberty makes the whole people equal, and 
 subjects all to the laivs." This is stark even down non- 
 sense. On this principle, all those who inhabit the west 
 end of London should be transported to Botany Bay, or 
 Van Diemen's Land, as they live expensively, and keep 
 magnificent carriages, inhabit splendid palaces, and have 
 their routs, galas, assembhes, &c. ; and cannot easily be 
 brought down to another mode of life. On this principle, i 
 all the rich sliouid be banished every coinmunity, or e ' 
 
nice a di-^cernnient. and so exact a knowledge of | had not reason to praise his politeness and affa- 
 the quality of all the guests, that every one was bility. The Greeks could ot sufficiently ex- 
 lodffed placed, and treated, according to his \ press their admiration, that even in games, tiU 
 rank and merit - and there was nobody who then unknown to the Romans, he should evmcc 
 
 'aw be pissed to prevent people from becoming rich, as 
 til ereby they ruin both themselves and the comm.unity 
 siiiongst which they live. 
 
 One would imagine from this, that our author was a 
 fond admirer of the exploded doctrine of hberty and 
 equality, and of an agrarian law, which did so much mis- 
 chief to the cause of political liberty and humanity not 
 very many years since. Did he really believe that in any 
 state of civilized society equality was possible, or that n 
 could e\i.-.t for one dav if ever it could possibly be ? Did 
 he really ima<^ine that in an agricultural and coramercial 
 state the poor could exist in any measure ot comfort 
 without the rich, or that the diffiision of wealth through a 
 country was a curse and not a blessing? Poverty and 
 wealth, necessaries and luxuries, are relative things, things 
 that are always fluctuating with the state of society, and 
 with the circumstances, habits, and tastes of individuals. 
 On this ,)rinciple, it is a great blessing for Ireland that 
 her nobilitv voluntarily transport themielves over to bng. 
 
 land, and spend their money m 
 
 London ; and on the same 
 
 orinciple, no where should there be so many virtuous poor 
 as in the sister island, their nobility being mostly absen- 
 tees • and no where should the laws be so much respected, 
 the contaminating influence of expensive living being 
 comparatively unknown in that happy island. 
 
 As aU these regulations, in our opinion, not excepting 
 the last were very tyrannical we shall put the following 
 case as an arrmyien'fum ad fiominem to every reader ot 
 this work : Suppose the late emperor ot^ France, Napoleon 
 Buonaparte, who, for his hour, w:is lord of the continental 
 ascendant, had conquered this country in her laie and 
 long arduous struggle, and had treated us in the same 
 manner as Paulus ^milius treated the Macedonians, 
 would we have esteemed it a blessing .'-I appeal to every 
 British heart— would we have esteeiTied it a blessing ? 1 
 am certain the answer will be in the negative. 
 
 Suppose further, that a French annalist shouli anse 
 like Livy or RoUin, zealous for the glory of France and 
 every thing French, and should tell us that all that which 
 Napoleon had done, in m.aking our country a province ot 
 France in giving us a new constitution and the Napoleon 
 code and all the other regulations exactly similar to those 
 which Paulus ^milius made for the Macedonians, were 
 for our good, were very reasonable, and that though at 
 first we were somewhat refractory and discontented, yet 
 we at last saw the benelts resulting from this happy 
 change, and rejoiced at having received such gracious 
 booni from the hands of Napoleon would helieve this ? 
 would we not rather resent it as a fresh insult ? V\ e shall 
 reverse the case, and suppose, that after the battle of 
 Waterloo and subsequent conquest of France, the duke 
 of WeUington, and marshal Blucher the prince of \Nahl- 
 stadt had, in virtue e f fuU powers granted them by the 
 aUied sovereigns, reduced France to a province, and had 
 treated the French in the same way as the Roman com- 
 mander treated the Macedonians, would RoUin s country- 
 men have rejoiced at the change? would they have ex. 
 toUed it as vastlv beneficial, and felicitated their country- 
 men on the new state of things ? We are certain they 
 ■ would not. We are certain Rolhn himselt, had he wit- 
 nessed such a change of political circumstances would 
 not" have done so; and as httle would he have dared to 
 tell his fellow-countrymen the tale which he has adopted 
 from Livy and Flutirch in his Life of Paulus f milius, 
 respecting the conduct of the Romans to the Maccdo- 
 nians We have nothing more to do than merely to place 
 ourselves in the supposed case of these conquered people 
 and a k ourselves how we would have felt-what we would 
 have thought-and with what sentiments we would have 
 received a new constitution, and that delivered in a 
 strange language, and to which we mu^t submit, as u was 
 the will of the conqueror. ... 
 
 Roll n?further, lays great stress upon this circumstance, 
 as a proof how much better the Macedonians were to be 
 fn future than they had previously been ; namely that 
 they were to pay to the Romans only one-half of the sum 
 they paid yearly to their own sovereigns, 100 talents. 
 This is a very shaUow argument indeea ; tor what in elli- 
 gent person can deny that a 100 talents, paid annually to 
 ffore^ign power, is heavier than double that sum paid a 
 home; nav, than four times the sum raised and spent at 
 omi ? Bilt besides, what justice was^ it to tax a people 
 whom thev had previously plundered of almost every shil- 
 LgTt any sum at all, especiaUy when such an immense 
 sum of ready money was taken from them as released the 
 Romans from all taxes for 12o years ? 
 
 The coined silver was carried in the triumphal proces, 
 sion in 750 large vessels, weighing S talents, or ISO lbs. 
 each, by 3000 men ; and the gold coin in 77 vessels of the | 
 same weight with those that contained the silver ; beside? j 
 the bowl of massy gold that weighed 6t 0 lbs. itself, and [ 
 which Paulus .a^mUius himself had caused to be made out 
 of the spoils as a votive offering to Jupiter Capitohnus. , 
 If all these tilings be taken into the account, there will 
 be no great reason to boast of Roman liberality to a con- 
 quered peofle. 
 
 Our author also tells us that the Romans, after having | 
 established a council over each of the four districts ci ; 
 Macedonia, appointed a general council for the good of j 
 the nation, lest they should abuse the liberty now granted i 
 them bv the Roman people. This is, of course, from i 
 Livv. There certainly needed be no great fear of the j 
 Macedonians abusing their liberty such as we have | 
 seen it was. The Romans took good care that their con- 
 quered subjects should not have too much liberty. One | 
 would imagine, that for this booi. the Macedonians could 
 not be too grateful to their Roman benefactors. Yet it 
 seems that, instead of turning their liberty into been- j 
 tiousness, thev were eager to rush into that very slavery 
 from which the Romans had generously set them free. 
 They revolted three several times, successively, in the 
 short space of twenty years ; and it cost the Homans just 
 so many successive campaigns to reduce them. No sooner 
 did an impostor appear, and give himself out for a de- 
 scendant of the ancient royal race, than, forgetful of their 
 mercii^s under the mild and equitable sway of their Ro- 
 man masters, they eagerly embraced the opportunity of 
 joining that impostor, and hoisting the standard of revolt. 
 The evidence of the.-e facts shows that the Macedonians 
 viewed their political condition in a very different light 
 from our author and his authorities, Livy and Plutarch. 
 I'he remembrance of their former glory under the saga- 
 cious Phihp and the Great Alexander, contrasted with theii 
 present state of degradation, could not fail of sensibly 
 affecting the hearts of a brave but now subjugated people. 
 The sense of present sliaiT.e, and of past glory— a glory 
 that had now disappeared as a vision of the night— could 
 not but fill their minds with poignant anguish. That a 
 people, who remembered that their ancestors had con- 
 quered Greece ; overturned the colossal empire of the 
 Fast; and carried their victorious standards to the ut- 
 most verge of what was then called the world— farther 
 than ever the Roman eagle flew— should not feel their 
 present humiliated condition— should not be eager to re- 
 cover their past independence and re-assert their former 
 glory— would be at utter variance with all the known 
 principles of human action and human feeling, and would 
 be quite anomalous in the history of man. 
 
 The fall of Macedon was an event big with wo to 
 Greece, and vet it was an event which the foolish Greeks 
 themselves had accelerated, and to which tbey had all 
 along contributed in a greater or less degree. The first 
 who felt its direful effects were the Epirots, a brave and 
 hardy people who possessed the mountainous districts of 
 what is now denominated southern Albania. Their treat, 
 ment is mentioned by our author, and reflects infinite di&. 
 grace on the Roman name, and even on ^milius himself, 
 though he be said to have done it contrary to his own 
 inclination. But even this will not excuse the fact. Ihe 
 campaign was now over, Perseus was routed, and Mace, 
 don reduced. He could have remonstrated to the senate 
 against doing what he knew to be both cruel and unjust, | 
 and refused to have any hand in it. He might at least 
 have inquired into the state of facts, before he proceeded 
 to put in execution the cruel mandate, and drawn up a 
 representation of these and sent it to the senate. But no 
 such thing was done. He proceeded to execute his or. 
 ders without delay, never inquiring whether the Epirots 
 were really guiltv or innocent. Rollin passes over this 
 butcherous business very shghtly. He contents himself 
 with saving that it was a disgracetid stratagein, to lull 
 them first into full, unsuspecting security, and then to let 
 loose the whole Roman army on a people alreaoy pillaged 
 of all their monied and metallic property, plunder all their 
 houses, demolish their dweUings, level TO of tlieir cities 
 w'th the ground, and sell 13a,000 of the unhappy, dis. 
 armed, defenceless, pillaged, unsuspecting natives for 
 slaves The epithet disgraceful is too soft to designate sue ti 
 a cruel act of wanton barbarity ; and, 1 am sorry to sav it, 
 that our author, with all his piety, shows little sensibilitv 
 of heart in relating the miseries rf the sufferers, bolely 
 iiitcnt in showing that national crimes are the causes o/ 
 
ALEXANDER S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 67' 
 
 so accurate a judpnent and attention ; and that 
 a man, employed in the greatest, should not 
 neglect the least propriety in small affairs. 
 He had caused all the spoils that he did not 
 
 j rational calamity, and that national calamity is just an- 
 I tther word for national judgment, he seems, in a great 
 rreasure, to have lost sight of the extent of human suffer- 
 ! ing. lhat disposition of mind which leads him so fre- 
 ; quently to moralize seems to have blunted his feelir^s- 
 and, provided the act be done by his beloved Romans, no 
 matter however cruel or unjust, he is always ready with 
 some apology, or some extenuating circumstance, in order 
 to lessen its atrocity or injustice. If any .-uch act were 
 now to be committed in civilized Europe towards a coun. 
 try, as Emilias Paulus committed on the unhappy Epi- 
 rots, it would be loudly execrated from one end of the 
 continent to the other, and no language would be deemed 
 ; too severe to express the poignancy of public feeling at 
 i such an act of wanton atrocity. 
 
 i As a man's greatest enemies are those of his own house- 
 I hold, so was it with the Epirots. A native of that coun. 
 I try, called Charopus, had, during tlie war against Philip. 
 I conducted Titus rlamininus, with the Roman army, over 
 j the Albanian mountains into Thessaly. For this traitor. 
 I ous piece of service, Charopus and his son of the same 
 [ name, were highly caressed at Rome, and, af^er a time 
 I young Charopua was sent back to Eoirus, where he affected 
 to govern all things at his pleasure ; sending private in. 
 formation to Rome against all such of the nobilitv as op. 
 posed him, and consequently working such mischief to 
 them and their families, as compelled them to have re- 
 course to the unfortunate Perseus, as we are told bv Dio 
 
 think fit to carry to Rome, to be piled up in 
 one great heap : bows, quivers, arrows, jave- i 
 lins ; in a word, arms of all sorts ; and caused t 
 them to be arranged in the form of tropnies. 
 With a torch in his hand, he set fire to them ' 
 first himself^ as his principal officers did after j 
 him. 
 
 He afterwards exposed to the view of the ! 
 spectators, upon a place raised expressly for the 
 occasion, all that was richest and most magnifi- 
 cent in the spoils he had taken in Macedonia, 
 and which were to be carried to Rome ; rich 
 turniture, statues, and paintings by the greatest 
 masters, vessels of gold, silver, copper, and ivory. 
 Never had Alexandria, in the time of its great- 
 est opulence, beheld any thing like what was 
 now exhibited. 
 
 But the highest satisfaction Paulus ^milius 
 received from his mfignificence, and that which 
 was most grateful to self-love, was to see, that 
 in the midst of so many extraordinary objects 
 and curious sights, nothing was thought so 
 wonderful, or so worthy of attention and ad- 
 miration, as himself. And as people were 
 surprised at the fine order of his table, he said, 
 air of pleasantry, that the same genius 
 which was necessary in disposing a battle, 
 would serve also in regulating a feast ; in the 
 first, it rendered an army foi-midable to ene- 
 
 dorus Siculus. This was the whole crime of the poor ' ^^^^ 5 tl^e latter, an entertainment afireeable 
 Epirots, for which they suffered such unutterable woes at t« guests. * 
 the hand of Paulus ^mikis, I h;^ a^^- * * j s 
 
 . The ^tolians, too, suffered hard things on this occa. I ^^^'Pt^F^f ^dness and magnanimity were 
 
 sion ; and, if there were a nation in all Greece that de. praised than his magnificence and polite- 
 
 served to be thus treated, it was they, who had first i "^^^ ' ^^r he never so much as saw the gold an<I 
 
 silver found amongst the king's treasures, whidi 
 
 invited the Romansand heli)ed th 
 
 e common ruin. Weil 
 
 1 old friends now that Macedon was no more.' Not onlv ... a^^i^ered to treasurers, in order to be ap- 
 
 I were those among them who had openly declared for Per. 
 i seus, but even all such as were only suspected of having 
 done so 1,1 their hearts, sent to Rome to clear them, 
 selves before the senate. There they were detained, and 
 ) never suffered to revisit their native home. Fiv 
 
 I nianded in .a^tol 
 vere suspei 
 
 dred and fifty chief men of the nation were barbarou^lv 
 j murdered by Roman soldiers sent by Bsebius, who com- 
 -^tolia, for no other reason but because they 
 cted to favour Perseus. The unhappy iEtolians 
 appeared Ijefore FanUis ^milius in mourning habits, 
 j complaining of such inhuman treatment, but could obtain 
 no redress. Nay, the ten commissioners sent into Greece 
 to inquire into matters, enacted a decree that those who 
 were killed suffered justly, since they favoured the Mace, 
 donian party. 
 
 Not one in all Greece, but even 
 
 plied to the use of the public. He only per- 
 mitted his sons, who were fond of study, to 
 keep the books of Perseus's library for their 
 own use. The young noblemen of those times, 
 and such as were designed one day for the com- 
 mand of armies, did not profess a contempt 
 tor learning, nor believe it either unworthy ol 
 their birth, or unnecessary to the profession oa 
 arms. 
 
 When Paulus ^milius had regulated all the 
 affairs of Macedonia, he took leave of the 
 Greeks,' and after having exhorted the Mace- 
 , he was «o"ians not to make a bad use of the liberty 
 I. ; J have wished well in his heart to Mace. ' granted them by the Romans, and to nre^prvp 
 don. but was ordered to appear before these commissioned it by good goveximent and union he set-out for 
 
 j but suspected tf 
 
 in Asia, if 
 
 I gentlemen, who were ordered to take up all sort of infor- 
 ' ™/tions respectmg such persons. Respecting the conduct 
 
 ot the Romans to the Acheean league, that phantom of 
 ; republic, that had fawned upon them, and had been 
 
 Epirus with a decree of the senate, which en- 
 joined him to abandon all the cities that had 
 
 mans, which was offered Ulysses in the den of Polvphemus 
 of being devoured last. Even though they acknowledged 
 Oie AchaE-ans to be free, and pretended to the honour nf 
 being the liberators of Greece, they treated the former 
 
 «,...ed ,„ e«s.. „ere„ beo^'use i, ^^^^^^S^Z Ztfo^s. ' He'"h^d Sfi' sITo'^iJ^"'- 
 
 nient time to put It down, the reader Will <=ee in the npvf ^ t7 u- 1 • . , oopio Nasica, 
 
 chapter. They had the honour granted them by the Ro ! ^"^ ^^^^^ V^rt of the army, to 
 
 ™.nc ^v,;.!, TT . .. . .y . ravage the country of the lUvrians, who had 
 
 given aid to that prince. 
 
 general being arrived in Epirus, 
 worse, and the Greeks with less' respect, than the 'ftia^ thought it proper to proceed with caution in 
 donians had ever done when they enjoyed the pre-emi , execution of his commission, in order that 
 nencein that country. The Macedonians allowed the ' ^'^ design should not be foreseen. He there 
 
 to their own laws ; but the Romans generally sent legates 
 of their own to hear and determine differences among 
 tho.se they pretended to call free, and frequently drew 
 the causes to Rome, whither the parties were compelled 
 at a great expense, both of time and monev. tn fnUnu 
 them. 
 
 ^- „ , . . tions and kindred of the nobility who were kenf nrisnno« 
 
 time and money, to follow, at Rome, and were therefore murmrreatlacUdt^^^^^^^ 
 The infamous Charopus before mentioned, who.e m\.\ ZVeToO^m^'^lh^^Ff^^^^^^ , Not only 
 
 quitous conduct had driven the Epirots ataolt again ^ J^ft !ll f hl'i^.^ I . Jl^^ 'w*^ perpetual slavery, 
 tl.eir wills, into rebellion, was aglin iWst^ lith nnf pnd I Whi ^' ^° '^''.".l'™''" °' seventy, demolished' 
 only almost regal power, but his mother also a mn rvin n ^ ^ f ^^T °^ ^^'^ ^'^""^ '^"'^ off to 
 
 ion, or were the tem. 
 
 I Liv. 1. xlv. 
 
 o 
 
578 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 tence of withdraw! tig the garrisons, in order 
 that the Epirots should enjoy the same liberty 
 as the Macedonians. So disgraceful a strata- 
 gem was called prudence. He then signified 
 to ten of the principal persons of each city, 
 that they were to bring all the gold and silver in 
 their houses and temples, upon a certain day, 
 into the market-place to be laid up in the public 
 treasury, and distributed his troops into all the 
 oities. Upon the day prefixed, all the gold and 
 I silver Avas brought early in the morning into 
 the public square, and at ten of the clock, in all 
 the cities, the soldiers fell furiously upon the 
 houses, which were abandoned to them to be 
 plundered at their mercy. A hundred and fifty 
 thousand men wei-e made slaves, and after the 
 cities were pillaged, their walls were demolish- 
 ed, the number of which amounted nearly to 
 seventy. The whole booty was sold, and of the 
 sum raised by it, each of the horse had for his 
 share about 10^. sterling (400 denarii), and each 
 of the foot about 51. (200 denarii.) 
 ' After Paulus ^milius, contrary to his natu- 
 ral disposition, which was gentle and humane, 
 had caused this decree to be put in execution, 
 he advanced to the sea at the city of Oricum. 
 Some days aftei', Anicius, having assembled the 
 remainder of the Epirots and Acarnanians, or- 
 dered the principal persons among them whose 
 cause had been reserved for the judgment of the 
 senate to follow him into Italy. 
 
 Paulus ^milius being arrived at the mouth 
 I of the Tiber,' went up that river in king Fer- 
 I seus's galley, which had sixteen benches of oars, 
 I and wherein were displayed, not only the arms 
 which had been taken, but all the richest stulfs 
 and finest carpets of purple found amongst the 
 booty. All the Romans, who came out to 
 meet that galley, accompanied it in crowds along 
 the banks of the river, and seemed to give the 
 proconsul by anticipation the honours of that 
 I triumph which he had so well deserved. But 
 I the soldiery, who had looked with a greedy eye 
 upon the "immense treasures of the king, and 
 I had not had all the share of them which they 
 [had promised themselves, retained a warm re- 
 sentment upon that account, and were very ill 
 satisfied with Paulus iEmilius. They openly 
 reprDached him with having treated them with 
 itoo much rigour and authority, and seemed de- 
 termined to refuse him the honour of a triumph 
 by their suffi-ages. The soldiers called that gen- 
 eral's exactitude, in causing discipline to be ob- 
 served, rigour ; and their discontent, occasioned 
 by avarice, threw a veil over the excellent quali- 
 ties of Paulus ^milius ; to whom, however, 
 they were obliged to do justice in their hearts, 
 i by acknowledging the superiority of his merit 
 
 hi every respect, 
 i After some debates, a triumph was granted 
 i him. Never had any thing been so magnificent, 
 j It continued three days successively. I do not 
 1 enter here into a particular account of it ; as 
 i that seems foreign to the Grecian history. The 
 I money in specie carried in it, without reckoning 
 I an infinite number of gold and silver vessels, 
 amounted to more tiian 1,250,000/. sterling. 
 ! One single cup of massy gold, which Paulus 
 ^milius had caused to be made, and weighed 
 ten talents,* was valued, for the gold only, at 
 
 1 Liv. 1. xlv. n. 3:3—40. Plut. in Paul. ^mil. p 271. 
 2 The talent weighed sixty pounds. 
 
 100,000 crowns. It was adorned ^v^tll jewels ! 
 and consecrated to Jupiter Capitolinus. 
 
 After these rich spoils and treasures, which 
 were carried in procession, was seen the chariot 
 of Perseus with his arms, and upon his arms>, 
 his royal diadem. At some distance followed 
 his children, with their governors, preceptor.?, 
 and all the officers of their household, who, \ 
 shedding tears, held out their hands to the peo- 1 
 pie, and taught those little captives to do the | 
 safne, and to endeavour, by their supplications ! 
 and prayers, to move them in their favour, i 
 They were two sons and a daughter, who from | 
 the tenderness of their years were little sensible j 
 of the greatness of their calamity; a circum- j 
 stance which still more excited compassion. All I 
 eyes were fixed upon them, whilst their father | 
 was scarce regarded, and in the midst of the j 
 public joy, the people could not refrain from \ 
 tears at so mournful a sight. | 
 
 King Perseus walked after his children and 
 all their train, wrapped in a mourning cloak. 
 His air and behaviour seemed to argue, that the 
 excess of his misfortunes had turned his brain. 
 He was followed by a ti'oop of his friends and 
 courtiers, who hanging down their heads, and 
 weeping with their eyes always fixed upon him, 
 sufficiently explained to the spectators, that^ 
 little aff"ected with'their own mislortunes, they 
 were sensible solely to those of their king. 
 
 It is said, that Perseus sent to desire Paulus 
 ^milius not to exhibit him as a spectacle to the 
 Romans, and to spare him the indignity of be- 
 ing led in triumph. Paulus Emilias replied 
 coldly, " The favour he asks of me is in his 
 own power; he can procure it for himself." 
 He reproached him, in those few words, with 
 his cowardice and excessive love of life, which 
 the Pagans thought incumbent on them to sa- 
 crifice generously in such conjunctures. They 
 did not know, that it is never lawful t& make 
 an attempt upon one's own life. But Perseus | 
 was not prevented by that consideration. j 
 Paulus ^milius, seated in a superb car, and 
 magnificently adorned, closed the march. He j 
 had his two sons on each side of him. 
 
 Whatever compassion he had for the misfor- 
 tunes of Perseus, and however inclined he 
 might be to serve him, all he could do for him, 
 was to have him removed from the public prison 
 to a more commodious place. Himself and his 
 son Alexander were carried, by the order of tho 
 senate, to Alba, where he was guarded, and 
 supplied with money, furniture, and people to 
 serve him. Most authors agree, that he occa- 
 sioned his own death by abstaining from food. 
 He had reigned eleven years. Macedonia was 
 not reduced into a pi'ovince till some years after- 
 wards.^ 
 
 3 As our author has here passed very slightly over the 
 fate of the unfortunate Perseus, and left his readers to 
 infer, that though the Romans, cn the whole, were pretty 
 kind to him, and furnished him with those conveniencea 
 which render life agreeable, yet, for all that, Perseus 
 starved himself to death; and, therefore, that no blame 
 can possibly attach to them, merciful as they generally 
 were, on that account ; we shall here .subjoin, from Dio- 
 dorus SictilLis, a pretty full account of the latter end of 
 this unfortunate captive monarch, as it will give a fair 
 sample of that humane, benignant disposition, which our 
 author is so fond of eulogizing, whenever the opportunity 
 occurs. This account is preserved in the Bibhotheca o'. 
 Photius, who extracted it from the Sicilian historian, other- 
 wise it bad been lost. 
 
i ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 579 I i 
 
 ! Cn. Octavius and L. Anicius were alsoijrant 
 ! ed the honour of a triumph ; the first for hi 
 naval victories, and the other for that he hac 
 , gained in Illyria. 
 
 1 
 
 Cotys, king of Thrace, sent to demand his | 
 ■5 son, M^ho had been confined in prison, after hav- 
 1 ing been led in triumph. He excused himself 
 for his attachment to the party of Perseus, and 
 
 1 " Before the senate had determined respecting his pun 
 ishment, one of the city praetors threw him and his chil 
 dren into the gaol Albinus. This prison is a deep dungeon 
 of the bigness of a cliamber, capable of holding nine bed. 
 at the most ; dark, and full of nastinessand filth of every 
 kind, by reason of the multitude of men condemned for 
 capital crimes, that from time to time were thrust down 
 there, and, generally, most of such malefactors were put 
 in here ; so that, many being shut up together in so strait 
 a place, those miserable creatures were soon converted to 
 beasts; and, in regard to the meat, drink, and other ne. 
 1 cessaries which were brought them, were tumbled toge 
 1 ther into one' chaos and heap of confusion ; there arose 
 I thence such a stench thac none who came near were abl- 
 j to endure. In a most miserable state Perseus remained 
 1 here tor the space of seven days, insomuch, that he begged 
 j relief and some share of the food of those stranger in 
 1 prison who had only a limited allowance. They out of 
 1 (ompassion to this miserable man, with great humanity 
 and tears in their eyes, gave him part of that small pit- 
 tance they had, and withal offered him a rope and a sword 
 to usewnich of them he would choose to terminate his 
 lite; yet nothing seems so sweet as life, even to the mis- 
 erable, though they suffer what is equivalent to death it. 
 1 selt in the meantime. 
 
 1 " To conclude : he had certainly ended his days in ex- 
 treme misery, if Marcus Minibus, president of the court 
 out ot respect to the dignity of his person, moved by the 
 natural and innate humanity of the Romans, (mark that 
 phrase, reader, the natural and innate humanity of the lio. 
 mans) had not, with some indignation, moved the senate 
 in his behalf; putting them in mind, that though tliey 
 feared no man, yet they should bear some awe and rever- 
 ence to Nemesis (the avenging goddess), who will take 
 vengeance on them that use their power with pride and 
 msolency. Upon this he was committed to a more mo- 
 derate confinement; and while he was feeding himself 
 with fresh hopes, he ended his days agreeably to the for 
 mer misfortunes of his life. For, after he had lived two 
 whole years in this fond love of life, having displeased his 
 ^^'ij'^rous keepers, they would not suffer him to sleep, and 
 
 Now, could any thing be more barbarously cruel than 
 this treatment of a captive prince— as if all liis previous 
 misfortunes, of losing a kingdom and being led in triumph 
 with his wife, children, and domestics, before the chariot 
 ot his conqueror, and exposed publicly to the insults of a 
 people the haughtiest upon earth, had not been sufficient • 
 the measure of his calamities, his miseries and his sorl 
 rows, must be filled up with all those additional ingredi- 
 ents that could possibly make them cora{)lete. Shall we be 
 told, after this, that the Romans were possessed of a na- 
 tural and innate humanity? What are we to think of 
 the humanity of Paulus ^milius, who, when requested 
 by the unhappy Perseus not to enhance his miseries, bv 
 making him a public spectacle to the innumerable thou, 
 sands ot Home, in the triumphal procession, told him in 
 an msulting manner, that he had it in his own power to 
 avoid it ? What was this but, in other words, teiling him 
 to go and hang himself? What does our author mean 
 by charging Perseus with an excessive love of life and 
 cowardice ? If the Rom.ans thought so, there is no rea 
 son why our author should think so too. He endeavours 
 to exculpate them by saying, that they did not know that 
 selt-murder was a crime. Is such an apology sufficient 
 to justify the insulting answer of the consul ? " If you do 
 not choose to walk in procession before my triumphal car 
 through the streets of Rome, as the proudest monument 
 ot my glory, and be hailed in accents of reiterated insult 
 by congregated thousands, as the captive prince of the 
 victor of JMacedon, you may go and hang yourself: the 
 remedy IS quite easy-provided you have spirit sufficient 
 to make this voluntary sacrifice." 
 
 The custom of leading such unfortunate kings, gen. 
 erals, and nobles, as fell into their power, in triumph 
 through all Rome to the capitol— however the splendour* 
 of such processions might flatter the pride of the con- 
 querors, the vanity of the people, and delight the classical 
 reader--however it may have been extolled by classic pens 
 as an admirable state contrivance to stimulate their gen- i 
 erals and soldiers to deeds of heroism and acts of conquest, 
 by holding up to view such a triumphal procession as an ( 
 object of hope and desire— is decisive evidence, with me i 
 that the Romans were a barbarous and cruel people ; and i 
 the frequency of such, as it would increase the desire of i 
 (.r.o people to see them, so it would gradually exterminate ( 
 
 i ' 
 
 ■ those finer feelings of our common nature which lead us 
 to sympathize with the unhappy. Such degradation could 
 not fail of being viewed by many as worse than death, 
 auch triumphant processions continued till the seat of 
 empire was translated to Constantinople, when thev, to. 
 gether with the barbarous combats of the amphitheatre, 
 were abolished under the christian emperors. 'J'his latter 
 practice of itself shows the Romans to have been both 
 barbarous and inhuman, who could be delighted with 
 such spectacles as were abhorrent to every humane prin- 
 ciple. ' ^ 
 
 Historians make a wonderful outcry against the cruelty 
 ot fechabour the Persian monarch, to the Roman emperor 
 Valerian, in making his body a footstool when he mounted 
 on horseback. These gentlemen never call to mind the 
 indignities practised on kings themselves by those very 
 Romans, whose emperor Valerian was, when such fell 
 into their power. Let us reverse the case, and suppose 
 that Schabour, with his commanders and generals, had 
 been vanquished and taken prisoners by the Romans :— 
 what would have been the consequence? They would 
 have all been taken to Rome to grace the triumph of Va. 
 lerian, and he himself would have been graced with the 
 tula of Persicus. What an indignity ! what an insult ' 
 what a degradation would the able and proud monarch of 
 the East have felt it to be, in thus being made, with his 
 attendant nobles, to walk in sad procession before the 
 chariot of Valerian ! 'I here cannot remain a doubt but 
 this^ would have been the case, it being the invariable 
 custom; and the deeper the degradation the Romans 
 would have liked it just so much the more. And then 
 what a grand theme would it have been to their histori. 
 ans! How would they have dilated upon it, and how 
 would they have exulted over it as one of the proudest days 
 Rome ever beheld— to have seen the king of kings led in 
 triumph before the chariot of their victorious emperor\ 
 What a grand theme for Gibbon would this have been ! 
 He would have devoted a whole chapter to it. How 
 would he have descanted on the majesty of the empire— 
 on the magnanimity of the conqueror— and on the glorv 
 ot Valerian ! Not a word would have been said of the in- 
 humanity of Valerian— his barbaric pride— or his con- 
 temptuous insulting conduct to a whole- people, in thus 
 leading their sovereign in triumph through the streets ol 
 the imperial city. Gibbon would have been quite enran. 
 turedwith it; his periods would have been swelled, and 
 climax on climax would have been industriously contrived 
 to heighten the description. As Valerian, therefore, suf- 
 fered no more indignity than he himself, according to cus. 
 torn, would have inflicted on Schabour, the mode only 
 r^'^K^'* different, I see no reason why such moan 
 should have been made for him, while none has been ever 
 made for a Gentius, a Perseus, an Andriscus, a Jugurtha 
 an Artavasdes, a Caractacus, a Zenobia, and others ; who 
 suffered the greatest degradation that ingenuity could 
 devise, m exposing them to the scoffs of a whole people 
 congregated for the express purposeof thus insulting fallen 
 royalty. ° 
 
 Jt is none of the least blessings Christianity has confer- 
 red on the world, that it has abolished this barbarous prac. 
 tice, so repugnant to the great principle, of not doing to 
 others what we would not wish to be done to ourselves in 
 similar circumstances. Nothing is so much calculated to 
 rouse the dormant malignant energies of the human 
 mind— to rouse a spirit of revenge, as that of adding in. 
 suit to misery— of heightening misfortune by public shame. 
 Of this we have a remarkable instance in the history of the 
 feultans of Ghazna, the successors of Mahmood, the re. 
 nowned son of Subuctaji. 
 
 " Baharam Shah, the prince of Ghazna, had defeated and 
 made captive a Gaurian prince of the tribe Souri. Not 
 content with victory, he added insult to misfortune. He or. 
 iered the unhappy prince to be stripped of his robes, to be 
 )ainted black, then mounted on a lean bullock with his 
 race turned to its tail, and to be thus led in triumph 
 hrough all the streets of Ghazna. After being thus ex. 
 josed to all the brutal insults of an unfeeling and sense, 
 ess mob, he was put to death in the most cruel manner ; 
 lis head cut off and sent to Sultan Senjar, the Seljookian 
 prince who then fillpd thf» Porcinn fV^fi^M^A ai«,^jj"., u- 
 jrother, no sooner learned this shameful insult and cruel 
 Jeath, than he roused his mountaineers to arms, and ad. 
 danced to Ghazna, in the spirit of fell revenge against the 
 Tiurderers of their prince. Baharam vainly attempted to 
 ntimidate them by a display of superior numbers, or an 
 )ffer of peace. It was not merely to revenge the death of 
 20 2 
 
iffei-eJ a ^reat ransom for the prisoner. Tlie 
 senate, without receiving his excuses, replied, 
 that having more regard to his former services 
 than late fault, they would send back his son, 
 but without accepting any ransom : that the 
 
 favours conferred by the Roman people were 
 free and voluntary, and that they chose rather 
 to leave the price of them to the gratitude and 
 affection of those they obliged, than to be paid 
 immediately for them. 
 
 their prince-no : it was to punish the unheard of ignominj 
 with which he had been treated, that his countrymen had 
 sworn, and which made their savage bosoms glow with a 
 ra^e that could onlv be satiated with blood. An action com- 
 minced ; the fury of the insulted and enraged assailants was 
 irresistible ; Baliaram, thrown from his elephant, fled the 
 field ■ his army was routed ; and Ghazna was taken. Ihe 
 victorious Alaoddin abandoned that once flourishing city 
 for seven successive days to the fury of his soldiers. Ihe 
 horrors which these perpetrated cannot be described. 
 Neither age nor sex were spared. The humble shed, the 
 lof'v palace, and the sacred temple, shared the same fate. 
 But the appetite of fell revenge was not yet satiated. A 
 number of the nobles and priests of Ghazna, who had 
 , been made prisoners, were carried to tJaur, and there 
 ' publicly put to death, whilst their blood was used to mois- 
 ten the mortar for repairing the walls of that city 
 
 « Quis cladem illius noctis, quis funera fando 
 Explicet, aut possit lachryinis aequare labores ? 
 
 crudelis ubique 
 
 Luctus, ubique pavor et plurima mortis imago." 
 
 If the account given above of the criiel treatment of 
 Perseus, as extracted by Photius from Diodorus Siculus, 
 be true (and 1 see no reason why it should be caUed in 
 question, or why our author has omitted it except from 
 his visible partiality to the Romans,) then the account in 
 the text, that Paulus iEmiliusgot him removed to a more 
 convenient place of confinement, is not true ; and as little 
 t so that he and his son Alexander were sent to Alba and 
 handsomely treated in the manner above related. It is 
 i also clear from that account that his death was not volun- 
 ; fcary, but caused by the barbarous inhumanity of his 
 I keepers. It would have been much more gentle and hu. 
 ! mane to have executed him at once than make him die, 
 as It were bv inches. I by no means wish to vmdicate or 
 extenuate the character and vices of Perseus. A man 
 like him who was guilty of assassination, not indeed per. 
 sonally, but by causing and hiring others to do it— a man 
 who had contrived the death of his brother Demetrius, a 
 much more worthy character than he— a man possessed 
 of no amiable or estimable character, but, on the con. 
 tr.-iry, from his pusillanimity, cowardice, and avarice, to- 
 tally unfit to sway the Macedonian sceptre, at a crisis, 
 especially, when it required the utmost extent of human 
 talent to prevent its being swallowed up by the growing 
 power of the Roman republic, deserves no apologist, if it 
 can be supposed consistent with morality to apologize for 
 crime. But, it by no means can justify the Romans for 
 their cruel treatment of him when a captive. 
 
 The Deity frequently uses human agency to punish liu- 
 man crime ; but this by no means implies that the human 
 agents so employed are, when so acting in complete sub- 
 serviency to the divine purpose^ irresponsible for their 
 own conduct in so acting. Their aims and ends are quite 
 different from those of the Deity. We see this strikingly 
 exemplified in the case of the Assyrian— « 0 Assyrian, 
 the rod of mine anger, and the staff in their hand is mine 
 indignation. I will send him against an hypocritical na- 
 tion, and against the people of my wrath will I give hin. a 
 
 out of a previous state of great political convulsion. Ihey 
 are each adumbrated by the lion, the bear, and the leo- 
 pard. But the fourth beast is different in its form from 
 all the preceding three; so much so, that no peculiar 
 name could be given it It is called a beast dreadful 
 and terrible, and strong exceedingly, and it had great 
 iron teeth. It devoured and brake m pieces, and stamped 
 the residue with its feet ; and it was divers from all the 
 beasts that went before it, and it had ten horns, ihis 
 description is repeated in the same chapter /th, verse 19. 
 where it is said, that he was divers from all others, ex- 
 ceeding dreadful ; his teeth were iron and his nails brass ; 
 he devoured, brake in pieces, and stamped the residue 
 with his feet. Here it is predicated, 1. to be dreadful 
 and terrible ; 2. exceeding strong ; 3. had great iron teeth ; 
 4 nails of brass ; 3. devoured and brake in pieces with its 
 great iron teeth ; 6. stamped the residue with its feet, the 
 claws of which were of brass ; 7. it had ten horns on its 
 head : and, 8. it was different from all the other beasts^ 
 It possessed not the generosity of the lion, which received 
 a man's heart ; nor was it sluggish like the bear, nor had 
 the small agile body and elastic spring of the leopard. 
 No : politically considered, it possessed all the destructive- 
 qualities that could possibly centre in the animal form in 
 addition to its great magnitude and strength. It was fur- 
 nished with every requisite that could fit it to destroy and 
 devour. No attribute of mercy or gentleness is adum- 
 brated here, no more than in a hysena or a Bengal tyger. 
 
 It may be said, that this description does not suit the 
 infant state of Roman power, but when it possessed the 
 widest extent of territory, just as a person is drawn at full 
 stature and in the vigour of his strength. Datu7n sei, 
 non concessum. This is granted; but even then, when 
 it had attained the plenitude of power, Rollin says that 
 the nations did not feel its yoke, it was so gentle and easy, 
 which is just as much as to say that though its feet were 
 of iron, and its claws brass, it did not stamp the residue 
 with its iron feet and brazen claws ; or that it stamped so 
 sentlv, that the residue did not feel the pressure. Granted 
 that the iiortrait is that of the beast in its full strength 
 aud magnitude, the difference will only amount to this— 
 that its latent qualities and powers of doing mischief were 
 not fully evolved till it had attained its full growth. The 
 difference is just the same as that between a young cub 
 and a full grown Bengal tyger. The qualities are the 
 same in both, but not the same power of doing mischiet. 
 
 Now, as aU the qualities of the full grown tyger are in the 
 cub, though not the same degree of power, so was it with 
 infant republican Rome. I appeal to all who have read 
 the history of that city, for the truth of the fact. Was it 
 not a military state from its very commencement ? ^^ as 
 not the genius of the people entirely so ? V\ ere they not 
 nursed up under a system of almost perpetual warf'ire, 
 either fighting within their own walls or else with their 
 neighbours? Was not their public spirit, their amur 
 Patrice, a most selfish passion— a passion at war with tl.e 
 best principles of our common nature, completely at van. 
 ance with philanthropy, with loving our neighbours as 
 ourselves as commanded in the divine law ?— in fine, was 
 it not the same with that principle which cements to- 
 gether the members of a vilianous community, in order 
 more effectuaUy to plunder or destroy, massacre or sub- 
 
 Sge to Uke the s^mV and To t^ke the prey, and to ug^Ie, their Mlow-creatures ? Could a state, which, from 
 tread them down like the mire of the streets." Here is Hs earliest history, was continually grasping at power^and 
 expressed the intention of the Deity, namely, to execute 
 his work of judgment ; in what follows, the human agents 
 own intention is expressed : " Howbeit he meaneth not 
 
 so, neither doth his heart think so ;"— far from that— 
 " but it is in his heart to destroy and cut off nations not a 
 few " It is then declared that God, after having wrought 
 his work of judgment upon mount Zion and Jerusalem, 
 will punish the Assyrian, Isa. chap. x. verses 3—19- 
 
 I have often wondered that authors, who, like Rolhii, 
 are constantly telling us (at least whenever an opportunity 
 presented of doing so) of the gentleness, firmness, mag. 
 
 aimine at dominion, be described in any other form than 
 as pourtrayed in Daniel? Were not all the sUtes of 
 Gr'^ce successively devoured by this beast? What shall 
 we say of its conduct to Carthage, to Numantia, and to 
 Corinth ? Are such examples to be produced as shining 
 specimens of magnanimity and moderation, of justice, of 
 genUeness, and generosity ? Was it not the conduct of 
 Rome towards insulted, injured C arthage, that produced 
 the wrath of Hamilcar ? was it not the passion of revenge 
 for past injuries that rankled in his heart, that made him 
 take his " godlike boy, his greater son. 
 
 and swear him at 
 
 heroism, patriotism, moderation, and justice of ^ the altar, never to forget the wrongi 
 
 nanimity, , i . - . ^ ■ 
 
 the Romans, and who, like our author, are always informing 
 us that the Roman yoke was so gentle, light, and easy, that 
 the conquered nations scarce felt it, have never considered 
 its cnaracter as drawn in the vision of Daniel under the 
 emblem of a fej'flv, or wild beast. Here four monarchies 
 are represented as succes' 
 constant theatre of tempest 
 oresented under the forms ( 
 
 vild .and carnivorous, and as rising out of the sea, iiiiuio y 
 
 rongs of his country, never 
 
 to make peace with the Romans ? Was not this the real 
 cause, the genuine source, of the second Punic war ? V\ as 
 not Hannibal true to his oath? Was it not for this that 
 Rome, like merciless Juno, pursued Hannibal, from coun. 
 trv to country with unrelenting hate ? Contemplate the 
 
 of the tame animals, but of th^ monrnful catastrophe and f J' 'i^^^'^ 're^: 
 that such are proofs ot Roman magnanimity, uoman rec- 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 581 
 
 ARTICLE II. 
 This second article includes the space of 
 
 titude, and Roman mercy. Go to Numantia — go to Co- 
 I rinth — go to plundered, subjugated Macedon — go to pil- 
 I laged, en>laved Epiriis— cross the Hellespont, survey con- 
 ; quered Asia, and visit smoking Seleucia — and say, if 
 j Koman mercies were displayed in their fates. 
 
 The woes of Ilium were now to be avenged on Greece 
 
 by the descendants of Dardanus : 
 
 -Ultro Inachias venisset ad nrbes 
 
 Dardanus, et versis lugeret Grajcia fatis 
 
 If our author is to be believed, the beast stamped the 
 residue with its iron feet and brazen claws out of pure 
 mercy and unmixed benevolence— the people never felt it. 
 NVhat was the reason Because political vitality was ex- 
 tinguished by the st.imp. The people durst not complain, 
 as another stamp would have followed. It was not the 
 calm stillness of a contented and delighted mind, it was 
 I the stillness of political death. 
 
 It was one characteristic of the fourth bea5t, that it 
 I possessed far more continuous political energy than all 
 I the preceding three. It was military despotism consum- 
 ! mated. It was a strong government with a weak peojile. 
 I The lives and fortunes of 120 millions of human beings 
 were at the disposal of an armed band, called the preeto. 
 , rian guards, who could at pleasure make and unmake 
 I emperors, and, by their sovereign dictation, transfer the 
 , peot)le, like sheep, from one political head to another, till 
 ; at last, by the complete annihilation of all political life and 
 all public spirit, the people were fitted to be an easy prey 
 to the congregated hordes of Scythia and tiie northern 
 tribes. All those authors, therefore, who give us such 
 blazoned descriptions of Roman virtues out of Livy, and 
 Plutarch, and Cicero, (especially the last, who has helped 
 many an author to embellish his page with such fictions,) 
 must either say that the fourth beast is not the Koman 
 empire but some other, one which none can now find, or 
 deny Daniel's inspiration, or say, (which they must, if they 
 be Christians at all,) that Roman virtues were but a mask 
 for Roman vices, and that they were the most accom- 
 plished villains recorded in history, who spoke like lambs 
 but acted as dragons. 
 
 Our author, in treating the conduct of Rome at the 
 final ruin of Carthage, instead of openly, honestly, and 
 candidly reprobating such conduct, passes over it very 
 slightly, and even attempts to palliate it, though faintly. 
 A moral historian, like him, who professes to draw moral 
 reflections from historical facts, should not only tell the 
 truth, the whole truth, so far as within his reach, but 
 should also investigate the moral conduct of the actors ; 
 examine their motives, so far as they are clearly discerni- 
 ble ; trace their designs ; and weigh all in the balances of 
 moral justice and equity Whilst audi alteram partem 
 should be the rule of his conduct, im partiality should 
 mark his decisions. As he must not condemn without evi. 
 dence, so he must not acquit without proof He must not 
 conceal what he knows to be morally wrong in the con. 
 duct of either party. He must not g ve an unjust deci- 
 sion, and endeavour to support it b'' giving a new name 
 to vice. He must not extenuate' che conduct of the 
 offending party, by enumerating all his other good quali. 
 ties and deeds, and by setting them as foils over against the 
 other; give him a sort of judi:ial acquittal from crime: 
 or tell us that the one are an atonement for the other— 
 Nocens absolvilur, judex damnatur. He must denominate 
 actions by their proper names ; he must call black blark 
 and white white. Now, all who are acquainted with his- 
 tory know, that the Roman conduct towards Carthage is 
 the blackest spot on the page of human annals. Our 
 author knew, and could not but know, this to be the case 
 Instead of calling such conduct by its proper name he 
 seems to insinuate that some proof is requisite to evince 
 the miquity of their conduct on this occasion ; affects to 
 doubt of it ; and only say.s, or rather insinuates, that in 
 this business they did not come up to the virtues of their 
 ancestors— that they merely did not act fairly— that they 
 should have attacked them in a manly manner— and then 
 concludes with a common-place maxim, that it is danger, 
 ous for states to have too much power, and that the expe. 
 rience of all ages shows, that states seldom scruple to com- 
 mit injustice wlien they think it will turn to their advan- 
 tage. In other words, he insinuates that the Roman" did 
 no worse than all other states do, when possessed of too 
 much power. What is this but a palliation of crime? 
 riie evil conduct of one individual, or of one state, does 
 lot excuse the conduct of another, or serve as a rei.s^ji) 
 
 something more than twenty years, from the 
 defeat of Perseus, to the taking and destruc- 
 tion of Corinth by Mummius, at which time 
 Greece was reduced into a Roman province. 
 
 why we should not openly avow our detestation of it, and 
 hone.-tly condemn it. When Scipio, the chief agent in 
 this infernal business, had dropped a few crocodile tears at 
 the .sight of the desolating scene himself had made, and 
 had quoted the two following lines of the Iliad : 
 
 " The day will come when Troy shall sink in fire, 
 And Priam's people with himself expire;" 
 
 and when his favourite and eulogist, Polybius, had asked 
 the reason of such a quotation, Scipio told him— told him 
 without naming Rome- that he feared his own country 
 would one day share the same fate, the greatest states 
 having their periods, after which fortune overturns what 
 she took pleasure in raising. What is our author's reflec- 
 tion on this saying of his favourite Scipio ? Had the truth 
 enlightened his soul, he would have discovered what we 
 are taught in the scriptures, "that because of unrighte- 
 ous dealings, injustice and riches got by deceit, a kingdom 
 is translated from one people to another." Carthage ia 
 destroyed because its avarice, perfidiousness, and cruelty 
 have attained their utmost height. The like fate will 
 attend Rome when its luxury, ambition, pride, and unjust 
 usurpations, concealed through a specious show of justice 
 and virtue, shall have compelled the sovereign Lord, the 
 disposer of empires, to give the universe an important les. 
 son in its fall."— Vol. i. p. 109. col. 1. present edition. 
 
 Such are the reflections of Rollin on the fate of Car. 
 thage. He first says, that Scipio was wrong in ascribing 
 such alternate fates to fortune, but excuses him on ac- 
 count of his ignorance. He next gives us a quotation 
 from what he calls the Scriptures ; but which is in truth 
 not from them, but from the apocryphal book of Ecclesi. 
 asticus, chap x. verse 8. and then applies this anocryphal 
 text to the fate of Carthage, and then that such shall be 
 the similar fate of Ronae when her cup of iniquity shall 
 have been full ; and so winds up the matter. This is his 
 solution of the whole matter ; his way of loosing the Gor 
 dian knot and extenuating Roman crime : agreeably to 
 the rule of the [loet — 
 
 " Nec deus intersit, ni»i dignus vindice nodus," 
 
 « A god must be brought in to unravel the whole plot— not 
 to solve, but to cut the Gordian knot ' It seems all the 
 calamities that befel her, all the acts of injustice that 
 were done her, all the unutterable woes she suffered, for 
 
 " Quis, talia fando, 
 Myrmidonum, Dolopurave, aut duri miles Ulyssei, 
 Temperet a lacrimis ?" 
 
 her final, irretrievable ruin, and the inhuman butchery of 
 her whole population, unoffending and comparatively d(>- 
 fenceless as they were— a population guilty of no crime 
 but that of fighting for all that was dear to humanity, all 
 that was sacred to man ; for their wives, for their chiU 
 dren, for their altars, their homes, and themselves. 
 
 Urbs antiqua ruit, multos dominata per annos ; 
 Plurima perque vias sternuntur inertia passim 
 Corpora, perque domos, et religiosa deorum 
 Limina." 
 
 All these, (and who can tell these all?) befel the Cartha. 
 ginians for their sins ; just as if we had been reading the 
 destruction of the Jewish city and temple. Who told him 
 so? Is this apocryphal text suflicient authority for his 
 opinion ? Allowing the general maxim to be true, that 
 nations, as individuals, have their day of political exist- 
 ence — allowing it to be true, that in most cases a nation's 
 conduct paves the way for a nation's ruin, where is the 
 ground for its parliculnr application to Carthage ? Why 
 bring in the interference of the Deity at every turn ? 
 What particular sin, or sins, were the Carthaginians 
 guilty of, that produced such a divine interference ? Are 
 we authorized to scan the ways of the Eternal— to sit in 
 the chair of judgment on the conduct of providence — and 
 determine the mora! character of whole nations by the 
 standard of external prosperity or adversity? No: ac. 
 cording to this princij)le, national success is a sure token 
 of the approbation of heaven, and national calamity, or 
 ruin, the certain effect of divine disapprobation ; so that 
 we have nothing else to do in such cases, but to find out 
 the particular kind of sin, or the proper measure of moral 
 turpitude, to account for the event. We have just to ask 
 
>52 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 SECT. 1. 
 
 Attains comes to Rome to nongratulate the Romans upon 
 their success in Macedonia Tlie deputies of the Rho- 
 dians present themselves before the senate, and endea- 
 vour to appease iheir wrath. After long and warm so- 
 licitations, they succeed in being admitted mto the alli- 
 ance of the Roman people. Severity exercised agaihst 
 the ^tolians. All of them, in general, who had ia- 
 voured Perseus, are cited to Rome, to answer for their 
 
 our author what was the cause of the destruction of any 
 empire, state, or city, and he will tell us at once that it 
 was their sins. There is no depth in the divine judg- 
 ments with him ; they are all clearly and distinctly re- 
 ferrible to a known cause. He finds no difficulty in the 
 ways of God, and to him the Book of Providence is a 
 plain intelligible volume. On this principle there is no 
 occasion for a general judgment, except for such as have 
 escaped the general calamity ; and even in this case it 
 may be said, that they were spared for their virtues. On 
 this principle, the equity and justice of the divine govern- 
 ment are clearly discernible to finite minds ; the Book of 
 Providence is not a dark, but a clear volume, and may be 
 distinctly read by all ; so that there is no difficulty in vin- 
 dicating the ways of God to man. 
 
 It is absurd to suppose that such imperfect and limited 
 beings as we are, can take in the whole scheme of divine 
 providence — that saltish, prejudiced, and sinful as we are, 
 we are qualified to sit in judgment on the moral conduct 
 of whole nations, and condemn by wholesale. We see but 
 in part, and know but in part— we know not the whole of 
 the case— we are only acquainted with particular acts of 
 the grand drama— only a few of the actors are known to 
 us, and even these but very imperfectly. We see not this 
 drama as a continuous and finished whole, consisting of 
 successive and connected parts. We cannot possibly 
 make an epilogue to it till it be finished. This epilogue 
 can only be made by him who knew the end from the be- 
 ginning, and will only be spoken when the last actor has 
 walked oflf the stage, by Him who shall sit on the great 
 white throne. Is it not yet a fact, as it was in the days of 
 a Job and a Paul, that " his judgments are unsearchable, 
 and his ways past finding out ?" 
 
 It is one thing to believe that God is holy, just, and 
 good — that there is no unrighteousness with him— that he 
 cannot lay on man more than is meet — that, as Judge of 
 all the earth, he cannot but do what is right— that he 
 exercises a holy, wise, and just providence ; and another 
 thing that we see all these clearly exemplified in his provi- 
 dential government. If all these were clearly discernible, 
 there would be no room for the exercise of the faith and 
 patience of the saints ; no occasion for pious resignation 
 to the will of him who giveth not account of his matters. 
 There would be no occasion for the pious expostulation 
 of suffering martyrs, who had washed their robes and 
 made them white in the blood of the Lamb : " How long, 
 O Lord, holy and true, dost thou not judge and avenge 
 our blood on them that dwell on the earth ?" Were they 
 not told to be patient, to rest yet a while, till their fellow- 
 servants and their brethren, that should be killed as ihey 
 were, should be fulfilled? Is it not because judgment is 
 tardy and slow, that men's hearts are set in them to do 
 evil ? Is it not because God is a patient God — because he 
 endures with much long-suffering- because he is a silence- 
 keeping God, that men think him altogether such as 
 themselves ? Is not the present system of things a mixed 
 system of good and evil ? Is not the unequal distribution 
 of good and evil an undeniable fact? Is it not equally so, 
 that vice is triumphant, and virtue oppressed ? Is it not 
 equally so, that this shall, and must be the case, till the 
 kingdoms of this world shall have become those of our 
 Lord and his Christ— till the kingdom, and dominion, and 
 greatness of the kingdom, under the whole heaven, shall 
 be given to the saints of the Most High? 
 
 Mo.-^t of the reasoiis adduced for a perpetual interfer. 
 ence of Divine Providence in the affairs of nations and 
 states, are brought from God's dealings with the Jews, 
 and those kingdoms politically connected with them. Such 
 reasonings applied to the pagan world, prove too much, 
 and consequently prove nothing. The Jews were under a 
 theocracy, were a peculiarly favoured people, had pecu. 
 liar privileges and promises ; lived under a continual suc- 
 Cjssion of prophets and stupenduous miracles; were un- 
 der peculiar obligations, as a nation, above all other na- 
 ti (lis, to love God and keep his commandments, as he 
 h id not dealt so with any nation ; and might well say 
 e. tnccrning them, " What more could I have done for 
 my vineyard than I have done ?" Now, till it be proved 
 thit the Pagans and Jews were in similar situations 
 
 conduct. A thousand Achsans carried thither; Poly- 
 bius one of the number. 1 he senate banishes them 
 into several towns of Italy. After seventeen years of 
 banishment, they are sent back into their own country: 
 when only three hundred of them remained. 
 
 A. M. 3837. 
 Ant. J. C. 167. 
 
 Amongst the different em- 
 bassies from kings and states, 
 which came to Rome after 
 the victory over Perseus, 
 
 under the same obligations, and the same national re- 
 sponsibility ; enjoyed equally clear manifestations of the 
 Divine favour, and as clear indications of providential in- 
 terference in their national concerns ; I say, till these be 
 proved, the arguments brought from such a state of things 
 peculiar to the Jewish dispensation, to prove similar in. { 
 terferences in the pagan world, go for nothing — the cases ! 
 being wholly unanalogous. 
 
 But, on the hypothesis that such interferences are con- I 
 tinually taking place, does it really mend the matter? 
 One tyrant is put down just to make way for another, and 
 what consolation is that to the pious and the good ? What, 
 ever power be put down in awful judgment, or set up, 
 it is still the same to them ; they sutler as much under the 
 one as under the other. The sufferings of humanity were 
 as great, and the tide of human wickedness as high, un. 
 der the Roman power, as under the Carthaginian, Mace- 
 donian, or Grecian dominations. 'J'he same complaint 
 recurs just as before : " Why are the wicked great in 
 power? why does iniquity still reign in high places?" 
 Such interferences give no satisfactory answer to such 
 queries, and the ways of God are as apparently unequal as 
 before. 
 
 Were not the mysteries of Providence, and the apparent 
 inequality of God's ways, a subject of frequent conversa- 
 tion amongst the godly in the days of Malachi, even un- 
 der a dispensation where providential interferences were 
 frequent ? " Ye have said, It is vain to serve God ; and 
 what profit is it that we have kept his ordinance, and that 
 we have walked mournfully before the Lord of hosts? 
 And now we call the proud happy ; yea, they that work 
 wickedness are set up ; yea, they that tempt God are even 
 delivered." What was the exercise of the godly under 
 this apparently unequal distribution of good and evil? 
 " Then they that feared the Lord spake otten one to an- 
 other" (respecting the mysteries of his providence) ; they 
 did not call in question the justice of his administration, 
 ;is those did with whom God expostulated. No ; but pa- 
 tiently waited on him in the way of his inscrutable provi- 
 dence ; " and the Lord hearkened and heard it (with ap- 
 probation) : and a book of remembrance was written be- 
 fore him for them that feared the Lord, and that though, 
 upon his name." What did the Lora say concerning such 
 persons? Did he say that he would change his provi- 
 dence ? No. He said far otherwise : " And they shall 
 be mine, saith the Lord of hosts." Were they not his al- 
 ready ? Yes ; they were his in his love and in his mercy, 
 and they were his by their own voluntary act ; had given 
 themselves away to him in a covenant not to be broken ; 
 had made a covenant with him by sacrifice. In the present 
 system of things it was not known who were his, and who 
 were not. There was no visible difference between him 
 that served God, and him that served him not. But a time 
 was coming when such a difference would be made. Wlien 
 was that time to be ? " And they shall be mine, saith the 
 Lord, in that day when I make up my jewels ; and I will 
 spare tliem, as a man spareth his own son that serveth him. 
 Then shall ye return, (not from the Babylonish captivity, for 
 that was past, but from the dust of death) and discern be- 
 tween the righteous and the wicked; between him that 
 serveth God, and him that serveth him not." 
 
 Again, were Carthaginian wickedness, and Carthaginian 
 punishment, an apology for Roman crime— ar. exteriuation 
 of Roman guilt? Surely not. Even Rolhn himself ad. 
 mits that the Carthaginians were superior in courage and 
 magnanimity to other nations ; as, notwithstanding their 
 being deprived of ships and arms, they had sustained, for 
 three whole years, all the calamities of a long siege. How 
 does this consist with their being such great sinners, that 
 all these calamities befel them ? Courage and magnanimity \ 
 are virtues in his account, as he often attributes them to | 
 the Greeks and Romans. Are we to refuse our compas-| 
 sion to the Carthaginians, because they were punished for 
 their sins ? On the same principle we must refuse it to all 
 those whom the Romans conquered, because they were 
 so, on account of their sins. The notion of a continued 
 Divine interference in human concerns has a great ten- 
 dency to smother all sentiments of sympathy for the suf. 
 1 ferer ; as he is supposed to be the object of Heaven's l-ale | 
 
 t 
 
 =1^1 ^ 
 
ALKXANDF-irS SUCCESSORS. 
 
 583 
 
 Attalus, Eumenes's brother, drew upon him 
 moi'e than all others the eyes and attention of 
 the Romans. ' The ravages committed by the 
 Asiatic Gauls in the kingdom of Pergamus, 
 
 1 Polyb. Legat. xciii. Liv. 1. xlv. n. 19, 20. 
 
 and judicial disapprobation — at least in minds not proper- 
 ly disposed The prophet Jeremiah wept over the deso- 
 lations of his country, though certified by a divine reve- 
 lation, that awful visitations should befal his countrymen, 
 as incorrigible sinners. Our blessed Lord hiinseif— »♦ a 
 man of sorrow-s and acquainted with grief" — wept over 
 Jerusalem's impending fate, though he knew that they 
 were sinners above measure; and that these calamities, 
 such as had not been seen since Israel was a nation, were 
 to be inflicted on them for their rejection of him. We 
 may surely give our tears where we cannot give our ap- 
 probation, where we cannot but see the visitation to be 
 just ; for who maketh us to differ from others ? what but 
 his sovereign grace makes the distinction ? On this prin. 
 ciple, nations who have been conquered and enslaved, 
 are apt to be viewed merely in the light of malefactors 
 undergoing public punishment ; whilst the successful and 
 conquering party is viewed in that of executioners of divine 
 vengeance; with this difference, that, wherens, in the case 
 of criminals executed judicially for their crimes, their 
 fate is often commiserated; there is often a suspicion of 
 innocence on the one hand, and injustice on the other, as 
 all human judges are liable to error or mistake, whilst 
 the executioner is generally detested. But in the case of 
 conquered nations, it is considered as a divine judgvTient, 
 and therefore a just judgment ; and therefore compassion 
 for the sufferers is not felt, as such feelings are held, or 
 at least apt to be so, as incompatible with the equity of 
 the supposed divine dispensation. The common observa- 
 tion is, "They have just got what they deserved." 
 
 While the suffering is thus viewed, there is consequent- 
 ly a great respect for the supposed executioners of that ven- 
 geance. Their praises are sounded — their merits applaud- 
 ed. Authors are ever fond of taking the side of the con- 
 queror, and bowing to the rising sun. The weaker, and 
 therefore the suffering party, is generally wrong, and the 
 victorious party right. Success is the criterion of right, 
 and the visible token of divine approbation. As a proof 
 of what is here advanced, how much has Scipio ^milius, 
 the chief actor in this inhuman tragedy, been extolled. 
 Our author has employed a whole section in expatiating 
 on his virtues and his talents. Not a virtue under heaven, 
 except those peculiar to Christians, but what he has as- 
 cribed to liim ; and has adopted as his own all the ful- 
 some praises that have been lavished on him by Polybius 
 and Cicero. That the patron of Polybius, and the con- 
 queror of Carthage, should have been eulogized by the one, 
 and extolled by the other, is what might have been expect- 
 ed. He is praised for being fond of reading Greek, and par- 
 ticularly the Cyropeedia of Xenophon ; for his bounty to his 
 mother, who had been divorced ; his disinterestedness in 
 the division of his father's property ; as being temperate, 
 chaste, and frugal ; as not given to debauchery, as were 
 his youtliful contemporaries at Kome ; and that, by means 
 of these exercises of self- denial, he enjoyed a vigorous 
 constitution and good health all his life, which enabled 
 him to taste pleasures of a purer kind, and to perform 
 those great actions, that reflected such lustre on him. It 
 is particularly mentioned, as a proof of his virtue, that he 
 made a present of fifteen talents to his brother Fabius, to 
 help in defraying the charges— of what ? may the reader 
 ask ; a show of gladiators, in honour of his father, JEmi- 
 lius Paulus ! 1 hat Roman authors, such as Cicero, who 
 wore accustomed to see such inhuman sports, were fa- 
 mihar with them, as they were quite fashionable and 
 common at Rome, need occasion no surprise ; but that 
 our author, a professed christian and Jansenist, one of the 
 strictest sects within the pale of the Roman catholic 
 church, should set down this as a virtue, is truly astonish- 
 ing. He is even afraid lest the extraordinary instances of 
 such extraordinary acts of virtuous disinterestedness and 
 generosity should not be believed by his readers— they 
 were so repugnant to the maxims of this &ge—the eighteenth 
 century. 
 
 He tells us, further, that his eulogist, Polybius, was very 
 cautious in thus expatiating on the uncommon virtues of 
 this uncommon man ; lest, as his writings were to be 
 perused by future Romans, he should be convicted of hav- 
 ing written falsehoods. This is just the very reason for 
 which I would suspect the truth of Polybius' statement of 
 his character He was long a hostage at Kome ; wrote at 
 Home, under the eyes of Romans, and with a view to he 
 
 I)ad laid Attalus under the necessity of going to 
 Rome, to implore the aid of the republic against 
 those barbarians. Another still more specious 
 reason had obliged him to make the voyage. It 
 
 read by them ; was an eleve of this very conqueror, would 
 consequently have a partiality for him, and be disposed to 
 overcharge the picture, from gratitude to his benefactor 
 and pupil, and ingratiate himself and his writings with 
 the countrymen of this conqueror. The Romans at that 
 time were lords of the ascendant— were carrying all be. 
 fore them ; and the conquered, in the true spirit of servile 
 adulation, were licking the feet of their conquerors. Po. 
 lybius had no cause of being afraid lest the Romans of his 
 own, or succeeding times, would find fault with him for 
 expatiating so much on the virtues of the destroyer of 
 Carthage. All nations are fond of heroes, especially if 
 they belong to themselves. National vanity is always gra- 
 tified by such eulogies. 
 
 As another wonderful proof of his virtue, hunting is 
 adduced. Surely an author does either not know what 
 virtue is, or he must be sadly at a loss to find it, if hunting, 
 or a love of field-sports, is to be classed among viitues. 
 At this rate, Nimrod should have been enrolled at the 
 Jiead of such illustrious models of virtue, as he was the 
 first that set the example to succeeding heroes of such a 
 cardinal virtue. At this rate, a modern English fox-hun- 
 ter should be set down as a model of virtuous imitation 
 to posterity. All savage tribes have been fond of hunt- 
 ing, especially the Indians of North America, and the 
 Tartars of central Asia. It is recorded as one of the 
 chief virtues of Jenghiz Khan, the great Tartar hero, 
 who murdered 18,760,000 men in the short spare of six 
 years, that he was a great hunter ; and probably excelled 
 even Nimrod himself in this species of virtue. 
 
 Now, what were the great and glorious actions which 
 ennobled this man, and for which he was qualified by the 
 knowledge of Gieek and hunting? Were they such as 
 made him a benefactor to mankind? Did he add any 
 thing to the stock of human knowledge, or human happi- 
 ness Did the perusal of the Institutions of Cyrus make 
 him an enlightened and benevolent legislator ? None of 
 these can be said. The great actions which our author 
 says reflected such glory on him, were the rlestruction of 
 Numantia and Carthage. His virtues were merely mili. 
 tary, not moral. That his military countrymen should 
 admire him for his military virtues and talents, by which 
 Rome gained such fame, wealth, and territory, is natural, 
 and what could not but have been expected ; but it is 
 strange that such moral historians as our author and 
 others, should praise him for being the chief instrument 
 in the execution of the most flagrant acts of injustice to 
 be found in the annals of nations. I have no objections 
 to his being praised as a military commander, as being 
 well fitted by the practice of the art of war to be a prime 
 hero ill the roll of warriors ; but why should this species 
 of glory be so much obtruded on the reader ? why should 
 the immorality of the action be lost sight of amidst the 
 splendour of his military fame? 
 
 It is perfectly clear that Scipio had no compunctious 
 visitations for his conduct to these cities — had no scruples 
 of con.-cience to prevent him from acting as the commis- 
 sioned agent of the most atrocious cruelty, injustice, and 
 violated public faith, that was ever perpetrated. He could 
 not but know, that the conduct of his country towards 
 these unoffending cities was flagrantly unjust ; he could 
 not but know, that Carthage had done nothing to draw 
 upon herself the vengeance of Rome— had for 40 years 
 been her obsequious friend, as now fatally conscious of her 
 fallen state, and inability to contend with Rome ; he was 
 conscious, that in the disputes between Carthage and Ma. 
 sinissa, his countrymen had acted with the most glaring 
 partiality— had found the one always right, and the other 
 always wrong — had stirred up that Numidian prince to 
 successive acts of rapacity and injustice towards Carthage, 
 and as often acquitted him ; he knew that his country had 
 determined to destroy Carthage, for no other reason, but 
 because she had once been a rival ; and because that by pur- 
 suing the peaceful arts of commerce, she had still survived 
 her political disasters, and was even, fallen as she was, still 
 rich and prosperous. " Carthago est delenda," said that 
 paragon of pagan and Roman virtue— that chief of Cice- 
 ro's worthies, in his treatise " De Senectute et Amicitia," 
 Marcus Porcius Cato ; and, therefore, right or wrong, 
 Carthage was doomed to destruction. Did not this righte- 
 ous person, Cato, because the Carthaginians appealed from 
 his decision to the treaty concluded by Scipio, pronounce 
 them o devoted people? Did not the Carthaginians use 
 every possible means to sooth the Romans, and to ward 
 off their impending fate ? Did not these perfidious, im- 
 ,)lacable villains, send an army of 84,000 men, and a large 
 
084 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 is necessary to congratulate the Romans upon 
 their late victory, and to receive the applauses 
 he deserved for the part he had taken in the 
 war against Perseus, and for having shared 
 
 fleet of ships and transports to destroy that unhappy city 
 without the smallest provocation ? Did they not, after 
 seizing 300 hostages and receiving from that poor, dispi- 
 rited peo[)le all their arms and ships, command them to 
 abandon their city, after these unhappy people had parted 
 with all their m.eans of defence, in order to move Roman 
 compassion and Roman equity, that they might be per. 
 mitted to stay in their own city, in their own land, and be 
 entombed in'the sepulchres of their fathers ? Did not the 
 Roman senate, that pattern of righteous legislators, debate 
 Us destruction, on the principle of mere expediency ? It 
 was not once a matter of discussion whether the Cartha- 
 ginians had given just cause of offence ; whether there 
 v/ere just grounds for hostilities— that never concerned these 
 righteous personages — but whether it was expedient for 
 the good of the Roman state that Carthage should be per- 
 mitted to exist ; whether 700,000 peaceable, unoffending 
 inhabitants, should be ordered to abandon their city, or, 
 in case of resistance, be all put to the sword, or that they 
 should be allowed to remain in their dwellings, not from 
 motives of mercy, justice, or humanity, but on the ground 
 of expediency. VVas it not determined in the negative? 
 was it not determined by a solemn legislative enactment, 
 that it was not expedient that Carthage should remain ? 
 Was not this sanctioning iniquity by law, and that the 
 grossest and the most flagrant that was ever perpetrated f 
 and was not Scipio ^Erailianus the person appointed to 
 carry this into execution ? Did he refuse the iniquitous 
 commission ? did he remonstrate against the enormity of 
 the act ? did he, as an honest, upright man, declare he 
 would have nothing to do with it? No! with joy he ac- 
 cepted the iniquitous commission, and was zealous in its 
 execution : and is Scipio to be praised by succeeding 
 Christian historians for this ? Is he for this to \re held up 
 as a paragon of virtue, a model of imitation, and an ob- 
 ject of well-merited eulogy, by such authors ? How did 
 he acquit himself in the execution of this unrighteous 
 legislative enactment ? He certainly fultilled it to a tittle, 
 and most exactly. 
 
 Let us see if "he showed any symptoms of compassion, 
 if any bowels of mercy rolled in this magnanimous, dis. 
 interested hero. Previous to his storming the citadel, he 
 devoted the mhabitants of Carthage to death, and to the 
 Dii Manes, or gods of hell, in these words : " O formi- 
 dable Pluto, and ye infernal Manes, let loose against the 
 Carthaginian people fear, terror, and vengeance. Let the 
 nations and cities which have taken up arms against us be 
 I overcome and destroyed. I devote and deliver up to you, 
 furies, (Alecto, Tisiphone, and Megara,) all the enemies 
 ! of my republic, in my own name and in the name of the 
 ' senate and people of Rome. But as for our legionary 
 troops and auxiliaries, guard them from death and the 
 accidents of war." Here he devotes to death, hell, and 
 the furies, a whole population of unoffending beings — 
 beings whom he knew, in his conscience, deserved no 
 such fate, no such awful malediction. After this the 
 work of death commenced, and continued for six suc- 
 cessive days ; this merciful, just, and magnanimous hero 
 never sleeping one minute all this time, but urging the 
 work of death and destruction in every varied form j and 
 for this he is called a hero : 
 
 «« In flammas et in arma feror, quo tristis Erinnys, 
 Quo fremitus vocat, et sublatus ad asthera clamor." 
 
 " Obsedere alii telis angusta viarum 
 Oppositi : Stat ferri acies mucrone corusco 
 Stricta, parata neci : vix pnmi proelia tentant 
 Portarum vigiles, et caeco Marte resistunt." 
 
 Yet, for all this, we are told that he was wonderfully 
 good-natured. 
 
 After the people had been inhumanly butchered, the 
 city was given up to be plundered ; then utterly demo, 
 iished ; and then set on fire. It burnt 17 days successive. 
 ]y ; and such of the miserable people as survived were car. 
 ried to Rome, led in chains before Scipio's chariot, and 
 sold into perpetual slavery. Such were the tender mer- 
 cies of the Roman {>eople and Scipio their infernal agent. 
 
 It is needless to say that Scipio was bound to obey the 
 orders of the Roman senate— that he had no will of his 
 own— for on a similar unjust decree against another un- 
 offending, disarmed, people, the Roman consul Mutius 
 Scaevolo refused to obey their inhuman orders, to his eter- 
 nal honour. Let it not be said that Scipio did this from 
 the amor patriec, from the love of the glory of his coun- 
 
 with them in all the dangers of it. He was , 
 received at Rome with all the marks of honour } 
 and amity that a prince could expect who had | 
 proved, in the army in Macedonia, a constant 
 and determinate attachment for the Romans. ' 
 He had a most favourable reception, and made i 
 his entrance into the city attended by a very ! 
 numerous train. j 
 All these honours, the real cause of which he j 
 did not penetrate, made him conceive thoughts i 
 and hopes which perhaps had never entered into 
 his mind, if they had not been suggested to him. 
 The greatest part of the Romans had no longer 
 
 try. Such a principle will never sanctify crime, and con- 
 vert vice into virtue. How did he behave to Numantia, 
 when the brave defenders of that injured city, who had 
 once spared the remains of a Roman army, when they had 
 it in their power to have put them all to tiie sword, begged 
 of this merciful, upright commander either to allow them 
 to end their days like brave men in battle, or enjoy the 
 benefit of a capitulation ? He sternly and laconically told 
 them, " I will hearken to no proposals till you have abso- 
 lutely surrendered up to me your city, your persons, and 
 your arms without any reserve. Did not this inhuman 
 monster, after taking the city by sheer famine, after re- 
 serving 50 of these brave fellows, sell all the remainder 
 for slaves to the best bidder ? Did he not constantly aid 
 the cause of patrician injustice against the common peo. 
 pie of his own city ? Did he not always, in concert with 
 the Roman nobles, endeavour to cheat the people of their 
 privileges, of their share of the conquered lands ? Did he 
 not, with these same nobles, pocket all the proceeds of the 
 successful wars, and appropriate them to their own use ? 
 Did not that honest man, Caius Gracchus, for these and 
 similar acts of ambition and injustice, call him a tyrant 
 to his face, and that be ought to be put to death ? And 
 yet, so besotted are our canting historians with the vir. 
 tues of this man, that, -when he was forced to retire from 
 Rome, on account of his unpopularity with the people, 
 they gravely quote, as an instance of his greatness of mind, 
 that he and his fnend Lslius amused themselves with 
 casting smooth, flat stones on the surface of the water. 
 Wonderful condescension, indeed, that such a wonderful 
 man deigned thus to amuse himself! Wonderful mag. 
 nanimity, to be sure, to cast stones into the sea ! 
 
 Let it be remembered, that I am not trying Scipio and 
 the Romans by the maxims of Christianity. No ; but liy 
 those plain maxims of equity and justice common to all, 
 whether living within or without the pale of Christianity 
 — those principles of right and wrong which were known 
 and recognized in the Gentile world before the advent of 
 Christ— those principles, for the non-observance and vio- 
 lation of which, the apostle, in the first of the Romans, 
 charges fehe pagans. Amongst these characters the apos- 
 tle enumerates the open violation of sworn engagements, 
 implacability, and unmercifulness, and then concludes 
 with remarking, " that the Gentiles, though knowing the 
 judgment of God" — what judgment? — "that they who 
 commit such things are worthy of death ; not only do the 
 same but (mark the phrase) have pleasure in them that 
 do them." I have charged the Romans with being cove- 
 nant-breakers, in the cases of Carthage and Numantia — 
 that Romana fides, when it suited the political convenience 
 of these conscientious persons, was much the same with 
 Punica fides — and more instances might be adduced tlian 
 those above specified. 1 have cliarged them with l)eing 
 implacable and unmerciful, and substantiated these by 
 proof ; and, 1 now ask, is it not true that the Roman bea.'^t 
 of Daniel was more terrible than all the previous three, 
 and that, in the hyperbolical language of tlie inspired pro- 
 phet, it did not merely devour the three great ribs of 
 Lydia, Babylon, and Egypt, like the voracious but slug- 
 gish bear? No! these were not sufficient for its politi- 
 cal maw — it devoured the whole earth ! 
 
 It is the constant practice of extolling pagan virtues 
 against which I protest. It is the practice of hokhng up 
 the destroyers of the human race as heroes, as models of 
 imitation, as objects of praise, as it were canonizing 
 them, which 1 reprobate — and the practice of extenuating 
 crime, by telling us the vices of the conquered, and, as it 
 were, insulting the miseries of the conquered, by telling 
 them that it was for their sins ; just as if we knew the rea- 
 son of the divine procedure, and could, with the short line 
 of our limited understandings, search the depth of the 
 divine judgments. From these censures I exempt Mr. 
 Hook, who has acted the part of an honest man, and 
 given his readers both sides ofthe question, and an impar- 
 tial account of the Roman conduct and characters — A'd. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 585 
 
 any esteem or affection for Eumenes. His se- i 
 cret negotiations with Perseus, of which they j 
 had been apprized, made them believe that that 
 prince had never been heartily on their side, i 
 and that he only waited an occasion to declare I 
 against them. Full of this prejudice, some of 
 the most distinguished Romans, in their pri- 
 vate conversations with Attalus, advised him 
 not to mention the business on which his bro- 
 ther had sent him to treat ; but to speak solely 
 of what related to himself. They gave him to 
 understand that the senate, to whom Eumenes 
 was become suspected, and even odious, from 
 his having appeared to waver between Perseus 
 and the Romans, had thoughts of depriving 
 him of part of his kingdom, and to give it to 
 himself, upon whom they could rely as an as- 
 sured friend incapable of changing. We here 
 recognize the maxims of the Roman policy ; 
 and these detached features may serve to unveil 
 it upon other occasions, when more attentive to 
 conceal itself. 
 
 The temptation was delicate to a prince, who, 
 without doubt, did not want ambition, and who 
 was not of a temper to reject such pleasing 
 hopes when they presented themselves to him 
 without being solicited. He listened therefore 
 to these discourses and this proposal ; and the 
 rather, because they came from some of the 
 principal persons at Rome, whose wisdom he 
 esteemed, and whose probity he respected. The 
 affair went so far, that he promised them to de- 
 mand in the senate, that part of his brother's 
 kingdom should be given to him. 
 
 Attalus had a physician in his train, called 
 Stratius, whom Eumenes suspected his bro 
 ther had sent with him to Rome, to have an 
 eye upon his conduct, and to recall him to his 
 duty by good counsel, if he should happen to 
 depart from it. Stratius had wit and penetra- 
 tion, and his manners were very insinuating, 
 and well adapted to persuasion. Having either 
 discovered, or learned from Attalus himself, the 
 design that had been iristilled into him, he took 
 advantage of some favourable moments to open 
 himself to him. He represented, that the king- 
 dom of Pergamus, weak of itself, and but vei'y 
 lately established, had subsisted, and been ang- 
 ' mented, solely by the union and good under- 
 standing of the brothers who possessed it. That 
 only one of them, indeed, enjoyed the name of 
 king, and wore the diadem ; but that they all 
 reigned in reality. That Eumenes, having no 
 male issue (for the son he had afterwards, and 
 who succeeded him, was not then in being), he 
 could leave his throne only to his next brother. 
 That his right to the succession of the kingdom 
 was therefore incontestable ; and that, consider- 
 ing the age and infirmities of Eumenes, the 
 time for such succession could not be very re- 
 mote. And wherefore then should he anticipate 
 and hasten, by a violent and criminal under- 
 takirig, what would soon happen in a just and 
 natural manner? Did he desire to divide the 
 kingdom Avith his brother, or to deprive him of 
 it entirely ? If he had only a part of it, both ot 
 them, weakened by such a division, and exposed 
 to the enterprises of their neighbours, might be 
 equally deprived of their share. That if he pro- 
 posed to reign alone, what would become of his 
 elder brother ? Would he reduce him to live as 
 a pi'ivate person, or send him, at his years, into 
 banishment? or, in a word, would he cause 
 him to be put to death ? That he did not doubt, 
 but such thoughts must give him horror. That 
 not to speak of the accounts related in fabulous 
 
 history of the tragical effects of fraternal dis- 
 cord, the recent example of Perseus ought to 
 remind him of them. That that unfortunate 
 prince, who had torn the sceptre from his bro- 
 ther, by shedding his blood, pursued by the di- 
 vine vengeance, had lately laid down the same 
 sceptre at the feet of his conqueror in the temple 
 of Samothracia, and in a manner before the 
 eyes, and by the order, of the gods who preside 
 there, the witnesses and avengers of his guilt. 
 That he was assured that the very persons, who, 
 less out of friendship for him, than ill-will for 
 Eumenes, gave him at present such pernicious 
 counsels, would be the first to praise his tender 
 and constant affection for his brother, if he con- 
 tinued faithfully attached to him to the last. 
 Stratius added the extreme danger to which 
 Attalus would expose the kingdom of Perga- 
 mus in the present conjuncture, when the Gauls 
 were preparing to invade it. 
 
 How unworthy was it of the Romans to 
 kindle and blow up the fire of discord in this 
 manner between brothers ! Of what value must 
 a sincere, prudent, and disinterested friend ap- 
 pear at such a time ! What an advantage is it 
 for a prince to give those who approach him the 
 libei-ty of speaking freely, and without reserve 
 to him ; and of being know^n by them in that 
 light ! The wise remonstrances of Stratius pro- 
 duced their intended effect upon the mind of 
 Attalus. That prince, having been introduced 
 into the senate, without speaking against his 
 brother, or demanding a division of the king- 
 dom of Pergamus, contented himself with con- 
 gratulating the senate, in the name of Eumenes 
 and his brothers, upon the victory gained in 
 Macedonia. He modestly dwelt upon the zeal 
 and affecti<m with which he had served in the 
 war against Perseus. He desired, that they 
 would send ambassadors to check the insolence 
 of the Gauls, and to reduce them to their for- 
 mer state ; and concluded Avith requesting, that 
 the investiture of ^nus and Maronsea, cities of 
 Thrace, might be given to him, which places 
 had been conquered by Philip, father of Perseus, 
 and the possession disputed with him by Eu- 
 menes. 
 
 The senate, imagining that Attalus would 
 demand another audience, in order to speak in 
 particular of his pretensions to part of his bro- 
 ther's dominions, promised beforehand to send 
 ambassadors according to his request, and made 
 the prince the usual presents. They promised 
 besides to put him into possession of the two 
 cities, as he desired. But when it was known 
 that he had left Rome, the senate, offended to 
 find that he had done nothing of what they had 
 expected from him, and not being able to be 
 revenged upon him in any other manner, re- 
 voked the promise they had made him ; and, 
 before the prince was out of Italy, declared 
 ^nus and Maronsea free and independent cities. 
 They sent, however, an embassy to the Gauls, 
 at the head of which was P. Licinius; but 
 with very different instructions to those de- 
 manded by Attalus. The Roman policy threw 
 off the mask entirely at this time, and showed 
 an aspect very unlike the frankness and probity 
 of their ancestors. 
 
 The senate some days after gave audience to 
 the Rhodians,' which made a great noise. They 
 
58G 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 were at first refused to be heard, as having ren- 
 dered themselves unworthy of that honour by 
 their conduct, and even a declaration of war 
 against them was talked of. Rhodes, alarmed 
 i at it, sent two new deputies. Having obtained 
 admittance to the senate with great difficulty, 
 they appeared there as suppliants, dressed in 
 mourning habits, and with their faces bathed 
 in tears. Astymedes spoke, and with a voice 
 interrupted with sobs, took upon him the de- 
 fence of his unfortunate country. He took great 
 care not to show at first his desire to justify it. 
 He avowed, that it had justly incurred the 
 anger of the Roman people ; he confessed its 
 faults ; he called to mind the indiscreet em- 
 bassy, which the insolent pride of the orator 
 j who spoke had rendered stili more criminal : 
 but he begged the senate to make some differ- 
 ence between the entire body of the nation, and 
 a few private persons disavowed by them, whom 
 they were ready to deliver up. He represented 
 that there was no republic nor city that did not 
 i include some bad members; that, after all, there 
 were no other crimes objected to them but 
 words; foolish indeed, rash, extravagant (which 
 lie confessed to be the characteristics and fail- 
 ings of his nation), but such as wise persons 
 seldom lay much stress upon, or punish with 
 i j exceeding rigour, no more than Jupiter aims his 
 j thunders at all that speak with little respect of 
 j his divinity. "But," said he, " the neutrality 
 I observed by us in the late war is looked upon as 
 a certain proof of our enmity towards you. Is 
 I there a tribunal in the world, ^ wherein the in- 
 } tention, when without effect, is punished as the 
 ! action itself? But allowing your severity be 
 , carried to that excess, at most the punishment 
 can only fall on those who have had this inten- 
 ; ' tion, and then the majority of us are innocent. 
 i Admitting even that this neutrality and in- 
 \ action make us all criminal, ought the real ser- 
 ; I vices we have rendered you in the two preced- 
 i i ing wars to be deemed as nothing, and will they 
 j not cover the omission imputed to us in the 
 M last? Let Philip, Antiochus, and Perseus, bear 
 ! witness now in our cause. The voices of the 
 two first will certainly be for us, and absolve 
 us ; and, for the third, at most, and in the 
 severest sense, the sentence must appear doubt- 
 ful and uncertain. Can you then, according to 
 this state of the question, pass sentence of death 
 against Rhodes ; for you are now upon the 
 point of deciding, whether it shall subsist any 
 longer, or be entirely destroyed ? You may de- 
 : clare war against us ; but not a single Rhodian 
 will take up arms against you. If you persist 
 in your resentment, we demand time to go and 
 report the result of our deputation at Rhodes, 
 and at that moment our whole city, men, wo- 
 men, and free persons, will embark with all our 
 estates and effects : we will abandon our house- 
 hold gods, as well public as private, and come 
 to Rome, where, after we have thrown our gold I 
 and silvi r, and all we have, at your feet, we 
 will deliver up ourselves, our wives, and our 
 children, to your discretion. "We will suffer 
 here, before your eyes, whatever you shall think 
 fit to inflict upon us. If Rhodes is condemned | 
 to be plundered and set on fire, at least we shnll 
 spare ourselves the sight of that calamity. You { 
 may, by your resolves, declare us to be your ' 
 
 1 Keque moribus neque It'gibus ullius civJtatis ita com- 
 paratuin esse, ut, siquis vellet iniinicum nerire, si nihil 
 j tc; crit, quo id fiat, capitis damnetur. Liv. 
 
 enemies : but there is a secret sentiment in the 
 j bottom of our hearts that declares quite the con- 
 ! trary, and assures us that, whatever hostilities 
 you may exercise against us, you wi^l never find 
 us otherwise than friends and servants." 
 
 After this discourse, the deputies prostrated 
 themselves upon the earth, and held out their | 
 hands towards the senators, with olive branches j 
 in them, to demand peace. V>'heu they were ! 
 withdrawn, by order of the senate, they pro- j 
 ceeded to vote upon the affair. All who had i 
 served in Macedonia, in quality of consuls, prae- i 
 tors, or lieutenants, and who had most experi- i 
 enced their foolish pride and enmity to the ! 
 Romans, were very much against them. M. j 
 Portius Cato, the celebrated censor, known by 
 the severity of his character, which often rose 
 to hardness of heart, was softened at this time 
 in favour of the Rhodians, and spoke for them 
 with gi-eat warmth and eloquence. Livy does 
 not repeat his discourse, because it was' then 
 extant in a work of Catos own, entitled De 
 Originibus, wherein he had inserted his own 
 orations. 
 
 The world has reason to regret the loss of so 
 valuable a collection. Aulus Gellius^ has pie- 
 served some fragments of this discourse of 
 Cato's; by which it appears he made use of 
 almost the same reasons with the ambassadors 
 from Rhodes. I shall cite some passages of it 
 at the bottom of the page, to assist the reader 
 in knowing and distinguishing the manly and 
 energetical style which characterized the Ro- 
 man eloquence in those ancient times, when 
 more attention was paid to the force of the sen- 
 timents than to the elegance of the words. 
 
 Cato ^ begins his discourse by representing to 
 the Romans that they ought not, in consequence 
 of their victory over the king of Macedon, to 
 abandon themselves to the extravagance of ex- 
 cessive joy. That prosperity generally excites 
 pride and insolence. That "he apprehends, ir 
 the present case, they may form resolutions 
 which may draw some misfortune upon Rome, 
 and cause the frivolous joy, to which they give 
 themselves up, to vanish like a dream. " Ad- 
 versity," says he, "in humbling the spirit, re- 
 stores us to our reason, and teaches us what is 
 necessary to be done. Prosperity, on the con- 
 trary, hurries us in a manner out of our way, 
 by the joy it occasions, and makes us lose sight 
 of the measures which a calm temper of mind 
 would enable us to discern and execute. It is 
 therefore, fathers, I am absolutely of opinion, 
 that we should for a few days defer the decision 
 of this affair, till, having recovered from the 
 A'iolent emotions of our joy, we are again mas- 
 ters of ourselves, and capable of deliberating 
 with more maturity." He adds, " That he in- 
 deed believes the Rhodians were fiir from de- i 
 siring that the Romans should have conquered ! 
 Perseus ; but that they had such sentiments in 
 common with all other states ; sentiments, \ 
 
 2 Lib. vii. c. 5. 
 3 Scio solere jilerisque homiiiibiis rebus secundis atque 
 prolixis atque prospcris jmimum excellere, superbiam 
 atque ferociniTi augescere atque creicere : quod niihi nunc 
 
 niagnoB cura? est, quia hfec ros tarn secunde processit, ne • 
 
 quid in consulendo adversi eveniat, quod nostras secundas | 
 
 res confutet; neve htcc Iffit tia nimis luxuriose eveiiiat. I 
 
 AdversEE re; se domant, ct docent quid opus sit facto : se- | 
 
 cunda- res lEetitia transversuni trudere solent a rci te con- | 
 
 sulondo atque intelligendo Ouo majore opere edicd | 
 
 suadeoque, uti ha?c res aliciiiot dies proferatur, dum ex ! 
 
 tanto gaiidin in potest;ftt'in nortrarn redcamus. j 
 
ALEXANDER'S 
 
 which did not proceed from their enmity to the 
 Romans, but from the love of their own liberty; 
 for which they had just cause to fear, when 
 there should be none in a condition to dispute 
 empire with us, and we should become absolute 
 masters of all nations. For the rest, the Kho- 
 dians did not aid Perseus. Their whole crime,* 
 by the consent of their most violent accusers, i.«, 
 that they intended to declare war against us. 
 But how long has the will, the intention only, 
 been a crime? Is there any one amongst us 
 that would be willing to subject himself to this 
 rule? For my part, I am sure I would not. 
 The Rhodians,^ it is said, are proud : I should 
 be very sorry that my children could justly 
 make me that reproach. But pray, in what 
 does their pride affect us ? Would it become us 
 to impute it to them as a crime that they are 
 prouder than we are ?" 
 
 The opinion of so grave and venerable a sena- 
 tor as Cato prevented a war against the Rho- 
 dians. The answer given them did not declare 
 them enemies, nor treat them as allies ; but left 
 matters still in suspense. They were ordered 
 to remove their governors from the cities of 
 Lycia and Caria. Those provinces were given 
 up to them after the defeat of Antiochus, and 
 now taken from them by way of punishment. 
 They were ordered also to evacuate Caunus and 
 Stratonice. They had bought the first for 200 
 talents (about 25,000^.) of Ptolemy's generals, 
 and the second had been given them by Antio- 
 chus and Seleucus ; they di*ew from those two 
 cities an annual revenue of 120 talents (or 
 15,000/.). At the same time the senate granted 
 the island of Delos an exemption from customs, 
 which considerably diminished the revenues of 
 the Rhodians. For instead of 1,000,000 of 
 drachmas (about 25,000/. sterling), to which 
 the revenue from those customs amounted be- 
 fore, it paid afterwards only 150,000 (about 
 3750/. sterling). 
 
 The senate's answer having dispelled at 
 Rhodes the fear that the Romans would take 
 arms against the republic, made all other evils 
 appear light, as it is common for the expecta- 
 tion of great misfortunes to deaden the sensa- 
 tion of small ones. How hard soever those 
 orders were, they submitted to them, and put 
 them in immediate execution. They decreed 
 at the same time a crown of gold to the Ro- 
 mans, of the value of 10,000 pieces of gold,° and 
 chose their admiral Theodotus to present it. 
 He had orders to solicit the alliance of the Ro- 
 mans. The Rhodians had not demanded it till 
 then, though for almost 140 years they had 
 shared in the most glorious expeditions of that 
 republic ; which was a feature of their politics. 
 They were unwilling to hamper their liberty 
 with the chains of oaths and treaties ; in order 
 that, continuing free, and their own masters, 
 they might either aid the kings in distress, or 
 be supported by them upon occasion. In the 
 
 4 Qui acerrimd adversfts eos dicit, ita dicit ; hostes vo- 
 iuisse fieri. Et quis tandem est nostrCimj qui, quod ad 
 sese attinet, Bequum censeat quempiam pcenas dare ob 
 earn rem, qu5d arguatur maid facere voluisse ? nemo 
 opinor : nam ego, quod ad me attinet, nolim. 
 
 6 Rhodienses superbos esse aiunt ; id objectantes quod 
 mihi a liberis meis minimd dici velim. Sint sand superbi. 
 Quid id ad nos attinet ? Idne irascimini, siquis superbior 
 est quam nos ? 
 
 6 This might amount to about 6000^. reckoning the 
 pi2ce of gold (xj'^'^*'-'?) at twelve shillings, or there- 
 abouts. 
 
 SUCCESSORS. 587 
 
 present conjuncture they earnestly demanded to 
 be admitted as allies, not to secure themselves j 
 against other powers, for they were in no ap- 
 prehensions of any besides the Romans, but to 
 remove, by that change of conduct, all suspi- 
 cions that might have been conceived to the 
 prejudice of their republic. The alliance was 
 not, however, granted them at this time. They 
 did not obtain it till the f llowing year ; nor 
 then without long and warm solicitations. Ti- 
 berius Gracchus, on his return from Asia, 
 whither he had been sent in quality of commis- 
 sioner, to examine into its condition, was of 
 great service to them upon this occasion. He 
 declared that the Rhodians had punctually 
 obeyed the senate's orders, and had condemned 
 the partisans of Perseus to death. After so 
 favourable a report, the Rhodians were admit- 
 ted into the alliance of the Roman republic. j 
 
 1 have before observed,' that the ^tolians 
 had presented themselves before Paulus Mm\- 
 lius in mourning habits, at his return from his 
 expedition into Greece, and that he had given 
 them audience at Amphipolis, The subject of | 
 their complaints was, that Lyciscus and Tisip- j 
 pus, whom the influence of the Romans, to i 
 whose interests they were devoted, rendered j 
 very powerful in -Si^tolia, had surrounded the ! 
 senate with soldiers, lent them by Bsebius, who j 
 commanded in the province for the Romans ; I 
 that they had put to death 550 of the priiicipal 
 persons of the nation, whose sole crime was 
 their having seemed to favour Perseus ; that a 
 great number of others had been sent into 
 banishment ; and that the estates, both of the 
 one and the other, had been abandoned to their 
 accusers. Paulus iEmilius listened to their 
 complaints. The investigation was confined to 
 inquiring, not on which side the inju.stice and 
 violence had been committed, but whether the ! 
 parties concerned had been for Perseus or the { 
 Romans. The murderers were acquitted. The ! 
 deceased were declared to have been justly put I 
 to death, and the exiles to have been justly 
 banished. Bsebius only was condemned for 
 having lent his aid in this bloody execution j 
 but why condemned if it was just? or if not, 
 why were those acquitted who had been the 
 principal authors of it ? 
 
 This sentence gave great terror to all who 
 had expressed any favourable inclination for 
 Perseus, and exceedingly increased the pride 
 and insolence of the partisans of Rome. The 
 principal persons of each city were divided into 
 three factions. The one were entirely devoted 
 to the Romans ; others adhered to the party of 
 the kings ; both making their court to their pro- 
 tectors by abject flatteries, and thereby render- 
 ing themselves powerful in their cities, which 
 they held in an oppressive subjection. A third 
 kind of citizens, in opposition to the other tvs^o, j j 
 observed a kind of medium, neither taking part } 
 with the Romans nor the kings ; but publicly i 
 asserting the defence of their laws and liberty. 
 The latter, at bottom, were much esteemed and j 
 beloved in their several cities; but had no 
 authority. All offices, embassies, honours, and } 
 rewards, were conferred solely upon those who j 
 espoused the Roman interest, after the defeat of j 
 Perseus ; and they employed their credit in | 
 utterly destroying all those who differed from 
 themselves in opinion. 
 
 i t l.iv. 1. xlv. n. 28—3?. 
 
588 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 In this view they repaii'eti in groat numbers, 
 ' from all parts of Greece, to the ten commis- 
 sioners, appointed by the senate to reguldte af- 
 fah's. They gave them to understand that, be- 
 : sides those who had declared publicly for Pei'se- 
 1 us, there were abundance of others secretly the 
 I enemies of Rome, who, under the pretence of 
 I defending their liberty, influenced the whole 
 people against them ; and that those cities would 
 never continue quiet, and perfectly subject to 
 the Romans, unless, after the contrary party 
 were entirely reduced, the authority of those 
 who had only the interest of the Roman com- 
 monwealth at heart was fully established. The 
 ' ten commissioners perfectly relished those rea~ 
 j sons, and made them the rule of their conduct. 
 I What justice could be expected from an assem- 
 ! bly that was determined to consider and treat 
 j all as criminals who were not of the Roman 
 party ; and to reward all who should declare 
 themselves their accusei's and enemies, with the 
 highest graces and favours ? We see here to what 
 i lengths ambition and the lust of empire carry 
 ! mankind. They make men blind to all sense of 
 j duty and decency, and induce them to sacrifice 
 1 justice, as well as every thing else, when it op- 
 ! p'>ses their views. The virtue of the Pagans 
 j v^as but a weak and very fluctuating principle. 
 
 That appeared evidently upon this occasion, 
 j The Roman general, to whom a list had been 
 j given of all those who were suspected, ordered 
 them to attend him, from jEtolia, Acarnania, 
 Epirus, and Bceotia, and to follow him to Rome, 
 there to make their defence. Commissioners 
 were sent also into Asia, in order to take infor- 
 mations against such as, in public or private, 
 I had favoured Perseus. 
 
 i Of all the small states of 
 
 A. M. 3837. Greece,' none gave the Ro- 
 Ant. J. C. 167. man republic so much um- 
 brage as the Achaean league, 
 which till then had continued formidable by the 
 number and valour of their troops, by the abi- 
 lity of their generals, and, above all, by the union 
 that reigned between all the cities of which it 
 was composed. The Romans, jealous of a 
 power that might prove an obstacle to their am- 
 bitious designs, especially if they should join the 
 king of Macedonia, or the king of Syria, spared 
 no pains to weaken it by introducing divisions, 
 and gaining creatui'es, whom they raised by 
 their credit to all employments, and by whose 
 means they influenced the decisions in all the 
 assemblies of the league. We have seen what 
 passed in the aff'air of the Spartan exiles. But 
 it was in the conjuncture we now speak of, 
 that the Romans gave the last stroke to their 
 liberty. 
 
 After the defeat of Perseus, Callicrates, to 
 complete with the Romans, to whom he had 
 sold himself, the ruin of the partizans of liberty, 
 whom he looked upon as his enemies, had the 
 boldness to accuse by name all those to the ten 
 commissioners, whom he suspected to have had 
 any inclination to support Perseus. They did not 
 think it would be sufficient to write to the 
 Achaeans, as they had done to other states, com- 
 manding them to send such of their citizens to 
 Rome, as were accused of having favoured Per- 
 seus ; but they sent two deputies to declare in 
 person that order to the league. Two reasons 
 
 1 Liv, 1. xlv. n. 31. Pausan. in Achaic. p. 416, 417. 
 
 induced them to act in this manner. 'J'he first 
 was, their fear that the Achaeans, who were 
 very jealous of their liberty, and full of valour, 
 should refuse obedience to mere letters that 
 should be written them ; and that Callicrates, 
 and the other informers, would run the risk of 
 their lives in the assembly : the second, because 
 in the letters which had been found amongst 
 Perseus's papers, nothing appeared to convict 
 the accused Achseans. 
 
 The two commissionei's sent into Achaia were 
 C. Claudius and Cn. Domitius iEnobarbus. 
 One of them, more abandoned to injustice than 
 the other (Pausanias does not say whichi com- 
 plained, in the assembly, that many of the most 
 powerful persons of the league had assisted Per- 
 seus against the Romans, and demanded that 
 they should be condemned as deserving death, 
 after which he would name them. The whole 
 assembly was shocked at this proposal, and cried 
 out on all sides, that it was an unheard of thing 
 to condemn persons before it was known who 
 they were, and pressed him to make known the 
 guilty. Being urged repeatedly to explain him- 
 self, he replied, at the suggestion of Callicrates, 
 that all who had been in office, and commanded 
 the armies, had rendered themselves guilty ot 
 that crime. Xenon, upon that, who was a per- 
 son of great credit, and very much respected by 
 the league, spoke to this effect : " I have com< 
 manded the armies, and have had the honour to 
 be the chief magistrate of the league ; I protest 
 that 1 have never acted in any thing contrary to 
 the interests of the Romans, which I am ready 
 to prove either in the assembly of the Achaeans, 
 or at Rome before the senate." The Roman 
 took hold of this expression as favourable to his 
 designs, and decreed, that all those who had 
 been charged by Callicrates should be sent to 
 Rome, in order to justify themselves there. 
 The whole assembly was in the highest affliction 
 upon this sentence. Nothing like it had ever 
 been known, even under Philip, or his son Al- 
 exander. Those X)rinces, though irresistibly 
 powerful, never conceived the thought of caus- 
 ing such as opposed them to be bi'ought int<) 
 Macedonia, but referred the trying of them to 
 the council of the Amphictyons, their natui'al 
 judges. The Romans did not imitate their mo- 
 deration ; but, by a conduct which may justly 
 be called tyrannical, caused above 1000 of ih'e 
 most considerable citizens of the Achaean league 
 to be seized and conveyed to Rome. Callicrates 
 became more than ever the object of horror and 
 detestation to all the Achaeans. All people 
 avoided meeting him, and shunned him as an 
 infamous traitor ; and no one would bathe in 
 the public baths after him, till all the water had 
 been first emptied out of them. 
 
 Polybius, the celebrated historian, was of the 
 number of these exiles. We have seen Lycor- 
 tas, his father, distinguish himself by the forti- 
 tude and constancy with which he supported 
 the interests of the Achaean league during his 
 government of it. He had taken particular 
 care of the education of his son. In politics, 
 Polybius had Lycortas his father, a great states- 
 man, for his master ; and in war, Philopoemen, 
 one of the most able and intrepid generals of an- 
 tiquity. It was under these tutors that he im- 
 bibed those learned lessons in the art of govern- 
 ment and war which he practised himself, and 
 has transmitted to posterity in his writings. 
 
 As soon as he arrived at Rome, whither his 
 reputation had reached before him, his meiit 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 nade the greatest men of the republic cultivate 
 his friendship. He was particularly intimate 
 with the two sons of Paulus JCmilius, the eldest 
 of whom had been adopted into the family of 
 the Fabii, and the youngest into that of the Sci- 
 pios. The latter had been adopted by P. Cor- 
 nelius Scipio, son of Scipio Africanus, who 
 conquered Hannibal. I have enlarged suffi- 
 ciently, in the conclusion of the history of the 
 Carthaginians, upon the intimate friendship of 
 Polybius with this second son of Paulus JEm\- 
 lius, who afterwards conquered Carthage and 
 Numantia. That young Roman perceived the 
 value of such a friend, and knew how to apply 
 his lessons and advice to the best advantage. It 
 is very pi-obable that Polybius composed the 
 greatest part of his history, or at least collected 
 his materials for it, at Rome. 
 
 When the Achseans arrived at Rome, the se 
 nate, without hearing or examining their cause, 
 supposing, without any foundation, and con- 
 trary to the most known truth, that they had 
 been tried and sentenced in the assembly of the 
 Achseans, banished them into diflFerent towns 
 of Italy. Polybius was excepted from that 
 number. 
 
 The Achseans,^ surprised and afflicted with 
 the fate of their countrymen, sent deputies to 
 Rome, to demand that the senate would vouch- 
 safe to take cognizance of their cause. They 
 were answered that it had been done, and that 
 they had adjudged it themselves. Upon that 
 reply, the Achseans sent back the same deputies 
 to Rome (with Eurseas at their head) to protest 
 again before the senate, that the Achseans had 
 never been heard by their country, and that 
 their affair had never been brought to a trial. 
 Euraeas, in consequence, entered the senate with 
 the other deputies who accompanied him, and 
 declared the orders he had received, praying, 
 that they would take cognizance of the accusa- 
 tion, and not suffer the accused to perish with- 
 out passing sentence upon the crime they were 
 charged with. That it were to be wished the 
 senate would examine the affair themselves, and 
 make known the guilty ; but, in case their other 
 great affairs should not afford them leisure for 
 such inquiry, they had only to refer it to the 
 Achseans, who would do them justice in such a 
 manner as should evince the greatness of their 
 aversion for the guilty. Nothing was more 
 equitable than this demand, and the senate was 
 very much at a loss how to answer it. On the 
 one side, they did not think it proper to try the 
 cause, for the accusation was groundless ; on 
 the other, to dismiss the exiles without passing 
 judgment upon them, was to lose irrecoverably 
 all their friends in Achaia. The senate, in or- 
 der to leave the Greeks no hopes of retrieving 
 their exiles, and to render them thereby more 
 submissive to their orders, wrote into Achaia to 
 Caliicrates, and into the other states to the par- 
 tisans of the Romans, that it did not appear to 
 them that the return of the exiles was consis- 
 tent with their interest, or with that of their 
 country. This answer not only threw the ex- 
 iles, but all the people of Greece, into a conster- 
 nation. A universal mourning succeeded it. 
 They were convinced that there was nothing 
 farther to hope for the accused Achseans, and 
 that their banishment was perpetual. 
 
 However, they sent new deputies,^ with in- 
 
 structions to demand the return of the exiles : 
 but as suppliants, and as a favour ; lest in tak- i 
 ing upon them their defence, they should seem [ 
 in the slightest degree to oppose the will of the | 
 senate. There did not escape any thing in their j 
 harangue that was not very well weighed, and 
 sufficiently reserved. Notwithstanding which, | 
 the senate continued inflexible, and declared : 
 that they would persist in the regulations al- ; 
 ready made. I 
 The Achseans,* without ! 
 A. M. 3844. being disheartened, appoint- 
 Ant. J. C. 160. ed several deputations at dif- 
 ferent times, but with no 
 better success; they were particularly ordered 
 to demand the return of Polybius. They were 
 in the right to persevere thus in their applica- 
 tions to the senate in favour of their country- 
 men. Though their repeated solicitations had 
 no other effect than to place the injustice of the j 
 Romans in full light, they could not be consid- j 
 ered as unnecessary. Many of the senators | 
 were moved with them, and were of opinion 
 that it was proper to send home the exiles. 
 
 The Achseans,* having received advice of this 
 favourable disposition, in order to improve it to 
 their advantage, appointed a last deputation. 
 The exiles had been already banished seventeen 
 years, and a great number of them were dead. 
 There were very warm debates upon the sub- 
 ject in the senate; some being for their return 
 into their own country, and restored to the pos- 
 session of their estates ; and others opposing it, 
 Scipio, at the request of Polybius, had solicited 
 Cato in favour of the exiles. That grave sena- 
 tor, rising up to speak in his turn ; " To see 
 us," said he, " dispute a whole day, whether 
 some poor old men of Greece shall be interred by 
 our grave-diggers, or those of their own country, 
 would not one believe that we had nothing at 
 all to do?" That pleasantry was all thai was 
 wanting to make the senate ashamed of their 
 obstinate perseverance, and to induce them to 
 send back the exiles into Peloponnesus. Poly- 
 bius was anxious that they might be reinstated 
 in all the honours and dignities they possessed 
 before their banishment ; but before he present- 
 ed that request to the senate, he thought proper 
 to sound Cato upon it, who told him, smiling. 
 " Polybius, you do not imitate the wisdom of 
 Ulysses. You are for returning into the cave of 
 the Cyclops for some miserable tatters you 
 have left there." The exiles 
 A. M. 3854. accordingly returned into 
 Ant. J. C. 150. their country; but of the 
 thousand that left it, only 
 about three hundred remained. Polybius made 
 no use of this permission ; or if he did, he soon 
 rejoined Scipio, since, three years after, he was 
 with him at the siege of Carthage. 
 
 'SECT. II. 
 
 Mean flattery of Prusia?, king of Bithynia, in the senate. 
 Eumenes, becoming suspected by the Romans, is not suf. 
 fered to enter Rome. Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, 
 dies, and is succeeded by a son of the same name. 
 Death of Eumenes. Attains, his brother, succeeds ] 
 him, as guardian to his son, then very young. War j 
 between Attalus and Prusias. The latter, havmg form- j 
 ed the design of puling his son Nicomedes to death, is | 
 
 2 Po'yb l^eg. cv. 
 
 4 Polyb. Legat. cxxix, cxxx. 
 
 5 Plut. in Cato, Cens, p. 341. 
 
 J 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 killed by him. Embassy of three celebrated Athenian 
 philosophers to Rome. Another from the people of 
 I Marseiiles. Digression upon the city of Marseilles. 
 
 After the defeat of Perseus, new embassies 
 came every day to Rome, either to congratulate 
 the Romans upon their victory, or to justify or 
 excuse themselves for the attachment they had 
 seemed to have to that prince ; and some came 
 I to lay complaints before the senate in regard to 
 I some allies. We have seen hitherto what re- 
 lates to the Rhodians and Achseans. In this 
 section 1 shall collect what concerns Eumenes 
 king of Pergamus, Prusias king of Bithynia, 
 and some other particular affairs. 
 
 Prusias being come to 
 A. M. 3838. Rome,' to pay to the senate 
 Ant. J. C. 16G. and Roman people his com- 
 pliments of congratulation 
 upon the good success of the war against Per- 
 seus, dishonoured the royal dignity by his abject 
 flattery. At his reception by the deputies ap- 
 pointed by the senate for that purpose, he ap- 
 peared with his head shaved, and with the cap, 
 i habit, and shoes and stockings of a slave made 
 free; and, saluting the deputies, " You see," 
 said he, " one of your freed-men ready to fulfil 
 whatsoever j'ou shall please to command, and 
 to conform entirely to all your customs." When 
 he entered the senate, he stood at the door facing 
 the senators, who were seated, and prostrating 
 himself, kissed the threshold. Afterwards, ad- 
 dressing himself to the assembly, " I salute 
 you, ye gods, preservers," cried he ; and went 
 on with a discourse suitable to that preamble. 
 Polybius says, that he should be ashamed to re- 
 peat it. He concluded with demanding, that 
 the Roman people would renew the alliance 
 with him, and grant him certain lands taken 
 from Antiochus, of which the Gauls had pos- 
 sessed themselves without any right or preten- 
 sion. He then recommended his son Nicomedes 
 to them. All he asked was granted him ; only 
 commissioners were appointed to examine into 
 the condition of the lands in question. Livy, 
 in his account of this audience, omits the abject 
 submissions of Prusias ; of which he pretends 
 the Roman historians say nothing : he contents 
 himself with mentioning, in the conclusion, 
 part of what Polybius had said before ; and not 
 without good reason. For that base deportment 
 at least dishonoured the senate as much who 
 suffered, as the prince who acted it. 
 
 Prusias had scarce left Rome,^ when advice 
 came that Eumenes was upon the point of en- 
 tering it. That news gave the senate great per- 
 plexity. Eumenes, in the war against Perseus, 
 had behaved in such a manner that they could 
 neither consider him as a friend nor an enemy. 
 There was ground for violent suspicions, but 
 no certain proofs against him. To admit him 
 I to an audience was to declare him innocent : to 
 i condemn him as guilty was to lay them under 
 the necessity of a war with him, and to pro- 
 claim to all the world that they had been de- 
 ficient in prudence, by loading a prince with 
 favours and honours, with whose character 
 they were little acquainted. To avoid these in- 
 conveniences, the senate made a decree, by 
 which, under the pretext that the reception of 
 kings was too great an expense to the republic. 
 
 1 Polyb. in Legat. xcvii. Liv. lib. xlv. n. 44. 
 2 Polyb. Legat. xcvii. 
 
 they forbade all kings in general to enter that 
 city, and caused that ordinance to be signified to 
 the king of Pergamus, who was at no loss to 
 comprehend its meaning. He returned, there- 
 fore, into his own dominions. 
 
 This affront encouraged 
 
 A. M. 3839. his enemies and cooled the 
 Ant. J. C. 165. affection of his allies.^ Pru- 
 sias sent ambassadors to 
 Rome, to complain against him for the irrup- 
 tions he made into Bithynia. He added, that 
 Eumenes held secret intelligence with Anti- 
 ochus ; that he treated ail those injuriously who 
 seemed to favour the Romans, and particularly 
 the Gallo-Grsecians, his neighbours, in contra- 
 diction to the senate's decrees in their behalf. 
 That people had also sent deputies to Rome with 
 their complaints; which they afterwards re- 
 peated several times, as well as Prusias. The 
 senate did not yet declai'e themselves. They 
 contented themselves with covertly aiding and 
 supporting the Gallo-Grsecians to the utmost of 
 their power, without doing any manifest injus- 
 tice to Eumenes. 
 
 The king of Pergamus, who had been forbid, 
 den entrance into Rome, sent his brothers, At- 
 tains and Athenseus, thither, to answer the ac- 
 cusations with which he was charged. The 
 apology they made seemed fully to confute all 
 the complaints that had been alleged against the 
 king, and the senate were so well satisfied with 
 it, that they sent them back into Asia laden with 
 honours and presents. They did not, however, 
 entirely efface the prejudices conceived against 
 their brother. The senate despatched Sulpici- 
 us Gallus and Manius Sergius, with orders to 
 inform themselves secretly whether Antiochus 
 and Eumenes were not concerting some design 
 against the Romans. 
 
 Sulpicius'' acted in this commission with very 
 great imprudence. He was a vain man, and 
 aimed at appearing important, by declaring 
 against Eumenes. When he arrived in Asia, 
 he caused all the cities to be informed, that such 
 as had any complaints to make, in regard tr 
 that prince, might repair to him at Sardis. 
 And there for ten days he hearkened quietly to 
 all the accusations people thought fit to form 
 against Eumenes ; a liberty that set all malecon- 
 tents at work, and opened a door for all man- 
 ner of calumnies. 
 
 Tiberius Gracchus, whom 
 A. M. 3840. the senate sent the following 
 Ant. J. C. 164. year into Asia upon the 
 same account, was received 
 by Eumenes and Antiochus in a manner which 
 convinced him there was nothing to fear from 
 those two kings, and induced him to make his 
 report to the senate accordingly. He gave an 
 equally favourable account of the conduct of 
 Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, whose sister 
 Eumenes had married. That prince died some 
 time after. His son Aria- 
 A. M. 3842. rathes, surnamed Philopa- 
 Ant. J. C. 162. tor,* succeeded him. He 
 had him by Antiochis, the 
 daughter of Antiochus the Great, and intended, 
 when he came of age, to i-esign his kingdom to 
 him, to which his son would never consent ; 
 fi-om whence he was called Philopator, that is, 
 
 S Polyb. Legat. xcvii. cii. civ. cv. cvi. cxix. :;xxi. 
 4 Ibid ill K.xcerpt. Vales, p. 145. 
 .5 Diod F.clng p. 89.n. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 591 
 
 over of his J'ullier : an action highly laudable, in 
 an age wherein it was no uncommon thing to 
 acquire kingdoms by parricide. 
 
 As soon as the young king ascended the 
 throne he sent deputies to Rome,® to demand 
 that the treaty, which his father had made with 
 the Romans, should be renewed, which was 
 granted him with praises. 
 
 Some time after,'' not- 
 A. M. 3845. withstanding Eumenes aid- 
 Ant. J. C. 159. ed him with all his forces, 
 he was dethroned by Deme- 
 trius, king of Syria, and one of his elder bro- 
 thers set in his place, who was a supposititious 
 child, named Holofernes. Ariarathes took re- 
 fuge at Rome. The usurp- 
 A M. .8847. er and Demetrius sent their 
 Ant. J. C. 157. ambassadors also thither. 
 
 The senate decreed, that the 
 two brothei-s should reign jointly. It was a 
 policy sufficiently frequent with the Romans to 
 divide kingdoms between brothers, in order to 
 weaken them by that partition, and sow the 
 seeds of an eternal division between them. 
 Attains, in the first year of his reign, re-esta- 
 blished him in the sole possession of the throne, 
 having conquered and expelled his competitor. 
 
 Eumenes was always sus- 
 A. M. 3845. pected by the Romans, and 
 Ant. J. C. 159. almost continually at war 
 with Prusias, or the Gallo- 
 Grecians. He died at length, after having 
 reigned thirty-eight years.^ He left for his suc- 
 cessor in the kingdom his son Attains,^ sur- 
 named Philometor, then an infant, whom be 
 had by Stratonice, sister to Ariarathes, and ap- 
 pointed as guardian of his son, and regent of 
 his kingdom, his brother Attains Philadelphus, 
 who governed the kingdom one-and-twenty 
 years. 
 
 Polybius bestows great praises on Eumenes. 
 The body of that prince, says he, was weak and 
 delicate, but his soul great, and abounding with 
 the most noble sentiments. He was inferior to 
 none of the kings who were his contempora- 
 ries in many other qualities, and excelled them 
 all in the nobleness of his inclinations. The 
 kingdom of Pergamus, when he received it from 
 his father, consisted only of a very small num- 
 ber of cities, which scarce deserved that name. 
 He rendered it so powerful, that it might have 
 disputed pre-eminence with almost all the great- 
 est kingdoms. He owed nothing either to 
 chance or fortune ; — I still use the words of Po- 
 lybius. Every thing was the result of his pru- 
 dence, assiduity, and activity. From his fond- 
 ness for true glory, he did more good to Greece, 
 and enriched more private persons, than any 
 prince of his time. To finish his character, he 
 possessed so fully the art of engaging the re- 
 spect of his three brothers, and of keeping them 
 within bounds by his authority, without letting 
 them perceive it, that though they were all of 
 age and capacity to act for themselves, and 
 shared with him in the functions of the sove- 
 reignty, they never failed in point of submis- 
 sion, but continued always in perfect union, 
 and, with equal zeal for his service, assisted him 
 
 6 Polyb. I.egat. cxxi. 7 Ibid, cxxxvi. 
 
 8 Strabo says, he reigned forty -tliree years, but that is 
 presumed to be an error. 
 
 9 Strabo, 1. xiii. p. fi34. 
 10 Polyb. in Exeinpl. Virt. el Vit. p. 166. 
 
 ^ in defending and aggi-andizing the kingdom. 
 
 ' It would be difficult to find such an example ot 
 authority over brothers, joined with unalterable 
 concord and union. 
 
 I ought not, in this place, to omit one thing, 
 which does great honour to the memory of Eu- 
 menes ; that is, his having founded the famous 
 library of Pergamus, or at least considerably 
 augmented it. 
 
 The division which had 
 A. M. S848. almost perpetually subsisted 
 Ant. J. C. 156. between Prusias and Eu- 
 menes,'' continued under 
 A. M. 3849. Attains, who succeeded the 
 Ant. J. C. 155. latter. Prusias, having been 
 victorious in a battle, enter- 
 ed Pergamus, and, violently enraged and afflict- 
 ed that he had failed of seizing Attalus, let fall 
 the weight of his revenge upon the statues and 
 temples of the gods ; burning and destroying all 
 before him in his march. Attalus sent his bro- 
 ther Athenseus to Rome, to implore aid of the 
 senate, who sent several embassies at different 
 times to forbid Prusias to continue the war 
 against Attalus ; but he eluded those orders ei- 
 ther by dc4ays, or even by ti-eachery, having 
 once attempted, under pretence of an interview, 
 to seize the Roman ambassador and Attalus. 
 His design was discovered, and the execution of 
 it prevented : but his crime was not the less 
 upon that account. Rome at other times would 
 have punished it with the destruction of his 
 kingdom. She was at present contented with 
 sending ten commissioners, with instructions 
 to put an end to this war, and to oblige Prusias 
 to make Attalus satisfaction for the damages he 
 j had done him. Attalus, however, with the aid 
 of his allies, had assembled numerous forces both 
 by sea and land. All things were prepared for 
 I opening the campaign, when news came that 
 ! the commissioners were arrived. Attalus join- 
 I ed them. After some conferences upon the 
 I present affair, they set out for Bithynia, where 
 they declared to jprusias the orders they were 
 charged with from the senate. That prince was 
 willing to accept part of the conditions prescribed 
 him ; but refused to comply with most of the 
 rest. The commissioners, exasperated at his 
 rejecting them, broke the alliance and amity 
 with him, and resuming immediately their 
 route to Pergamus, left Prusias in terrible ap- 
 prehensions. They advised Attalus to keep with 
 his army upon the frontiers of his kingdom, 
 without being the first to commit hostilities; 
 and some of them returned to Rome, to inform 
 the senate of the rebellion of Prusias. At 
 length he opened his eyes, and new commission- 
 ers from Rome obliged him to lay down his 
 arms, and sign a treaty of peace which they 
 presented him. This treaty imported, that 
 Prusias should give immediately twenty decked 
 ships to Attalus ; that he should pay 500 talents 
 (500,000 crowns) within twenty years ; and 
 that the two kings should keep within the 
 bounds of their own dominions, as they stood 
 before the war : that Prusias, in reparation of 
 the damage he had done upon the lands of some 
 neighbouring cities, which were named, should 
 pay them 100 talents (100,000 crowns). When 
 he had accepted and signed these conditions, 
 Attalus drew off his troops both by sea and land 
 into his own kingdom. In this manner ended 
 
 11 Polyb. Legat. cxxviii. cxxix. cxxxiii. cxxxv. cxxxvi. 
 
592 
 
 HISTOR'i: C.U' 
 
 i 
 
 the war, occasioned by the differences between 
 Attalus and Prusias. 
 
 Attalus the younger,' the son of Eumenes, 
 w^hen the peace was concluded between the two 
 states, made a voyage to Rome, in order to 
 make himself known to the senate, to demand 
 the continuance of their amity, and, without 
 doubt, to thank them also for the protection 
 they had granted his uncle, who reigned in his 
 name. He received from the senate all the 
 marks of favour he could expect, and all the 
 honours suitable to his years ; after which he 
 set out for his own dominions. 
 
 Prusias also sent after- 
 
 A. M. S855. wards his son Nicomedes to 
 Ant. J. C. 149. Rome;' and knowing that he 
 was highly respected there, 
 he gave him instructions to demand that the 
 senate would remit him the remainder of the 
 sum he was to pay Attalus. He joined Menas 
 with him in this embassy, to whom he had 
 given secret orders to despatch the young prince, 
 in oi-der to advance his children by a second 
 wife. The favour demanded by Prusias was 
 refused, Attalus's ambassadors demonstrating 
 that the whole sum was far from being equal 
 to the losses his master had sustained. 
 
 Menas, instead of execut- 
 
 A. M. 3856. ing the horrid commission 
 Ant. J. C. 148. he was charged with, dis- 
 covered the whole to Nico- 
 medes. The young prince having quitted Rome 
 to return into Bithynia, thought it incumbent 
 on him to prevent the murderous designs of his 
 father. Supported by the assistance of Attalus, 
 he revolted against him, and drew over the 
 gi-eatest part of the people to his side ; for Pru- 
 sias was universally hated for his oppressions 
 and cruelties. That unfortunate prince, aban- 
 doned by a'll his subjects, took refuge in a tem- 
 ple, where he was slain by soldiers sent by 
 Nicomedes, or, according to some, by Nico- 
 medes himself. What horrors on each side! 
 Prusias was called the Imnter, and had reigned 
 at least six-and- thirty years. It was with him 
 Hannibal had taken refuge. 
 
 The king of Bithynia's person had nothing 
 in it to prejudice people in his favour ; nor was 
 his mind more to his advantage. He was in 
 size but half a man,^ and a mere woman as to 
 valour and bravery. He was not only timo- 
 rous, but delicate, and incapable of fatigue ; in 
 a word, equally effeminate in body and mind ; 
 defects by no means amiable in a king, and 
 least of all amongst the Bithynians. Polite 
 learning, philosophy, and all other liberal sci- 
 ences connected with them, were entirely foreign 
 to him. In short, he had no manner of idea of 
 moral rectitude or beauty. Night and day he 
 lived a true Sardanapalus. So that his subjects, 
 upon the first dawn of hope, joined with the 
 utmost ardour in measures against him, and to 
 punish him in the same manner in which he 
 had governed them. 
 
 I have deferred speaking of two embassies, 
 which aiTived at Rome very near the same 
 time. 
 
 The one came from the 
 A. M. 8849. Athenians, who having been 
 Ant. J. C. 155. condemned by a sentence 
 passed on them by the Sicy- 
 
 1 Polyb. Legat. cxl. 
 « Aoplan. in Mithnciat. ]). 175. Justhi. 1. Ixxxiv. c 4. 
 Polyb. in Excerpt p I7'i, 174. 
 
 onians,* but under the authority of the Roman 
 senate, in a fine of 500 talents, for having laid 
 waste the lands of the city of Oropus, sent to 
 demand the remission of that fine. The am- 
 bassadors were thi'ee celebrated philosophers; 
 Carneades, of the sect of the Academics ; Dio- 
 genes, of the Stoics; and Critolaus, of the Peri- 
 patetics. The taste for eloquence and philoso- 
 phy had not yet made its way so far as Rome ; 
 it was about the time of which we are speaking 
 that it began to spread there, and the reputation 
 of these three philosophers did not a little con- 
 tribute to it. The young people of Rome, who 
 had any taste for the sciences, made it an hon- 
 our and amusement to visit them, and were 
 struck with admiration in hearing them, espe- 
 cially Carneades, whose lively and graceful elo- 
 quence, in which solidity and elegance were 
 conjoined, transported and enchanted them. It 
 was the general topic of conversation, that a 
 Greek of extraordinary merit was arrived, who, 
 from his great knowledge, was more than man, 
 and who, in calming and softening the most 
 violent passions by his eloquence, inspired youth 
 with a kind of love, which made them renounce 
 all other pleasures and employments, to devote 
 themselves wholly to philosophy. He had for 
 his auditors all the most considerable persons o( 
 Rome. His discourses, translated into Latin 
 by one of the senators, were in all hands. All 
 liome saw, with great joy, their children apply 
 themselves to the Grecian leai*ning, and attach 
 themselves to those wnderful men. Cato alone 
 seemed sorry for it : a])prehending that this taste 
 for polite learning \^ould extinguish that for 
 military knowledge ; and that they would pre- 
 fer the glory of speaking to that of acting well. 
 The example of the second Scipio Africanus, 
 educated at the same time under the care of 
 Polybius, in a taste for the sciences, demon- 
 strates how ill founded that prejudice of Cato's 
 was. Be this as it may, he warmly repi'oached 
 the senators for keeping the ambassadors so long 
 in the city ; and having caused the affair that 
 brought them thither to be despatched, he has- 
 tened their departure. By a decree of the se- 
 nate, the fine, in which the Athenians had been 
 condemned, was mitigated, and the 500 talents 
 reduced to 100. 
 
 The other embassy was sent by the people of 
 Marseilles.^ They had already been often ha- 
 rassed by the Ligurians : but at the time of 
 which we now speak, they were reduced to the 
 last exti-emities, and sent ambassadors to Rome 
 to implore aid of the senate. They came to a 
 resolution to send deputies to the Ligurians, to 
 incline them to sentiments of peace and equity 
 by mild measures and negotiation. Such con- 
 duct made them only the more haughty, and 
 they carried their insolence so far as to offer 
 indignities to the deputies, and to violate the 
 law of nations in their persons. The senate be- 
 ing informed of this unhappy affair, made the 
 consul Quintus Opimius march immediately 
 against them with an army. He laid siege to 
 thecity^ where the insult had been offered to 
 the Roman ambassadors, took it by storm, made 
 slaves of the inhabitants, and sent the principal 
 authors of the affront bound and fettered ti 
 Rome, to be punished there according to theii 
 deserts. The Ligurians were beaten in sevei ai 
 
 4 Cic. 1. ii. de Orat n. 155. Aul. Gel. 1, vii. c. 14. 
 5 Folyb. Legat. cxjuti. & cx>x;v. 
 6 Egitna. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 593 
 
 I battles, and cut to pieces, 'i'lie victor distri- 
 j buted all the conquered lands aniongst the pco- 
 I pie of Marseilles. He ordered the Ligurians to 
 1 send hostages to Marseilles, which were to be 
 ! exchanged for others from time to time ; in 
 \ order to lay a curb upon them, and prevent 
 j them from molesting the people of Marseilles, 
 as they had done till then. 
 
 Rome had always held the people of Mar- 
 seilles in extreme consideration, founded upon 
 their extraordinary merit, and the inviolable 
 fidelity with which they had constantly adhered 
 to the party of the Romans. They came origi- 
 nally from Phocsea,^ a city of Ionia. When 
 Cyrus sent Harpagus to besiege it, the inhabi- 
 tants, rather than submit to the yoke of the 
 Barbarians, as so many others had done, em- 
 barked with their wives and children, and all 
 their effects ; and after various adventures, hav- 
 ing cast a mass of red-hot iron into the sea, 
 they all engaged themselves by oath never to 
 I return to Phocaea, till that iron should swim 
 j upon the water. Afterwards, having landed 
 ! upon the coast of Gaul, near the mouth of the, 
 j Rhone, they settled there by the consent of the 
 king of the country, and built a city since called 
 Marseilles. Some authors suppose that this 
 city was already in existence, and had been 
 founded by an ancient colony of these same 
 Phocaeans in the reign of Tarquinius Priscus, 
 about the second year of the 45th Olympiad, 
 and 600 years before the birth of Jesus Christ ; 
 and that those who fled from Harpagus, and 
 I came to settle here, were called the founders, 
 because they greatly increased the extent and 
 power of this city. This second foundation 
 I took place in the 60th Olympiad, about 5iO 
 j years before the birth of Jesus Christ, when 
 Servius Tullius reigned at Rome. 
 
 The king, who had received them into his 
 dominions with great kindness, being dead, his 
 son^ did not show them equal favour. The 
 growing power of their city gave him umbrage. 
 He was made to understand, that those stran- 
 gers, whom he had received into his country as 
 guests and suppliants, might one day make 
 themselves masters of it by right of conquest. 
 The fable of the bitch was made use of upon 
 this occasion, that asked her companion to lend 
 her her kennel only for eight days, till she had 
 brought forth her whelps ; then, by urgent en- 
 treaties, obtained a second term, that she might 
 have time to bring them up ; and at last, when 
 they were grown large and strong, made herself 
 absolute mistress and proprietor of the place, 
 from whence she could never afterwards be ex- 
 pelled. The Marseillese had, in consequence, at 
 first a severe war upon their hands ; but having 
 been victorious, they continued in quiet pos- 
 session of the lands that had been granted them, 
 .vithin the bounds of which they were not long 
 confined. 
 
 In process of time they settled several colo- 
 nies,^ and built several cities ; Agde, Nice, An- 
 tibes, Olbia ; which much extended their ter- 
 ritory, and augmented their power. They had 
 ports, arsenals, and fleets, which rendered them 
 formidable to their enemies. 
 
 So many new settlements contributed to the 
 spreading of the Greeks in Gaul,'° and occa- 
 sioned a wonderful change in that country. 
 
 7 Herod. 1. i. c. 164. Justin. 1. xliii. c. 3. i 
 8 Justin. 1. xliii. c 4. 9 Strab. p. 180. 
 
 10 Justin. 1, xliii. c, 4. 
 
 ilie Gauls, quitting their ancient rusticity by 
 degrees, began to be civilized, and to assume 
 more gentle manners. Instead of breathing no- 
 thing but war, they accustomed themselves to 
 the observance of the laws of a wise govern- 
 ment. They learned to improve their lands, to 
 cultivate vines, and to plant olives. Hence so 
 surprising an alteration ensued," as well in the 
 provinces as in the people who inhabited them, 
 that it might have been said, Greece was not 
 come to Gaul, but Gaul had been transferred 
 into Greece. 
 
 The inhabitants of the new city made very 
 wise laws for its polity and government, which 
 was aristocraticai ; that is to say, in the hands 
 of the elders. The council of the city was com- 
 posed of 600 senators, who continued in that 
 j function during life. Of that number fifteen 
 i were elected to take care of the current affairs, 
 and three to preside in the assemblies, in quality 
 I of principal magistrates. 
 
 j The right of hospitality was in singular esti- 
 j mution among the Marseillese,'^ and practised 
 by them with the most exalted humanity. To 
 maintain the security of the asylum which they 
 gave to strangers, no person 'was suffered to 
 enter the city with arms. Certain persons 
 were placed at the gates, whose business it was 
 to take care of the arms of ail who came in, 
 and to return them when they went out. 
 
 All entrance was barred to such as might be 
 inclined to introduce sloth and a voluptuous 
 life; and particular care was taken to banish 
 all double-dealing, falsehood, and fraud. 
 
 They piqued themselves especially upon so- 
 briety, modesty, and frugality.'^ The most 
 considerable portion amongst them did not ex- 
 ceed 100 pieces of gold ; that is to say, very near 
 100 pistoles. They were not allowed to lay out 
 more than five in dress, and as many in jewels. 
 Valerius Maximus,'* who lived in the reign of 
 Tiberius, admires the regulations of govern- 
 ment observed at Marseilles in his time. " That 
 city," says he, <' steadfastly retaining the ancient 
 severity of manners,'^ excludes fiom their thea- 
 tre those comedians whose pieces generally turn 
 upon the subject of unlawful love." The rea- 
 son given for this maxim is still finer and more 
 remarkable than the maxim itself : " Lest," 
 adds the author, " a familiarity with such sort 
 of shows should make the people the more apt 
 to imitate them." 
 
 They would not admit in funeral ceremonies 
 those indecent tears and lamentations with 
 which they are generally attended, and ordered 
 the obsequies to be terminated the same day by 
 a domestic sacrifice, and an entertainment for 
 the friends and relations of the deceased. " For 
 is it consistent to abandon ourselves to immode- 
 rate affliction,'" or to be offended at the Divinity 
 for not having thought fit to share his immoi'- 
 tality with us." 
 
 Tacitus makes mention of the city of Mar- 
 
 11 Adeb magnus et hominibus et rebus impositus est 
 ni'or, ut noii Grtecia in Galliam emigrasse, sed Gallia in 
 Gr£eciam translata videretur, Justin. 
 
 V2 Stral). 1. iv. p. 197. 13 Val. Max. 1. ii. c. 6. 
 
 14 Strab. 1. iv. p. 181. 15 Val. Max. 1. ii. c. 6. 
 
 16 Eadem civitas severitatis custos acerrima est : mil. 
 luni aditum in scenam mimis dando, quorum argumenta 
 majore ex parte stuprorum continent actus, ne talia spec- 
 tandi consuetude etiam imitandi licentiam sumat. 
 
 17 Etenim quid attinet, aut humane dolori indulgen, 
 aut divine numini invidiam fieri, qu6d immortalitfltern 
 suam nobiscum partiri noluerit? 
 
 2 P 
 
594 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 seilles highly to its praise ; the passage occurs 
 in his Life of Julius Agricola, his father-in-lavv. 
 After having spoken of the excellent education 
 he had received from the care and tender affec- 
 tion of Julia Procilla,! jjis mother, a lady of 
 extraordinary virtue, who made him pass the 
 early years of his youth in the study of those 
 arts and sciences that suited his birth and age ; 
 he adds—" What had preserved him from the 
 dancrers and disorders to which youth is gener- 
 ally exposed, was, besides his own excellent dis- 
 position, the good fortune of having from his 
 infancy the city of Marseilles for his school, in 
 the manners of whose inhabitants, the polite- 
 ness of the Greeks, and the simplicity and re- 
 serve of the provinces, were happily united."— 
 Arcebat euni ah Ulecebris peccantium, prceter ij)Si- 
 us bonam integramque naturam, quod statim par- 
 vulus sedem ac magistram studiorum Massiliam 
 habueru, locum Grceca comitate et provindali par- 
 simonid mistum ac bene compositum. 
 
 From what I have said, it may be seen, that 
 Marseilles was become a celebrated school for 
 politeness, wisdom, and virtue, and at the same 
 time for all arts and sciences. Eloquence, phi- 
 losophy, physic, mathematics, law, fabulous the- 
 ology, and all kinds of literature, were publicly 
 professed there. This city produced the most 
 ■ ancient of the learned men of the West,^ I 
 ' mean Pytheas, an excellent geographer and as- 
 tronomer, who lived in the time ot Ptolemy 
 i Philadelphus, or indeed of Alexander the Great, 
 1 They persevered constantly in cultivating the 
 arts and sciences with equal ardour and success. 
 Strabo relates, that in his time (he lived in the 
 , reign of Augustus) the young nobility of Rome 
 went to Marseilles for education ; and he pre- 
 fers that place to the city of Athens itself; 
 / which is saying a great deal. We have already 
 ' seen that it still retained that privilege in the 
 time of Tacitus the historian. 
 
 The Marseillese distinguished themselves no 
 less by the wisdom of their government, than 
 by their capacity and taste for learning. Cice- 
 ro, in one of his orations, praises highly their 
 manner of governing their republic.^ " 1 am 
 assured," says he, " that not only in Greece, 
 bat almost in all other nations, there is nothing 
 comparable to the wise polity established at 
 Marseilles. That city, so remote from the 
 country, manners, and language, of all other 
 Greeks, situate in Gaul, in the midst of barbar- 
 ous nations which surround it on all sides, is so 
 I prudently directed by the counsels of its elders, 
 ' that it is more easy to praise than imitate the 
 wisdom of its government." 
 
 They laid it down as a fundamental rule of 
 their politics,* from which they never departed, 
 to adhere inviolably to the Romans, to whose 
 manners their own were more conformable, 
 than to those of the barbarians around them. 
 
 1 Mater Julia Procilla fuit, rarje castitatis. In hujus 
 <inu indulgentiaque educatus, per omnem honestarum ar 
 Hum culturn, pueritiam adolescentiamque transegit. Ta 
 '}itus in Aericol. c. iv. 
 
 2 Voss. in Histor. Grsc. 
 
 3 Cujus ego civitatis disciplinam atque gravitatem, non 
 <nia m Gra-ciEB, sed tiaud scio an cunctis gentibus, antepo. 
 nendam jure dicam : quse tarn procul a Griscorum omni. 
 am regionibus, disciplinis, linguaque divisa, cdm in ulti 
 mis terris cincta Gallorum gentibus, barbaria; fluctibus al 
 luatur, sic optimatum consilio gubernatur, ut omnes ejus 
 instituta laudare facilius possint quam asmulari. Oral 
 pro Blacco. n. Ixiii. 
 
 4 Strab. 1. iv. p. 180 
 
 Besides which, their neighbourhood to the Li- 
 gurians, to whom each state were equally ene- 
 mies, could not but contribute to unite them by 
 their common interests; that union enabhng 
 each party to make powerful diversions on both 
 sides of the Alps. They accordingly rendered 
 the Romans great services at all times, and also 
 received considerable aids from them upon many 
 occasions. 
 
 Justin relates a fact,^ which would be very 
 much to the honour of the Marseillese, if it were 
 well authenticated. Having received advice 
 that the Gauls had taken and burned Rome, 
 they deplored that disaster which had befallen 
 their allies, as much as if it had happened to 
 their own city. Nor did they confine them- 
 selves to fruitless tears. Out of the gold and 
 silver, either belonging to the public or private 
 persons, they raised the sum in which the Gauls 
 lad taxed the conquered as the price of peace, 
 and sent it to Rome. The Romans, infinitely 
 affected with so noble an act of generosity, 
 granted Marseilles the privilege of immunity, 
 and the right of sitting amongst the senators at 
 the public shows. It is certain that,« during 
 the war with Hannibal, Marseilles aided the 
 Romans with all manner of good offices ; with- 
 out permitting the ill successes which they ex- 
 perienced in the first years of the war, and 
 which had deprived them of almost all their al- 
 lies, to shake their fidelity in the least. 
 
 In the civil war between Csesar and Pompey, 
 that city observed a conduct which well denotes 
 the wisdom of its government. Csesar,' against 
 whom they had shut their gates, caused the fif- 
 teen senators who were in supreme authority to 
 come to his camp, and represented to them that 
 he was sorry the war should begin by attacking 
 their city ; that they ought rather to submit to 
 the authority of all Italy, than to abandon them- 
 selves blindly to the desires of one man : and he 
 added all the motives most capable of persuad- 
 ing them. After having made their report to 
 the senate, they returned into the camp, and i 
 gave C«sar this answer That they knew the I 
 Roman people were divided into two parties : 
 that it did not belong to them to determine 
 which had the right on their side : that the two 
 heads of those parties were equally the protec- 
 tors of their city; and at the same time its 
 friends and benefactors. That for this reason, 
 obliged to express their gratitude alike for both, 
 it was incumbent upon them neither to assist 
 nor receive the one into their city or ports to 
 the prejudice of the other. They suffered a long 
 siege,^ in which they showed all possible va- 
 lour ; but at length, the extreme necessity to 
 which they were reduced, by the want of every 
 thing, obliged them to surrender. However 
 enraged Csesar was at so obstinate a resistance, 
 he could not refuse to the ancient reputation of 
 the city, the favour of saving it from being 
 plundered, and of preserving its citizens. 
 
 Lib. 
 
 5 Justin. 1. xliii. c. 5. 
 6 Liv. 1. xxi. n. 2U. 25, 25. Lib. xxvi. n. 19 
 xxvii. n, 36. „ , ^. , . 
 
 7 Ca2S. in Bel. Civ. 1. 1. 
 8 Intelligere se divisum esse populum in partes duas : 
 neque sui judicii, neque suarum virium decernere, utra 
 pars justiorem habeat causam : principes ver5 earum esse 
 partium Cn. Pompeium et C. Cssarem patronos civitatis. 
 —Paribus eorum beneficiis parem se quoque voluntatem 
 tribuere dcbere, et neutrum eorum, contra alterum juva- 
 re, aut urbe aut portubus recipere. 
 
 9 Caes. in Bel. Civ. L u. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 595 
 
 I should have considered myself as in some 
 measure detracting from the glory of the French 
 nation, and from that of a city which holds one 
 of the highest ranks in the kingdom, if 1 had 
 not collected in this place part of those favoura- 
 I bie reports which antiquity makes of it. 1 hope 
 the reader will pardon this digression ; which, 
 besides, comes within my plan, and forms part 
 of the Grecian history. 
 
 The affairs of Greece, Bithynia, Pergamus, 
 and some other countries, which 1 thought it 
 necessary to treat in a series, and without in- 
 terruption, have made me suspend those of Ma- 
 cedonia, Syria, and Egypt ; to which it is now 
 time to return. I shall begin with Macedonia. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 Andriscus, who gave himself out for the son of Perseus, 
 makes himself master of Macedonia, and causes himself 
 to be proclaimed king. The prator Juventius attacks 
 him, and is killed in battle with part of his army. Me- 
 tellus, who succeeds him, retrieves that loss. The 
 usurper is overthrown, taken, and sent to Rome. A 
 second and third usurper are also defeated. 
 
 Fifteen or sixteen years 
 A. M. 3852. after the defeat and death 
 Ant. J. C. 132. of Perseus, 1° Andriscus of 
 Adramyttium, a city of Tro- 
 as, in Asia Minor, a person of the meanest birth, 
 giving himself out for the son of Perseus, took 
 upon him the name of Philip, and entered Ma- 
 cedonia, in hopes of making the inhabitants of 
 the country acknowledge him for their king. 
 He had invented a story in regard to his birth, 
 which he reported wherever he passed, pretend- 
 ing that he was the son of Perseus by a concu- 
 bine, and that the prince his father had caused 
 him to be secretly brought up at Adramyttium, 
 that, in case of ill fortune in the war against 
 the Romans, some shoot of the royal line might 
 remain. I'hat after the death of Perseus, he 
 had been nurtured and brought up at Adramyt- 
 tium, till he was twelve years of age, and that 
 the person who passed for his father, finding 
 himself at the point of death, had revealed the 
 secret to his wife, and intrusted her with a 
 writing, signed by Perseus with his own hand, 
 which attested all that has been said; which 
 writing she was to deliver to him (Philip) as 
 soon as he should attain to years of discretion. 
 He added, that her husband having conjured her 
 absolutely to conceal the affair till then*, she had 
 been most faithful in keeping the secret, and 
 had delivered that important writing to him at 
 the appointed time; pressing him to quit the 
 country before the report should reach the ears 
 of Eumenes, the declared enemy of Perseus, 
 lest he should cause him to be put to death. 
 He was in hopes that he should be believed upon 
 his own word, and make Macedonia rise in his 
 favour. When he saw that every thing there 
 continued quiet, he retired into Syria, to the 
 court of Demetrius Soter, whose sister Perseus 
 had espoused. That prince, who immediately 
 perceived the fraud, caused him to be seized and 
 sent to Rome. 
 
 As he did not produce any proof of his pre- 
 tended nobility, and had nothing in his mien 
 
 10 Epitom. Liv. 1. xlviii— 1. Zonar. ex Dione. Pat, 1, 
 I.e. 11. f lorus, 1. ii. c. 14. 
 
 , or manners that expressed the prince, no grea 
 notice was taken of him at Rome, and he was 
 treated with great contempt, without much 
 trouble to keep a strict guard upon him, or to 
 confine him close. He took advantage of the 
 negligence of his guards, and made his escape 
 from Rome. 
 
 Having found means to 
 A. M. 3854. raise a considerable army 
 Ant. J. C. 150. amongst the Thracians, who 
 entered into his views for 
 the sake of delivering themselves by his means 
 from the Roman yoke, he made himself master 
 of Macedonia, either by consent or force, and 
 assumed the marks of the royal dignity. Not 
 content with this first conquest which had cost 
 him little, he attacked Thessaly, and subjected a 
 part of it to his obedience. 
 
 The affair then began to seem more important 
 to the Romans. They elected Scipio Nasica to 
 go thither and appease this tumult in its birth, 
 deeming him well qualified for that commission. 
 He had, indeed, the art of managing men's 
 minds, and of bringing them into his measures 
 by persuasion ; and if he should find it necessar\ 
 to decide this affair by arms, he was very capa- 
 ble of forming a project with wisdom, and ex- 
 ecuting it with valour. As soon as he arrived 
 in Greece, and had been fully informed of the 
 state of affairs in Macedonia and Thessaly, he 
 gave the senate advice of them ; and, without 
 loss of time, visited the cities of the allies, in 
 order to the immediate raising of troops for the 
 defence of Thessaly. The Achseans who con- 
 tinued at that time the most powerful pe(»ple of 
 Greece, supplied him with the greatest number 
 forgetting past subjects of discontent. He pre- 
 sently took from the false Philip all the places 
 he had possessed himself of in Thessaly, and 
 drove him back into Macedonia. 
 
 However, it was plainly 
 
 A. M. 3855. seen at Rome, from Scipio's 
 Ant. J. C. U9. letters, that Macedonia had 
 occasion for a speedy sup- 
 port. The praetor, P. Juventius Thalna, had 
 orders to repair thither as soon as possible with 
 an army, which he did without loss of time. 
 But looking upon Andriscus as only a pageant 
 king, he did not think it incumbent upon him 
 to take any great precautions against him, and 
 engaged precipitately in a battle, wherein he lost 
 his life, with part of his army ; the rest savinj; 
 themselves only by favour of the night. The 
 victor, elate with this success, and believing his- 
 authority sufficiently established, abandoned 
 himself to his vicious inclinations without any 
 moderation or reserve ; as if the truly being a 
 king consisted in knowing no law nor rule o! 
 conduct but his passions. He was covetous, 
 proud, insolent, and cruel. Nothing was seen 
 every where but violence, confiscation of estates, 
 and murders. Taking advantage of the terroi 
 occasioned by the defeat of the Roman army, he 
 soon recovered all he had lost in Thessaly. An 
 embassy sent to him from the Carthaginians, 
 who were at that time actually at war with the 
 Romans, promising him speedy supplies, vei*y 
 much augmented his courage. 
 
 Q. Caecilius Metellus, late* 
 
 A. M. 3856. ly elected praetor, had sue- 
 Ant. J. C. 148. ceeded Juventius. Andris- 
 cus had resolved to advance 
 to meet him, but did not think it proper to re- 
 move far from the sea, and halted at Pydna, 
 where he fortified his camp. The Roman prae- 
 tor soon followed him. The two armies wer^ 
 
50G 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 in view of each other, and skinnished every ; 
 day. Andriscus gained an advantage of some ; 
 consequence in a small combat of the cavalry. 
 Success generally blinds and proves fatal to peo- 
 ple of little experience. Andriscus believing 
 himself superior to the Romans, sent off a great 
 detachment to defend his conquests in Thessaly. 
 This was a gross en-or ; and Metellus, whose 
 vigilance nothing escaped, did not fail to take 
 advantage of it. The army that remained in 
 Macedonia was beaten, and Andriscus obliged to 
 fly. He retired amongst the Thracians, from 
 whom he returned soon after with another 
 army. He was so rash as to hazard another 
 battle, which was still less successful than the 
 former. He had above 25,000 men killed in 
 these two battles ; and nothing was wanting to 
 the Roman glory, but to seize Andriscus, who 
 
 trate of the Achaeans, had caused wai- to he 
 declared against Sparta. JMetellus had sent to 
 desire that hostilities might be suspended til] 
 the arrival of the commissioners from Rome, 
 who had been appointed for terminating their 
 differences. But neither he, nor Difeus, who 
 succeeded him, paid any regard to that request. 
 Both of them entered Laconia with their troops 
 and laid waste the country. 
 
 The commissioners being arrived, the assem- 
 bly was summoned to Corinth ; ( Aurelius Ores- 
 tes was at the head of the commission). The 
 senate had given them orders to weaken the 
 body of the league ; and, for that end, to sepa- 
 rate as many cities as they could from it. Ores- 
 tes notified to the assembly the decree of the 
 senate ; whereby Sparta, Corinth, Argos, Hera- 
 clea near mount (Eta, and Orchomenus of Ar- 
 
 had taken refuoe with a petty king of Thrace, | cadia, were secluded from the league, under 
 to whose fidelity he had abandoned himself, pretence that those cities did not originally corn- 
 But the Thracians did not stand much upon pose a part of the body of the Achseans. When 
 breach of faith, and made that conducive to their , the deputies quitted the assembly, and i-eported 
 interest That prince delivered up his guest this decree to the multitude, they grew furious, 
 and suppliant into the hands of Metellus, to and fell upon all the Lacedjemonians they found 
 avoid drawing upon himself the wrath and in Corinth ; tore-those out of the house ot the 
 ' - • sent to commissioners who had taken refuge there ; 
 
 and would have treated themselves no better, 
 
 arms of the Romans : Andriscus w; 
 
 ^Another adventurer, who also called himself had they not escaped their 
 the son of Perseus, and took upon him the nama 
 
 olence by flight. 
 Orestes and his colleagues, on their return to 
 
 of Alexander, had the same fate with the first, Home, gave an account of what had passed 
 
 he retired 
 
 except being seized by Metellus; 
 into Dardania, where he effectually concealed 
 himself. 
 
 It was at this time that Macedonia was en- 
 tirely subjected to the Romans, and reduced 
 I into a province. 
 
 A third usurper, some years after, appeared 
 I again upon the stage, and set himself up as the 
 ' son of Perseus, under the name of Philip. His 
 
 ?retended royalty was but of short duration, 
 le was overcome, and killed in Macedonia by 
 i Tremellius, afterwards surnamed Scrofa, from 
 i having said that be would disperse the enemy, 
 I ut Scrofa 2)01X03. 
 
 I SECT. IV. 
 
 The senate was highly incensed at it, and im 
 mediately deputed Julius, with some other com- 
 missioners, into Achaia ; but instructed them 
 to complain in moderation, and only to exhort 
 the Achseans not to give ear to bad counsels, 
 lest by their imprudence they should incur dis- 
 grace with the Romans, a misfortune it was in 
 their power to avoid, by punishing those who 
 had exposed them to it. Cai'thage was not yet 
 taken, so that it was necessary to act with cau- 
 tion in regard to allies so pow-erful as the 
 Achaeans. The commissioners met on their 
 way a deputy sent by the seditious to Rome : 
 I they carried him back with them to Egium, 
 j where the diet of the nation had been sum- 
 I moned to assemble. They spoke in it with 
 
 They did not 
 
 I great moderation and mildness. 
 Troubles in Achaia, which declares war against the Lace- ' let slip a single word in jheir disco_urse concern- 
 
 1 dsmonians. Metellus sends deputies to Corinth to 
 appease those troubles ; they are ill used and insulted. 
 Thebes and Chalcis join the Achceans. Metellus, after 
 having ineffectually exhorted them to peace, gives them 
 battle, and defeats them. The consul Mummius suc- 
 ceeds him, and after having gained a battle, takes 
 Corinth, sets it on fire, and entirely demolishes It 
 Greece is reduced into a Roman province. Various 
 actions and death of Polybius. Triumphs of Metellus 
 and Mummius. 
 
 Metellus, after having pa- 
 A. M. 3857. cified Macedonia,' continued 
 Ant. J. C. 14r7. there some time. Great com- 
 motions had arisen amongst 
 the Achsean league, occasioned by the temerity 
 and avarice of those who held the first offices in 
 it. The resolutions of their assemblies were no 
 longer guided by reason, prudence, and equity, 
 but by the interest and passions of the magis- 
 trates, and the blind caprice of an untractable 
 multitude. The Achfean league and Sparta 
 had sent ambassadors to Rome, upon an affair 
 about which they were divided. Damocritus, 
 notwithstanding, who was the supreme magis- 
 
 ng the ill treatment of the commissioners, or 
 else made a better excuse for it than the Achae- 
 ans themselves would have done ; neither did 
 they make any mention of the cities they had 
 been desirous of separating from the league. 
 They confined themselves to exhorting the as- 
 sembly not to aggravate their first fault, nor to 
 irritate the Romans any farther ; and to leave 
 Lacedsemonia in peace. Such moderate remon- 
 strances were extremely agreeable to all the 
 persons of sense in the assembly. But Diseus, 
 Critdaus, and their faction, all chosen out of 
 the vilest, most impious, and most pernicious 
 persons in each city, blew up the flames of dis- 
 cord ; insinuating that the lenity of the Romans 
 proceeded only from the bad condition of their 
 affairs in Africa, where they had been worsted 
 in several engagements, and from the fear they 
 were in lest the Achsean league should declare 
 against them. 
 
 The commissioners, however, were treated 
 with sufficient deference. They were told that 
 Thearidas should be sent to Rome ; that they had 
 only to repair to Tegsea,^ to treat there with the i 
 
 1 Pausan. in Achaic. p. 4'21— 428 Polyb. Legat. cxWn, 
 cxliv. Id. in Excerpt, de Virt. et Vit. p. ISl— 189. Jus. 
 f'n. I xxxip c 1 Hor 1. ii. c 16 
 
 2 A citv on the banks of tlie EurotH<?. 
 
ALEXANDERS SUCCESSORS. 
 
 Lacedsemonians, and to incline them to peace. 
 I They went thither accordingly, and persuaded 
 the I^acedeemonians to an accommodation with 
 the Achaeans, and to suspend all hostilities till 
 new commissioners should arrive from Rome 
 to pacify all differences. But Critolaus's cabal 
 took their measures in such a manner, that no- 
 
 I body, except that magistrate, went to the con- 
 gress, and he did not arrive there till he was 
 
 J almost no longer expected. Conferences were 
 held with the Lacedaemonians ; but Critolaus 
 would not accede to any measures. He said 
 that he was not empowei'ed to decide any thing 
 without the consent of the nation, and that he 
 would report the affair in the general ditt, 
 which could not be summoned in less than six 
 months. That mean artifice, or rather breach 
 of faith, exceedingly offended Julius. After 
 having dismissed the Lacedsemonians, he set 
 out for Rome, where he described Critolaus as 
 a violent and extravagant man. 
 
 The commissioners were no sooner out of Pe- 
 loponnesus, than Critolaus ran from city to city 
 during the whole winter, and summoned assem- 
 blies, under colour of communicating what had 
 been said to the Lacedaemonians, in the con- 
 ferences held at Tegsea, but, in fact, to vent in- 
 vectives against the Romans, and to put an 
 odious construction upon all they had said, in 
 order to inspire the same spirit of animosity and 
 aversion which he himself had against them : 
 and he succeeded but too well. He, besides, 
 prohibited all judges from prosecuting and im- 
 prisoning any Achaean for debt, till the conclu- 
 sion of the affair between the diet and Lacedae- 
 mon. By that means, whatever he said, had 
 all the effect he desired, and disposed the multi- 
 tude to I'eceive such orders as he thought fit to 
 give them. Incapable of forming a right judg- 
 ment of future consequences, they suffered them- 
 selves to be caught with the bait of the first 
 advantage he proposed to them. 
 
 Metellus having received advice in Macedonia 
 of the troubles in Peloponnesus, deputed thither 
 four Romans of distinction, who arrived at Co- 
 rinth at the time the council was assembled 
 there. They spoke in it with abundance of 
 moderation; exhorting the Achaeans not to 
 draw upon themselves, by imprudent rashness 
 and levity, the resentment of the Romans. 
 They were treated with contempt, and ignomi- 
 niously turned out of the assembly. An in- 
 numerable crowd of workmen and artificers 
 gathered about them, and insulted them. All 
 the cities of Achaia were at that time in a kind 
 of delii'ium ; but Corinth was far more frantic 
 than the rest, and abandoned to a kind of mad- 
 ness. They had been persuaded that Rome in- 
 tended to enslave them all, and absolutely to 
 destroy the Achaean league. 
 
 Critolaus seeing with pleasure that every 
 thing succeeded to his wishes, harangued the 
 multitude, inflamed them against the magis- 
 trates, who did not enter into his views ; in- 
 veighed against the ambassadors themselves, 
 animated them against the Romans ; and gave 
 them to undei'stand, that it was not without 
 having previously well concerted his measures 
 that he had undertaken to make head against 
 the Romans ; that he had kings in his party, 
 and that I'epublics wei'e also ready to join it. 
 By these seditious discourses he prevailed to 
 have war declared against the Lacedaemonians, 
 
 ; and, in consequence, indirectly against the Ro- 
 mans. The ambassadors then separated. One 
 of them repaired to Lacedaemon, to observe the 
 
 motions of the enemy ; another set out for Nau- 
 pactus ; and two waited the arrival of Metellus 
 at Athens. 
 
 The magistrate of the Boeotians, whose name 
 Avas Pytheas, equally rash and violent with 
 Critolaus, entered into his measures, and en- 
 j gaged the Bceotians to join their arms with 
 those of the Achaeans: they were discontented 
 with a sentence Rome had given against them. 
 The city of Chalcis suffei'ed Itself also to be 
 drawn into their party. The Achaeans, with 
 such feeble aids, believed themselves in a condi- 
 tion to support all the weight of the Roman 
 power ; so much were they blinded by their | 
 rage and fury. i 
 The Romans had chosen 
 A. M. 3858. Mummius for one of the 
 Ant. J. C. 146. consuls, and charged him 
 
 with the Achaean war. Me- : 
 tellus, to deprive him of the glory of termi- : 
 nating this war, sent new ambassadors to the 
 Achaeans, and commissioned them to promise 
 that the Roman people should forget all that \ 
 had passed, and pardon their faults, if they i 
 would return to their duty, and consent that ! 
 certain cities, which had been nominated before, 
 should be dismembered from the league. This 
 pi'oposal was rejected with disdain. Upon which 
 Metellus advanced with his troops against the 
 rebels. He came up with them near the city 
 of Scarphaea in Locris, and obtained a consider- 
 able victory over them, in which he took more 
 than 1000 prisoners. Critolaus disappeared in 
 the battle, without its being known what be- 
 came of him. It was supposed, that in the 
 flight he had fallen into the marshes, and been 
 drowned. Diasus took upon him the command 1 
 in his stead, gave liberty to the slaves, and 
 armed all the Achaeans and Arcadians capable 
 of bearing arms. That body of troops amounted 
 to 14,000 foot and 600 horse. He gave orders, 
 besides, for the raising of troops in every city. 
 The exhausted cities were in the utmost deso- 
 lation. Many private persons, reduced to de- 
 spair, laid violent hands upon themselves ; 
 others abandoned an unhapji*' country, where 
 thev foresaw their destruction was inevitable. 
 Notwithstanding the extremity of these misfor- 
 tunes, they never thought of adopting the only 
 expedient that could prevent them. They de- 
 tested the rashness of their chiefs, and never- 
 theless came into their measures. 
 
 Metellus, after the battle before-mentioned, 
 fell in with 1000 Arcadians in Boeotia, near 
 Chaeronaea, who were endeavouring to return 
 into their own country : these were all put to 
 the sword. From thence he marched with his 
 victorious army to Thebes, which he found al- 
 most entirely deserted. Moved with the deplo- 
 rable condition of that city, he ordered that the 
 temples and houses should be spared ; and that 
 none of the inhabitants, either in the city or 
 country, should be made prisoners or put to 
 death. He excepted fi'om that number Pytheas, 
 the author of all their miseries, who was brought 
 to him, and put to death. From Thebes, after 
 having taken Megara, the garrison of which 
 had retired upon his approach, he made his 
 troops march to Corinth, where Diaeus had 
 shut himself up. He sent thither three of the 
 principal persons of the league, who had taken 
 refuge with him, to exhort the Achaeans to re- 
 turn to their duty, and accept the conditions of 
 peace offered them. Metellus ardently desired 
 to terminate the affair befoi'e the arrival of 
 Mummius. The inhabitants, on their side, 
 
598 
 
 HISTORf OF 
 
 vvere equally desirous of seeing a period of 
 their misfortunes ; but that was not in their 
 power, the faction of Diaeus disposing of every 
 thing. The deputies were thrown into prison, 
 and would have been put to death, if Diseus had 
 not seen the multitude extremely enraged at the 
 punishment he had inflicted upon Sosicrates, 
 who talked of surrendering to the Romans. 
 The prisoners were therefore dismissed. 
 
 Things Avere in this condition when Mum- 
 mius arrived. He had hastened his march, from 
 the fear of finding every thing pacified at his 
 arrival : and, lest another should have the glory I 
 of concluding this war. Metellus resigned the 
 command to him, and returned into Macedonia. 
 When Mummius had assembled all his troops, 
 he advanced to the city, and encamped before it. 
 A body of his advanced guard being negligent 
 upon their post, the besieged made a sally, at- 
 tacked them vigorously, killed many, and pur- 
 sued the rest almost to the entrance of their 
 camp. This small advantage very much en- 
 couraged the Achseans, and thereby proved fatal 
 to them. Diseus offered the consul battle. The 
 latter, to augment his rashness, kept his troops 
 within the camp, as if fear prevented him from 
 accepting it. The joy and presumption of the 
 Achseans rose to an inexpressible height. They 
 j advanced fuiiously with all their troops, haying 
 I placed their wives and children upon the neigh- 
 I bouring eminences, to be spectators of the battle, 
 and caused a great number of carriages to follow 
 them, for the purpose of loading them with the 
 booty they should take from the enemy ; so 
 fully did they reckon upon the victory. 
 
 Never was confidence more rash or ill-founded. 
 The faction had removed from the service and 
 councils all such as were capable of commanding 
 the troops, or conducting public business, and 
 had substituted others in their room, without 
 either talents or ability; in order that they 
 might be more absolute masters of the govern- 
 ment, and rule without opposition. The chiefs, 
 without military knowledge, valour, or expe- 
 rience, had no other merit than a blind and 
 frantic rage. They had already committed an 
 excess of folly in unnecessarily hazarding a bat- 
 tle, which was to decide their fate, instead of 
 thinking of a long and brave defence in so strong 
 a place as Corinth, and of obtaining good con- 
 ditions by a vigorous resistance. The battle 
 was fought near Leucopatra,' and the defile of 
 the isthmus. The consul had posted part of 
 his horse in an ambuscade, which they quitted 
 at a proper time, for charging the Achaean 
 cavalry in flank ; who, surprised by an unfore- 
 seen attack, gave way immediately. The in- 
 fantry made a little more resistance ; but, as it 
 was neither covered nor sustained by the horse, 
 it was soon broken and put to flight. If Diseus 
 had retired into the place, he might have held 
 out there for some time, and obtained an hon- 
 ourable capitulation from Mummius, whose sole 
 aim was to put an end to the war. But aban- 
 doning himself to despair, he rode full speed to 
 Megalopolis, his native country ; and having 
 entered his house, set fire to it, killed his wife 
 to prevent her falling into the hands of the ene- 
 my, drank poison, and thus ended his life in a 
 I manner worthy of the many crimes he had 
 committed. 
 
 1 This place is not known. 
 
 After this defeat, the inhabitants lost all hopes 
 of defending themselves. As they found they 
 were without counsel, leaders, courage, or fixeS 
 views, nobody had any thoughts of rallying the 
 wreck of the army, in order to make any far- 
 ther resistance, and oblige the victor to grant 
 them some tolerable conditions. So that all the 
 Achseans who had retired into Corinth, and 
 most of the citizens, quitted it the following 
 night, to save themselves where they could, j 
 The consul having entered the city, abandoned 
 it to be plundered by the soldiers. All the men 
 who were left in it were put to the sword, and 
 the women and children sold ; and after the 
 statues, paintings, and richest furniture were 
 removed, in order to their being carried to 
 Rome, the houses were set on fire, and the 
 whole city continued universally in flames for 
 several days. It is pretended, though on no 
 good ground, that the gold, silver, and brass, 
 which were melted, and ran together in this 
 conflagration, formed a new and precious metal. 
 The walls were afterwards demolished, and 
 razed to their very foundations. All this was 
 executed by order of the senate, to punish 
 the insolence of the Corinthians, who had 
 violated the law of nations in their treat- 
 ment of the ambassadors sent to them by 
 Rome. i 
 Thus was Corinth ruined, the same year that j 
 Carthage was taken and destroyed by the Ro- 
 mans, 952 years after its foundation by Aletes j 
 the son of Hippotes, sixth in descent from Her- j 
 cules. It does not appear that they had any 
 thoughts of raising new troops for the defence 
 of the country, or summoned any assembly to 
 deliberate upon the measures it was necessary 
 to take; nor that any one took upon him to 
 propose any remedy for the public calamities, 
 or endeavoured to appease the Romans, by send- ' 
 ing deputies to implore their clemency. One 
 would have thought from this general inactivity, i 
 that the Achsean league had been entirely buried 
 in the ruins of Corinth ; so much had the dread- 
 ful destruction of that city alarmed, and uni- 
 versally dismayed, the people. 
 
 The cities that had joined in the revolt of 
 the Achseans, were also punished by the demo- 
 lishing of their walls, and being disarmed. The 
 ten commissioners sent by the senate to regulate 
 the affairs of Greece, in conjunction with the 
 consul, abolished the popular government in all 
 the cities, and established magistrates in them, 
 who were to have a certain revenue out of the 
 public funds. In other respects, they were left 
 in possession of their laws and liberty. They 
 abolished also all the general assemblies held by 
 the Achseans, Bceotians, Phocseans, and other 
 people of Greece ; but they were re-established 
 soon aftei'. Greece, from that time, was re- 
 duced into a Roman province, called the pro- 
 vince of Achaia, because at the taking of Co- 
 rinth, the Achseans were the most powerful 
 people of Greece : the Roman people sent a 
 prsetor thither every year to govern it. 
 
 Rome, by destroying Corinth in this manner ^ 
 thought proper to show that example of sever, 
 ity, in order to strike terrar into other nations, 
 whom its too great clemency rendered bold, 
 rash, and presuming, from the hope they had 
 of obtaining from the Roman people pardon for 
 their faults. Besides which, the advantageous 
 situation of that citj'-, where such as revolted 
 might lodge themselves, and make it a place of 
 arms against the Romans, determined them to 
 
ALEXANDER'S 
 
 ruin it entirely. Cicero,^ who did not disap- 
 prove of Carthage and Numantia heing used in 
 that manner, could have wished that C«irinth 
 had been spared. 
 
 The booty taken at Corinth was sold, and 
 considerable sums raised fi-om it. Amongst the 
 paintings, there was a piece drawn by the most 
 celebrated hand' in Greece, representing Bac- 
 chus,* the beauty of which was not known to 
 the Romans, who were at that time entirely 
 ignorant in the polite arts. Polybius, who was 
 then in the country, as I shall soon observe, had 
 the mortification to see that painting serve the 
 soldiers for a table to play at dice upon. It was 
 adjudged to Attains, in the sale made of the 
 booty, for 600,000 sesterces, that is, about 3625/. 
 sterling. Pliny mentions another picture of 
 the same painter's, which the same Attalus 
 purchased for 100 talents, or 100,000 crowns. 
 That prince's riches were immense, and were 
 become a proverb : Attalicis conditionibus. Never- 
 theless, those sums seem repugnant to proba- 
 bility. Be this as it may, the consul, surprised 
 that the price of the painting in question should 
 rise so high, interposed his authority, and re- 
 tained it, contrary to public faith, and notwith- 
 standing the complaints of Attalus ; because he 
 imagined there was some hidden virtue in the 
 piece, unknown to him. He did not act in that 
 manner for his private interest, nor with the 
 view of appropriating it to himself, since he 
 sent it to Rome, to be applied in adorning the 
 city. In doing which,^ says Cicero, he adorned 
 and embellished his house much more essentially 
 than if he had placed that picture in it. The 
 taking of the richest and most opulent city of 
 Greece, did not enrich him one farthing. Such 
 noble disinterestedness was at that time common 
 in Rome, and seemed less the virtue of private 
 persons, than of the age itself. To take the ad- 
 vantage of office and command for enriching a 
 man's self, was not only shameful and infa- 
 mous, but a criminal abuse. The painting we 
 speak of was set up in the temple of Ceres, 
 whither judges went to see it through curiosity, 
 as a masterpiece of art ; and it remained there 
 till it was burnt with that temple. 
 
 Mummius was a great warrior, and a worthy 
 man, but had neither learning, knowledge of 
 the arts, nor taste for painting or sculpture ; the 
 merit of which be did not discern ; not believing 
 there was any difference between picture and 
 picture, or statue and statue, nor that the name 
 of the gi'eat masters in those arts gave them 
 their value. This he fully exemplified upon the 
 present occasion. He had ordered persons to 
 take the care of transporting many of the paint- 
 ings and statues of the most excellent masters to 
 
 2 Majores nostri— Carthaginem et Numantiam funditus 
 sustuleriint. NoUem Corinthum. Sed credo illos secutos 
 opportunitatem loci maxiraS, ne posset aliquando ad 
 bellum faciendum locus ipse adhortari, Cic. de Offic. 
 1. i. n. 35. 
 
 3 This painter was called Aristides. The picture men- 
 tioned here was in such estimation, that it was commonly 
 said, All paintings are nothing in comparison lo the 
 Bacchus. 
 
 4 Strab. 1. viii. p. 381. Plin. 1. vii. c. 38. & 1. xxxv. 
 c. 4. & 10. 
 
 5 Numquid Lucius Mummius copiosior, cilm copiosis- 
 simam urbem funditus sustulisset ? Italiam ornare, quSm 
 domum suam, maluit. Quanquam Italia ornati, domus 
 ipsa mihi videtur ornatior. Laus abslinentiee non hominis 
 
 est soiam, sed etiam temporum Habere quaestui remp. 
 
 non mod5 turpe est, sed sceleratum etiam et nefarium. 
 Cic. de Offic. 1. i. n. 76, 77. 
 
 Rome.® Never would loss have been so irrepa- 
 rable, as that of such a deposit, consisting of the 
 masterpieces of those rare artists, who contri- 
 buted almost as much as the great captains, to 
 the rendering of their age glorious to posterity. 
 Mummius, however, in recommending the care 
 of that precious collection to those to whom he 
 confided them, threatened them very seriously, 
 that if the statues, paintings, and other things, 
 with which he intrusted them, should be either 
 lost, or spoiled upon the way, he would oblige 
 them to find others at their own cost and 
 charges. 
 
 Were it not to be wished, says an historian, 
 who has preserved to us this fact, that this 
 happy ignorance still subsisted ; and would not 
 such grossness be infinitely preferable, in regard 
 to the public good, to the extreme delicacy of 
 taste of the present age for such sort of rarities ? 
 He spoke at a time when that taste for excellent 
 paintings gave the magistrates an occasion for ■ 
 committing all manner of frauds and robberies 
 in the provinces, 
 
 I have said that Polybius, in returning into 
 Peloponnesus, had the affliction to see the de- 
 struction and burning of Corinth, and his coun- 
 try reduced into a province of the Roman em- 
 pire. If any thing was capable of giving him 
 consolation in so mournful a conjuncture,^ it 
 was the opportunity of defending the memory 
 of Philopoemen, his master in the science of 
 war. I have already observed, that a Roman, 
 having taken it into his head to have the statues 
 erected to that hero taken down, had the impu- 
 dence to prosecute him criminally, as if he had 
 been still alive, and to accuse him before Mum- 
 mius, of having been an enemy to the Romans, | 
 and of having always opposed their designs to i 
 the utmost of his power. The accusation was | 
 extravagant, but had some colour in it, and I 
 was not entirely without foundation. Polybius j 
 boldly took upon him his defence. He repre- j 
 sented Philopoemen as the greatest captain i 
 Greece had produced in the latter times : that 
 he might, perhaps, have occasionally carried his 
 zeal for the liberty of his country a little too 
 far, but that he had rendered the Roman people 
 considerable services upon several occasions ; as 
 in their wars against Antiochus and the .^to- 
 lians. The commissioners, before whom he 
 pleaded so noble a cause, moved with his rea- 
 sons, and still more with his gratitude for his 
 master, decreed, that the statues of Philopoemen : 
 should continue as they were in every city ' 
 where they had been erected. Polybius, taking : 
 the advantage of Mummius's good disposition, j 
 demanded also the statues of Aratus and 
 Achaeus ; which were granted him, though they 
 had ah'eady been carried out of Peloponnesus 
 into Acarnania. The Achseans were so charmed 
 with the zeal which Polybius had expressed upon 
 this occasion for the honour of the great men of 
 his country, that they erected a statue of marble 
 to himself. 
 
 6 Mummius tam rudis fuit, ut capta Corintho, cQm 
 maximorum artificum perfectas manibus tabulas ac sta- 
 tuas in Italiam portandas locaret, juberet prasdici condu- 
 centibus isi eas perdidissent, novas eos reddituros. Non 
 tamen puto dubites, Vinici, quin magis pro republica 
 fuerit, manere adhuc rudem Corinthiorum intellectum, 
 quam in tantum ea intelligi ; et quin hac prudentia ilia 
 imprudentia decori publico fuerit convenientior. Veil. 
 Paterc. 1. i. n. 13. 
 
 7 Polyb. in Excerpt, p. 190—192. 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 He gave at the same time a proof of his dis- 
 ' interested!] ess, which did him as much honour 
 amongst his citizens, as his defence of the me- 
 mory of PhiIop(smen. After the destruction of 
 Corinth, it was thought proper to punish the 
 authors of the insult offered to the Roman am- 
 bassadors, and their estates and eifects were sold 
 by auction. When those of Dieeus were put 
 up, who had been the principal in that affront, 
 the ten commissioners ordered the quaestor who 
 sold them, to let Polybius select whatever he 
 thought fit out of them, without taking any 
 thing from him upon that account. Me refused 
 the offer, advantageous as it appeared, and 
 would have thought himself in some measure 
 an accomplice of that wretch's crimes, had he 
 accepted any part of his effects ; besides which, 
 he believed it infamous to enrich himself out of 
 the spoils of his fellow-citizen. He would not 
 only accept nothing himself, but exhorted his 
 i friends not to desire any thing that had apper- 
 i tained to Diasus; and all that followed his ex- 
 ! ample were extremely applauded. 
 I This action made the commissioners' conceive 
 so high an esteem for Polybius, that upon their 
 leaving Greece, they desired him to go through 
 all the cities which had been lately conquered, 
 and to accommodate their differences, till time 
 had accustomed them to the change which had 
 been made, and to the new laws prescribed 
 them. Polybius discharged that honourable 
 I commission with so much mildness, justice, and 
 j prudence, that no farther contests arose in 
 I Achaia, either in regard to the government in 
 . general, or the affairs of private persons. In 
 j gratitude for so great a benefit, statues were 
 i erected to him in different places ; upon the base 
 I of one of which was this inscription : " That 
 ; Greece would have been guilty of no errors, if 
 j she had hearkened from the first to the counsels 
 I of Polybius ; but, that after she had committed 
 j these errors, he alone had been her deliverer." 
 Polybius, after having established order and 
 tranquillity in his country, returned to join Sci- 
 pio at Rome, from whence he accompanied him 
 to Numantia, at the siege of which he was pre- 
 sent. When Scipio was dead, he returned into 
 Greece ; and having enjoyed there the esteem,- 
 gratitude, and affection, of his beloved citizens, 
 he died at the age of fourscore and two years, of 
 a hurt he received by a i'all from his horse, 
 j JNIetellus, upon his return to Rome, was hon- 
 oured with a triumph, as conqueror of PvJace- 
 donia and Achaia, and surnamed Macedonicus. 
 i The false king, Andriscus, was led before his 
 j I chariot. Amongst the spoils, he caused what 
 ; j was called the troop of Alexander the Great to be 
 j I carried in the pi'ocession. That prince at the 
 j battle of the Granicus, having lost five-and- 
 I I twenty of his friends, ordered Lysippus, the 
 I most excellent artist in that way, to make, in 
 ! honour of each of them, an equestrian statue, to 
 I which he added his own. These statues were 
 j set up in Dium, a city of Macedonia. Metellus 
 j caused them to be transported to Rome, and 
 I adorned his triumph with them, 
 j Mummius obtained also the honour of a tri- 
 umph ; and, in consequence of having conquered 
 I Achaia, was surnamed Achaicus. He exhibit- 
 i ed a great number of statues and paintings in 
 this triumph, which were afterwards the orna- 
 
 ments of the public buildings at Rome, and of 
 several other cities of Italy ; but not one of them 
 entered the conqueror's own house. 
 
 SECT. V. 
 
 Reflections upon the causes of the grandeur, declension, 
 and ruin, of Greece, 
 
 After having seen the final ruin of Greece, 
 which has supplied us through a series of so 
 many ages with such fine examples of heroic 
 virtues and memorable events, we may be per- 
 mitted to retrace our steps, and to consider suc- 
 cinctly, and at one view, its rise, progress, and 
 declension. The wliole time of its duration 
 may be divided into four ages. 
 
 The first and second ages of Greece. 
 
 ^ I shall not dwell upon the ancient origin of ' 
 the Greeks, nor the fabulous times before the 
 Trojan war ; which makes the first age, and 
 constitute, if I may so say, the infancy of 
 Greece. 
 
 The second age, Avhich extends from the tak- 
 ing of Troy to the reign of Darius I. king of 
 Persia, was in a manner its youth, in which it 
 formed, fortified, and prepared itself for those 
 great things which it was afterwards to per- 
 form ; and laid the foundations of that power 
 and glory, which at length rose so high, and be- 
 came the admiration of all future ages. 
 
 The Greeks, as Monsieur Bossuet observes,^ 
 whose mental faculties were naturally vigorous, 
 had been cultivated by kings and colonies which 
 came from Egypt, who, settling in several parts 
 of the country, spread, wherever they came, the 
 excellent polity of the Egyptians. It was from 
 them they learned the exercises of the body; 
 wrestling, the horse, foot, and chariot races, and 
 the other combats, which they carried to their 
 highest perfection, by means of the glorious 
 crowns given to the victors in the Olympic 
 games._ But the best thing taught them by the 
 Egyptians, was to be docile and obedient,' and I 
 to suffer themselves to be guided by laws for } 
 the good of the public. They were not private j 
 persons, who regard nothing but their own in- \ 
 terests and concerns, and have no sense of the ! 
 calamities of the state, but as they suffer them- j 
 selves, or as the repose of their own family is in- i 
 volved in them : the Greeks were taught to con- I 
 sider themselves and their families as part of a I 
 greater body, which was that of the state. The I 
 fathers brought up their children in this opin- | 
 ion ; and the children were taught from theii | 
 cradle to look upon their country as their com- 
 mon mother, to whom they more strictly ap- 
 pertained than to their parents. 
 
 The Greeks, disciplined thus by degrees, be- j 
 lieved they were capable of governing for them- | 
 selves ; and most of the cities formed themselves | 
 into republics, under different forms of govern- j 
 ment, which had all of them liberty for their 
 vital principle : but that liberty was wise, rea- 
 sonable and subservient to the laws. The ad- 
 vantage of this government was, that the citi- 
 zens loved their country the better from trans- 
 acting their affairs in common, and from being 
 all equally capable of attaining to its honours 
 
 1 Polyb. in Excerpt p. 190, S:c. 
 % Lucian. in Macrob. p. \M 
 
 3 Universal History. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 601 
 
 and dignities. Besides this, the condition of 
 private persons, to which all returned when 
 they quitted their office, prevented them from 
 abusing an authority, of which they might soon 
 be deprived ; whereas, power often becomes 
 haughty, unjust, and oppressive, when under no 
 restraints, and when it is to have a long or con- 
 tinual duration. 
 
 The love of labour removed the vices and 
 passions which generally occasion the ruin of 
 !;tates. They led a laborious and busy life, in- 
 tent upon the cultivation of their lands, and of 
 the arts, and not excluding the husbandman nor 
 the artificer from the first dignities of the state; 
 preserving between all the citizens and members 
 of the state a great equality, void of pomp, lux- 
 ury, or ostentation. He who had commanded 
 the army for one year, fought the next in 
 the rank of a private officei", and was not 
 ashamed of the most common functions in the 
 armies either by land or sea. 
 
 The reigning characteristic in all the cities of 
 Greece, was a particular affection for poverty, a 
 mediocrity of fortune, simplicity in buildings, 
 furniture, dress, equipage, domestics, and table. 
 It is surprising to consider the small recompense 
 with which they were satisfied for their appli- 
 cation in public employments, and for the ser- 
 vices which they had rendered the state. 
 
 What might not be expected from a people 
 formed in this manner, educated and nurtured 
 in these principles, and imbued from their ear- 
 liest infancy with maxims so proper to exalt 
 the soul, and to inspire it with great and noble 
 sentiments? The effects exceeded every idea 
 and every hope that could possibly have been 
 conceived of them. 
 
 The third age of Greece. 
 
 We now come to the glorious times of Greece, 
 which have been, and will for ever be, the ad- 
 miration of all ages. The merit and virtue of 
 the Greeks, shut up within the compass of their 
 cities, had hitherto but faintly dawned, and 
 shone with but a feeble ray. To produce and 
 place them in their full light, some great and 
 important occasion was necessary, wherein 
 Greece, attacked by a formidable enemy, and 
 exposed to extreme dangers, was compelled in 
 some measure to quit her home, and to show 
 herself abroad in her true character in open day. 
 And this was supplied by the Persians in their 
 invasions of Greece, first under Darius and af- 
 terwards under Xerxes. All Asia, armed with 
 the whole force of the East, overflowed on a 
 sudden, like an impetuous torrent, and came 
 pouring with innumerable troops, both by sea 
 and land, against a little spot of Greece, which 
 seemed under the necessity of being entirely 
 swallowed up and overwhelmed at the first 
 shock. Two small cities, however, Sparta and 
 Athens, not only resist those formidable armies, 
 but attack, defeat, pursue, and destroy, the 
 greatest part of them. Let the reader call to 
 mind (for the recollection of them is all I have 
 here in view) the prodigies of valour and forti- 
 tude which shone for that that time, and con- 
 tinued to do so long after on like occasions. 
 
 To what were the Greeks indebted for such 
 astonishing successes, so much above all proba- 
 bility, unless to the principles I have men- 
 tioned which were profoundly engraven in 
 their hearts by education, example, and prac- 
 tice ; and were becoine by long habit a second 
 nature in them? 
 
 Those principles, we cannot repeat it too often, 
 were the love of poverty, contempt of riches, 
 disi'egard of self-interest, attachment to the pub- 
 lic good, desire of glory, love of their country ; 
 but above all, such a zeal for liberty, as no dan- 
 ger was capable of intimidating; and such an 
 irreconcilable abhorrence for every one who in 
 the slightest degree attempted to encroach upon 
 it, as united their counsels, and put an end to all 
 dissension and discord in a moment. 
 
 There was some difference between the repub- 
 lics as to authority and power, but none in re- 
 gard to liberty; on that side they were perfectly 
 equal. The states of ancient Greece were ex« 
 empt from that ambition which occasions sc 
 many wars in monarchies ; and had no thoughts 
 of aggrandizing themselves, or making con- 
 quests, at the expense of each other. They con- 
 fined themselves to the cultivation, improvement, 
 and defence, of their own teri'itories, but did 
 not endeavour to usurp any thing from their 
 neighbours. The weaker cities in the peaceable 
 possession of their domain, did not apprehend 
 invasion from the more powerful. This occa- 
 sioned such a multitude of cities, republics, and 
 states of Greece, which subsisted to the latest 
 times in a perfect independence, retaining their 
 own forms of government, with the laws, cus- 
 toms, and usages, derived from their forefa- 
 thers. 
 
 When we examine with some attention the 
 conduct of these people, either at home or abroad, 
 their assemblies, deliberations, and motives for 
 the resolutions they take, we cannot sufficiently 
 admire the wisdom of their government ; and 
 we are tempted to ask ourselves, from whence 
 could arise this greatness of soul in the burghers 
 of Sparta and Athens; whence these noble sen- 
 timents, this consummate wisdom in politics, 
 this profound and universal knowledge in the 
 art of war; whether as relating to the invention 
 and construction of machines for the attack and 
 defence of places, or to the drawing up of an 
 army in battle, and disposing all its movements ; 
 and lastly, that supreme ability in maritime af- 
 fairs, which always rendered their fleets victo- 
 rious, which so gloriously acquired them the 
 empire of the sea, and obliged the Persians to 
 renounce it for ever by a solemn treaty ? 
 
 We see here a remarkable difference between 
 the Greeks and Romans. The latter imme- 
 diately after their conquests, suffered themselves 
 to be corrupted by pride and luxury. After 
 Antiochus had submitted to the Roman yoke, 
 Asia, subdued by their victorious arms, con- 
 quered in turn its conquerors by its riches and 
 voluptuousness ; and that change of manners 
 was very sudden and rapid, especially after 
 Carthage, the haughty rival of Rome, was de- 
 stroyed. Jt was not so with the Greeks. No- 
 thing was more brilliant than the victories they 
 had gained over the Persians ; nothing more 
 soothing than the glory they had acquired by 
 their great and illustrious exploits. After that 
 so glorious era, the Greeks still persevered for a 
 long time in the same love of simplicity, fru- 
 gality, and poverty ; the same aversion to pomp 
 and luxury; the same Zealand ardour for the 
 defence of their liberty, and the preservation of 
 their ancient manners. It is well known how 
 much the islands and provinces of Asia Minor, 
 over which the Greeks so often triumphed, 
 were abandoned to effeminate pleasures and 
 luxury : they, however, never suffered them- 
 selves to be affected by that contagious softness, 
 and constantly preserved themselves from the 
 
602 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 i vices of the conquered people. It is true, they 
 I did not make those countries provinces ; but 
 j mere intercourse and example alone might have 
 ! proved very dangerous to ttiem. 
 I The introduction of gold, and silver into 
 j Sparta, from vi^hence they had till that time 
 I been banished under severe penalties, did not 
 I happen till about fourscore years after the bat- 
 tle of Salamis, and the ancient »simplicity of 
 manners subsisted very long aftervv'ards, not- 
 withstanding that violation of the laws of Ly- 
 i curgus. As much may be said of the rest of 
 \ Greece ; which did not grow weak and degene- 
 rate, but slowly and by degrees. This is what 
 remains for us to show. 
 
 The fourth age of Greece. 
 
 The principal cause of the weakening and de- 
 clension of the Greeks was the disunion which 
 rose up amongst themselves. The Persians, 
 who had found them invincible on the side of 
 arms, as long as their union subsisted, applied 
 their whole attention and policy in sowing the 
 seeds of discord amongst them. For that pur- 
 pose they employed their gold and silver, which 
 succeeded much better than their steel and arms 
 had done before. The Greeks, covertly attacked 
 in this manner by bribes, secretly conveyed into 
 the hands of those who had the greatest share in 
 their government, were divided by domestic 
 jealousies, and turned against themselves those 
 victorious arms which had rendered them supe- 
 rior to their enemies. 
 
 Their decline of power from these causes ena- 
 bled Philip and Alexander to subject them. 
 ' Those princes, to accustom them to servitude by 
 ' gentle degrees, assumed as a pretext the design 
 i of avenging them upon their ancient enemies, 
 i The Greeks fell blindly into that gross snare, 
 j which gave the mortal blovr to their liberty. 
 I Their avengers became more fatal to them than 
 j their enemies. The yoke imposed on them by 
 ! the hands which had conquered the universe 
 j could never be removed ; those little states were 
 no longer in a condition to shake it off. Greece, 
 from time to time, animated by the remem- 
 brance of its ancient glory, roused from its 
 lethargy, and made some attempts to reinstate 
 itself in its ancient condition : but those were 
 the efforts of expiring liberty, ill concerted, and 
 ill sustained, and tended only to augment its 
 slavery ; because the protectors, whom it called 
 in to its aid, soon made themselves its masters. 
 So that all it did was to change its fetters, and 
 to make them the heavier. 
 
 The Romans at length totally subjected it ; 
 but it was by degrees, and with abundance of 
 artifice. As they continually pushed on their 
 conquests from province to province, they per- 
 ceived that they should find a barrier to their 
 ambitious projects in Macedonia, formidable by 
 its neighbourhood, advantageous situation, re- 
 putation in arms, and very powerful in itself, 
 and by its allies. The Romans artfully applied 
 to the small states of Greece, from whom they 
 had less to fear, and endeavoured to gain them by 
 the attractive charms of liberty, which was their 
 darling passion, and of which they knew how 
 to awaken in them their ancient ideas. After 
 having, with great address, made use of the 
 Greeks to reduce and destroy the Macedonian 
 power, they subjected all those states one after 
 another, under various pretexts. Greece was 
 thus swallowed up at last in the Roman em- 
 I 
 
 pire, and became a province of it under the 
 name of Achaia. 
 
 It did not lose with its power that ardent 
 passion for liberty which was its peculiar cha- 
 racteristic' The Romans, when they reduced 
 it into a province, reserved to the people almost 
 all their privileges ; and Scylla,^ who punished 
 them so cruelly sixty years after, for having 
 favoured the arms of Mithridates, did not | 
 abridge those of their liberty who escaped his 
 vengeance. In the civil wars of Italy, the | 
 Athenians were seen to espouse with warmth ' 
 the party of Pompey,' who fought for the re- | 
 public. Julius Caesar revenged himself upon \ 
 them no otherwise than by declaring, that he j 
 pardoned them out of consideration for their 1 
 ancestors. But, after Caesar was killed, theii j 
 inclination for liberty made them forget his i 
 clemency. They erected statues to Brutus and | 
 Cassius near those of Harmodius and Aristogi- j 
 ton, the ancient deliverers of Athens, and did I 
 not take them down till solicited by Antony, 
 when become their friend, benefactor, and ma- 
 gistrate. 
 
 After having been deprived of their ancient 
 power, they still retained another sovereignty, 
 which the Romans covdd not take from them, 
 and to which themselves were obliged to pay 
 homage. Athens continued always the metro- 
 polis of the sciences, the school of polite arts, 
 and the centre and standard of refined taste in 
 all the productions of the mind. Several cities, 
 as Byzantium, Caesarea, Alexandria, Ephesus, 
 and Rhodes, shared that glory with Athens, j 
 and after her example opened schools which be- 
 came very famous. Rome, haughty as she was, 
 acknowledged this glorious empire. She sent 
 her most illustrious citizens to be finished and re- 
 fined in Greece. They were instructed there in 
 all the parts of sound philosophy, the knowledge 
 of mathematics, the science of natural philoso- 
 phy, the rules of moral duties, the art of reason- 
 ing with justice and method : all the treasures 
 of eloquence were imbibed there, and the 
 method taught of treating the greatest subjects 
 with propriety, force, elegance, and perspi- 
 cuity. 
 
 A Cicero, already the admiration of the bar, 
 conceived he wanted something, and did not 
 blush to become the disciple of the great mas- 
 ters whom Greece then produced. Pompey, in 
 the midst of his glorious conquests, did not 
 think it a dishonour to him, in passing through 
 Rhodes, to hear the celebrated philosophers who l 
 taught there with great reputation, and to make 
 himself in some measure their disciple. j 
 
 Nothing shows better the respect retained for | 
 the ancient reputation of Greece, than a letter ' 
 of Pliny the younger.* He writes in this man- 
 ner to Maximus, who was appointed governor 
 of that province by Trajan ; " Call to mind, my 
 dear Maximus, that you are going into Achaia, 
 the true Greece ; the same Greece where learn- , 
 ing and the polite arts had their birth ; where i 
 even agriculture was invented according to the 
 common opinion. Remember that you are sent ; 
 to govern free cities and freemen, if ever any ; 
 such there were ; who by their virtues, actions, ; 
 alliances, treaties, and religion, have known 
 how to preserve the liberty they received from | 
 
 1 Strab. 1. ix. 2 Plut, in Sylla. 
 
 3 Die. 1. xliii. p. 191. et 1. xlvii. p. 339. 
 4 Lib. viii. ep. 21 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSOKS. 
 
 .lature. Revere the gods, their founders: re- 
 spect their heroes, the ancient glory of their na- 
 tion, and the sacred antiquity of their cities ; the 
 •lignity, great exploits, and even fables and va- 
 nity, of that people. Remember, it is from 
 those sources that we have derived our code of 
 equity : that we did not impose our laws upon 
 them, after we had conquered them, but that 
 they gave us theirs at our request, before they 
 were acquainted with the power of our arms. 
 In a word, it is to Athens you are going ; it is 
 Ht Lacedfemon you are to command. It would 
 be inhuman and barbarous to deprive them of 
 that faint image, that shadow which they re- 
 tain of their ancient liberty." 
 
 Whilst the Roman empire was declining, that 
 empire of genius, of the mind, always supported 
 itself, without participating in the revolutions 
 of the other. Greece was resorted to for educa- 
 tion and improvement from all parts of the 
 world. In the fourth and fifth centuries, those 
 great lights of the church, St. Basil, St. Gre- 
 gory Nazianzen, St. John Chrysostom, went to 
 Athens, to imbibe, as at their source, all the 
 profane sciences. The emperors themselves, 
 who could not go to Greece,^ brought Greece in 
 a manner home to them, by receiving the most 
 celebrated philosophers into their palaces, in or- 
 der to intrust them with the education of their 
 children, and to improve themselves by their in- 
 structions. Marcus Aurelius, even whilst he 
 was emperor, went to hear the philosophers 
 Apollonius and Sextus, and to take lessons from 
 them as a common disciple. 
 
 By a new kind of victory, unknown before, 
 Greece had imposed its laws on Egypt and the 
 whole East, from whence she had expelled bar- 
 barism, and introduced a taste for the arts and 
 sciences in its room ; obliging, by a kind of right 
 of conquest, all those nations to receive her lan- 
 guage and adopt her customs : a testimonial 
 highly for the glory of a people, and which ar- 
 
 1 Titus, Antoninus, M. Aurelius, Lucius Verus, &c. 
 
 gues a much more illustrious superiority than 
 that which is not founded on merit, but solely 
 u;)on the force of arms. Plutarch observes 
 somewhere, that no Greek ever thought of 
 learning Latin, and that a Roman who did not 
 understand Greek was in no great estimation. 
 
 ARTICLE II L 
 
 It might be expected, that after the subjection 
 of Macedonia and Greece to the Romans, our 
 history, confined for the future to two principal 
 kingdoms, those of Egypt and Syria, should 
 become more clear and intelligible than ever. 
 1 am, however, obliged to own, that it will be 
 more obscure and perplexed than it has been 
 hitherto, especially in regard to the kingdom of 
 Syi-ia, in which several kings not only succeed 
 one another in a short space, but sometimes 
 reign jointly, and at the same time to the num- 
 ber of three or four, which occasions a confu- 
 sion difficult to um-avel, and from which I find 
 it hard to extricate myself. This induces me 
 to prefix in this place the names, succession, and 
 duration, of the reigns of the kings of Egypt 
 and Syria. This short chronological abridg- 
 ment may contril)ute to cast some light upon 
 facts which are exceedingly complex, and serve 
 as a clue to guide the reader in a kind of laby- 
 rinth, where the most clear-sighted will have 
 occasion for assistance. It enlarges the work a 
 little, but it may be passed over, or be referred 
 to only when it is necessary to be set right : I 
 insert it here only with that view. 
 
 This third article contains the space of 100 
 years for the kingdom of Egypt, from the twen- 
 tieth year of Ptolemy Philometor, to the ex- 
 pulsion of Ptolemy Auletes from the throne ; 
 that is, from the year of the world 3845 to the 
 year 3946. 
 
 As to the kingdom of Syria, the same article 
 contains also almost the space of 100 years from 
 Antiochus Eupator to Antiochus Asiaticus, un- 
 der whom Syria became a province of the Ro- 
 man empire; that is, from the year of the 
 world 384.0 to the year 3939- 
 
604, 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 A Chronological Abridgment of the History in the third Article. 
 
 A.M. 
 3S24 
 
 3840 
 3842 
 3851 
 
 SS54 
 3856 
 
 Kings of Egypt. 
 
 3859 
 3860 
 
 3861 
 SSG3 
 
 SS64 
 
 3873 
 3874 
 
 S877 
 
 Physcon expels Cleopatra 
 his wife, and marries her 
 daughter, named also Cleo- 
 patra. He is compelled to fly. 
 The Alexandrians restore the 
 government to Cleopatra, his 
 first wife. 
 
 Physcon re-ascends the 
 throne. 
 
 Ptolemy Philometok. He 
 reigned something more than 
 thirty-four years. This arti- 
 cle contains only the fourteen 
 latter years of his reign. 
 
 Differences between Phl- 
 lometor and his younger bro- 
 ther Euergetes, or Physcon. 
 
 Ptolhmy Euergetes, other- 
 wise called Physcon, brother 
 of Philometor, ascends the 
 throne, and marries Cleopa- 
 tra, Philometor's wife. 
 
 Kings of Svri. 
 
 Antiochus El'pator, aged nine years, succeeds his father 
 Antiochus Epiphanes. He reigns only two years. 
 
 Demetrius Soter, son of Seleucus Philopator, having 
 escaped from Rome, ascends the throne. 
 
 Bala, under the name of Alexander, giving himself out 
 for the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, seizes the throne of 
 Syria. He is supported by the Romans. 
 
 Demetrius is killed in a battle. He had reigned twelve 
 years. 
 
 Alexander Bala. He reigns almost five years. Pto- 
 lemy Philometor declares against him in favour of Deme- 
 trius Nicator, son of Demetrius Soter. 
 Demetrius Nicator 
 
 Antiochus Theos, son of 
 Bala, supported by Tryphou, 
 seizes part of the kingdom. 
 
 DioDOTUs Tryphon, after 
 having got rid of his pupil An- 
 tiochus, ascends the throne. 
 
 Demetrius marches against 
 the Parthians, who take him 
 prisoner, and confine him. 
 He had reigned seven years. 
 
 Antiochus Sidetes, bro- 
 ther of Demetrius, after hav- 
 ing overthrown Tryphon, and 
 put him to death, is declared 
 king. Cleopatra, Demetrius's 
 wife, marries him. 
 
 Antiochus Sidetes marches 
 against the Parthians. 
 
 The Parthians send back 
 Demetrius into Syria. An- 
 tiochus is slain. 
 
 Demetrius Nicator 
 again in Syria. 
 
 reigns 
 
 Physcon gives his daughter 
 Tryphena to Grypus. 
 
 Demetrius is killed by Ze- 
 bina. 
 
 Cleopatra, wife of Deme- 
 trius, retains part of the king- 
 dom after his death. 
 
 Seleucus V. eldest son of 
 Demetrius, is declared king, 
 and soon after killed by Cleo- 
 patra. 
 
 Antiochus Grypus, his 
 younger brother, is placed on 
 the throne by Cleopatra. 
 
 Cleopatra designs to poison 
 Grypus, and is poisoned her- 
 self. 
 
 Alexander Zebina, sup- 
 ported by Physcon, expels 
 Demetrius from the throne, 
 who is killed soon after. 
 
 Zebina is overcome by Gry- 
 jius, and dies soon after. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 G05 
 
 Kings of Egypt. 
 
 Death of Physcon. He had 
 reigned twenty-nine years. 
 
 Ptolemy Lathyrus, or So- 
 TER, succeeds Physcon. 
 
 Cleopatra, his mother, obli- 
 ges him to repudiate Cleopati-a 
 his eldest sister, and man y 
 Selene his youngest sister. 
 
 Cleopatra gives the king- 
 dom of Cyprus to Alexander 
 her youngest son. 
 
 Cleopatra expels Lathyrus 
 from Egypt : he had reigned 
 ten years. She sets his younger 
 brother Alexander upon the 
 throne. 
 
 She gives her daughter Se- 
 lene, w^hom fehe had taken 
 from Lathyrus, in marriage 
 to Antiochus Grypus. 
 
 Alexander kills his mother 
 Cleopatra. 
 
 Alexander is expelled him- 
 self: he had reigned nineteen 
 years. He dies soon after 
 Lathyrus is recalled. 
 
 Kings of Syria. 
 
 Grypus is reconciled with 
 his brother the Cyzicenian. 
 
 3887 
 
 Death of Grypus. He had 
 Seleijcus, his son, succeeds 
 
 Seleucus is overthrown by 
 Eusebes, and burnt in Mop- 
 suestia. 
 
 Antiochus XI. brother of 
 Seleucus, and second son of 
 Grypus, assumes the diadem, 
 and is killed by Eusebes. 
 
 Philip, his brother, third 
 son of Grypus, succeeds him. 
 
 Demetrius Eucheres, 
 fourth son of Grypus, is es- 
 tablished upon the throne at 
 Damascus, by the assistance 
 of Lathyrus. 
 
 Antiochus the Cyzice- 
 nian, son of Cleopatra and 
 Antiochus Sidetes, takes arms 
 against Grypus. 
 
 Cleopatra, whom Lathyrus 
 had been obliged to repudi- 
 ate, marries the Cyzicenian. 
 She is killed by the order of 
 Tryphena wife of Grypus. 
 
 The Cyzicenian gains a vic- 
 tory over Grypus, and drives 
 him out of Syria. 
 
 The two brothers are re- 
 conciled, and divide the em- 
 pire of Syria. 
 
 Cleopatra gives her daugh- 
 ter Selene to Antiochus Gry- 
 pus. 
 
 eigned twenty-seven years, 
 him. 
 
 Antiochus the Cyzicenian 
 is overthiown, and put to 
 death. 
 
 Antiochus Eusebes, son of 
 the Cyzicenian, causes him-^ 
 self to be declared king. 
 
 Eusebes marries Selene, 
 widow of Grypus. 
 
 8890 
 3891 
 
 Demetrius having been ta- 
 ken by the Parthians, Anti- 
 ochus DioNYSius, fifth son of 
 Grypus, is placed upon tlie 
 throne at Damascus, and is 
 killed the following year. 
 
 The Syrians, weary of so 
 many divisions and revolu- 
 tions, elect as king, Tigra- 
 
 NES KING OF ArMENIA. He 
 
 reigns by a viceroy fourteen 
 years. 
 
 Eusebes, overthrown by 
 Philip and Demetrius, takes 
 refuge amongst the Par- 
 thians. 
 
 He is re-established upon 
 the throne by their means. 
 
 3892 
 S893 
 3897 
 
 3903 
 
 3907 
 3910 
 
 3911 
 
 3912 
 
 3913 
 S9U 
 
 3915 
 3916 
 
 3918 
 
 I 
 
 8921 
 
50G 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 A.M. 
 
 3923 
 
 Kings of Egypt. 
 
 Kings of Syria. 
 
 3935 
 
 Death of Latbyrus. 
 
 Alexander IL son of 
 Alexander I. under Sylla's 
 protection, is chosen king. 
 He marries Cleopatra, other- 
 wise called Berenice, and 
 kills her seventeen days after. 
 He reigned fifteen yeai"s. 
 
 The Alexandrians expel 
 Alexander. 
 
 Ptolemy Auletes, bas- 
 tard son of Latbyrus, is 
 placed upon the throne. 
 
 Tigranes recalls Mega- 
 dates his viceroy from Sy- 
 ria, who commanded thert 
 fourteen years in his came. 
 
 Eusebes takes refuge in 
 Cilicia, where he remains 
 concealed. 
 
 Selene, his wife, retains 
 part of Phoenicia and Coile- 
 syria, and gives her two sons 
 a good education. 
 
 Syria being unprovided 
 with troops, Antiochus Asi- 
 ATicus, son of Antiochus 
 Eusebes, takes possession of 
 some part of the country, 
 and reigns there during four 
 years. 
 
 Pompey deprives Anti- 
 ochus Asiaticus of bis domin- 
 ions, and reduces Syria into 
 a province of the Roman 
 empire. The family of the 
 Seleucidae is extinct with 
 him. 
 
 SECT. IT. 
 
 Antiochus Eupator, at the age of nine years, succeeds 
 liis father Antiochus Epiphanes in the kingdom of 
 Syria. Demetrius, who had been long a hostage at 
 Rome, demands, in vain, permission to return to Syria. 
 Celebrated victories of Judas Maccabeus against the 
 generals of the king of Syria, and the king himself in 
 person. Long differences between the two brothers 
 (the Ptolemies, kings of Egypt) terminated at length by 
 a happy peace. 
 
 We have long lost sight of the history of the 
 kings of Syria, and that of the kings of Egypt,' 
 which are,"^ for the most part, pretty closely 
 connected with each other. I am now going to 
 resume it, and it will not be interrupted any 
 more. 
 
 Antiochus, surnamed Eu- 
 pator, aged only nine years,^ 
 succeeded his father Anti- 
 ochus Epiphanes, in the 
 The latter at his death, sent 
 for Philip, his favourite, who had been brought 
 up with him. He gave him the regency of the 
 kingdom during his son's minority, and put his 
 crown, signet, and all other marks of the royal 
 dignity, into his hands ; recommending to him, 
 above all things, to employ his whole care in 
 educating his son in such a manner as was 
 most proper to instruct him in the art of reign- 
 ing. 
 
 Philip, on his arrival at Antioch, found that 
 another had already usurped the employment 
 which the late king had confided to him. Ly- 
 sias, upon the first advice of the death of Epi- 
 phanes, had placed his son Antiochus upon the 
 
 1 The last mention made of it is towards the end of 
 book XVIII. Article II. Sect. ii. and iii. 
 
 2 Appian. in Syr. p. 117. 1 Maccab vi. 17. 2 Maccab. 
 ix. 29. et X. 10—13. Joseph. Aiitiq. 1. xii. c 14. 
 
 A. M. 3840. 
 
 Ant. J. C. 164. 
 kingdom of Syria. 
 
 throne, whose governor he was, and had taken 
 upon himself, with the guardianship of the 
 young prince, the reins of government, without 
 any regard to the king's regulation at his death. 
 Philip knew well that he was not at that time 
 in a condition to dispute it with him, and re- 
 tired into Egypt, in hopes of finding at that 
 court the assistance he wanted to instate him in 
 his right, and to expel the usurper. 
 
 Much about the same time, Ptolemy Macron, 
 governor of Ccele-syria and Palestine, from an 
 enemy, which till then he had been to the Jews, 
 became on a sudden their friend ; moved, as the 
 Scripture says, with the flagrant injustice which 
 had been committed towards them. He put a 
 stop to the rigour of the persecution against 
 them, and employed" his whole influence to ob- 
 tain a peace for them. By this conduct he gave 
 his enemies occasion to injure him. They pre- 
 judiced the king against him, by representing- 
 him perpetually as a traitor ; because he had in 
 reality betrayed the interests of his first master, 
 Ptolemy Philometor, king of Egypt, who had 
 intrusted him with the government of the 
 island of Cyprus, and had given up that island 
 to Antiochus Epiphanes, upon entering into his 
 service. For how advantageous soever the 
 treason might be, the traitor, as is usual, was 
 hated. At length they so far succeeded by their 
 clamours and cabals, that he was deprived of his 
 government, which was given to Lysias ; no 
 other post or pension being conferred on him 
 to support his dignity. He had not strength of 
 mind enough to bear his downfal, and poisoned 
 himself : an end he well deserved for his treason, 
 and the share which he had taken in the cruel 
 persecution of the Jews. 
 
 Judas Maccabeus^ in the mean time was sig- 
 
 1 Maccab. v. 1—67. 2 Ma'Tab. x. 14—38. 
 
ALEXANDRR S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 007 
 
 aalizing his valour by several considerable vie- I 
 tories over the enemies of the people of God, 
 who continually waged an implacable war | 
 against him. The little time that Antiochus 
 Epiphanes survived the favourable inclinations 
 he had expressed for the Jews, would not admit 
 him to revoke in form his decree for obliging 
 them to change their religion. The court of 
 Syria, which always considered the Jews as re- 
 bels desirous of throwing off its yoke, and was 
 greatly interested in making a nation so power- 
 ful, and so near a neighbour, submit to it, had 
 no regard to some transient demonstrations of 
 the dying prince's favour to them. They al- 
 ways persisted in the same principles of policy, 
 and continued to look upon that nation as an 
 enemy, whose sole view was to shake off their 
 chains, and to support themselves in liberty of 
 conscience with regard to religion. Such Avere 
 the dispositions of Syria towards the Jews. 
 
 Demetrius,'' son of Seleu- 
 A. M. 3841. cus Philopator, who, since 
 Ant. J. C. 163. the year in which his father 
 died, had remained a hostage 
 at Rome, was in his twenty-third year, when 
 ' he was informed of the death of Antiochus Epi- 
 i phanes, and the accession of his son Eupator to 
 the crown, which he pretended to be his right, 
 as the son of Epiphanes's eldest brother. He 
 proposed to the senate his re-establishment upon 
 his father's throne; and to engage them in it, 
 he represented that, having been bred up at 
 Rome, he should always regard it as his native 
 country, the senators as his fathers, and their 
 sons as his brothers. The senate had more re- 
 gard for the interests of the republic than the 
 right of Demetrius, and thought it more advan- 
 tageous for the Romans that there should be. a 
 king in his minority upon the throne of Syria, 
 than a prince like ' Demetrius, who might at 
 length become formidable to them. They there- 
 fore made a decree to confirm Eupator, and sent 
 Cn. Octavius, Sp. Lucretius, and L. Aurelius, 
 with the character of ambassadors, into Syria, 
 to regulate all things conformably to the treaty 
 made with Antiochus the Great. Their design 
 was to weaken the power of that kingdom by 
 every possible method. The same ambassa- 
 dors' had instructions to accommodate, if possi- 
 ble, the diiferences between the two kings of 
 Egypt. 
 
 Lysias,^ terrified by the victories of Judas 
 Maccabeeus, formed an army of 80,000 foot, and 
 took with him all the cavalry of the kingdom, 
 with eighty elephants : at the head of all these 
 forces he marched into Judaea, with the resolu 
 tion to settle in Jerusalem, as inhabitants, for 
 eigriers that worshipped idols. He opened the 
 campaign with the siege of Bethsura, a fortress 
 between Idumsea and Jerusalem. Judas Mac- 
 cabEeus, and the whole people, besought the 
 Lord, with tears in their eyes, to send his an 
 gel for the preservation of Israel. Full of con 
 fidence in God, they took the field. When they 
 marched all together, with assured courage, out 
 of Jerusalem,^ there appeared a horseman 
 marching before them.' He was clothed in a 
 
 white habit, with armour of gold, and he held 
 a lance in his hand. That sight filled them 
 with new ardour. They threw themselves, 
 upon the enemy like lions, killed 12,600 men, 
 and obliged the rest to fly, most of them wound- 
 ed and without arms. 
 
 4 Polyb. Legat. cvii. Justin. 1. xxxiv. c. 3. Appian. in 
 
 ^^5 ifiviaccab. xi. 1—33. xii. 1—37. xiii. 1— i!4. 1 Mac- 
 cab. V. 65—67. vi. 19—63. Joseph. Antiq. lib. xii. 
 
 6 It was an atigel, perhaps St. Micliael, the f rotector of 
 the people of God. 
 
 7 This IS a verv extraordinary story, if true. Ihe 
 whole book, indeed, whence this wondrous relation is 
 
 taken, is truly a book of wonders, far surpassing those 
 recorded in the Old Testament. I shall not determine 
 the truth or falsehood of these surprising victories of Ju- 
 das Maccabeus, nor of the miraculous aids there said to 
 have been communicated to the Jewish leader and his 
 irave associates ; but state a few circumstances concern- 
 ing them, and leave the reader to draw his own conclu- 
 sions : for though the book itself be not esteemed canoni- 
 cal amongst protestants, as with the votaries of the Rom- 
 ish church, yet it is still so highly valued by many, that 
 to call in question any of its statements would be deemed 
 by such as tantamount to that of impugning the authority 
 of the Sacred canon. The facts are generally admitted to 
 be true, though there are undoubtedly several difficulties 
 respecting the circumstances of the facts. 
 
 Why Judas and his successors were called Maccabees 
 is uncertain. The book being written in Greek we have 
 no certainty which were the original letters of the word. 
 It might seem, at first sight, to be derived from the Hebrew 
 term Macchabeh, a word which signifies Hid, as a con. 
 temptuous epithet bestowed on them by their adversaries, 
 or their apostate countrymen, because they concealed them- 
 selves in caves and rocks ; but who having afterwards wiped 
 off that reproach by their bravery, still retained that appel- 
 lation in memory of their former concealment : or from the 
 word Makkebah, a cavern ; and so they might be called ca- 
 verners, or those who lurked in caverns. The ajjpellatioii 
 is by others derived from the verb macab, to wound ; from 
 nakab, to perforate ; from hakab, to supplant. The most 
 general opinion, however, is, that it was taken from the four 
 initial letters of the Ilth verse of the fifteenth of Exodus, 
 Mi-camoca-ba.elohim Jehovah ? Who is like unto thee, O 
 Jehovah, among the gods? which four letters are sup- 
 posed to have been embroidered upon their standards and 
 shields in the manner of the Romans, S. P. Q. R. This 
 last opinion is that of the elder Buxtorf, in his treatise of 
 Hebrew abbreviations, appended to his Bibliotheca Rab. 
 binica ; and who is herein followed by the learned WolS- 
 us, in his Bibliotheca Hebraica— though it be esteemed a 
 mere fiction by Dr. Kennicott, in his Dissertation on the 
 State of the Hebrew Text. 
 
 It is plain, however, from the text— whether such ab- 
 breviations were so ancient as the sera of the Maccabees 
 or not— that Judas had that surname long before he dis. 
 played his standards against the enemies of the Jewish 
 faith ; wherefore, I am rather inclined to think he and 
 his associates were so called from their wandering, in the 
 time of the general apostacy, and dominant power of the 
 Syrian monarch, in deserts and mountains, and in caves 
 and dens of the earth, Heb. xi. 37., if it can be supposed 
 that the apostle, in that passage, had any reference to such 
 sufferers. „ » , 
 
 The book itself, which contains the history of Judas and 
 his successors down to the death of the high-priest Simon 
 a period of forty years — was originally written in that dia- 
 lect of the Hebrew which the Jews used after their return 
 from the Babylonish captivity, but of which book we now 
 only possess the Greek version ; but by whom the transla- 
 tion was made, or the original composed, is unknown. It 
 seems to have been compiled partly from the memoirs 
 which Judas Maccabeus had caused to be collected, 
 2 Matcab. ii. 14. and partly from those of the high-priest 
 Hyrcanus, the son of Simon, who began his reign where 
 this book ends. 
 
 Judas's army consisted of only 6000 men, and which small 
 force might be denominated a flying army— moving quick, 
 ly from place to place, after the manner, if we may so ex- 
 press it of the Guerilla parties, during the late war in the 
 Spanish' peninsula, when it was overrun by the French ar. 
 mies. With this little band he successively defeated Apollo, 
 nius and Seron ; and afterwards, with only 3000 men, en. 
 gaged an army of near 50,000 iq^n, commanded by Nicanot 
 and Gorgias— killing 9000 of them, besides wounding a great 
 many more, though his little band were scarcely fur- 
 nished with weapons for so bold an enterprise. He then 
 defeated, it seems, with the same small band, another 
 large army of Syrians commanded by Timotheus and 
 Bacchides— killing 20,000 of them on the spot. 'I hen we 
 are told that Lysias came against them with a fifth army 
 of 60,000 infantry and 10,000 cavalry, and was met by the 
 Jewish hero with an army of only 10,000 men, who de- 
 feated him with the loss of .5000 men. All this is ditficult 
 to believe, especially the last That he should defeat ar. 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 After this check, Lysias,' weary of so unsuc- 
 cessful a war, and, as the Scriptare says, " be- 
 lieving the Jews invincible when supported by 
 the aid of the Almighty God," made a ti-eaty 
 
 1 2 Maccab. xi. 13. 
 
 army of 70,000 picked men— that such a numerous and 
 chosen host should take to their heels after losing only 
 5000 men— and that Lysias was so disheartened at this 
 small loss as to retreat to Antioch, is really next to mira- 
 culous. Unless the Jewish authors have either exagger. 
 ated their numbers and their character, it is otherwise in- 
 credible. We may safely presume this army to have been 
 a mere undisciplinid rabble, collected in haste, as it is 
 j)lainty impossible for any man to believe that an army so 
 numerous and well disciplined should have been so easily 
 routed and scared by a band of only 10,000 men, or one 
 seventh of their own number. The wonder is increased the 
 more, that after all these successive defeats of such nu- 
 merous hosts, Judas was still unable to take the citadel of 
 Acra, which commanded Jerusalem, though he took the 
 city itself and purified the temple. 
 
 We are next told that he defeated and killed 20,000 Idu- 
 means in the district of Acrabalene— took two strong for- 
 tresses belonging to a tribe of that nation, and killed 
 20,000 more men ; and afterwards defeated Timotheus at 
 the head of another numerous host, after slaying upwards 
 of 20,000 of his troops. He afterwards defeated Timotheus 
 a third time at the head of another army, with the loss of 
 8000 more men, with a multitude of other minor successes, 
 and all these in the course of two campaigns. At last, 
 Lysias came against him with a host of chosen troops, 
 consisting of 80,000 foot, all the cavalry of Syria, with 80 
 elephants, fully determined to crush this daring hero and 
 his adventurous followers. Alarmed, as never before, 
 at the news of this invasion, Judas Maccabeus, and the 
 whole people, besought the Lord, weeping, to send his 
 angel to assist and preserve them, and then full of confi- 
 dence marched out of Jerusalem against this Lysias ; and 
 lo ! an answer to their prayer was made; for as soon as they 
 commenced their march, this atigel appeared as a horse- 
 man marching before them, dressed in white habiliments, 
 with golden armour, and carrying a lance in his hand. This 
 appearance of a supernatural general filled them, as might 
 be expected, with new ardour ; and under the guidance 
 of this angelic warrior they threw themselves with ani- 
 mation on the enemy, as certain of victory, and killed 
 12,600 of them, and put all the rest of the numerous host, 
 men, cavalrv, and elephants to utter rout. 
 
 This angelic personage our author devoutly believes to 
 have been Saint Michael, the protector of the Jewish na- 
 tion, and who seems to have been the same that appear- 
 ed some time before to Heliodorus, as he was going to 
 enter the temple, and terrified him out of his senses. 
 It may appear, at first sight, somewhat odd, that, although 
 the Jews were interdicted the use of horses for cavalry — 
 that though, in obedience to the divine command, they for- 
 merly houghed the horses of their enemies, to render them 
 unserviceable— that though they were forbidden to put their 
 trust in horses or in chariots, or to imitate their pagan 
 neighbours in such practices— though commanded to say, 
 in a repentant tone for such sinful compliances, by the 
 prophet Hosea, " Ashur shall not save us ; we will not 
 ride upon horses;" this angelic personage should ap. 
 pear on horseback, leading them to battle : yet, in several 
 passages of the Old Testament, supernatural appearances 
 of chariots of fire, and horses of fire, are mentioned— as 
 in the case of Elijah, an-d of his successor Elisha— and in 
 that of the Svrians, who were made to hear a great noise 
 as of chariots and of horses, and therefore fled as panic 
 etruck ; and therefore such an appearance in the case of 
 Judas is possible, as being somewhat analogous to these. 
 I cannot help, however, being somewhat suspicious of its 
 truth in the case before us. 
 
 Under the impression that they were miraculously assist, 
 ed, a peace was made by Lysias with the victorious Jews, 
 much to their advantag*. If such an impression were 
 really made on the minds of their enemies, it appears to 
 have been but of short duration, for the peace was quickly 
 broken, and another army of 120,000 men, besides ca- 
 valry, was led against them by Timotheus, who had al- 
 ready been thrice vanquished ; and who, one would sup- 
 pose, after so many successive defeats would not be over 
 fond of again trving his fortune with so victorious a gen- 
 eral, aided by heaven itself. He is of course defeated a 
 fourth time, with the loss of 30,000 men. This greatest 
 of all defeats, however, does not yet deter the enemies of 
 the Jews from making a fresh attempt to reduce them, j 
 
 with Judas and the Jewish nation, which An- 
 tiochus ratified. One of the articles of peace 
 was, that the decree of Antiochus Epiphanes, 
 which obliged the, Jews to conform to the reli- 
 
 miraculously and visibly aided as they were. The garri- 
 son of Characa were all put to the sword, to the amount 
 of 10,000 men. Ephron, also, was taken by storm — all 
 the males, 25,00') in number, slaughtered— the wives and 
 young women taken captive — and the place itself burned 
 and razed to the ground. The strong fortress of Carnion, 
 to which a great number of fugitives from the routed 
 army of Timotheus had retreated for safety, was taken 
 by storm and burned— the temple of Atargatis, with the 
 miserable people who had taken refuge in it, shared the 
 same fate — then the city itself was set on fire, when all the 
 inhabitants, 25,000 in number, perished in the flames or 
 by the sword. 
 
 After these miraculous successes Judas returned to Je- 
 rusalem and gave public thanics to God that he and his 
 small army had achieved these wondrous feats without 
 the loss of a single individual. All these astonishing suc- 
 cesses were accomplished in the short space of two 
 months. It seems the peace was no sooner made than it 
 was broken. In that short space of time they had burned 
 the two havens and fleets of Joppa and Jamnia ; beaten 
 the Arabian Nomades ; taken the strong fortresses ot 
 Caspis, Characa, Carnion, and Ephron ; defeated an army 
 of nigh 130,000 men, and put 100,000 persons, in that ac- 
 tion and the storming of three fortresses, to death— ex- 
 clusive of the slaughter at Caspis, where a lake, two fur. 
 longs broad, swam with blood ; and all these battles were 
 fought — these victories obtained — these myriads slaugh- 
 tered — these fortresses stormed, captured, burned, and 
 razed to the ground, without the loss of a man ! Such a 
 chain of successes in so short a time have no parallel in 
 all history, sacred or prophane. Apella the Jew may be- 
 lieve these stories — I cannot. 
 
 Another wonder succeeds. A small army of Syrians, 
 con.sisting of only 3400 men, headed by Gorgias governor of 
 Idumea, had the temerity to attack this victorious general, 
 and that so briskly, that Judas had the mortification to 
 see a number of his invulnerables put to the sword; and 
 the whole of his hitherto invincible army were on the 
 point of l eing utterly routed, had not Judas revived the 
 courage of his men by a series of prayers and psalms, on 
 which the enemy took fright and fled, which saved his 
 army from utter destruction, and gave Judas time to rally 
 and refresh his wearied and almost discomfited soldiers. 
 This is truly wonderful— that an army which had hitherto 
 defeated such vast masses of successive armies, and had 
 almost nothing else to do but merely to kill them— whose 
 leader, in every action, might use the expression of Caesar, 
 " veni, vidi, vici," was all but defeated by a small aimy 
 of 3400 men ; and that not by stratagem, or ambuscade, 
 but in the open plain, in a fair fought battle. What be- 
 came of the angel Michael — or Saint Michael, as our 
 author calls him— on this occasion ? He perhaps thought 
 there was no need of his services against so small an army. 
 Be the case as it may. Judas marches against the Idume- 
 ans consequent on this dear bought victory ; takes He- 
 bron (which had been taken and demolished by himself 
 but shortly before), with several other fortresses, and then 
 marched against the Philistines— captured Ashdod- pulled 
 down all their images and altars wherever he passed — and 
 then returned to Jerusalem loaded with glory and plunder. 
 
 What is very wonderful, all this time, the fortress of 
 Acra, in Jerusalem, still remained in the hands of tlie 
 Syrians; this general, who had beaten so many armies, 
 and captured so many fortresses, could not take it. No 
 such miraculous aid, as was furnished on other occasions, 
 was furnished here. It was well stored with provisions, 
 arms, and men ; and Judas himself, though he besieged 
 it, was unable to capture it ;— nay, by a well concerted 
 sally, a number of the renogado Jews escaped, and got to 
 Antioch, though 400 miles distant, and told the Syrian 
 court of the danger in which the garrison was placed, and 
 the necessity there was somemething being done in order 
 to relieve it. 
 
 A vast army of 100,000 men, with 20,000 cavalry, 3-2 
 elephants, and SOO war chariots, is equipped, and marches 
 against the Jews, with the Syrian monarch and his gov. 
 ernor Lysias at their head— the very same Lysias who had 
 already "been twice defeated by Judas— and came to the 
 very same place, Betlisura, where they had fought and 
 been vanquished but a few months before. Judas with a 
 small band of resolute men attacked this numerous and 
 well disciplined host in the night time, killed "iOi 0 of 
 them, and threw the whole camp into the utmost confu- 
 sion, and then retired at break of day without the loss o, 
 I a man ! — Mirabile dictu. 
 
gion of the Greeks, should ),e revoked and can- 
 ceJIed, ana that they should be at libei tv to live 
 '",^,»J pJai-'es according to their own laws. 
 
 Ihi8 peace was of no long diu-ation. The 
 
 I>eavingthe siege of Bethsura, the Syrian army attacked 
 Judas, who did not decline the engagement, but began the 
 onset himself, and killed 600 of them at once. It seems 
 however, that the angel Michael did not, at this time, in' 
 terpose as he did in the former engagement with Lysias, 
 mougli, to hum;in observation, there was really more need 
 now than ever to put himself at their head, for Judas was 
 compelled to retreat, which he did in good order, to Jeru- 
 salem. Oi, this, the siege of Bethsura was resumed, and 
 tne garrison compelled to surrender, after a long and 
 vigorous defence. Afcer the capture of this fortress the 
 byrians marched straight to Jerusalem, and there besieged 
 Judas and his garrison, who, it seems, would have been 
 obliged to surrender at discretion, had not a political re- 
 volution opportunely taken place, and saved, for a time 
 the independence of the Jews. Antiochus made a peace 
 with Judas on honourable terms, and was admitted into 
 the city and the fortifications of the temple, which con 
 trary to his engagement, he ordered to be demolished 
 
 It would appear, whatever the author of the book of 
 Maccabees may say, that Jerusalem was obliged to capitu 
 ate ; tor otherwise, why was the Syrian army permitted 
 . ; K /u'^ 'u^y ^^'^^ ^'^^ fortifications of the temple 
 demolished by the Syrian monarch ? and why was Judas 
 unable to prevent all tliis ? In spite of ail Judas's wonderful 
 vic'orie.s things were now worse than before; and though 
 I Menelaus, that apostate high-priest, was put to death, still 
 ; the nomination of the priesthood was in the power of the 
 I Syrian monarch, who bestowed it on Alcimus, who was 
 confirrned in it by Demetrius, the successor of Antiochus • 
 
 °t,*^?''^^P''l'°'^'^ faithful Jews and Judas 
 
 at their head, still maintained his ground in Judea, being 
 I supported by a body of Syrian troops whom Bacchides had 
 I left with him at Jerusalem to support him in his new dig. 
 
 mty. Judas still kept Jerusalem, and Alcimus had no 
 j other way to .<^ecure Jus admission into the city and tem 
 J p.e but by means of a new army of Syrians, which was 
 I accordingly sent under Nicanor. But this general who 
 j had already felt the prowess of the Jewish leader, was bv 
 ■ no means fond of experiencing it a second time, and 
 ; therefore clapped up a treaty with him on the best terms 
 1 possible ; although Simon, the brother cf Judas, was so 
 terrified at the approach of his army, that he retreated 
 instantly with his small band to Jerusalem. This did not 
 I please the apostate Alcimus, who was thereby defeated in 
 his main design of entering Jerusalem and performing the 
 I functions of his office; and complained to Demetrius of 
 j the conduct of Nicanor, who was ordered by him to renew 
 hostilities and instal Alcimus in his dignity by force of 
 arms Nicanor, however unwilling, was compelled to 
 comply; and therefore entered Judea with a new and 
 numerous army : but, fearful of venturing an engagement 
 at first endeavoured to accon.plish by treachery, what he 
 could not do by open force, and therefore endeavoured to 
 decoy Judas to a personal conference and seize liim • which 
 he perceiving, refused to enter into any negotiations with 
 him, but prepared for a vigorous defence. A battle was 
 accordingly fouglit at Capharsalama, fi^e miles from Jeru 
 salem, in which Nicanor lost 5000 men ; but still the Jews 
 were compelled to retreat, and Nicanor entered Jerusalem 
 with his victorious array, and swore the utter destruction 
 of both city and temple unless Judas were imm.ediately 
 delivered up. But Judas, happily for himself and his 
 countrymen, had withdrawn from the city into the district 
 of Samaria, with a few of his faithful adherents 
 
 In the meantime Nicanor did what he pleased at Jeru 
 salem ; and hearing that Judas was in the district abovel 
 mentioned, marched against him with 3.5,000 men and 
 determined to attack him on the Jewish sabbath, thinkine- 
 as the writer of that book assures us, that the Jews would 
 all rather be murdered than fight on that day This is 
 very improbable, as Nicanor could not but know that the 
 Jews bad got over their scruples on that head ; and recent 
 experience had shown the utter futility of all attempts to 
 attack tliem on that day in the vain hope of finding them 
 either unprepared for combat or willingly allowing them 
 onl7'omS if '', i^rnediltdy met him with 
 
 only ^000 chosen men ; and having encouraged his men with 
 proper texts out of the Old Testament, and with a com. 
 fortable vision which he had lately enjoyed of seeing the 
 late high-priest Onias, and after him the prophet Jero 
 miah, interceding for the Jewish people, and that the lati 
 ter liad presented him with a splendid sword, and given 
 nim assurance of complete victory— they were so elevated 
 vv !|i t.hese real or i^retended visions, that ihev fell on 
 tue Syrians hke lions, and routed them at the very first 
 
 t.eighbounng people were too much the enemies 
 ot the Jews to leave them long in repose. Ju- 
 das overcam.e them in many battles. Timothe- 
 ns, one of the king's generals, assembled all hia 
 
 ^unh\ ^^'^^ooj' men were seized with 
 
 S .r""' *^^^they abandoned their camp, threw away 
 le e ^vaTthe'r ff'^ "'^ ''"^"'^'^ ^^^^^ ' ^^m! 
 one inan our nf .'h^^^^/^/^^i^^ff"^ P"'"^"'*' ^^at not 
 new, ^n r k whole 35,000, escaped to carry the 
 
 Ihis is indeed a very wonderful story, that 3000 mpn 
 
 but yet, notwithstanding such astonishing succet, (so rnuch 
 so, indeed, that one would wonder how the Syrians wou'd 
 ever take it upon them again to face the Je^" in the 
 field, or so much as oppose them,) we And Judas ome 
 
 3er ofZ's"''- '° Jerusalem to the super Lr 
 
 power ot the Syrian general. ' 
 
 Bacchides was, immediately on the news of this defeat, 
 
 ^^n ilJn^^A^'^'''l^^^^^^ monarch, with TZ,tGV 
 
 men agamst Judas, who had but SOOfJ men. These 3('oo 
 atelv d ''"t^'^^"'^ invincible warriors, who had so 
 ^wnn to attack a much more numerous host of 
 
 t''S^!'^^^,^^f^dtheM with their general at thek 
 head are suddenly, mirabile dictu, seized with an unac- 
 countable panic, andrun away all but 800 men. With these 
 few, however, Judas was compelled to fight ; and thoueh 
 the combat lasted from morning till night-lhouih the 
 wr.'n?^.'''''" disproportionie as ^s'S 1-thl ri^.t 
 h df, H f ''^''T defeated, and pursued by 
 
 Judas , but, in the meantime, the left wing having quite 
 
 S°vaH'.l^r"r'' ^^^"l^"' t^^y ^ere^all slai^lith 
 . ^ leader-and thus the affair was terminated. 
 What came of saint Michael, that he was not here, as on 
 nf h'T^Ii^'^K ^^*'f!:',u*''^''^ '^^^ ^° "^"ch the mo^e need 
 tPvfc l^^- ■ K-^^^* '^'"^ tl^e wonted canticles, 
 texts, and visions, which were so lately wont to encourage 
 these warriors with the assured hope of certain victory^ 
 How came these heroes, who had formerly faced 100 000 
 men under Lysias and Timotheus, to be so terrified at'the 
 ight of only i^2,000 men as to run away immediately and 
 leave their hitherto victorious leader with those few who 
 had courage to stay (and the romantic courage cf these 
 is just as extraordinary as the cowardice of the others) to 
 be butchered by their merciless enemies ? The death of 
 this chief was immediately followed by tlie complete con. 
 
 hrn^vP°iH''f >/f'',^r™^\^"^ ^^^^^ dispersion of those 
 brave and faithful few who had hitherto stood so heroi- 
 cally for their God and their country. 
 
 I have been obliged to take notice of these romantic ac- 
 counts, as our author, like a good Catholic, takes them all 
 for truth ; never troubhng himself or his reader with anv 
 scruples respecting their authenticity, being firmly per- 
 suaded that they are of equal authority with the sacred 
 canon nay, that they make a part of it. It is plain to me. 
 that the author of this book has forfeited all title to an 
 honest, veracious historian ; his exaggerations are so noto- 
 nous, and his discrepancies so manifest. Who, for in 
 stance, that has read the preceding account of the Syrian 
 wars with Rome and Egypt, can believe that such numer 
 
 ?n nrfn '^foo'rr^^'""'.^''' '^'^ Jews as 65,000, 
 
 ^0,000, 120,000, when the utmost number that Antiochus 
 the C7reat could muster at the battle of Kaphia when the 
 PHn^ monarchy was at its height, did not exceed 
 
 /8,000 men ? i he number of Syrian forces at the battle of 
 Magnesia, when the same monarch had to encounter a far 
 more powerful enemy than the Jews, and when the very 
 existence of the Syrian empire was, as it were, at stake 
 did not exceed 80,000 men. Who can believe, that, (when 
 the two defeats of Raphia and mount Sipylus had each so 
 reduced the Syrian power as to render it comparatively 
 inert,) the successive defeats of so many successive armies 
 produced no other effect than a m.ere temporary breath' 
 ing, till another army, as numerous and as well appointeo 
 as the preceding, came, in order to be defea'ed like those 
 who had fought before ? Who can believe that the Syrian 
 court could raise and support such numerous successive 
 armies in the dechne of its power, when stript of all its 
 possessions beyond mount Taurus to the west, and be- 
 yond the Zagrian range to the east ? Who can believe 
 that a base Syrian governor could muster an army of 
 130,000 men, and be defeated with the loss of 30,000 men— 
 this very general who had been killed the year before, un 
 less it be supposed he was his son, of which not the 'least 
 hint 18 given in that romantic story ? Who can credit the 
 marvellous story of Judas killing 100,000 men in two 
 2 Q 
 
GIO 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 raised an army of 120,000 foot, with- but they wou d be overpovvered at lengtli by the 
 I no^ the horse, which amounted to Inumber of h.s troops and elephants. He re- 
 d■^s full of confidence in the God of , solved therefore to come to a general battle with 
 
 forces, and 
 out includ 
 
 annTes mS^hed^'igainsThrm with tVo^s Very ' them. Judas, without being intimidated by the 
 mS^h infTrTor as to^umber. He attacked and terrible preparations for it advanced with Ins 
 mucnmreriox a ^ ^ ^^^^^^^ j^^^ 30,000 men in army,, and gave the kmg battle in which the 
 
 Jews killed a great number of the enemy 
 Eleazar, a Jew, seeing an elephant larger than 
 the rest, covered with the king's arms, and be- 
 lieving the king was upon it, sacrificed himself 
 to preserve his people, and to acquire a perpelua^ 
 name. He forced his way boldly to the ele- 
 phant through the line of battle, killing and 
 overthrowing all who opposed him. Then 
 placing himself under the beast's belly, he 
 ■ in such a manner 
 
 that it fell and 
 
 defeated him. ,^ . , , ■,. 
 
 this battle, and saved himself with great dim- 
 culty. This defeat was followed by many ad- 
 vantages on the side of Judas, which proved that 
 God alone is the source of valour, intrepidity, 
 and success in war. He showed this in the 
 most sensible manner, by the evident and singu- 
 lar protection which he gave to a people, ot 
 whom he was in a peculiar manner the guide 
 
 and director. „ . , - . 3 
 
 A new armv was raised of 100,000 foot, with pierced It , ^ , 
 
 20,000 hl^rseftwo-and-thirty elephants, and 300 | crushed him to death underneath .t 
 chariots of war. The king in person, with | 
 Lysias the regent of the kingdom, put them- 
 selves at the head of it, and entered Judsea. 
 Judas, relying upon the omnipotence of God, 
 the creator of the universe, and having ex- 
 horted his troops to fight to the last drop of 
 their blood, marched and posted himself in the 
 front of the king's camp. After having given 
 Iiis troops for the word of battle. Victory is of 
 God, he chose the bravest men of his army, and 
 with them, in the night, attacked the kings 
 quarters. They killed 4000 men, and retired, 
 after having filled his whole camp with contu- 
 sion and dismay. 
 
 Judas, in the mean time, and his troops, 
 fought with extraordinary resolution. But at 
 length, exhausted by fatigue, and no longer able 
 to support the weight of the enemy, they 
 thought fit to retire. The king followed them, 
 and besieged the fortress of Bethsura. That 
 place, after a long and vigorous defence, was 
 obliged, for want of provisions, to surrender by 
 capitulation. 
 
 From thence Antiochus marched against Je- 
 rusalem, and besieged the temple. Those who 
 defended it were reduced to the same extremi- 
 ties with the garrison of Bethsura, and would, 
 like them, have been obliged to surrender, if 
 Providence had not relieved them by an unfore- 
 
 months' time, with the siege and capture of so many for . 
 tres'se^ and all these witliout the loss of a single man ? 
 
 If we are to credit this romance writer, Judas mu&t have 
 killed at least half a million of men in the short period of 
 six years Two hundred and sixty-four thousand are enu- 
 merated as being slain in various battles, and in the cap- 
 tures of several fortresses, whilst as many more must have 
 perished hy his sword in the other expeditions which he 
 i made. It is apparent, on the least inspection, that several 
 I of the battles and expeditions have been twice fought and 
 made, and yet this veracious author h.is the assurance to 
 tell his readers, after all these wondrous stories of his 
 hero, that lie omitted the rest of his victoiimis wars be- 
 cause thetj were too numerous to be related. Yet the truit 
 of all these numerous victories, more than were ever 
 1 gained by any general, with so few men, in any age or 
 country, and of the supernatural assistance vouchsafed 
 him, ended in his defeat and death, and the subjugatioif 
 of his countrymen. He who can believe all these ro- 
 mantic accounts, can believe any thing. ^ m <• 1 
 I by no means dispute the fact that a |iumber .<)f [aithM 
 
 ance there against Lysias. But the disputes 
 which had arisen between the two brothers, 
 who reigned jointly, as has been said elsewhere, 
 soon undeceived him. Finding that he had no- 
 thing to expect from that quarter, he returned 
 into the East, assembled some troops of Medes i 
 and Persians, and taking advantage of the king s 
 absence during his expedition against Juda?a, he 
 seized the capital of the empire. Upon that 
 news, Lysias thought it necessary to make peace , 
 with the Jews, in order to turn his arms against 1 
 his rival in Syria. Peace was accordingly con- ! 
 eluded upon very advantageous and honourable 
 conditions. Antiochus swore to observe it, and 
 was admitted to enter the fortifications of the 
 temple, with the sight of which he was so much 
 terrified, that, contrary to his faith given, and 
 the oath he had sworn when ratifying the peace, } 
 he caused them to be demolished before he set . 
 
 The sudden return of Antio 
 
 I by no means dispute the fact that a number ot taiiniui , ^^^^ Syria. The sudden return or /iniiu- 
 Jews stood out against the invad^^^^^^ drove Philip out of Antioch, and put an 
 
 were zealous for the God of their fathers ; that Judas was 
 the brave and oft successful defender of his country s 
 rights, and a zealous and resolute advocate for the cause 
 of truth and piety. I as really believe these facts as I be- 
 lieve in the existence of the renowned Wallace, the hero 
 of Scottish romance. It is the tissue of gross exaggeration 
 that runs through the whole narrative of the Jewish hero s 
 exploits, with which fault is here found. I am no more 
 bound to believe such gross fictions than to believe those 
 recorded of Wallace by his veracious biographer and chap- 
 lain. Blind Harry. Of this I am firmly persuaded, tliat 
 no sensible, well-informed Christian, will ever place such 
 a romantic history as that of the first book of the Macca- 
 bees on a level with the historical books of the Old 1 c.^ta 
 ment : as the facts there narrated bear internal evidence 
 of their truth, and are perfect sobriety compared with the 
 deeds of a hero whom his biographer has made, in the 
 number and splendour of his victories, to exceed all those 
 recorded of a Joshua and a Jepthah, a Barak and a Gi- 
 deon ; with this diSference, that, in the former the Israel, 
 ites obtained peace and rest in consequence ot these divine 
 interpositions, whilst, in the latter, such were wholly un- 
 availing, till the growing weakness of the Syrian power, 
 and the frequent political struggles for the crown amongst 
 the worthless descendants of Seleucus enabled the Jews 
 gradually to throw off the yoke of their pagan rulers and 
 secure their independence. — Ed. 
 
 end to his short regency, 
 life. 
 
 and soon after of his 
 
 A. M. SS43. 
 Ant. J. C. 162. 
 
 The troubles occasioned by 
 the divisions between the two 
 Ptolemies,* which we have 
 just now mentioned, rose so 
 
 high, that the Roman senate gave orders to the 
 ambassadors they had sent into Syria, to pro- 
 ceed to Alexandria, and to use all their endea- 
 vours to reconcile them. Before they arrived 
 there, Physcon, the youngest, surnamed Euer- 
 ge^es had' already expelled his J?-ther Philo- 
 metor, The latter embarked for Italy, and 
 landed at Brundusium. From whence he went 
 the rest of the way to Rome, on foot, very lU 
 
 & 68. Oiod. in 
 
 cxiii. Epit. Liv. 1 xlvi. 
 
A-LEXANDEIl'S SUCCIiSSOKS. 
 
 Cll 
 
 dressed, and with few followers, and demanded 
 of the senate the necessary aid for replacing him 
 upon the throne. 
 
 As soon as Demetrius, son of Seleucus Philo- 
 pator, king of Syria, who was still a hostage at 
 Rome, was apprized of the unhappy condition 
 to which that fugitive prince was reduced, he 
 caused royal robes and an equipage to be got 
 ready for him, that he might appear in Rome 
 as a king, and went to meet him with all he had 
 ordered to be prepared for his use. He found 
 him twenty-six miles, that is, at nine or ten 
 leagues distance from Rome. Ptolemy expressed 
 great gratitude to him for his goodness, and the 
 honour he did him ; but did not think proper to 
 accept his present, nor permit him to attend 
 him the rest of his journey. He finished it on 
 foot, and with the same attendants and habit he 
 had worn till then. In that manner he entered 
 Rome, and took up his lodging with a painter 
 of Alexandria, who had but a very small house. 
 His design, by ail these circumstances, was to 
 express the misery to which he was reduced the 
 bettex', and to move the compassion of the Ro- 
 mans- 
 
 When the senate were informed of his arrival, 
 they sent to desire he would come to them ; and 
 to excuse their not having prepared a house for 
 his reception, and that he had not been paid 
 the honours at his entry with which it was the 
 custom to treat princes of his rank : they as- 
 sured him that it was neither for want of con- 
 sideration for his person, nor out of neglect, but 
 because his coming had surprised them, and had 
 been kept so secret, that they were not apprized 
 of it till after he had entered Rome. After- 
 wards, having desired him to quit the habit he 
 wore, and to demand an audience of the senate, 
 in order to explain in a full meeting the occa- 
 sion of his voyage, he was conducted by some of 
 the senators to a house suitable to his birth ; and 
 orders were given to the qujestors, or treasurers, 
 to see him served and supplied at the expense of 
 the public, with all things necessary, during his 
 residence at Rome. 
 
 When they gave him audience, and he had 
 represented his condition to the Romans, they 
 immediately resolved to re -establish him ; and 
 deputed two of the senators, with the character 
 of ambassadors, to go with him to Alexandria, 
 and cause their decree to be put in execution. 
 They reconducted him accordingly, and suc- 
 ceeded in negotiating an accommodation between 
 the two brothers. Libya, and the province of 
 Cyrene, were given to Physcon j Philometor 
 had Egypt and the isle of Cyprus ; and each of 
 them was declared independent of the other in 
 the dominions assigned them. The treaty and 
 agreement were confirmed with the customary 
 oaths and sacrifices. 
 
 But oaths and sacrifices had long been with 
 the generality of princes no more than simple 
 ceremonies and mere forms, by which they did 
 not think themselves bound in the least. And 
 this way of thinking is but too common. Soon 
 after, the youngest of the two kings, dissatisfied 
 with the partition which had been made, went 
 in person to complain of it to the senate. He 
 demanded that the treaty of partition should be 
 annulled, and that he should be restoi-ed to the 
 possession of the isle of Cyprus. He alleged 
 that he had been forced by the necessity of the 
 times to comply with the former proposals, and 
 that, even though Cyprus should be granted 
 him, his share would still be far from equal to 
 his brother's. Menethyllus, whom the elder 
 
 Ptolemy had deputed to Rome, made it appea? 
 that Physcon held not only Libya and Cyre- 
 naica, but his life also, from the goodness of his 
 brother : that he had made himself so mu(;h the 
 abhorrence of the people, by his violent proceed- 
 ings, that they would have left him neither life 
 nor government, had not his brother snatched 
 him from their resentment, by making himself 
 mediator : that at the time he was preserved 
 from this danger, he thought himself too happy 
 m reigning over the region allotted to him ; and 
 that both sides had ratified the treaty before the 
 altar of the gods, and sworn to observe their 
 agreement with each other. Quintus and Ca- 
 nuleius, who had negotiated the accommodation 
 between the brothers, confirmed the truth of all 
 Menethyllus advanced. 
 
 The senate, seeing that in fact the partition 
 was not equal, artfully took advantage of the 
 quarrel between the two brothers, to diminish 
 the strength of the kingdom of Egypt, by divid- 
 ing it, and granted the younger 'what he de- 
 manded. For such was then the policy of the 
 Romans. It is Polybius who makes this re- 
 flection. They made the quarrels and differ- 
 ences of princes the means of extending and 
 strengthening their own power, and behaved in 
 regard to them with so much address, that 
 whilst they acted solely for their own interest, 
 the contending parties were, however, obliged 
 to them. As therefore the great power of Egypt 
 gave them reason to apprehend it would become 
 too formidable if it fell into the hands of one 
 sovereign, who knew how to use it, they ad- 
 judged the isle of Cyprus to Physcon. Deme- 
 trius, who did not lose sight of the throne of 
 Syria, and who, on his part, was interested that 
 so powerful a prince as the king of Egypt 
 should not continue in possession of the island 
 of Cyprus, had supported the demand of Phys- 
 con with all his influence. The Romans made 
 T. Torquatu?3 and Cn. Merula set out with the 
 latter, to put him in possession of it. 
 
 During that prince's stay at Rome,* he had 
 often the opportunity of seeing Cornelia, the 
 mother of the Gracchi, and caused proposals of 
 marriage to be made to her. But as she was 
 the daughter of Scipio Africanus, and the wi- 
 dow of Tiberius Gracchus, who had been twice 
 consul and censor, she rejected his offers, and 
 believed it more honourable to be one of the 
 first ladies of Rome, than queen of Libya with 
 Physcon. 
 
 Physcon set out from Rome with the two 
 Roman ambassadors. Their plan was to con- 
 cert an interview between the two brothers 
 upon the frontier, and by means of a negotia- 
 tion to bring them to that agreement which the 
 senate had fixed. Philometor did not explain 
 himself openly at first. Pie spun out the affair 
 to as great a length as he could, upon different 
 pretexts, endeavouring to gain time, and taking 
 secret measures against his brother. At length 
 he declared plainly, that he was resolved to 
 stand to the first treaty, and that he would 
 make no other. 
 
 The Cyrenaeans, in the 
 A. M. 3843. mean time,^ informed of the 
 Ant. J. C. 161. ill conduct of Physcon dur- 
 ing the time that he was In 
 
 2 Plut. in Tib. Grac. p. 824. 
 3 Polyb. Legal, cxxxii. Id. in Excerpt. Vales, p. 197. 
 I>iod. in Excerpt. Vales, p. 334. 
 
 2Q2 
 
0-12 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 possession of the government at Alexandria, 
 conceived so strong an aversion for him, that 
 thev resolved to keep him out of their country 
 by force of arms. It was not doubted but Fhi- 
 lometor had covertly taken pains to excite these 
 disturbances. Physcon, who had been over- 
 thrown by the rebels in a battle, having almost 
 lost all hope, sent two deputies with the Roman 
 ambassadors on their return to Rome, with or- 
 ders to lay his complaints against his brother 
 before the senate, and to solicit their protection. 
 The senate, olfended at Philometor's refusal to 
 evacuate the island of Cyprus according to their 
 decree, declared that there was no longer any 
 amity and alliance between him and tiie Ro- 
 mans, and ordered his ambassador to quit Rome 
 in five days. tc 
 Physcon found means to re-establish himselt 
 in Cyrenaica; but made himself so generally 
 bated by his subjects, through his ill conduct, 
 that some of them fell upon him, and wounded 
 him in several places, and left him for dead upon 
 the spot. He imputed this to his brother Phi- 
 lometor ; and, as soon as he was recovered of his 
 wounds, undertook again a voyage to Rome. 
 He there made his complaints against him to 
 the senate, showed the scars of his wounds, and 
 accused him of having employed the assassins 
 from whom he received them. Though Philo- 
 metor was the most humane of all princes, and 
 the least to be suspected of so black and barbar- 
 ous an action, the senate, who were angry at his 
 refusal to submit to the regulation they had 
 made in regard to the isle of Cyprus, gave ear 
 to this false accusation with too much facility. 
 They carried their prejudice so high against 
 him, that they would not so much as hear ^vhat 
 his ambassadors had to say in his defence. Or- 
 ders were sent to them to quit Rome imme- 
 diately. Besides which, the senate appointed 
 five commissioners to conduct Physcon into Cy- 
 prus, and to put him in possession of that island, 
 and wrote to all their allies near it to aid him 
 for that purpose with all their troops. 
 
 Physcon, by this means, 
 A. M. S847. with an army which seemed 
 Ant. J. C. 157. to him sufficient for the exe- 
 cution of his design, landed 
 in the island. Philometor, who had gone thither 
 in person, defeated him, and obliged him to 
 shut himself up in Lapitho, where he was soon 
 invested, besieged, and at length taken, and put 
 into the hands of the brother whom he had so 
 cruelly injured. Philometor's exceeding good- 
 ness appeared upon this occasion. After all 
 that Physcon had done against him, it was ex- 
 pected that, as he now had him in his power, 
 he would make him sensible of his indignation 
 and revenge. He forgave him every thing; 
 and, not contented with pardoning his faults, 
 he even restored him Libya and Cyrenaica, and 
 added farther some amends in lieu of the isle ot 
 Cyprus. That act of generosity put an end to 
 the war between tli« two brothers. It was not 
 renewed; and the Romans were ashamed of 
 any longer opposing a prince of such extraordi- 
 nary clemency, i here is no reader who does 
 not secretly pay the homage of esteem and ad- 
 miration to so generous an action. Such in- 
 ward sentiments, which are founded in nature, 
 and anticipate all reflections, imply how great 
 and noble it is to forget and pardon injuries, and 
 what a meanness of soul there is in the resent- 
 ment of the revengeful. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 Ottavius, ambassador of the Romans in Syria, is killed 
 there, Demetrius escapes from Rome, puts Eupator to 
 death, ascends the throne of Syria, and assumes the 
 surname of Soter. He makes war agamst the Jew& 
 Repeated victories of Judas Maccabeus ; death of that 
 great man. Demetrius is acknowledged king by thr 
 Romans. He abandons himself to drunkenness and de- 
 bauchery. Alexander Bala forms a conspiracy against 
 h-m. Demetrius is killed in a battle. Alexander es 
 pouses the daughter of Ptolemy Philometor. temple 
 built by the Jews in Egypt. Demetrius, son of the first 
 of that name, sets up his claim to the throne of Syria. 
 Alexander is destroyed. Ptolemy Philometor dies at 
 the same time. 
 
 We have' seen that the 
 A. M. S842. principal object of the corn- 
 Ant. J. C. 162. mission of the three Roman 
 ambassadors, Cn. Octavius, 
 Sp. Lucretius, and L. Aurelius, who went first 
 into Egypt, was to go into Syria, in order to 
 regulate the affairs of that nation. When they 
 arrived there, they found the king had more 
 ships and elephants than had been stipulated by 
 the treaty made with Antiochus the Great after 
 the battle of Sipylus. They caused the ships to 
 be burned, and the elephants to be killed, which 
 exceeded the number stated in that treaty, and 
 regulated all other matters in such a manner as 
 they thought most to the advantage of the Ro- 
 mans. This treatment seemed insupportable, 
 and exasperated the people against them. A 
 person named Leptines was so incensed at it, 
 that in his rage he fell upon Octavius^ whilst he 
 was bathing, and killed him. It was suspected 
 that Lysias, the regent of the kingdom, had se- 
 cretly a hand in this assassination. Ambassa- 
 dors were immediately sent to Rome to justify 
 the king, and to protest that he had no share in 
 the action. The senate sent them back without 
 giving them any answer, to signify, by that si- 
 lence, their indignation for the murder commit- 
 ted upon the person of Octavius, the examina- 
 tion and punishment of which they reserved to 
 themselves. In the mean time, to do honour 
 to his memory, they erected a statue to him 
 amongst those of the great men Avho had lost 
 their lives in defence of their country. 
 
 Demetrius believed that the displeasure of the 
 Romans against Eupator was a favourable con- 
 juncture, of which it was proper for him to 
 take the advantage, and addressed himself a se- 
 cond time to the senate, to obtain their permis- 
 sion to return into Syria. He took this step 
 contrary to the opinion of the greatest part of 
 his friends, who advised him to make his es- 
 cape, without saying any thing. The event 
 soon showed him how much they were in the 
 right. As the senate had still the same mo- 
 tives of interest for keeping him at Rome as at 
 first, he received the same answer, and had the 
 mortification to experience a second denial. He 
 had then recourse to the first advice of his 
 
 1 Appian in Syr. p. 117. Polyb. Legat. cxiv. & cxxii. 
 Cicer. Fhilip. ix. n. 4. 5. Justin. 1. xxxiv. c. 3. 
 
 2 This Octavius had been consul some years before, anrt 
 was the first of his family who had attained that honour. 
 Cic. Philip ix. n. 4.— Octavius Csesar, who became em. 
 peror, so well known under the name of Augustus, was 
 of the same family with this Octavius, but of another 
 branch, into which the consular dignity had never en- 
 tei-ed. Suelon. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 friends; and Polybius the historian, who was 
 then at Rome, was one of those who pressed 
 hiin with the utmost warmth to put it in exe- 
 cution with secrecy and despatch. He took his 
 advice. After concerting all his measures, he 
 left Rome under pretence of a hunting match, 
 went to Ostia and embarked with a small train 
 in a Carthaginidii vessel bound for Tyie that 
 waited for him.^ It was three days before it 
 was known at Rome that he had stolen away. 
 All that the senate could do, was some days af- 
 ter to send Tib. Gracchus, L. Lentulusj and 
 Servilius Glaucia, into Syria, to observe what 
 effect the return of Demetrius would produce 
 there. 
 
 Demetrius* having landed at Tripoli in Syria, 
 a report spread, that the senate had sent him to 
 take possession of his dominions, and had re- 
 solved to support him in them. Eupator was 
 immediately looked upon as a lost man, and 
 every one abandoned him to join Demetrius. 
 Eupator and Lysias, seized by their own troops, 
 were delivered up to the new-comer, who or- 
 dered them to be put to death. Demetrius saw 
 himself established by this means upon the 
 throne without opposition, and with prodigious 
 rapidity. 
 
 One of the first actions of his reign was, to 
 deliver the Babylonians from the tyranny of 
 Timarchus and Heraclides, who had been the 
 two great favourites of Antiochus Epiphanes. 
 He had made the first governor, and the second 
 treasurer of that province. Timarchus having 
 added rebellion to his other crimes, Demetrius 
 caused him to be put to death. He contented 
 himself with banishing the other. The Baby- 
 lonians were so much rejoiced to see themselves 
 freed from the oppression of those two brothers, 
 that upon this occasion they gave their deliverer 
 the title of Soter, or Saviour, which he bore ever 
 afterwards. 
 
 Alcimus, whom Antiochus Eupator had made 
 high-priest of the Je\vs after the death of Mene- 
 laus, not being able to procure himself to be ad- 
 mitted by them in that capacity, because he had 
 profaned the sanctity of the priesthood, by fol- 
 lowing th(! impious customs of the Greeks under 
 Antiochus Epiphanes ; gathered together all the 
 apostate Jewd, who had taken refuge at Anti- 
 och, after having been expelled Judaea, and 
 putting himself at their head, came to petition 
 the new king to defend them from the oppres- 
 sions of Judas and his brothers, venting a 
 thousand calumnies against them. He accused 
 them of having killed all persons of Demetrius's 
 party who fell into their hands, and of having 
 forced him, with all those in his company, to 
 abandon their country, and seek their security 
 elsewhere. Demetrius immediately ordered 
 Bacchides, governor of Mesopotamia, to march 
 into Judeeaat the head of an army ; and confirm- 
 ing Alcimus in his ofiice, he joined him in com- 
 mission with Bacchides, and charged them both 
 with the care of this war. Judas rendered all 
 the efforts of this first army ineffectual, as he 
 did also those of a second, which was command- 
 ed by Nicanor. The latter, enraged at the last 
 defeat of the troops of Syria, and indignant that 
 a handful of men should make head against such 
 
 3 That ship was carrying to Tyre, according to custom, 
 the first-fruits of the lands and revenues of Carthage. 
 
 4 1 Maccab. vii, viii, ix. & 2 Maccab. xiv. Joseph. Aru 
 iiq 1. xii, xiii. Appian. in Syr. p. 117. Justin. 1. xxxiv. 
 
 numerous and warlike armies, and knowing 
 that they placed their whole confidence of vic- 
 tory in the protection of the God of Israel, and 
 in the promises made in the temple where he 
 was honoured, had uttered a thousand blasphe- 
 mies against the Almighty and against his tem- 
 ple. He was soon punished for them. Judas 
 engaged him in a bloody battle, and of his army 
 of 36,000 men, not one escaped to carry the 
 news of the defeat to Antioch. The body of 
 Nicanor was found amongst the dead. His 
 head and right hand, which he had lifted up 
 against the temple, threatening to destroy it, 
 were cut off, and placed upon one of the towers 
 of Jerusalem. 
 
 Judas, after this complete victory, having 
 some relaxation, sent an embassy to Romp? 
 He saw himself continually attacked by the 
 wh(tle forces of Syria, without being able to rely 
 with good reason upon any treaty of peace. 
 He had no aid to expect from the neighbouring 
 nations, who, far from interesting themselves 
 for the preservation of the Jewish people, in 
 concert with the Syrians, entertained no thoughts 
 but of extirpating them. He had been informed 
 that the Romans, equally esteemed for their 
 justice and valour, were always ready to support 
 weak nations against the oppression of kings, 
 whose power gave them umbrage. He there- 
 fore thought of making an alliance with that 
 people, in order to support himself by their pro- 
 tection against the unjust enterprises of the Sy- 
 rians. Those ambassadors were very well re- 
 ceived by the senate, who passed a decree by 
 which the Jews were declared the friends and 
 allies of the Romans, and a defensive league 
 was made with them. They even obtained a 
 letter from the senate to Demetrius, by which 
 he was enjoined not to distress the Jews any 
 more, and war was threatened, in case he per- 
 severed to do so. But before the ambassadors 
 returned, Judas was dead. 
 
 As soon as Demetrius received news of the de- 
 feat and death of Nicanor, he gave the command 
 of a powerful army to Bacchides and Alcimu.s, 
 composed of the choicest of all his troops, and sent 
 them into Judaea. Judas had only 3000 men 
 with him when it arrived there. These were 
 struck with such a panic, that they all abandon- 
 ed him, except 800 men. Judas with that 
 small number, through an excess of valour and ' 
 confidence, had the boldness to hazard a battle 
 against so numerous an army. He perished, 
 overpowered by multitudes. His loss was de- 
 plored throughout all Judaea and at Jerusalem, ! 
 with all the marks of the keenest aflaiction, and 
 the government was put into the hands of Jo- 
 nathan his brother. 
 
 Alcimus being dead, after having committed 
 great violences against the true Israelites, and 
 Bacchides being returned to Antioch, the country 
 remained quiet, and was not harassed by the 
 Syrians for two years. Demetrius had most 
 probably received the senate's letter in favour 
 of the Jews, which obliged him to recall Bac- 
 chides. 
 
 Demetrius^ indeed was at 
 A. M. 3844. this time very cautious in 
 Ant. J. C. 160. his conduct with regard to 
 the Romans, and used all 
 his endeavours to induce them to acknowledge 
 him king, and to renew the treaty made with 
 
 5 Polyb. Legat. cxx. 
 
614 
 
 HISTOR'S OF 
 
 the kings his predecessors. Hav.ng received ad- 
 vice that the Romans had three ambassadors at 
 the court of Ariarathes king of Cappadocja, he 
 sent Menochares, one of his principal ministers, 
 thither, to enter upon the negotiation, i^nd- 
 in- at his return, by the report he made of what 
 had passed, that the good offices of those ambas- 
 sadors were absolutely necessary to his success 
 on that point, he sent again into Pamphylia, 
 ind afterwards to Rhodes, to assure them that 
 he would conform entirely to their will ; and 
 by the force of pressing solicitations obtained at 
 length, by their means, what he desired, ihe 
 Romans acknowledged him king of Syria, and 
 renewed the treaties made with that crown. 
 
 To cultivate their amity,' 
 A. M. 3845. he sent the same Menochares 
 Ant. J.' C. 159. the following year, in con- 
 
 junction 
 
 with some others, 
 
 Hpon an embassy to Rome. They were charged 
 with a crown that weighed 10,000 pieces ot 
 gold,2 as a present from him to the senate, in 
 gratitude for their kind treatment of him dur- 
 ing the time that he was a hostage at Rome. 
 They carried also with them Leptines and Iso- 
 crates, in order to deliver them up, upon account 
 of the assassination of Octavius. This Leptines 
 was the person who killed him at Laodicea. 
 Isocrates was a Greek, by profession a gram- 
 marian, who being in Syria at that time, had 
 upon all occasions taken upon him to vindicate 
 that equally base and unjust action, i he senate 
 received the ambassadors with all the usual hon- 
 ' ours, and accepted the present they brought ; 
 i but would neither hear nor see two vue men, 
 i obiects unworthy of their anger ; reserving to 
 i themselves, without doubt, the right of exacting, 
 when they pleased, a more distinguished satis- 
 faction for the murder of their ambassador. _ 
 
 It was nearly about this time that Demetri- 
 ' us, as I have observed before, established Holo- 
 phernes upon the throne of Cappadocia. He 
 was soon after expelled, and took refuge at An- 
 tioch. We are going to see how far he carried 
 his ingratitude towards his benefactor. 
 
 Demetrius," who found 
 A. M. 8850. himself without war or oc- 
 Ant. J. C. 154. cupation, began to indulge 
 in pleasure, and to lead an 
 idle life, not a little singular and fantastic in the 
 manner of it. He caused a castle to be built 
 near Antioch, flanked with four strong towers, 
 and shut himself up in it, in order to abandon 
 himself entirely on the one side to indolence, 
 not being Avilling to hear any more mention 
 made of public business, and, on the other, to 
 the pleasure of good cheer and excess ot wirie. 
 He was drunk at least one half of the day. The 
 memorials, which people were desirous of pre- 
 senting to him were never received ; justice was 
 not administered ; the affairs of the state lan- 
 euished : in a word there was a general suspen- 
 sion of the government which soon stirred up 
 the whole people against him. A conspiracy 
 was formed for deposing him. Holophernes, 
 who continued at Antioch, entered into this plot 
 against his benefactor, flattering himselt with 
 obtaining the crown if the enterprise succeeded. 
 It was discovered, and Holophernes was thrown 
 
 into prison. Demetrius would not deprive him 
 of life. He chose rather to spare him, in ordei 
 to make use of him upon occasion against Aria- 
 rathes, king of Cappadocia, upon whose crown 
 he had some pretensions. 
 
 Notwithstanding the discovery, the conspiracy 
 was not suppressed.* The maleconteuts were 
 secretly supported by Ptolemy Philometor, who 
 had the afl"air of Cyprus at heart ; and by Atta- 
 ins and Ariarathes, who were anxious to re- 
 venge themselves for the war Demetrius had 
 undertaken against them in favour of Holo- 
 phernes. Those three princes in concert toge- 
 ther employed Heraclides in preparing some- 
 body to personate the son of Antiochus Epi- 
 phanes, and to set up hereditary pretensions to 
 the crown of Syria. This Heraclides had been, 
 as I have said already, one of the great favour- 
 ites of Antiochus Epiphanes, and treasurer of 
 the province of Babylon, while Timarchus, his 
 brother, another favourite, was governor of it. 
 At Demetrius's accession to the crown, the two 
 brothers having been convicted of malversation 
 and other crimes, Timarchus had been executed, 
 and the other, having made his escape, had 
 taken up his residence at Rhodes. It was there 
 he took pains to train the man intended for the 
 design I have mentioned. He chose for that 
 purpose a young man named Bala, of mean ex- 
 traction, but well calculated to act the part as- 
 sio^ned him. He modelled him, and instructed 
 him fully in all that it was necessary to say or 
 
 When he was fully pre- 
 A. M. 8851. pared, he began by causing 
 Ant. J. C. 153. him to be acknowledged by 
 the three kings who were in 
 the secret. He afterwards carried him to Rome, 
 as he did also Laodice, the real daughter of An- 
 tiochus Epiphanes, for the better concealing of 
 the imposture. By force of address and solici- 
 tations, he caused him to be acknowledged there 
 also, and obtained a decree of the senate in his 
 favour, which not only gave him permission to 
 return into Syria, for the recovery of his do- 
 minions, but even granted him assistance for 
 that purpose. Though the senate plainly saw 
 through the imposture, and that all that was 
 told of this pretender was mere fiction, they 
 entered into every thing that was desired ot 
 
 them against Demetrius, with whom they were 
 dissatisfied, and passed that decree in favour ot 
 the impostor. With this declaration of the 
 Romans for him, he found no difficulty in rais- 
 ing troops. He seized upon Ptolemais in Pa- 
 lestine ; and there, under the name of Alexander . 
 son of Antiochus Epiphanes, assumed the title 
 of king of Syria. Many of the malecon- 
 tents came thither to join him, and torm his 
 court. . , . 1 
 
 This news made Demetrius quit his castle j 
 and his indolence, and apply himself to his de~ j 
 fence. He assembled all the troops he could. 1 
 Alexander armed also on his side. The assist- j 
 ance of Jonathan was of great consequence in 
 this conjuncture, and both parties made their 
 court to him. Demetrius wrote to him first, 
 and sent him the commission of general of the 
 king's troops in Juda;a, which rendered him 
 at that time very much superior to all his ene- 
 mies. 
 
 1 Polyb. Legat. cxxii. Appian. in Syr. p. 118. Diod. 
 
 "^'^I^Tliey^wcre worth more than ten thousand pistoles. 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. 1. xiii. c. 3. AUien. 1, x. p. 440. Jus- 
 tin. 1. XXXV. c. 1. 
 
 4 Polyb. Legal, cxxxviii. & cxl. Appian. in Syr. p. 13L 
 Athen. 1. v. p. iill. 1 Maccab. x. 1--50. 
 
ALEXANDER'S 
 
 Alexander seeing what Demetrius had done 
 for Jonathan, was thereby induced to make 
 proposals also to him, in order to bring him 
 over to his side. He made him high-priesf, 
 j granted him the title of Friend of the king, sent 
 him a purple robe and a crown of gold, marks 
 of the high dignity which he conferred upon 
 him ; for none at that time wore purple except 
 princes and nobles of the first rank. Deme- 
 trius, who received advice of this, still outbid 
 him, to secure to himself an ally of such im- 
 portance. But after the injuries be had done to 
 all those who had had the true interest of the 
 Jews at heart, and to the whole nation in gene- 
 ral, they dared not confide in him, and resolved 
 to treat rather with Alexander. Jonathan 
 therefore accepted the high-priesthood fi'om 
 him ; and with the consent of the whole people, 
 at the feast of tabernacles, which happened soon 
 after, he put on the pontifical vestments, and 
 ofiiciated as high-priest. 
 
 The place had been vacant seven years from 
 the death of Alcimus. The high-priesthood, 
 which at that time came into the Asmonean 
 family, continued in it till Herod's time, who, 
 from hereditary, as it had been till then, made 
 an employment of it, which he disposed of at 
 his pleasure. 
 
 The two kings having 
 A. M. 3852. taken the field, Demetrius, 
 Ant. J. C. 152. who wanted neither valour 
 nor good sense, when his 
 reason was not impaired by wine, was victori- 
 ous in the first battle ; but it was of no advan- 
 tage to him. Alexander soon received new 
 troops from the three kings who had set him 
 up, and continued to support him vigorously. 
 Having, besides this, the Romans and Jonathan 
 on his side, he retrieved his loss, and maintained 
 his ground. The Syrians continually deserted 
 also, because they could not bear Demetrius. 
 That prince, beginning to apprehend the event 
 of the war, sent his two sons, Demetrius and 
 Antiochus, to Cnidos, a city of Caria, in order 
 to provide for their security in case of misfor- 
 tune. He confided them, with a considerable 
 sum of money, to the care of a friend whom he 
 had in that city ; in order that if any accident 
 should happen to himself, they might remain 
 there in safety, and wait some favourable con- 
 juncture. 
 
 It was at the same time, 
 A. M. 3853. and perhaps in imitation of 
 Ant. J. C. 151. Alexander Bala, that An- 
 driscus played the same part 
 in Macedonia. He had retired to Demetrius, 
 who had given him up to the Romans, from the 
 hope of conciliating their favour. 
 
 The two competitors for 
 A. M. 3854. the crown of Syria having 
 Ant. J. C. 150. assembled all their troops, 
 proceeded to a decisive bat- 
 tle. At first Demetrius's left wing broke that 
 )f the enemy which opposed it, and put it to 
 liight. But being too hot in the pursuit, a com- 
 mon fault in battles, and which almost always 
 occasions their being lost, at their return they 
 found the right, at the head of which Deme- 
 trius fought in person, routed, and the king 
 himself killed in the pursuit. As long as he 
 had been in a condition to support the enemy's 
 charge, he had omitted nothing of which valour 
 and conduct were capable, that might conduce 
 to his success. At length his troops gave way, 
 and in the retreat his horse plunged into a bog, 
 where those who pursued him killed him with 
 
 their arrows. He had reigned twelve years. 
 Alexander by this victory found himself mastei 
 of the empire of Syria. 
 
 As soon as Alexander saw himself at ease,* he 
 sent to demand Cleopatra, the daughter of Pto- 
 lemy king of Egypt, in marriage. She was 
 granted him ; and her father conducted her in 
 person to Ptolemais, where the nuptials were 
 celebrated. Jonathan was invited to that feast, 
 and went thither, where he was received by 
 the two kings with all possible marks of hon- 
 our. 
 
 Onias, son of Onias III.,® having been dis- 
 appointed of the high-priesthood after the death 
 of his uncle Menelaus, had retired into Egypt. 
 He had found means to insinuate himself so 
 well into the favour of Ptolemy Philometor and 
 Cleopatra his wife, that he was become their 
 favourite and most intimate confidant. He ; 
 ma'de use of his infiuence at that court to obtain ! 
 the king's permission for building a temple for ; 
 the Jews in Egypt, like that in Jerusalem ; as- I 
 suring him that that favour would bring the i 
 whole nation over to his side against Antiochus- : 
 Epiphanes ; at the same time he obtained a I 
 grant of the high-priesthood to him and his de- ! 
 scendants for ever. The great difficulty was, 
 to make the Jews accede to this innovation ; it 
 being forbidden by the law to offer sacrifices in 
 any place but the temple of Jerusalem. He 
 overcame their repugnance, though not without 
 difficulty, by a passage in Isaiah, wherein the 
 prophet foretells this event in these terms :^ " In I 
 that day shall five cities in the land of Egypt 
 speak the language of Canaan, and swear to the 
 Lord of Hosts ; the one shall be called the city 
 of the sun, or Heliopolis. in that day there ] 
 shall be an altar to the Lord in the midst of the ! 
 land of Egypt ; and a pillar at the border there- 
 of to the Lord. And it shall be for a sign and 
 for a witness unto the Lord of Hosts in the land 
 of Egypt : for they shall cry unto the Lord be- 
 cause of the oppressors, and he shall send them 
 a saviour and a great one, and he shall deliver | 
 them. And the Lord shall be known to Egypt, ' 
 and the Egyptians shall know the Lord in that 
 day, and shall do sacrifice and oblation : yea, 
 they shall vow a vow unto the Lord, and per- 
 form it." I 
 
 The event here foretold by Isaiah, is one of 
 the most singular, and at the same time thts 
 most remote from all probability. Nothing was ' 
 more strictly forbidden to the Jews than to I 
 offer sacrifices to God in any other place than ' 
 the temple built by his order at Jerusalem ; con- 
 sequently how much more, to build a temple I 
 elsewhere, especially in a land polluted with tha | 
 most gross idolatry, as Egypt was, and always 
 at enmity with the people of God? This, how- I 
 ever, came to pass exactly as the prophet Isaiali ' 
 had foretold. I shall not enter into a circum- 
 stantial exposition of this prophecy, which would 
 carry me too far from my subject.^ 
 
 5 1 Maccab. x. 51- 66. 
 6 Joseph, contra Appian. 1. ii. 
 7 Isaiah xix. 18—21. 
 8 This is a very strange commerit on the predic- 
 tion of the projjhet. It is truly wonderful first to tell 
 us that such an act as that of Onias was strictly for- 
 bidden by the law of Moses, and therefore sinful, end 
 then to tell us that this act, however sinful and cnn- 
 trary to the precept of the law, was predicted by the 
 evangelic prophet, because, says our author, it came 
 to pass exactly as the prophet had foretold. What .tit 
 inconsistency is this ? to make a sinful act the ful'il- 
 meiit of a gracious go.spcl promise. A sinful, a forbid 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 Alexander Bala,' finding 
 
 I I A. M. 3866. himself in peaceable posses- 
 
 I I Ant. J. C. 143. sion of the crown of Syria, 
 
 thought he had nothing more 
 
 ! 1 L,iv. Epit. lib. 1. Jixtin. 1. xxxv. c. 2. Joseph. An- 
 tiq. 1. xiii. c. 8. 1 Maccab. x. 67— b9. Diod. in Excerpt. 
 Vales, p. 346. 
 
 den act, cannot possibly be matter of a gracious predic 
 tion— cannot possibly be that which is here intended by 
 the Holy Ghost, speaking by the mouth of the evangelic 
 prophet. A future event cannot be predicted as sinful 
 and yet matter of promise at one and the same time. 
 Such a notion is contradictory and absurd. All promises 
 are predictions of some good, whatever that be, which is 
 to be conferred on the object, or prophetical declarations 
 of those holy duties which are to be performed by these 
 ubjects, on whom the promised blessing has taken effect, 
 ns the fruits and evidences of that blessing ; or produced 
 in ihem by that faith which is God's gift. Now, it is per- 
 fectly plain, on the very first inspection of this prediction, 
 that it is a gracious promise, respecting the future enlarge, 
 ment of the church under the gospel dispensation ; and has, 
 therefore, nothing to do with the act of Onias— a predic- 
 i tion of something which shall be done in the land of 
 I Kgypt, not as sinf-il, and therefore forbidden, but as holy, 
 i and therefore promised. It is, in fact, a glorious promise 
 of the conversion of Egypt and Assyria, in the glory of the 
 latter day ; for it is one contuiued prediction of the same 
 thing, or event, from the ISth verse to the end of the chap- 
 ter ; not two or three predictions of so many different events 
 to be fulfilled at different times, but one predicted event, 
 ; namely, the future conversion of Egypt, Assyria, and Is- 
 ' lael, or the conversion of Jews and Gentiles. 
 I j It cannot be proved from history, either sacred or civil, 
 i that any such conversion as that of Egypt and Assyria, has 
 ' jet taken place, and, we ai-e perfectly sure, that no such 
 ! event took place during the Old Testament dispensation. 
 1 am astonished that so sagacious a commentator as the 
 very learned Campege Vitringa, should have imagined 
 that this prediction began to be fulfilled under the Old 
 Testament period. This great work of God," says he, 
 "began about the times of Alexander, and is completed 
 under the ec nomy of grace; which benefit the prophet 
 considered as one continued whole, and exhibited, in 
 ' eumulo, connecting, as every where he does, the begin. 
 I nings with the full accomplishment." By the saviour and 
 ; the great one, mentioned ver. 20, this learned commenta- 
 tor understands Alexander the Great, or Ptolemy the son 
 of Lagus, surnamed Soter, or the saviour. But, taking 
 this passage in its fullest sense, he thinks it parallel to Isa. 
 xi. 16, 17. That Alexander the Great delivered the Egyp- 
 ^ tians from a yoke which they detested is true, because the 
 Persians abhorred the multiform and stupid idolatry of 
 the Egyptians, and took every opportunity, while Egypt 
 continued a province of their empire, to pour contempt 
 on their national superstition ; especially the worship of 
 the bull Apis, which had been slain by Artaxerxes Ochus 
 but a few years before. But I cannot think with him, 
 that either the one or the other is intended here, because 
 it is said that the Egyptians should cry unto the Lord, or 
 Jehovah, because of the oppressors. That they should in- 
 voke their idol-gods to deliver them from the Persian yoke 
 is natural, but how this should be denominated a crying 
 to, or invoking Jehovah, is past my comprehension. The 
 system which he adopted, partly from Grotius and partly 
 from Cocceius, of finding every prediction of the Old Tes- 
 tament prophets to have a double, or a triple sense, and 
 that the primary sense of such predictions was always 
 ■verified in some historical event that took place before the 
 birth of Christ, and that such event, thus fulfilled in its 
 primary sense, shadowed, or adumbrated, a correspondent 
 mystical event under the New Testament, led him to view 
 this prediction as in its primary sense fulfilled before the 
 coming of Christ, See his learned prolegomenon on the 
 Grotian and Cocceian modes of interpreting the Old 
 Testament predictions, prefixed to his Commentary on 
 Isaiah. _ , 
 
 This method of finding every predicted event fulfilled 
 under the Old Testar^ient, as typical of one under the New, 
 Vitringa adopted frtm the learned but fanciful Cocceius. 
 Under the influence of this system, he considered the five 
 cities in the land of Egypt as its most magnificent cities, 
 namely, Memphis, Bubastis, Sais, Heliopohs, (mentioned 
 in the Keri, or marginal reading,) and Alexandria, built 
 when this prophecy began to be fulfilled. Others by the 
 five cities think that Heliopolis may be meant, and the 
 four otricrs which are mentioned in Jerem.xliv. 1. as the 
 
 to do than to take all the pleasures which the 
 abundance and power to which he had attained 
 would admit. He abandoned himself, there- 
 fore, to his natural inclination for luxury, idle- 
 
 places where the Jews resided, namely, Noph, Tahpanes, , 
 iMigdoi, or Memphis, and Amon-no. or Diospohs, (the i | 
 divine city,) in the district, or Nome, of Pathros. See 1 1 
 Newton on prophecy, vol. i. p. 374, 8vo. London Edition. 
 
 1 think they are all mistaken who tliink that this pre- 
 diction was fulfilled, in any sense, in that temple which 
 Onias IV. son of Onias III. built in Egypt. It is true, as 
 our author states, that Onias adduced this prediction to 
 persuade the Jews to fall in with his political design. But 
 it is equally so, that another temple, besides that of Jeru- 
 salem, was built contrary to the express law of God, Deut, 
 xii. 13, I4. It is also to be observed, that Onias made use 
 of much the same arguments with the Egyptian monarch, 
 in favour of this temple, as those which influenced Jero- 
 boam to rear up the golden calves at Dan and Bethel. ] 
 Besides, it must also be observed, that Onias built this | 
 temple, not for the use of the Egyptians, but for the Jews ; | 
 and therefore, it was no accomplishment of this prophecy ; i 
 which expressly bears the conversion of the Egyptians as 
 a distinct people from Assyria and Israel. It is therefore | 
 clear to me, that though it may be said that this prophecy 
 was fulfilled after the age of the apostles, when Christian- 
 ity became the national religion of Egypt, it was still but j 
 a partial accomplishment, if an accomplishment at all. j 
 For, in order to such an accompMshment, it was necessary, [ 
 not only that Egypt should be the people of the Lord, but 
 also that Assyria should be the work of his hands, and Is- 
 rael his inheritance, verse 25. But we know that neither 
 of these events have yet taken place. Assyria has not yeJ 
 been the work of his hands, nor Israel his inheritance. So 
 far is this from being the case at present, or for nigh 1800 j 
 years past, that Assyria has long been under the banefui j 
 influence, first of Magian delusion, and then of Moham- j 
 medan superstition, and, at present, the appellation ot Lo- j 
 Ammi, " Ye are not mv pecple," still pertains to the re. 
 jectedJews. Therefore, as the conversio» of Egypt, Assyria, 
 and Israel, are classed together in this prediction, as a 
 simultaneous event, the conclusion is evident, that it re 
 mains amongst the class of those predictions that are yet 
 to be fulfilled, and that in the glory of the latter day. 
 
 There are many things in this prediction, also, which must 1_ 
 be understood, not in a literal, but in a figurative sense. 
 However much I may be disposed to censure and deplore 
 the abuse which has frequently been made of scripture 
 tropology, by tropological theologians, and metaphorical 
 divines, it is evident that some things here must be so 
 understood. The number five, in this prediction, applied 
 to the cities in the land of Egypt, can no more be under, 
 stood literally than the seven women, Isa. iv. 1. or the five 
 virgins, Matth. xxv. 2. To speak the language of Canaan, 
 cannot mean that the Egyptians are to speak Hebrew— that 
 would be an absurd sense of that phrase. This phrase must 
 be understood figuratively, as denoting that the Egypiiaiia 
 shall profess the true religion, as did the Jews, God's an. 
 cient people, that they shall abandon their ancient idola. 
 try, casting their numerous idols to the moles, and to the 
 bats, saying. What have we to do any more with idols ? 
 The phrase here is equivalent to that of Zephaniah in. 9. 
 " For then I will turn to the people a pure language, that 
 they may aUcall upon the name of Jehovah, to serve him 
 with one consent." The altar, the pillar, the sacrifice, 
 and the oblation, must be understood all in the same man. 
 ner, agreeably to the nature of New Testament worship. 
 These can no more be understood literally than the blow- 
 ing of the great trumpet, Isa. xxvii. 13. or the feast of 
 tabernacles, Zech. xiv. 16. ; for, if so, we must expect 
 the return of the Jewish theocracy.. 
 
 Perhaps even the words Egypt and Assyria are not t<» 
 be understood literally here, but mystically. I'hese mo- 
 narchies have long ceased lo exist, they have now no dis- 
 tinct political being. The perpetual subjugation of Egypt 
 to a foreign dynasty, agreeable to the prediction of Jere. 
 miah has been fully verified ; and Assyria has long rankcc 
 as an insignificant Pashahck of the Turkish empire, ana 
 as the abode of lawless, ferocious, and plundering tribes. 
 As these two monarchies were anciently the chief enemies 
 of God's ancient people, (the one keeping them in bondage, 
 the other carrying them awav captive,) so it is probable, oi 
 at least possible, that under these two names may be under- 
 stood some mighty adversaries of the Christian church, just 
 as those at the end of the Millenium are denominated Gog 
 and Magog, in allusion to the Gog and Magog ot the pro. 
 phet Ezekiel. Egypt may no more be understood in a 
 literal sense than the tongue of ire Egyptian sea, Isa. 
 xi. 15. where there is clearly a reference to the iniracul( ut, 
 passage of the Israelites under the fuidanre of Moses, an*; 
 
ALEXANDER S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 ness, and debauchery. He left the care of af- 
 fairs entirely to a favourite named Ammonius. 
 rhat insolent and cruel minion put to death 
 Laodice, the sister of Demetrius, and widow of 
 
 subsequent destruction of the Egyptian host The bodies 
 of the slain witnesses are to lie three days unburied, in 
 the street of the great city, spiritually called Sodom and 
 Egypt. The same city is also called " Mystery, Babylon the 
 Great." We read in Micah v. 5, 6. of an enemy called 
 the Assyrian ; and we know that this cannot be under- 
 stood of Assyria literally, as at that time Assyria, politi- 
 cally considered, was no more. The coming of that enemy 
 IS an event subsequent to the coming of Him in the flesh 
 to be the Ruler and the Judge of Israel ; whose goings forth 
 nave been of old, from the days of eternity. It is clear, 
 therefore, that in the prediction here, Assyria, the Assyrian, 
 and the land of Nimrod, must be understood mystically— as 
 some great future adversary of the church, distinct from 
 the other adversary mystically called Egypt; for in this 
 very prediction of the prophet Isaiah now under consider- 
 ation. It IS expressly said that Israel shall be the third with 
 Egypt and with Assyria— implying that they are two, and 
 not one and the same adversary, who shall then be convert- 
 ed into friends, and joined to the true church— the Israel of 
 tjod. 
 
 I do not pretend to affirm who these mystical adver- 
 saries are. It is sufficient for my purpose to show, that 
 tne prediction, so far as concerns the names Egypt, the 
 land of Egypt, the five cities, and Assyria, is to be under- 
 stood figuratively of these adversaries, here mystically so 
 called. See the great Vitringa on Isa. xi. 15, Ifi. and his 
 elaborate appendix " De Assyria Mystica." Perhaps by 
 them may be meant, as thii.ks that illustrious commenta- 
 tor, the Komish Antichrist, and the votaries of the prophet 
 of Mecca— the impostor Mohammed. If the passage is thus 
 to be understood, Egypt is not yet the peoi)le of the Lord, 
 , nor Assyria the work of his hands. But when Israel be- 
 comes his inheritance, they shall For when all Israel shall 
 be saved, the fulness of the Gentiles shall come. Kom. xi. 
 25, 26. The blessed apostle connects these two together. 
 " If the diminishing of thein be the riches of the Gentiles, 
 how much more their fulness? If the casting away of 
 them be the reconciling of the world, what shall the re 
 ceiving of them be, but life from the dead?" Ibid. 12 15 
 'I"hen, agreeable to the prediction, verse 24 of this same 
 chapter, Israel shall indeed be a blessing in the midst of 
 the earth. In my opinion, the conversion of the Jews 
 ihaU precede the fulness of the Gentile tribes, just as their 
 rejection, in the mystery of providence, was the occasion 
 of the calling of the Gentiles- the gathering in of the 
 first fruits of a pagan world. What a glorious event will 
 this be! and of what amazing blessings shall it be produc- 
 tive !— for then the Gentiles shall come to her light, and 
 kings to the brightness of her rising. 1 hen the celestial 
 inhabitants shall be glad and rejoice, for the marriage of 
 the Lamb is come, and his wife hath made herself ready. 
 The Jews were formerly invited to the marriage of the 
 king's son, but they made light of it, rejected it, and spite- 
 fully treated those who were sent to desire them to come 
 to the marriage supper— nay, did all that in them lay to 
 prevent the Gentiles from acce()ting it, who were bidden 
 consequent on their refusal. They were therefore ca.=t off, 
 their house left unto them desolate, and a biU of divorce 
 put into their hands. 
 
 But the Redeemer having come from Zion, and turned 
 away ungodhness from Jacob, the Jews shall no longer be 
 the divorced wife; she shall, as it were, be re-married to 
 the Lamb, and no more call him Baali, but Ishi, My 
 Husband. They, together with the Gentiles, shall be the 
 Lamb's mystic wife. It shall be a perpetual mystical 
 union ; for, as her husband is the ever living One he can 
 never die, and as he is unchangeable he can never divorce. 
 What an accession of joy shall it be to the glorified spirits 
 of Abraham their great ancestor— of Isaac and of Jacob 
 their illustrious progenitors— to see their descendants, who 
 had so long been a taunt, a hissing, and a reproach in the 
 earth, reiurn to the Lord God and David their king' 
 What a joy will it be to these glorified spirits to see ten 
 men take hold out of all languages of the nations— even take 
 hold of the skirt of him that is a Jew, saying, " We will 
 go with you, for we have heard that the Lord is with you." 
 
 If, as the evangelic prophet predicts, " Christ shall see 
 the fruit of the travail of his soul, and be satisfied ;" what 
 an accession of joy shall it be to his glorified humanity to 
 see this fulfilled in the conversion of his kinsmen accord- 
 ing to the flesh ! and how shall this joy be heightened 
 when our new Te,stament Joseph shall present his bre- 
 thren, in all their collected number, at the celestial court ! 
 If joy be in heaven at the repentance of a sinner, how 
 mcreased will that joy be at the repentance of a whole 
 
 Terseus king of Macedonia; Antigonus, De- 
 metrius's son, who continued in Syria when 
 the two others were sent to Cnidos; in fine, all 
 the persons of the blood-royal whom he could 
 
 nation. How great then shall be the joy, that the spirit 
 of grace and of supplication has been poured down upon 
 the house of David, and the inhabitants of Jerusalem ; when 
 the Jews shall look on him whom they have pierced, and 
 mourn for him as one mourneth for an only son ; and 
 be in bitterness for him, as one that is in bitterness for a 
 first-born. What joy when the natural branches shall 
 be reunited to the parent stock— be engrafted into their 
 own ohve tree ! All heaven shall be moved at the news 
 that Joseph's brethren have at last arrived and been 
 introduced into the presence of the Great King, and 
 received by him with exceeding joy. There they in 
 conjunction with their mystic brethren, the countless mul- 
 titude out of all kindreds, and tongues, and languages, 
 shall, as the Israel of God, sit down with Abraham, and 
 Isaac, and Jacob, in the kingdom prepared for them from 
 the foundations of the world. 
 
 As another proof that the predictions of the Old Testa, 
 ment prophets are often to be understood in a mystical 
 sense, we have Isa. Ixiii. 1—6. inclusive ; where, in that 
 subhme prophecy, the Messiah is described as coming 
 from Edom, with dyed garments from Bozrah ; as glorious 
 in his apparel, travelling in the greatness of his strength, 
 speaking in righteousness, and mighty to save ; as red in his 
 apparel, and his garments as one that treadeth in the wine- 
 press. His habiliments are there so described, because lie 
 had trodden the press alone— because he had trodden his 
 enemies in his anger, and trampled them in his fury. And 
 the reason of all this is given by the lofty warrior, the Lion 
 of the tribe of Judah himself: » For the day of ven- 
 geance is in mine heart, and the year of my redeemed is 
 come. And I looked, and there was nr ne to help ; and I 
 wondered that there was none to uphold : therefore mine 
 own arm brought salvation unto me: and my fury, it uo- 
 held me." j f 
 
 We are perfectly certain that Bozrah and Edom are not 
 here to be understood literally, though Calvin, who had 
 no proper notion of the mystical sense of prophecy, un. 
 derstood them so, and applied the prediction to the con. 
 quests of John Hyrcanus over the Idumeans. This will 
 not at all suit the prediction ; for in the time of John 
 Hyrcanus, and long before, the tract called Edom had 
 ceased to be called by that name, having been seized by 
 the Nabathaean Arabs, or descendants of Nebajoth— now 
 called the Bedouin Arabs- who expelled the Edomites 
 from thence ; such as remained being incorporated with 
 the conquerors, whilst the refugees seized the south-west 
 part of Judffia, and made Hebron their capital : so that, 
 strictly speaking, Bozrah and Edom had then no political 
 existence— the Iduma-a conquered by Hyrcanus being the 
 lot of the tribes of Judah and Simeon, which had never been 
 at any period part of Edom, properly so called. This latter 
 IS the Idumsa of Pliny, Ptolemy, Strabo, and other an- 
 cient geographers ; and not at ail the Edom of the Old 
 lestament. Jherefore, in the geographical and literal 
 sense, this prediction cannot apply to the conquest of Idu- 
 maea by .lohn Hyrcanus. 
 
 Calvin's application of it to John Hweanus has been 
 completely confuted by the learned Solomon Glassius of 
 Jena, in a peculiar dissertation aopended to his " Ono- 
 matologia Christi." But while 'Glassius was perfectlj 
 correct in applying this prediction exclusively to the Mes- 
 siah, he was wrong in applying it to his passion and death, 
 Ihe prediction does not at all apply to a suffering Mes- 
 siah, but to a victorious. In his sufferings, he was the per. 
 son trodden in the wine-press of his Father's wrath— his 
 soul being made an expiatory sacrifice for sin. But here, ht 
 IS represented as the person treading in the wine-press of 
 his own wrath— as treading the people in his anger, and 
 trampling them in his fury, because the year of his re. 
 deemed was come, and the day of vengeance was in his 
 heart. The people here trodden and trampled are mysti- 
 cally denominated Bozrah and Edom. Some would refer 
 the fulfilment of this glorious prediction to his conquests 
 over the powers of darkness, in his conflict with principa- 
 lities and powers. But till they can prove that Satan and 
 his angels are adumbrated under the names of Bozrah and 
 Edom— which is more than they can— this fanciful in. 
 terpretation must be dismissed. 
 
 Egypt and Assyria, Rahab and Babel, Edom and Boz- 
 rah, Gog and Magog, all of them, in their turns, have 
 served the cause of the Old Serpent, the Devil, and Sa. 
 tan, as his agents and instruments to persecute the people 
 of God, but are never put for Satan himself I am of 
 opinion, therefore, with the great Vitringa, that Bozrah 
 and Edom are to be understood mystically of the eneiniep 
 
618 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 find, in order to secure to his master, by that 
 i means, the possession of the crown which he had 
 ' usurped by an imposture. That conduct soon 
 ! drew upon both the abhorrence of the people. 
 
 Demetrius, the eldest of Demetrius s sons, 
 was at Cnidos, and began to be of an age capa- 
 ble of forming and executing plans. When he 
 was advised of this aversion of the people, he 
 
 of the church, whom Messiah shall conquer in the great 
 battle of Armageddon, in the latter days. , ^ . , 
 
 In Kevelaticns nineteenth, we are told that Messiah, 
 there called the Word of God, treadeth the wine-press ot 
 the fierceness and wrath of Almighty (jod ; and that he 
 was clothed in a vesture dipped in blood. In the same 
 book, chap xiv. 20. we are told of the wine-press being 
 trodden without the city, even unto the horses' bridles, by 
 the space of IfiOO furlongs. The name Edom, signifies 
 1 red. and therefore may well denote a bloody people— tlie 
 mystical harlot drunk with the blood of the saints and of 
 the martyrs of the Messiah, whose cause and whose blood 
 he was to avenge on her. Ihese enemies were to have 
 blood to drink, because they deserved it. The word Boz- 
 rah is derived from a Hebrew verb, which signifies grt- 
 1 ther vintage, and here God isdetermmed to have a vintage. 
 Therefore, both in this prediction, and in Isa.xxxiv. Anti- 
 christ is designated by the name Edom, and Rome itselt is 
 called Bozrah, according to Vitringa ; " for the Lord batli 
 a sacrifine in Bozrah, and a great slaughter in the land ot 
 Edom," says the sam.e evangelic prophet, referring to the 
 wme event. Thert foref by the desiruction of Edom and 
 Bozrah is designated that of the great and final temporal 
 mdgment which Messiah shall inflict on the enemies of his 
 church and people, who, in Rev. xix. are caUed the beast 
 and the false prophet. Such enemies were well adum- 
 brated under these mystical appellations, tor the Edomites 
 were the hereditary, constant, and svvorn enennies ot 
 God's ancient peoplf, the Jews-and, therefore, fit em- 
 blems of that persecuting bloody Antichrist, who has 
 ever been the sworn enemy of the true Israel— the mystu 
 
 '^^lUs^farther^sa^d, in the prediction mentioned by our au- 
 thor, that the Egyptians shall cry to the Lord because ot 
 
 1 the oppressor ; that they shall retuj-n to the Lord and he 
 shall be entreated of them ; that the Lord sliall be known 
 in Egypt, and that the Egyptians shall know the Lord in 
 
 i that day ; all which point out the future conversion of the 
 Eevptians, and then the blessed fruits of such conversion 
 
 not soften the unconverted sinner, for he bears with much 
 long-suf)erng the vessels of wrath fitted to destruction. 
 Hence, on 3very succeeding judgment the Egyptians were 
 more hardened, just as they knew by more awful experu 
 ence that God was Jehovah, executing terrible things in 
 righ'eousness. But here, the Egyptians shall be made to 
 sing of mercy and of judgment. Having cried to the 
 Lord in the day of judgment, and been delivered in a day of 
 mercy they shall know him in a saving manner— shall make 
 an oblation of gratitude to him for his mercy-make them- 
 selves living sacrifices to him, and dedicate themselves to 
 his service as a nation. This last is expressed by the 
 phrase of swearing to the Lord of hosts ; yea, of vowing 
 avow unto the Lord and performing it. Ihis phraseo- 
 logy is exactly agreeable to that of David: « I. have 
 sworn, and I will perform it, that 1 will keep thy righte- 
 ous judgments," Fsalm cxix. 106. and to his resolution, 
 Psalm Sxvi. there repeated, " I will pay my vows unto 
 the Lord now in the presence of all his people. Ihe 
 Egyptians shall perform the duty enjoined by David, 
 Psalm Ixxvi. 11. " Vow, and pay unto the Lord your 
 God and by God himself. Psalm 1. 14. " pay thy vows 
 unto the most High." ■. ^ j 
 
 Most commentators, in the present day, understand the 
 oath and vow here mentioned, figuratively ; and not at all in 
 the sense which the words at first sight are apt to convey. 
 They affirm that there are no such things commanded under 
 the present economy as religious swearing and vowing ; nay, 
 that it is sinful to do either the one or the other, or both ; 
 and that they were peculiar to the Mosaic economy, and 
 to the Canaan establishment. To me this seems very 
 strange. I see no more impropriety in a man s swearing 
 allegiance to his God than to his king, when it is done 
 voluntarily, in the spirit of a true and active faith, and 
 in an humble dependence on the divine assistance. Vow- 
 ing and swearing were not peculiar to the Mosaic dispen. 
 sation, as pretended ; but were known and practised in 
 the natriarchal age. long before the Exode from Egypt 
 
 ' .SSibear«"'nVe"Egy;Uan7siialU to the Lord of 
 hosts ; vea, they shall vow a vow unto the Lord and per- 
 form it." Now all this has nothing to do with the temple 
 of Onias. -i-he Egyptians, and not the Jews who then 
 dwelt in Egypt, are all along the subject of the predicate— 
 
 '^Thrkiowledge'and the prayer, the oath atid the vow 
 must be here understood literally. All acceptable prayer 
 is the fruit of faiih-the language of the new-born soul , 
 and if of faith, this latter presupposes knowledge ; for the 
 soul must see before it believe, the eyes of the ""ders^nd- 
 ng must be opened in order to see the object presented 
 before it can believe in that object. But > J^ybe asked 
 how this knowledge is to be produced in the Egyptians 
 The answer is in the 22d ver.se of the prediction : " And 
 the Lord shall smite Egypt; he shall smite and heal it. 
 Here it is said, he shall smite, but it is in mercy, for it is 
 in order to heal; and what is the consequence ? ' and 
 they shall return even to the Lord ; and he shall be en- 
 treated of them, and shall heal them." The smiting here, 
 I understand of making Egypt pass under the rod of the 
 oppressor, in the 20th verse ; and this rod being sanctified 
 to them as a nation, being blessed of him who sent it ; it 
 Is «aid, " they shall cry to the Lord because of the op- 
 pressors; and he shall send them a Saviour, and a great 
 one, and he shall deliver them." 'Ihe Egyptians had al- 
 ready got eye salve, for they could both see, and cry for 
 deliverance, and this cry is followed with a political heal- 
 ine. " Cry unto me in the day of trouble," is the duty 
 enioined ; " and 1 will answer thee," is the gracious pro- 
 mise made to the prayer of faith. The Egyptians having 
 passed under the rod of the oppressors, uttered Uie cr^^^^^ 
 prayer to the Lord for deliverance, and obtained political 
 deliverance ; it is said, " And the Lord shall be known 
 in Egypt, and the Egyptians shall know the Lord in that 
 day.'' They had known him, as a nation, long before but 
 never in a w.iy of mercy, but in that of judgment. Long 
 before, as the Lord told Moses, they knew, by awful ex- 
 oerience, that God was Jehovah, when he had multiplied 
 his signs and his wonders in their land, and gotten him- 
 self the victory over all the gods ot Egypt, l hen he 
 smote, but not to heal ; yea, he smote in order to Maiden 
 for said he to Moses, " I will harden Pharaoh s hea t 
 that he shall not let the people go." All judgments, un- 
 less accompanied with the healing influences of sovereign 
 r ace, but serve to harden the sinner and drive him far- 
 ther from God. Even God's long-suflTering patience does 
 
 the patriarchal age, long 
 
 romulgation of ,u * 
 
 after the Bethel vision, and God reminded him of that 
 vow after his return to his native land; saying, " Arise, 
 go up to Bethel and dwell there ; where thou anointedst 
 
 the pillar, and where thou vowed the vow." W hat said 
 Jacob to his household? "Let us arise and go up to 
 Bethel, and I will m.ike there an altar to God, who de- 
 livered me in the day of my distress, and was with me in 
 the way which I went." As God graciously reminded 
 Jacob of his vow, so Jacob, out of humble gratitude to 
 him who heard him in the day of his distress, bade bis 
 family arise and go with him there, to pay what he 
 vowed. So the Egyptians, after the example of the pa- 
 triarch's gratitude, are said, by the prophet, to swear to the 
 Lord of hosts ; yea, to vow a vow unto the Lord and per- 
 form it ; and why ? but because the Lord had heard them 
 in the day of their distress, and saved them from the rod 
 of the oppressor. . j r r k 
 
 Vowing and swearing were known in the days of Job , 
 who, according to the astronomical calculation.s of Dr. 
 Brinkly, and the Chronology of Dr. Hales, lived at least 
 800 years prior to the Exode from Egypt. " As God Uy. 
 eth," says the holy and patient patriarch, " All the while 
 my breath is in me, and the breath of God is in my nos- 
 trils, my lips shall not speak wickedness, nor my tongue 
 utter deceit." Job xxvii. 2, 3, 4. ; and, says Eliplraz the 
 Temanite, chap. xxii. to Job, " Thou shalt make thy 
 prayer unto him, and he shall hear thee, and thou shalt 
 pay thy vows." Now, the Egyptians are predicted to do 
 exactly the same thing. I, therefore, understand the oath 
 and swearing of the Egyptians to be moral, not legal- 
 literal, but not figurative. u r v, 
 
 Our blessed Lord himself, who came, not to abolish the 
 law, but to confirm it— who came only to abolish the types 
 and shadows of that dispensation which prefigoired himself, 
 but not its moral institutions; says, " Ihou shalt per- 
 form unto the Lord thine oaths." This implies that oaths 
 were then made ; and if it was a duty enjoined by him to 
 perform them, it surely w.as not sinful in them to maKe 
 them ; or else we must say that our Lord commanded 
 them to perform those oaths which were sininl for them 
 to make. We are told by I'liny, that the Christians ,n h^s 
 time, in Bithynia, bcund themselves, by an oa h, .o com- 
 mit no manner of known wickedness; to keep thtir 
 word ; and when called, not to deny their liledg^- J'ee 
 his Epistle to the emperor Irajan, No. 97. Ihis aU ot 
 the Egyptians is here predicted to be a voluntary nat. ona 
 deed-not the acts of a few individuals, or societies. It is 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 619 
 
 thought the occasion favourable for repossessing 
 iiimself of his right. Lasthenes, the friend in 
 whose house he lived, procured him some com- 
 panies of Cretans, with which he landed in 
 
 to be the deed of a whole people, gratefully made, faith- 
 fully performed, and graciously accepted. It shall be the 
 grateful homage of a whole people to that God who had 
 heard their cry, been entreated of them, and who had deliv- 
 ered them from the rod of the oppressor by a saviour and 
 a great one, and saved them in the day of their distress. 
 Why may not a nation thus express their gratitude and 
 their homage ? Is it either inconceivable or impossible ? 
 I cannot see why it should be either the one or the other, 
 and as little why it should be deemed sinful. 
 
 It is no reason, that because such a national deed as 
 that of swearing to the Lord of hosts, yea, of making a 
 vow to the Lord and performing it, has not yet taken 
 place under the present dispensation, therefore, such a 
 deed shall never be done. The reason is plain — the 
 kingdoms of this world have not yet, in their real and 
 proper sense, become the kingdoms of our Lord and of 
 his Christ It is no reason, that because religious na- 
 tional establishments have hitherto been used as mere 
 political engines, that therefore such shall always be the 
 case. It is one thing that Christ has a kingdom in this 
 world, and another, that the kingdoms of this world shall 
 become his. The one he has always had in the hearts of 
 believers, ihe other has not yet taken place. The kings of 
 this world have hitherto given their power and strength 
 to the beast, and in conjunct! n with it, made war with 
 the Lamb. Now, if they have done this, may they not be 
 made to do the contrary— to give their strength and power 
 to the Lamb as they had hitherto done to the beast. It is 
 not an impossible event, no more so than the conversion 
 of God's ancient people, or the conversion of the Gentiles. 
 If we were to judge merely from past experience, or froni 
 the inefficacy of all past attempts to convert the one, or 
 reclaim the other, such events would be deemed impossi- 
 ble. But we have a surer ground of hojie than mere past 
 experience— we have positive divine predictions, that both 
 events shall take place, however such may seem contrary 
 to past experience, or impossible to human reason, or to 
 such limited beings as we who know but in part, and see 
 but in part, see a few apparently unconnected events, and 
 these but dimly, of the vast scheme of providence and 
 grace. It is to be observed, also, that as the prayer of the 
 Egyptians is ths gracious effect of a sanctified providential 
 chastening, or smiting, the fruit of faith in Jehovah, so 
 shall be their swearing, and vowing, and performance of 
 the vow. 'J'hese shall be the effect of saving knowledge ; 
 for, says the prophet, " the Lord shall be known to Egypt, 
 and the Egyptians shall know the Lord in that day." 
 What is the consequence of this knowledge? "and they 
 shall do sacrifice and oblation, yea, they shall vow a vow 
 unto the Lord and perform it." That this knowledge, thus 
 productive of the sacrifice and the oblation, the oath and 
 the vow, is the gracious effect of divine influence, is plain 
 from the expression, " that they shall be healed, and re- 
 turn, even return to the Lord," and from a similar pre- 
 diction of the same prophet, chap. xliv. 3—5. " For 1 will 
 pour water on him that is thirsty, and floods upon the dry 
 ground. I wiU pour my Spirit on thy seed, and my bless- 
 ing upon thine offspring." Observe what follows as the 
 gracious efJect — " and they shall spring up as among the 
 grass, as willows by the water courses." Then, what shall 
 these converts do ? " One shall say, I am the Lord's, and 
 another shall call himself by the name of Jacob, and an- 
 other shall subscribe with his hand unto the Lord, and 
 surname himself by the name of Israel." 
 
 Here the rapid increase and quick growth of Israel's 
 spiritual offspring, are compared to that rapid vegetation , 
 which is caused in warm climates by fertilizing showers, i 
 and to that of willows by the sides of brooks. It is there i 
 said, that not only shall these numerous converts volun. i 
 tarily and publicly profess their faith by saying, individu- | 
 ally, " I am the Lord's ;" but also, (which is more,) they I 
 shall subscribe this oral profession with their hands It is 
 more to subscribe with the hand than to profess with the 
 nouth. It is a solemn, written engagement to be the 
 Lord's, now, wholly, and for ever— a solemn ratification of 
 what was orally professed, that they were not their own, 
 but bought with a price, and therefore under the highest 
 ties of gratitude, the greatest of all possible obligations to 
 be the Lord's and not another's ; to dedicate their souls and 
 bodies to him who had redeemed both, as living oblations ; 
 to give themselves away to him in a covenant, an ever- 
 lasting covenant, not to be broken. All this is just the 
 same as the Egyptians swearing to the Lord of hosts, yer , 
 even vowing to the Lord and performing it ; as both shall 
 
 Cilicia. There soon joined him a sufficient 
 number of malcontents to form an army, with 
 which he made himself master of the whole 
 province. Alexander opened his eyes, and 
 
 be the fruit of the same divine influence and saving know 
 ledge. 
 
 If authority be of any weight in deciding whether the 
 oath and the vow are to be understood literally, or figu- 
 ratively, the current of commentators are agreed in de- 
 termining on the side of the literal sense; as Pool in his 
 Synopsis Criticorum and his Annotations, the Dutch An- 
 notations. Assembly's Annotations, Clark's Annotations, 
 Henry's Commentary, that learned Christian rabbi Dr. 
 Gill, et instar omnium, that pious and celebrated com- 
 mentator the great, the learned, and the laborious Vi. 
 tringa. Says this illustrious expositor on this prediction— 
 " Not only --nail the E^iyptians regard and worship the 
 God of Israel, as the governor of mankind and the avenger 
 of perjury, but also they shall, by a solemn oath, bind 
 themselves to obedience, veneration, and all religious wor- 
 ship. A solcnm oath is an act of religion, which explains 
 the inward sense of our mind concerning the act of re 
 ligion. Eut here there is a greater emphasis of phrase, 
 because the Hebrew verb, here used to express the ac5 
 of swearing, is constructed with the prefix Lamed, no; 
 with Beth ; and denotes that religious act of a man, 
 wherein, by a solemn oath, he binds himself in covenant 
 to God to believe and obey him ; in which manner thr 
 prophet uses the phrase, chap. xlv. 23. in that saying o* 
 the Lord, 'To me every knee shall bov/, every tonguf 
 shall swear.' The sense therefore is, the Egyptians shall 
 be brought into the covenant of God, and shall bind them- 
 selves to aU the worsliip of God, having abandoned idola- 
 try and superstition."— Vitringa in locum. 
 
 I see no reason why we should fly from the literal senso 
 ' f scripture, without obvious necessity, and such neces- 
 sity does not appear here. It is a dangerous practice oi 
 understanding and explaining scripture almost always 
 figuratively. It is reducing the Bible to a mere book of 
 figures, and theology, in this way, is little else than tro- 
 pology. Such who go into this practice are tropologers, 
 and have no claim to the title of theologians. If, for in- 
 stance, we press upon the Unitarians the most striking 
 proofs from scripture of the supreme deity of Christ, as 
 his attributes, titles, and works, they tell us that all these 
 expressions are merely figurative and hyperbolical ; and 
 thus there is an end of all arguing with tliem. Again ; if 
 we press the passages that speak of eternal election and 
 everlasting love, original sin, inability to believe, the 
 necessity and reality of divine influence, the new birth, 
 justification, sanctification, or other capital doctrines, on 
 Arminians or Pelagians, we are told the same thing — thev 
 are mere figures of speech and hyperbolical descriptions 
 As an eminent instance of such sort of answers, and sucli 
 manner of explaining scripture, that is, explaining it 
 away, reducing it to a jingle of fine words, mere bathology, 
 the reader may read Taylor's Key to the Romans, as that 
 book is a perfect masterpiece in the art of explaining 
 scripture figuratively. 
 
 Why should it be thought strange that the Egyptians 
 should swear, and vow, and perform, both, nationally, to 
 the Lord of hosts ? Just, I suppose, because such an ex- 
 traordinary act has not yet come within the line of our 
 experience. Many things have come to pass in our own 
 day, both in the political and religious world, and in vari . 
 ous departments of science, which were utterly unknowii 
 to our lathers, and which they never dreamed of nor covh] 
 have foreseen. Who, for instance, forty years ago, coulJ 
 have foreseen the French revolution, with all its train of 
 important consequences, which are not yet even fully de- 
 veloped. The independence of the western htmispher..' 
 has resulted from it. Who could have imagined, forf\ 
 years since, that there should be so many missionary and 
 Bible societies, and that such amazing efforts sliould be 
 made to carry the knowledge of the gospel to the pagai, 
 world? Who CGTild have dreamed that the Bilile should 
 have been translated by the Baptists into more than double 
 the number of languages than were spoken in I'entccoss 
 day by the apostles, when they received the miracukm.v 
 gift of tongues ? Who could have thought 30 years since, 
 nay, much later, that ships should be navigated by steam .- 
 that our public streets and manufactories sliould be illu- 
 minated by rreans of coal gas ; that four new planets 
 should be discovered in our solar sjstem ? Who could 
 have thought it possible that stones should fall from the sky ? 
 and yet no fact is more satisfactorily authenticated than 
 that phenomenon, although formerly treated as a physical 
 impossibility. Many other phenomena might be mentioned, 
 which were formerly deemed impossible, but which ar^ 
 
620 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 quitted his seraglio to apply himself to his 
 affairs. He left the government of Antioch to 
 Hierax and Diodotus, who is also called Try- 
 phon, put himself at the head of an army, 
 formed of all the troops he could assemble ; and 
 upon receiving advice that Apollonius, governor 
 of Coele-syria and Phoenicia, had declared for 
 Demetrius, he sent to demand aid of Ptolemy 
 his father-iii-lavr. 
 
 Apollonius's first thoughts were to reduce 
 Jonathan, who persisted in his attachment to 
 Alexander ; but he was unsuccessful, and in 
 one day he lost above SOOO men. 
 
 Ptolemy Philometor, to 
 j A. M. 3868. whom Alexander had ap- 
 i Ant. J. C. 146. plied in the extreme danger 
 j in which he found himself, 
 
 came at last to the assistance of his son-in-law, 
 and entered Palestine with a great army. All 
 the cities opened their gates to him, according 
 i to the orders they had received from Alexander 
 j to that effect. Jonathan came to join him at 
 ! Joppa, and followed him to Ptolemais. Upon 
 ! his arrival a conspiracy was discovered, which 
 I had been formed by Arnmonius, against the life 
 ' of Philometor. As Alexander refused to de- 
 I liver up that traitor, he concluded that he had 
 1 entered into the conspiracy himself, and in con- 
 i sequence took his daughter from him, gave her 
 I to Demetrius, and made a treaty with him, by 
 which he engaged to aid him in re-ascending 
 i the throne of his father. 
 
 I The people of Antioch, who mortally hated 
 Ammonius, believed it time to show their re- 
 I sentment. Having discovered him disguised 
 I like a woman, they sacrificed him to their rage. 
 Not content with that revenge, they declared 
 
 ' row well established facts— facts as apparently improbable 
 i as the conversion of Egypt, or that she shall swear to the 
 JLord of hosts, yea, even vow a vow unto the l^ord and 
 I perform it I no more doubt of the truth of the literal 
 j fact predicted, than of the conversion of the Jews and 
 ' callinff of the Gentiles. The gracious acceptance of such 
 homage, is indicated in the last verse of the prediction : 
 ! " Blessed be Egypt my people, Assyria the work of my 
 ' hands, and Israel mine inheritance," , . . ^ 
 
 I Thus it has been attempted to show, and, it is hoped, 
 ! satisfactorily, that this prediction has nothing to do \vith 
 I the building of a Jewish temple by Onias, because such an 
 I act was contrary to the divine law, and therefore sinful ; 
 I and because the reasons adduced to persuade the Egyptian 
 i monarch to give his roval approbation of the scheme were 
 ! entirely political, similar to those adduced by Jeroboam, 
 1 the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin, for making the 
 I golden calves at Dan and Bethel. It has also been sho*vn 
 ' that such a prediction concerned the Egyptians, and not 
 i the Jews ; and that Onias, therefore, either perverted or 
 i misunderstood it— that it was not fulfilled, in any shape, 
 ' prior to Uie advent of Christ, as Vitringa imagined— was 
 I not even fulfilled when Eaypt became Christian under 
 Theodosius, as Christianity had then been wofuUy cor- 
 i runted, and lost much of its genuine simplicity and beauty, 
 and, therefore, that it remains yet unfulfilled— that the 
 future conversion of the Egyptians is represented as con- 
 temporaneous, or nearly so, with the restoration of the 
 Jews to the blessings of the Abrahamic covenant, and the 
 conversion of Assyria- Whether tlie prediction be viewed 
 literally, or mystically, it is clear, from the evidence of 
 ; facts, that it is not yet fulfilled. Though, even if it shou d 
 be understood mystically, it does not follow that it should 
 have a double sense, but that it points out, cU-arly and 
 distinctly, to such a glorious event. It is even possible, (I 
 say no more,) that the smiting of Egypt may refer to the 
 invasion of the North mentioned in Daniel, and discussed 
 in a former note, and that their consequent dehverance 
 from the king of the North shall be followed with their 
 conversion and grateful homage; for this invasion shall 
 take place some short time previous to the end ot the in- 
 dignation, which shall be terminated in his destruction, 
 which may possibly be identical with the battle of Anna- 
 gcddon, the vintage of judgment of Bozrah, and the great 
 slaughter in the land of Edom.— Ed. 
 
 against Alexander himself, and opened their 
 gates to Ptolemy. They would even have set 
 him upon the throne. But that prince, assur- 
 ing them that he was contented with his own 
 dominions, instead of accepting that offer, re- 
 commended to them Demetrius, the lawful heir, 
 who accordingly was placed upon the throne^ of 
 his ancestors, and acknowledged by all the in- 
 habitants. 
 
 Alexander, who was at 
 A. M. 3859. that time in Cilicia, marched 
 Ant. J. C. 145. with the utmost diligence. 
 
 and put all to fire and 
 sword around Antioch. The two armies came 
 to a battle. Alexander was defeated, and 
 fled with 500 horse to Zabdiel,^ an Arabian 
 prince, with whom he had intrusted his 
 children. Betrayed by the person in whom 
 he had placed most confidence, his head was 
 cut off and sent to Ptolemy, who expressed 
 great joy at the sight of it. That joy was 
 of no long duration ; for he died some few 
 days after of a wound he had received in the 
 battle. Thus Alexander king of Syria, and 
 Ptolemy Philometor king of Egypt, died at the 
 same time ; the first after a reign of five years, 
 and the second after one of thirty-five. Deme- 
 trius, who had attained the crown by this vic- 
 tory, assumed the surname of Nicator, that is to 
 say, the Conqueror — The succession of Egypt 
 was attended with more difficulties. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 Physcon espouses Cleopatra, and ascends the throne of 
 Egypt. Demetrius in Syria abandons himself to a-'i 
 manner of excesses. Diodotus, surnamed Tryphon, 
 causes Antiochus, the son of Alexander Bala, to be pro- 
 claimed king of Syria ; then kills him, and takes his 
 place. He seizes Jonathan by treachery, and puts hiir 
 to death. Demetrius undertakes an expedition against 
 the I'arthians, who take him prifoner. Cleopatra his 
 wife espouses Antiochus Sidetes, brother of Demetrius, 
 and places him upon the throne of Syria. Physcon's 
 excessive follies and enormities. Attalus Philometor 
 succeeds Attahis his uncle, whom he causes to be re- 
 gretted by his vices. He dies himself, after having 
 reigned five years, and by his will leaves the Roman 
 people heirs to his dominions. Aristonicus seizes 
 them. He is overthrown, led in triumph, and put to 
 death. 
 
 Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, 
 A. M. 3859. after the death of her hus- 
 Ant. J. C. 145. band, who was at the same 
 time her brother, endea- 
 voured to place the crown upon the head of the 
 son she had by him. ^ As he was yet very 
 young, others laboured to obtain'it for Physcon, 
 king of Cyrenaica, the late king's brother, and 
 sent to desire him to come to Alexandria. 
 Cleopatra, thereby reduced to the necessity of 
 taking measures for her defence, caused Onias 
 and Dositheus, with an army of Jews, to come 
 to her assistance. There was at that time a 
 Roman ambassador at Alexandria, named Ther- 
 mus, Avho by his mediation accommodated 
 affairs. It was agi-eed that Physcon shoula 
 marry Cleopatra, and educate her son, who 
 should be declared heir to the crown ; and that 
 Physcon should possess it during his life. Hi 
 had no sooner married the queen and taken 
 possession of the crown, than, on the very 
 
 1 He is called Emalcuel in the book of Maccabees. 
 2 Joseph, contr. App. 1. ii. Justin. 1. xxxvni. c.8. \aL 
 Max. L ix. c. 1. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 G21 
 
 (lay of the nuptials, he killed her son in her 
 arms. 
 
 I have already observed, that the surname of 
 Physcon, given to this prince, was properly a 
 nickname. That which he took himself was 
 Euergetes, which signifies the benefactor. The 
 Alexandrians changed it into that of Cacoergetes, 
 that is to say, on the contrary, one luho delights 
 in doing har7n; a surname to which he had the 
 justest title. 
 
 In Syria affairs went on little better.^ Ue- 
 metrius, a young prince without experience, left 
 every thing to Lasthenes, who had procured 
 him the Cretans, by whose aid he had ascended 
 the throne. He was a corrupt and rash man, 
 and behaved himself so ill, that he soon lost his 
 master the hearts of those who were most ne- 
 cessary to his support. 
 
 The first wrong step which he took, was in 
 regard to the soldiers, whom Ptolemy, upon 
 his march, had put into the maritime places of 
 Phoenicia and Syria, to reinforce the garrisons. 
 If he had left those garrisons in them, they 
 would have very much augmented his forces. 
 Instead of conciliating them, or at least of treat- 
 ing them well, upon some umbrage which he 
 conceived, he sent orders to the troops of Syria 
 who were in the same garrisons, to cut the 
 throats of all the Egyptian soldiers ; which 
 massacre was accordingly executed. The army 
 of Egyj)f, which was still in Syria, and had 
 placed him upon the throne, full of just horror 
 for such barbarous cruelty, abandoned him im- 
 mediately, and returned home. After which 
 he caused the strictest search to be made for all 
 those who had taken part against himself or his 
 father in the last wars, and punished with death 
 all that could be found. When he believed, 
 after all these executions, that he had no longei' 
 any enemies to fear, he broke the greatest part 
 of his troops, and kept only his Cretans, and 
 some other foreigners, in his service. By that 
 means he not only deprived himself of the vete- 
 ran troops who had served under his father, and 
 who, as being well affected to him, would have 
 maintained him upon the throne, but he ren- 
 dered them his greatest enemies, by depriving 
 them of the sole means they had to subsist. He 
 found this fully verified in'the insurrections and 
 revolutions which afterwards happened. 
 
 Jonathan in the mean time seeing every thing 
 quiet in Judaea, formed the design of delivering 
 the nation at length from the evils it suffered 
 from the citadel, which the idolatrous Greeks 
 still held in Jerusalem. He invested it, and 
 caused machines of war to be brought, in order 
 to attack it in form. Demetrius, in conse- 
 quence of the complaints made to him upon that 
 occasion, went to Ptolemais, and commanded 
 Jonathan to attend him there, to give an ac- 
 count of that affair. Jonathan gave orders for 
 pushing the siege vigorously in his absence, and 
 set out to meet him with some of the priests and 
 principal persons of the nation. He carried 
 with him a great quantity of magnificent pre- 
 sents, and appeased the king and his ministers 
 so successfully, that he not only caused the ac- 
 cusation which had been formed against him to 
 be rejected, but even obtained great honours and 
 new marks of favour. The whole country un- 
 der his government was discharged from all 
 
 3 Diod. in Excerpt. Vales, p. 346. 1 Maocab. xi. 20—37. 
 oseph. Antiq. l.xiii. c. 8. 
 
 duties, customs, and tributes, for the sum oi 
 300 talents,* which he agreed to pay the king by 
 way of equivalent. 
 
 The king being returned to Antioch,' and 
 continuing to give himself up immoderately to 
 all kind of excesses, violence, and cruelty, the 
 people's patience was entirely exhausted, so that 
 the whole nation was disposed for a general 
 revolt. 
 
 Dipdotus, afterwards surnamed Tryphon, who 
 had formerly served Alexander, and had shared 
 the government of Antioch with Hierax, seeing 
 the people in this disposition, found the occasion 
 favourable for attempting a bold enterprise, 
 which was to set the crown upon his own head, 
 by taking advantage of these disorders. He 
 went into Arabia to Zabdiel, to whom the per- 
 son and education of Antiochus, the son of 
 Alexander Bala, had been intrusted. He laid 
 the state of the affairs of Syria before him, in- 
 formed him of the discontent of the people, and 
 of the soldiery in particular, and strongly repre- 
 sented, that there could not be a more favour- 
 able opportunity for setting Antiochus upon the 
 throne of his father. He demanded that the 
 young prince should be put into his hands, in 
 order that he might enforce his rights. His 
 view was to make use of the pretensions of An- 
 tiochus till he had dethroned Demetrius, and 
 afterwards to rid himself of the young prince, 
 and assume the crown himself, as he did. Zab- 
 diel, whether he penetrated his real design, or 
 did not entirely approve his scheme, did not ac- 
 cede to It at first. Tryphon was obliged to con- 
 tinue a considerable time with him to solicit 
 and press him. At length, by force of impor- 
 tunity or presents, he gained Zabdiel's consent, 
 and obtained what he demanded. 
 
 Jonathan carried on the 
 A. M. S860. siege of the citadel of Jeru- 
 Ant. J. C. 144. salem with vigour: but see- 
 ing that he made no progress, 
 he sent deputies to Demetrius, to desire that he 
 would withdraw the garrison which he could 
 not drive out by force. Demetrius, who found 
 himself involved in great difficulties from the 
 frequent tumults which happened at Antioch, 
 where the people had conceived an invincible 
 aversion for his person and government, granted 
 Jonathan all he demanded, upon condition that 
 he would send troops to chastise the mutineers. 
 Jonathan sent him 3000 men immediately. As 
 soon as the king had them, believing himself 
 sufficiently strong to undertake every thing, he 
 resolved to disarm the inhabitants of Antioch, 
 and gave orders accordingly that they should all 
 deliver up their arms. Upon this they rose, to 
 the number of 120,000 men, and invested the 
 palace, with design to kill the king. The Jews 
 immediately flew to disengage him, dispersed 
 the multitude with fire and sword, burnt a 
 great part of the city, and kiPed or destroyed 
 very near 100,000 of the inhabitants. The r'est, 
 intirtlidated by so great a misfortune, demanded' 
 a peace, which was granted them : and the tu- 
 mult ceased. The Jews, after having taken 
 this terrible revenge for the wrongs which the 
 people of Antioch had done to Judaea and Jeru- 
 salem, principally during the reign of Antiochus 
 
 4 Tliree hundred thousa'.d crowns. 
 
 5 Justin. 1. xxxviii. c. 9. 1 Maccab. xi. 39 74, xii 
 
 21 — 34. Joseph. Antiq. 1. xiii. c. 9. Appian. in Syr. p. 
 132. Epit. Liv. 1. lii. Strab. 1. xvi. p. 752. Diod in Ex. 
 cerpt. Vales, p. 346. 
 
1022 
 
 ITISTOUY Oi 
 
 Epiphanes, returned into their country laden 
 with honour and booty. . 
 
 Demetrius still continuing his cruelty, tyian- 
 nv, and oppression, put many more persons to 
 death for the last sedition, contiscated the estates 
 of others, and banished a great number. _ All 
 his subjects conceived such a hatred and animo- 
 sitv ao-ainst him, that there wanted nothmgbut 
 an opportunity for displaying it, and makmg 
 hL experience the most dreadful effects of their 
 
 vengeance. . , . ^ 
 
 Notwithstanding the promises he had made 
 to Jon-athan, and the great obligations he had to 
 him for the aid which had preserved him, he 
 behaved no better towards him than he did to 
 others. Believing he could do without him /or 
 the future, he did not observe the treaty- he had 
 made with him. Though the sum ot 800 ta- 
 lents had been paid, he did not desist from de- 
 manding all the usual imposts, customs, and tri- 
 butes, with the same rigour as before, and with 
 menaces to Jonathan of making war upon him 
 if he failed. , . ^ , ... ^ 
 
 Whilst things were in this unsteady condition, 
 ' Trvphon conducted Antiochus, the son ot Alex- 
 ander, into Svria, and caused his pretensions to 
 the crown to'be declared by a manitesto. ihe 
 soldiers who had been disbanded by Demetrius, 
 and a ereat number of other malecontents, came 
 in crowds to join the pretender, and proclaimed 
 , . ^ 1 •„„ 'ri,«,r mQi-f-liPfl under his ensigns 
 
 him king. They marched under his ensigns 
 against Demetrius, defeated him, and ob iged 
 htm to retire into Seleucia.— They took all his 
 elephants, made themselves masters of Antioch, 
 placed Antiochus upon the throne of the kings 
 of Syria, and gave him the surname ot 1 lieos, 
 which signifies " the God." 
 
 Jonathan, disgusted at the ingratitude of De- 
 metrius, accepted the invitation made him by 
 the new king, and engaged in his party. Great 
 favours were heaped upon him and bimon his 
 brother.— A commission was sent them, where- 
 by they were empowered to raise troops for An- 
 tiochus throughout all Co^le-syria and Palestine. 
 Of these troops thev formed two bodies, with 
 which they acted separately, and obtained sev- 
 eral victories over the enemy. 
 
 Trynhon,! seeing all things brought to the 
 desired point for executing the project he had 
 formed of destroying Antiochus, and of possess- 
 ing himself of the crown of Syria, found no 
 other obstacle to his design than on the part ot 
 Jonathan, whose probity he knew too well even 
 to sound him upon entering into his views. He 
 resolved therefore to rid himself, at any price, 
 of so formidable an enemy ; and accordingly en- 
 tered Judsea with an army in order to take him 
 and put him to death. Jonathan came also to 
 Bethshan at the head of 40,000 men. Tryphon 
 perceived that he should get nothing by force 
 against so powerful an army. He endeavoured 
 therefore to amuse him with fine words, and the 
 warmest assurances of a sincere friendship. He 
 crave him to understand, that he was come thi- 
 ther only to consult him upon their common in- 
 terests, 'and to put Ptolemais into his hands, 
 which he was resolved to make him a present ot 
 •IS a fre" gift. He deceived him so well by these 
 protestations of fViendship and obliging offers 
 that he dismissed all his troops, except 3000 
 
 men, of which he kept only lOCO about his per 
 son. He sent the rest towards Galilee, and fol 
 lowed Tryphon to Ptolemais, relying upon th; 
 traitor's oath, that he should be put into posses- 
 sion of it. He had no sooner entered the place, 
 than the gates were shut upon him. Jonathan 
 was immediately seized, and all his followei-s 
 T>:it to the sword. Troops vrere also detachea 
 directly to follow and surprise the 2000 men 
 who were upon their march to Galilee, ihey 
 had already received advice of what had_ hap- 
 pened to Jonathan and his troops at the city ot 
 Ptolemais ; and having exhorted one another to 
 defend themselves well, and to sell their lives as 
 dear as possible, the enemy were afraid to at- 
 tack them. They were sutfered to proceed, and 
 arrived all safe at Jerusalem. , , , . , 
 
 The afHiction there for what had befiillen Jo- 
 nathan was extreme. The Jews, however, did 
 not lose courage. They chose Simon by luuver- 
 sal consent for their general, and immeuiately, 
 by his orders, set themselves at work with all 
 possible speed to complete the fortifications be- 
 gun by Jonathan at Jerusalem. And when ad- 
 vice came that Tryphon approached, Simon 
 marched against him at the head of a hue 
 
 Trvphon did not dare to give him battle, but 
 had again recourse to the same artifices which 
 had succeeded so well with Jonathan. He sent 
 to tell Simon, that he had only laid Jonathan 
 under an arrest, because he owed the king 100 
 talents f that if he would send him that sum, 
 and Jonathan's two sons as hostages lor then- 
 father's fidelity, he would cause him to be set at 
 liberty. Though Simon saw clearly that this 
 proposal was no more than a feint, nevertheless, 
 that he might not have reason to reproach him- 
 self with being the occasion of his brother s 
 death, by refusing to comply with it, he sent 
 him the' money and Jonathan s two children. 
 The traitor, notwithstanding, did not release 
 his prisoner, but returned a second time into 
 Juda?a, at the head of a greater army than be- 
 fore, with design to put all things to hre and 
 sword. Simon kept so close to him in all his 
 marches and countermarches, that he frustrated 
 his designs, and obliged him to retire. 
 
 Trvphon, on his return into winter-quarters 
 in the country of Galaad, caused Jonathan to 
 be put to death ; and believing after this that he 
 had nobody to fear, gave orders to kill Antiochus 
 secretly. He then caused it to be given out that 
 he was dead of the stone, and at the same time 
 declared himself king of Syria, in his stead, and 
 took possession of the crown. \\ hen Simon 
 was informed of his brother's death, he sent to 
 fetch his bones, interred them in the sepulchre ot 
 his forefathers at Modin, and erected .a magnifi- 
 cent monument to his memory. ^ 
 
 Tryphon passionately de- 
 A M. 3861. sired 'to be acknowledged by 
 Ant. J. C. 143. the Romans.^ His usurpa- 
 tion was so unsteady with- 
 out this, that he perceived plainly this was ab- 
 solutely necessary to his support. He sent 
 them a magnificent embassy, with a golden sta- 
 tue of Victory of 10,000 pieces ot gold in 
 weight. He was cheated by the Romans. 
 They accepted the statue, and caused the name 
 
 2 A hundred thousand crowns. 
 3 Diod. Lcgat. xxxl 
 
ALEXANDKR'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 G23 
 
 ji Antiochus, whom lie had assassinated, to be 
 inserted in the inscription, as if it had come 
 fiom him. 
 
 *The ambassadors sent by Simon to Rome 
 
 were received there much more honourably, and 
 all the treaties made with his predecessors were 
 renewed with him. 
 
 Demetrius in the mean time amused himself 
 
 with diversions at Laodicea,^ and abandoned 
 himself to the most infamous debauches, with- 
 out becoming moi'e wise from adversity, and 
 
 without so much as seeming to have the least 
 sense of his misfortunes. As Tryphon had 
 given the Jev/s just reason to oppose him and 
 his party, Simon sent a crown of gold to De- 
 metrius, and ambassadors to treat with him. 
 They obtained from that prince a confirmation 
 of the high-priesthood and sovereignty to Si- 
 mon, exemption from all kind of tributes and 
 imposts, with a general amnesty for all past 
 acts of hostility; upon condition that the Jews 
 should join him against Tryphon. 
 
 Demetrius at length re- 
 A. M. 3863. covered a little from his le- 
 
 Ant. J. C. 141. thargy upon the arrival of 
 deputies from the East," who 
 came to invite him thither. The Parthians, 
 having overrun almost the whole East, and sub- 
 jected all the countries of Asia between the In- 
 dus and Euphrates, the inhabitants of those 
 countries who wore descended from the Mace- 
 donians, not being able to endure that usurpa- 
 tion, and the haughty insolence of their new 
 masters, were extremely urgent with Demetri- 
 us, by repeated embassies, to come and put him- 
 self at their head; assured him of a geiieial in- 
 surrection against the Pai-thians ; and promised 
 to supply him with a sufficient number of troops 
 to expel those usurpers, and recover all the pro- 
 vinces of the East. Full of these hopes, he at 
 length undertook that expedition, and passed 
 the Euphrates, leaving Tryphon in possession 
 of the greatest part of Syria. He conceived 
 that, having once made himself master of the 
 East, with that increase of power he should be 
 in a better condition to reduce that rebel at his 
 return. 
 
 As soon as he appeared in the East, the Ely- 
 mseans, Persians, and Bactrians, declared in his 
 favour ; and with their aid he defeated the Par- 
 thians in several engagements, but at length, 
 under pretence of treating with him, they got 
 him into an ambuscade, where he was made 
 prisoner, and his whole army cut in pieces. By 
 this blow the empire of the Parthians took such 
 firm footing, that it supported itself for many 
 ages afterwards, and became the terror of all its 
 neighbours, so as to be considered equal even to 
 the Romans themselves, as to power in the field 
 and reputation for military exploits. 
 
 The king who then reigned over the Parthi- 
 ans was Mithridates, son of Priapatius, a valiant 
 and wise prince. We have seen in what man- 
 ner Arsaces founded this empire, and his son 
 Arsaces II. established and confirmed it, by a 
 treaty of peace with Antiochus the Great. Pri- 
 apatius was the son of the second Arsaces, and 
 
 4 1 Maccab. xiv. 16—40. 
 
 5 Diod. in Excerpt. Vales p. 353. 1 Maccab. xiii. 31— 
 42. and xiv. 38' — 41. Joseph. Antiq. 1. xiii. c 11. 
 
 6 Justin. 1. xxxvi c. 1. 1. xxxviii. c. 9. 1. xli. c. 5 and R. 
 1 Maccab. xiv. 1 — 4y. Joseph. Antiq. 1. xiii. c 9—12. 
 Orosius, 1. v. c. 4. Diod. in Excerpt. Vales, p. 35y. Ap- 
 pian. in Svr. p. 132. 
 
 succeeded him ; he was called also Arsaces, 
 which became the common riam.e of all the 
 princes of this race. After having reigned fif- 
 teen years, he left the crown at his death to his 
 eldest son Phraates, and he to Mithridates his 
 brothel', in preference to his own children,' be- 
 cause he had discovered more merit and capacity 
 in him for the government of the people ; con- 
 vinced that a king, when it is in his own power, 
 ought to be more attentive to the good of the 
 state than the advancement of his own fa- 
 mily ; and to forget, in some measure, that he is 
 a father, to remember solely that he is a king. 
 This Mithridates was that king of the Parthi- 
 ans, into whose hands Demetrius had fallen. 
 
 That prince, after having subdued the Medes, 
 Elymajans, Persians, and Bactrians, extended i 
 his conquests even into India, beyond the bounds 
 of Alexander's ; and when he had defeated De- 
 metrius, subjected also Babylonia and iVlesopo- 
 tamia ; so that his empii-e was bounded at that 
 time by the Euphrates on the west, and the 
 Ganges on the east.^ 
 
 7 Nnn multb post decessit, multis filiis relictis ; quibus I 
 proetcntis, fratri potis,-imum Mithridati, insignis virtutis 
 viro, roliquit imperium : plus regio quam patrio deberi no- 
 mini ratus, potiusque patriae quam liberis consulendum. 
 Jitsfhi. 
 
 8 That Demetrius was joined by the EIyma?an?, Per- 
 sians, and Bactrians, as soon as he crossed the Euphrates, 
 is one of those fictions which the veracious and well 
 informed Justin has palmed on the credulity of un- 
 inquiring man, for true and genuine history. That he 
 would be joined by the Greek and Macedonian population 
 of the Mesopotamian and Assyrian cities, is true; ibr these 
 had instigated him to this injudicious and fatal expedi- 
 tion, out of hatred to the Parthian yoke, as it deprived thera 
 of the pleasure of lording it over the natives of these 
 countties which Alexander had subdued, and made them 
 in their turn suffer the fate of the vanquished. But how 
 could the nations above mentioned join him on his pass- 
 ing the Euphrates, since the first of these lay at least 50C 
 miles east of the Euplirates— and the last of them at least 
 1600 such miles ? 
 
 It was not Mithridates who subdued the Bactrians, or 
 the Greek kingdom, so called ; for the.se had been sub- 
 dued nine years before, by an immense horde of Scythians 
 from beyond the Jaxartes, under the names of the Asiani, 
 Pasiani, and Taochari, or Thogarians ; and who also con- 
 quered Drangiana from them, afterwards denominated 
 .Sacastana, or the country of the Sacaj — a common appella- 
 tion bestowed on all the Scythian tribes by the Persians. 
 How in the name of wonder, then, could the Bactrians join 
 Demetrius ? Had he advanced as far as Bactria, the Bac- 
 trians might probably have joined him, in order to got rid 
 of their Scythian lords. Otherwise the thing is impossible, 
 as the Bactrians must have marched all the way to the 
 Tigris, and even crossed that stream, before such a junc- 
 tion could be eflected. For my part, I do not believe that 
 they ever heard of such a man as Demetrius, till he was 
 taken captive, and sent into confinement amongst the 
 Hyrcanians. 
 
 It is true, indeed, that Strabo says, that the Bactrians 
 were attacked and subdued both by the Scythians and Par. 
 thians, and that the latter acquired from them the districts 
 of Aspionia and Thuriva ; but it is impossible to assign, for 
 want of explicit information, their geographical situation 
 It is probable that these districts lay on the southern side 
 of the Paropamisus, whilst the Scythians would retain Bac- 
 tria itself, and all that belonged to it, to the north of the same 
 range. As for the Elymseans, it is not probable that they, 
 who had but twenty years before routed Antiochus Epi- 
 phanes for attempting to plunder the temple of Kanghe. 
 var, in their territories, and who had never been subjected 
 by the Syrian kings, would join a Greek prince of the 
 house of Seleucus — unless it can be supposed that they did 
 so, not out of love to him or the Syrians, but from the 
 mere prospect of gaining booty and sharing in the spoil, as 
 they were a nation of robbers who lived by plunder. It 
 may be remarked, by the way, that the Elymseans are dis- 
 tinguishcd from the Medes and Persians, whicli may be re, 
 garded as additional proof that the Elamites of scripture 
 were not the Persians, but those, here called Elymasans ; or 
 else it must be said that the Elamites and Elymajans wera 
 not tlie same people. See a former note on the Persians. It 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 He carried Demetrius his prisoner into all toe 
 provinces that still adhered to the king ot byria, 
 with the view of inducing them to submit to 
 him, hv showing them the person they had 
 looked upon as their deliverer, re^'^^ed to so 
 low and shameful a condition. ^ After that, he 
 treated him as a king, Sc-nt him into Hyrcania, 
 which was assigned him for his plac^ of resi- 
 dence and gave him his daughter Khodoguna 
 in marriage. However, he was always regarded 
 as a prisoner of war, though in other respects 
 he had all the liberty that could be granted 
 him in that condition. His son Phraates, who 
 succeeded him, treated him in the same man- 
 
 "Tt is observed particularly of this Mithri- 
 dates, that having subjected several different 
 nations, he took from each of them whatever 
 was best in their laws and customs, and out ot 
 them composed an excellent body of laws and 
 maxims of state, for the government of his em- 
 pire. This was making a glorious use o. his 
 victories; by so much the more laudable, as it 
 is uncommon and almost unheard of, for a vic- 
 tor to be more intent upon gaining improve- 
 ment fi-om the wise customs of conquerea na- 
 tions, than upon enriching himself out of then- 
 spoil*. It was by this means that INnthridates 
 established the empire of the Parthians upon 
 solid foundations, gave it a firm consistency, 
 effectually attached the conquered provinces to 
 it, and united them into one monarchy, waich 
 subsisted manv ages without change or revolu- 
 tion, notwithstanding the diversity of nations ot 
 which it was composed. He may be looked 
 upon as the Numa of the Parthians, who 
 taught that warlike nation to temper a savage 
 valour with discipline, and to blend the wise 
 authority of laws with the blind force of arms. 
 
 At this time happened a considerable change 
 in the affairs of the Jewish nation. They had 
 contended long with incredible efforts against 
 the kings of Svria, not only for the defence ot 
 their liberty, but the preservation of their re- 
 ligion. They thought it incumbent on them to 
 take advantage of the favourable opportunitv of 
 the king of Syria's captivity, and of the civil 
 wars with which that empire was continually 
 torn, to secure both the one and the other, in 
 a general assembly of the priests, the elders, and 
 the whole people of Jerusalem, Simon was cho- 
 sen general, to whose family they had most 
 essential obligations, and they gave him the 
 <rovernment with the title of sovereign, as well 
 as that of high-priest : and declared this double 
 power, civil and sacerdotal, hereditary in his 
 family These two titles had been conferred 
 on him by Demetrius, but limited to his person. 
 After his death, both dignities descended jointly 
 to his posterity, and continued united for many 
 generations. ^^^^^ ^^^^^ Cleopatra saw 
 
 A IVl 3864. her husband taken and kept 
 Ant. J.' C. 140. prisoner by the Parthians, 
 she shut herself up with her 
 children in Seleucia, where many of Tryphon's 
 soldiers came over to her party. That man, 
 .vho was naturally bruial and cruel, had in- 
 dustriously concealed those defects under appear- 
 
 ances of lenity and goodness, as long as he be- 
 lieved it necessary to please the people, in oiMler 
 to be successful in his ambitious desigrs. \\ hex* 
 he saw himself in possession of the crown, he 
 quitted an assumed character that laid him un- 
 
 der too much constraint, and gave himsidf up 
 
 seems equally strange that, aided as he was by Ehmaeans 
 Persians, and the remote Bactrians, he should have been 
 unable to contend with the Parthians. It is not saia 
 ivhere he was taken prisoner, but it would seem that he 
 never crossed the Tigris — A'd. 
 
 mui:u i^uijoiiciJiJi., i....^ o « . ' 
 
 entirely to his bad inclinations. 3lany there- 
 fore abandoned him, and came over in no in- 
 considerable numbers to Cleopatra. These de 
 sertions did not, however, sufficiently augment 
 her party to put her into a condition to support 
 herself. She was also afraid, lest the people of 
 Seleucia should choose rather to give her up to 
 TrTOhon, than support a siege out of atfectHui 
 for'her person. She therefore sent proposals to 
 Antiochus Sidetes, Demetrius's brother, for 
 unitinff their forces ; and promised on that con- 
 dition ''to marry him, and procure him t.ie 
 crown. For when she was informed that Ue- 
 metrius had married Rhodoguna, she was so 
 much enraged, that she no longer observed any 
 measures, and resolved to seek support in a new 
 marriage. Her children were yet too young to 
 support the weight of a tottering crown, and 
 she was not of a character to pay much regard 
 to their rights. As Antiochus, therefore, was 
 the next heir to the crown after them, she 
 fixed upon him, and took him for her hus 
 
 This Antiochus was the second son of Deme- 
 trius Soter, and had been sent to Cnidus with 
 his brother Demetrius, during the war between 
 their father and Alexander Bala, to secure 
 them against the revolutions he apprehended, 
 and which actually happened, as has been said 
 before. Having accepted Cleopatra s offers, he 
 assumed the title of king of SjTia. _ 
 
 He wrote a letter to Simon,' wherein he com- 
 plained of Tryphon's unjust usurpation, for 
 which he promised to take speedy vengeance. 
 To engage him in his interests, he made him 
 great concessions, and gave him hopes of much 
 ereater when he should ascend the throne. 
 
 And in fact, in the hegiu- 
 A. M. 3865. ning of the following year. 
 Ant. J. C. 139. he made a descent into Syria 
 with an army of foreign 
 troops, which he had taken into his pay in 
 Greece, Asia Minor, and the islands ; and after 
 havincr espoused Cleopatra, and joined what 
 troops' she had with his own, he took the field, 
 and marched against Tryphon. The greatest 
 part of that usurper's troops, weary ot his 
 tyranny, abandoned him, and came over to the 
 army of Antiochus, which amounted at that 
 time to 120,000 foot and 8000 horse. _ 
 
 Tryphon could not make head against him, 
 and retired to Dora, a city in the neighbour- 
 hood of Ptolemais in Phoenicia. Antiochus 
 besieged him there by sea and land with all his 
 forces. The place could not hold out long 
 against so powerful an army. Tryphon escaped 
 by sea to Orthosia, another maritime city of 
 Phoenicia, and from thence proceeding to Apa- 
 mea, where he was born, he was there taken 
 and put to death. Antiochus thus terminated 
 the usurpation, and ascended his father's throne, 
 which he possessed nine years. His passion for 
 huntino- occasioned his being called Sideles, or 
 " the hunter," from the word " Zidah, which 
 has the same signification in the Syriac Ian- 
 guage. 
 
 1 Macrab. xv. 1-41. xvi. 1-10. Joseph. Antiq 1. xii" 
 c. V2 & 13. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 Simon, established in the government of Ju- 
 Jaea by the general consent of the nation, thouijht 
 It necessary to send ambassadors to Rome in 
 order to his being acknowledged under that 
 title, and to renew the ancient treaties. Thev 
 were very well received, and obtained all they 
 desired. Ihe senate, in consequence, caused the 
 consul Piso to wnte to Ptolemy king of Egypt, 
 Attalus kmgot Pergamus, Ariarathes king of 
 Cappadocia, Demetrius « king of Syria, Mithri- 
 dates king of the Parthians, and to all the states 
 of Greece, Asia Minor, and the islands, with 
 whom the Romans were in alliance, to notify 
 to them, that the Jews were their friends and 
 allies, and that consequently thev should not 
 undertake any thing to their prejudice. 
 
 As Antiochus had granted Simon so advan- 
 tageous an alliance solely from the necessity of 
 his present circumstances, and contrary to the 
 interests of the state, as well as to the policy of 
 his predecessors, the letter from the Romans did 
 not prevent him from declaring against Simon, 
 notwithstanding all the magnificent promises he 
 had made him, and from sending troops into 
 Judasa, under the command of Cendebaeus, who 
 was overthrown in a battle by Judas and John, 
 the sons of Simon. ' 
 
 A TK T oaca Physcon had reigned seven 
 
 A M. 3866. years in Egypt.^ History re- 
 Ant. J C. 138. lates nothing of him, during 
 
 1 J, , , monstrous 
 vices and detestable cruelties. Never was there 
 a prince so abandoned to excesses, and at the 
 same time as cruel and sanguinary. All the 
 rest of his conduct was as contemptible as his 
 vices were enormous; for he both said and acted 
 '\Pu v'' extravagances of an infant, by 
 which he drew upon himself both the contempt 
 and abhorrence of his subjects. Without Hie- 
 rax, his first minister, he had infallibly been de- 
 throned. This Hierax was a native of Antioch, 
 and was the same to whom, in the reiffn of 
 Alexander Bala, the government of that city 
 had been given in conjunction with Diodotus, 
 afterwards surnamed 'Iryphon. After the re- 
 volution which happened in Syria, he retired 
 into Egypt, entered into the service of Ptolemy 
 fhyscon, and soon became his captain-general 
 and prime minister. As he was valiant in the 
 field and able m council, by causing the troops 
 to be well paid, and amending the faults which 
 his master committed, by a wise and equitable 
 government, and by preventing or redressing 
 them as much as possible, he had been till then 
 'talr*""^*^ as to support the tranquillity of the 
 
 . But in the following vears 
 
 A. M. 3868. whether Hierax wa!S' 
 Ant. J. C. 136. or the prudence and ability 
 of that minister were no 
 ■onger capable of restraining the folly of this 
 ;.i-ince, the affairs of Egypt went on worse than 
 ■ver Physcon, without any reason, caused the 
 greatest part of those to be put to death, who 
 lad expressed the most zeal in procuring him 
 .he crown after his brother's death, and main- 
 taining It upon his head. AtheWus places 
 Hierax in this number; but without mention- 
 
 C25 
 
 II '^"^r at^dressed to Demetrius, thotieb nrf 
 oner amongst ti.e Parthians, because the Roman hari 
 
 3 Just n. 1 xxxvni. c. 8. Diod. in Excerpt. Vak-s d 
 \. 2. * P- ^52. Val. Max. T.'ix^: 
 
 ft. 
 
 ing the time. He also put to death, or at least 
 banished most of those who had beJn in favom- 
 with Ph.lometor his brother, or had only he"d 
 employments during his reign; and by pLmU. 
 ting his foreign troops to plunder and murder 
 at discretion, he terrified Alexandria so mich 
 
 avodh' ^'"'u''* F'"''*x"^ '^'^ inhabitants, to 
 avoid his cruelty, thought it necessary to retire 
 into foreign countries, and the city remained 
 almost a desert. To supply their plLes, w l eu 
 he perceived that nothing remained but empty 
 
 allTe neiXh"'' P^'^^^-^*-" be 4aK 
 all the neighbouring countries, that whosoever 
 should come and settle there, of whatsoeverna- 
 tion they were, should meet with the greatest 
 encouragement and advantages. Theif were 
 considerable numbers whom this proposal suked 
 very well : the houses that had bJen abandoned 
 were given to them, and all the righS, Pi "w- 
 leges, and inimunities, granted them,%vh ch had 
 been enjoyed by the ancient inhabitants ; by 
 this means the city was repeopled. ' ^ 
 
 ^ri.^^""''"^'* quitted Alexan. 
 
 dm, there was a great number of grammarians 
 philosophers geometricians, physician.^ mu" I 
 cians, and other masters in the liberal sci^ice 
 It happened from thence, that the polite arts 
 and sciences began to revive in Greece Asia 
 Minor, and the islands; in a wordrin evei-y 
 
 ttm' "^Tr "!"^*"^"^ fugitives can^eJ 
 
 them. The continual wars between the succes 
 sors of Alexander, had almost extinguished th: 
 sciences m ail those countries ; and they would 
 have been entirely lost in those times of corifu 
 
 Ttoilt'^l'^tr' ^T^^ protection unde? the 
 Ptolemies at Alexandria. The first of those 
 princes, by founding his Museum for the ante?! 
 tamment of the learned, and erecting his fine 
 ibrary, had drawn about him almoft all the 
 learned men of Greece. The second and h rd 
 following the founder's steps in that respect 
 Alexandria became the principal city ?n^ the 
 wor d where the liberal arts and scien^ce were 
 l^Sv n ^l"^««t abso! 
 
 u ely neglected every where else. Most of the 
 inhabitants of that great city studied or pro! 
 fessed some or other of those polite arts in 
 which they had been instructed in their vS'uti 
 tvr.St the cruelty and oppression of tl.; 
 
 Se'in f):-™ ^ «bligei them to taJe 
 
 refuge in foreign countries, their most general 
 recourse for subsistence was to make it theh 
 business to teach what they knew. They opened 
 schools for that purpose; and as theVwere 
 pressed by necessity, they taught at a low pTice! 
 which very much increased the number of their 
 disciples. By this means the arts and sciences 
 began to revive, wherever they were dispersed 
 that IS to say, throughout what we ?aU th^ 
 whole East, exactly in the same manner as they 
 took new birth in the West, after the capture oV 
 Constantinople by the Turks. -^i^i-uie or 
 
 Much about the time that' strangers came in 
 crowds to repeople Alexandria," P. Scipio Afri 
 canus the younger, Sp. Mummius, and L. Me- 
 tellus, arrived there as ambassadors from Rome 
 It was a maxim with the Romans to send fre, 
 quent embassies to their allies, in order to take 
 
 ?ETff'' ff«5r«. and to accommodat 
 
 the.r differences. It was with this view, that 
 three of the greatest persons in the state weS 
 
 ^Jf- Scip Athen. 1. vi. p. 273, & 1. xii n 'M 
 
 > -1- Max. 1 IV. c. 3. Diod. Legal, xxxii ^' 
 
 ~ R 
 
G2G 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 sent at this time into E„'ypt. 1 hey had orders 
 to eo into Eeypt, Syria, Asia, and Greece; and 
 to see in what condition the affairs ot those 
 ountries were; to examine in Avhat manner the 
 treaties made with them were observed ; and to 
 remedy whatever they should hnd amiss. 1 hey 
 acquitted themselves of this commission with so 
 much equity, justice and address ; and rendered 
 such crreat services to those to whom they were 
 sent, 'in restoring order amongst them, and m 
 accommodating their differences ; that, as soon 
 as they returned to Rome, ambassadors came 
 from all parts through which they had passed, 
 to return the senate thanks for having sent 
 amongst them persons of such extraordinary 
 merit; and whose wisdom^ and goodness they 
 could never sufficiently adniire. 
 
 The first place they went to, accordmg_ to 
 their instructions, was Alexandria. I'he king 
 received them with great magnificence. As to 
 themselves, they affected state so little, that at 
 their entry, Scipio, who was the g^^eat^st per- 
 sonage of Rome, had only one friend with him, 
 which was PanEetius the philosopher, and five 
 domestics.' Not his domestics (says an histori- 
 an), but his victories, were considered: Je was 
 not esteemed for his gold or his siWer, but for 
 his personal virtues and qualities. Though dur- 
 ing their whole residence at Alexandria, the 
 king caused them to be served with whatever 
 was most delicate and exquisite, they never 
 touched any thing but the most simple and 
 common meats; despising a l I'^^t, f ^^i':'; 
 ino- only to enervate the mind as well as the 
 body. So great, even at that time, were the 
 moderation and temperance of the i^omf^Vl 
 but luxury and pomp quickly assumed then 
 
 When the ambassadors had fully viewed Al- 
 exandria, and regulated the affairs which brought 
 them thither, they went np the IS ile to visit 
 Memphis and the other parts of Egypt, itiey 
 saw with their own eyes, or by statements 
 drawn up upon the spot, the infinite number of 
 cities, and the prodigious multitude of inhabi- 
 Unts contained in that kingdom ; the strength 
 of its natural situation; the fertility of its soil, 
 and all the other advantages it enjoyed. Ihey 
 1 found that it wanted nothing to render it power- 
 I ful and form'dable, but a prince ot capacity and 
 'application; for Physcon, who then reigned, 
 was nothing less than a king. Nothing was so 
 wretched as the idea be gave them of himselt in 
 all the audiences they had of him. Ut his 
 cruelty, luxury, barbarity, and other vices, 1 
 have already made mention, and shall be obliged 
 to 2ive farther proofs of them in the sequel. 1 he 
 deformity of his body sufficiently corresponded 
 with that of his mind nothing more hideous 
 was ever seen. His stature was of the smallest, 
 and with that he had a belly of so enormous a 
 
 size, that there was no man could embrace him 
 in his arms. This largeness of his bell y occasion- i 
 ed his being called by the nick-name ot Flujscon. 
 Upon this wretched person he wore so trans- 
 parent a stuff; that all his deformity might be 
 seen through it. He never appeared m puolio 
 but in a chariot, not being able to caiTy the load 
 of flesh, which was the fruit ot his intemper- 
 ance, unless when he walked with Scipio. be 
 that the latter, turning towards Pansetius, told 
 him in his ear, smiling, " The Alexandrians 
 are obliged to us for seeing their king walk on 
 
 ^° We must confess, to the reproach of royalty 
 that most of the kicgs of whom we now speak, 
 dishonoured not only the throne, but even hu 
 man nature itself, by the most horrid vices. It 
 is dreadful to see, in that long list of kings 
 whose history we have related, how few there 
 are who deserve that name. What comparison 
 is there between those monsters of dissoluteness 
 and cruelty, and Scipio Africanus, one of the 
 three Roman ambassadors, who was a pi'odigy 
 of wisdom and virtue, as far as they could be 
 found amongst the Pagans? Justin accordingly 
 says of him, that whilst he visited and consmer- 
 ed with curiosity the rarities of Alexandria, be 
 was himself a sight to the whole city. Vam 
 insjncU urbem, ipse spectaculo Alexandnms fiat. 
 ^ Attalus king ot Perga- 
 
 A M. S866. mus,^ died about the time 
 Ant. J. C. 13S. of which we now speak. 
 
 His nephew, who bore tne 
 same name, and was also called Philometor, 
 succeeded him. As the latter was very young 
 when his father Eumenes died, he had been un- 
 der the tuition of his uncle, to whom 4he crown 
 was also left by the wUl of Eumenes. Attalus 
 eave his nephew the best education he could, 
 and at his death bequeathed the throne to him, 
 though he had sons of his own ; a proceeding 
 as rare as it was laudable; most princes think- 1 
 ing no less of transferring their crowns to their | 
 posterity, than of preserving them to themselves^ 
 during their lives. J 
 This prince's death was a misfortune to the 
 kingdom of Pergamus. Philometor governed 
 it in the most extravagant and pernicious man- 
 ner. He was scarce upon the throne betore he 
 stained it with the blood of his nearest relations, 
 and the best friends of his family. He caused 
 almost all who had served his father and uncle ^ 
 with extreme fidelity, to be murdered, under, 
 pretence that some of them had killed his mo- j 
 ther Stratonice, who died ot disease in a very, 
 advanced age, and others his wife Beremce 
 who died of an incurable distemper, with which 
 
 1 cam per socios et exteras gentes "er fareret, n 
 manciuia sed Victoria numerabantur ; nec quantum aim 
 ^ arSm. sed quantum ampUtudinis onus secum ferre. 
 
 'SS^^ruSt/Svibus, tam^ndiculu^^^-ls Jui^ 
 
 aim a subtiufas perlucid.x vestis augebat prorsus qua.n a.^^^^ 
 rnrpicienda pra^berentur, qii^ omin studio occultanda pu 
 dibundo viro erant. Jitstm. 1. viii. c. S. ^ 
 
 Athen^us says, .-'-^S^^-^ I'l!'-^ ,f Zn 
 
 Which the interpreter translates, Pedibus die nun- 
 ZL^Txr!lTprllbal scd perpetuo Scipicie subnuus ; 
 Instead of nisi propter Scipionem. 
 
 wno oieu oi ciu iij^"'"^xv- v..^ r ~' , 
 
 sfie had been seized very naturally. He put 
 others also to death upon suspicions entirely 
 frivolous; and with them, their wi%es, children , 
 and whole families. He caused these execu- ; 
 tions to be committed by foreign troops, whom j 
 he had expressly sent for from the most savage 
 and cruel nations, to make them the instruments j 
 of his enormous barbarity. 
 
 After having massacred and sacrificed to his 
 fury, in this manner, the most deserving persons 
 of his kingdom, he ceased to show himselt 
 abroad. He appeared no more in the city, and 
 ate no longer in public. He put on old clothes 
 let his beard grow without taking any care ot 
 
 3 Justin. 1. xxxvi. c. 4. Strab^ h xAii. p. 624. Plut. in 
 Demet. p. 897. Died, in Excerpt. V ales i). 0. 
 
ALEXANUUU S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 G27 
 
 It and did every thing which persons accused 
 ot capital offences used to do in those days, as if 
 
 vl/-Tl! acknowledge the crimes 
 
 which he had just perpetrated. 
 
 Irom hence he proceeded to other species of 
 toily. He renounced the cares of state, and re- 
 tired into his garden, and engaged in digging 
 the ground himself, and then sowed all sorts of 
 venomous, as well as wholesome, herbs • then I 
 poisoning the good with the juice of the bad, he 
 sent them in that manner as presents to his 
 fi-iends. He passed all the rest of his reign in ' 
 cruel extravagances of the like nature, which, 
 happily for his subjects, was of no long dura- 
 tion, for It lasted only five years. 
 ,r.^^ taken it into his head to practise the 
 trade of a founder, and formed the model of a 
 monument of brass to be erected to his mother. 
 Whilst he was at work in casting the metal, on 
 A M ^871 a.^^^ts^nprner'sday, heVas 
 Ant T r TQQ with a fever, which 
 
 Ant. J. C. ISa carried him off in seven days, 
 ... and freed his subjects from 
 an abominable tyrant. 
 
 th^^nJ:^ "^^"^^^ u-'^V appointed 
 the Roman people his heirs. Eudemus^ Per- 
 gamus carried this will to Rome. The princi- 
 T^IV'^7^^f^^?.'^l^^''' terms, LET 
 
 ™ EFFFPT^.^^^^^^ INHERIT ALL 
 M Y EFFECTS.^ As soon as it was read 
 Tiberius Gracchus, tribune of the people, always 
 attentive to conciliate their favourf took hoLd of 
 the occasion ; and ascending the tribunal, pro- 
 posed a law to this effect: That all the reX 
 mone^y which should arise from the successLn tj 
 this prince, should be distributed amonirst the 
 fnto theT"^ ^'^"^^ ^« sent rSnie 
 
 into the COUntrv hpanaatUaA il. _ . 
 
 nf^+i,JX V 1 sent as colon es 
 
 into the country bequeathed to the Roman peo- 
 ple, m order that they might have wherewithal 
 to support themselves in their new possessions 
 and to supply them with the tools^^nd othe/' 
 things necessary in agriculture. He added 
 
 Sa "^rfn^'' '''''' ^^^^ were unde; 
 
 that princes government, the senate had no 
 
 tS^ V r'i^7'^'"^'^^" '-'S^^'^ to them, anS 
 Dele wh- V'T '^^d'^P««-l of them to the 
 E f^lT ex remely offended the senate, 
 lhat tribune was killed some small time after. 
 A M Q«^o ^ristonicus, however, who 
 
 Ant 1 C % '"'PT'^ «f '^'^ Wood 
 
 ^nc. J. u. 162. royal, was actively employed 
 
 Sinn nf Affoi ' ^ Preparing to take posses- 
 sion of Attains s dominions. He was indeed 
 the son of Eumenes, but by a courtesan He 
 easily engaged the majority of the cities in his 
 party because they had been long accustomed 
 to the government of kings. Some citt? 
 through fear of the Romans,^^efuseS at fir t To 
 acknowledge him, but were 'compelled to itby 
 
 A M qH79 his party grew stronger 
 
 Ani j' C f^T .7'^^ ^^y' ^^o™ans sfnt 
 Ant. J. C. 13L the consul, Licinius Crassus, 
 
 manner formed five different languajs Jhat be 
 pronounced his decrees accord ing^ofhe parti 
 lar Idiom of those who pleadfd beforrS" 
 
 Ui. c. 2. ^"fop. 1. iv. Val. Max. 1. 
 
 Tf ^.r ^f^^: the states 
 
 of Asia Minor. All the neighbouring princes 
 Ki alliance with the Roman plople, the\ir,g of 
 Bithynia, Pontus, Cappadocia, and Paphlag^ 
 nia, joined him with their troops. 
 
 A M qp-j. Notwithstanding such 
 
 A M. 38/^ powerfu supports, having 
 ^nt. J. u. 130. engaged m a battle with dist 
 ,^ , , , advantage, his army, which 
 
 he commanded then in quality of proconsul 
 , was defeated and himself' madl priso^nen Ho 
 
 hlSV^' '^^T ''^'■"^ P"^ ^"t« victor's 
 ^ZtA 7 f .^«l"«tary death. His head was 
 
 re"nSr^:dtrsr;rn£ body to 
 
 Cras^sus''''3i ^'^'Penna, who had succeeded 
 r^^A \ l^^"^ revenged his death. Having 
 made all haste into Asia, he gave Aristonir ? 
 battle, entirely routed his army, betieged him 
 soon after in Stratonice, and at length mad^ 
 
 Rom^nr"''- ^""'^^'^ t™^^: 
 
 A M -Km^ Aristonicus to 
 
 hfs wlr ' i'/^""' ^" order to put an end to 
 triumT' Hp /P'T.^^^ honour of a 
 
 tiiumph. He found Ariston cus set out - and 
 some time after, Perpenna, who had beffun his 
 journey, d ed of a disease at Pergamus^^ AqS 
 
 t nuedTl^n"?'?^*"^*^'^ ^hichhad con- 
 
 tinued almost four years. Lydia, Caria, the 
 Hellespont, Phrygia, in a word, all that com- 
 TproWnce'of r t ^"^^'^^^ reducLu^o 
 coiSmoTnlmlo? Ast"^" ^"^^"'^^ ""^^ 
 .2^^ ^^^IK^^^ decreed, that the city of Pho- 
 weTl in n ^r'^'''' the'^Romans, 
 ^h^ r M V""^* "^^^ ^" ^^^^ «ga5"st Anti- 
 MarSn 1 ^' destroyed. The inhabitants oi 
 Marseilles, which was a colony of Phocaea 
 
 e"r:;:'if"thT?t "V*'.^'^ t^^- fon^d- 
 
 ers as if the fate of their own city had been in 
 question, sent deputies to Rome, to implo'^ the 
 clemency of the senate and people i^he r fS 
 vour. Just as their indignation was against 
 Phoc^a, they could not refuse to pardon it h 
 
 r'lr*'"f."^"?^ solicitatfons o?apeo 
 
 pie, whoni they had always held in the hiXst 
 consideration, and who rendered themselves stU 
 oS.7r*^ ^^^'^^ t^''^^'- c^cern and 
 
 S.d Sdet' ^"P"^"' f-«f-thers 
 
 EiSS ^"^"'^^^ Mithridates 
 
 Sd h5l ^' • ^ Pontus, in reward for the 
 '!f?e, s • /'T i» that war. B t 
 
 tZ^lft^'r' they dispossessed his son. Mi- 
 A^lv A ' ^l'^^'' declared it free. 
 
 Aiiarathes, king of Cappadocia, who died 
 du ing this war, had left six children. Rome 
 to leward ,n the sons the services of the father 
 The. f^^''."-"^" ^"^ to their domin 0^ : 
 
 They found in queen Laodice not the tendernes 
 of a parent but the cruelty of a step-mSer: 
 five of'w K-n'^"''^'^*« ^''''^^^ she poisoned 
 ^hLl\ !^ '^"^''^V ^"'^t''« «5^th would have 
 shared the same fate, if his relations had not 
 
 Sl^'"' i"^ murderous hands oftS 
 Megaera, on whose crimes the people soon took 
 vengeance by a violent death. « " toon 
 
 A M QQr-Q Manius Aquilius, at his 
 
 Ant. J. C. 12G. tJie honour of a triumph. 
 
 Aristonicus, after havinf? 
 
 2R2 ^ 
 
 " '■ ' -T -- : ^ 
 
G28 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 been sliown there for a sight to the people, was 
 carried to prison, where he was strangled. 
 Such were the consequences of king Attalus's 
 
 Mithridates, in a letter which he wrote after- 
 wards to Arsaces, king of Parthia, accuses the 
 Romans of having forged a false will of Atta- 
 lus's,' in order to deprive Ax'istonicus, the son 
 of Eumenes, of his father's kingdom, which 
 appertained to him of right : hut it is an avowed 
 enemy who charges them with this. It is more 
 surprising that Horace, in one of his odes, 
 seems to make the Roman people the same re- 
 proach, and to insinuate that they had attained 
 the succession hy fraud : 
 
 Neque Attali 
 Ignotus hseres regiam occupavL 
 
 Nor have I seized an heir unknown. 
 The Phrygian's kingdom for my own. 
 
 However, there remains no trace in history 
 of any secret intrigue or solicitation to that 
 effect on the side of the Romans. 
 
 1 thought it proper to relate all the conse- 
 quences of this will without interruption. I 
 shall now resume the thread of my history. 
 
 SECT. V. 
 
 iVntiochus Sidetes besieges John Hyrcanus in Jerusalem. 
 That city surrenders by capitulation. He makes war 
 against the Parthians, and perishes in it. Phraates, 
 king of the Parthians, defeated in his turn by the Scy- 
 thians, rhyscon commits horrid cruelties in Egypt. A 
 general revolt obliges him to quit it, Cleopatra, his 
 tirst wife, is replaced upon the throne. She implores 
 aid of Demetrius, and is soon reduced to leave Egypt. 
 Physcon returns thither, and re-ascends the throne. By 
 his means Zebina dethrones Demetrius, who is soon 
 after killed. The kingdom is divided between Cleopa- 
 tra, the wife of Demetrius, and Zebina. The latter is 
 defeated and kdled. Antiochus Grypus ascends the 
 throne of Syria. The famous Mithridates begins to 
 reign in Pontus. Fhyscon's death. 
 
 A. M. 3869. 
 Ant. J. C. 135. 
 
 Simon having been slain 
 by treachery ^ with two of 
 his sons, John, another of 
 them, surnamed Hyrcanus, 
 was proclaimed high- priest and prince of the 
 Jews in his father's stead. Here ends the his- 
 tory of the Maccabees. 
 
 Antiochus Sidetes, king of Syria, made all pos- 
 sible haste to take the advantage which the death 
 of Simon gave him, and advanced at the head of 
 a powerful army to reduce Judaea, and unite it 
 to the empire of* Syria. Hyrcanus was obliged 
 to shut himself up in Jerusalem, where he sus- 
 tained a long siege with incredible valour. Re- 
 duced at length to the last extremity for want 
 of provisions, he caused proposals of peace to be 
 made to the king. His condition was not un- 
 known in the camp. Those who were about 
 the king's person pressed him to take advantage 
 of the present occasion for exterminating the 
 Jewish nation. They represented to him (re- 
 curring to past ages), that they had been driven 
 out of Egypt as impious wretches, hated by the 
 gods, and abhorred by men; that they were 
 
 enemies to all the rest of mankind, as they had 
 no communication with any but those of their 
 own sect, and would neither eat, drink, nor 
 have any familiarity with other people; that 
 they did not adore the same gods ; that they had 
 laws, customs, and a religion entirely different 
 from that of all other nations ; that therefore 
 they well deserved to be treated by other nations 
 with equal contempt, and to be rendered hatred 
 for hatred ; and that all people ought to unite 
 in extirpating them. Diodorus Siculus, as well 
 as Josephus, says, that it was from the pure 
 effect of the generosity and clemency of Antio- 
 chus, that the Jewish nation was not entirely 
 destroyed on this occasion. 
 
 He was well pleased to enter into a treaty 
 with Hyrcanus. It was agreed, that the be- 
 sieged should surrender their arms ; that the 
 fortifications of Jerusalem should be demolished ; 
 and that a tribute should be paid to the king for 
 Joppa, and for the other cities which the Jews 
 had out of Judaea: and peace was concluded 
 upon these conditions. Antiochus also de- 
 manded that the citadel of Jerusalem should be 
 rebuilt, and would have put a garrison into it ; 
 but Hyrcanus would not consent to that, upon 
 account of the miseries which the nation had 
 suffered from the garrison of the former citadel, 
 and chose rather to pay the king the sum of 600 
 talents,* which he demanded as an equivalent. 
 The capitulation was executed, and for those 
 articles which could not be immediately ful- 
 filled, hostages were given, amongst whom was 
 a brother of Hyrcanus. 
 
 Scipio African us the young- 
 A. M. 3870. er, having gone to command 
 Ant. J. C. 134. in Spain,^ during the war 
 with Numantia, Antiochus 
 Sidetes sent him rich and magnificent presents. 
 Some generals would have appropriated them 
 to their own use. Scipio received them in 
 public, sitting upon his tribunal in the view of 
 the whole army, and gave orders that they 
 should be delivered- to the quaestor,^ to be applied 
 in rewarding the officers and soldiers who 
 should distinguish themselves in the service. 
 By such conduct a generous and noble soul is 
 known. 
 
 Demetrius Nicator^ had 
 A. M. 3873. been kept many years in 
 Ant. J. C. 131. captivity by^he Parthians in 
 Hyrcania, where he wanted 
 nothing except liberty, without which all else is | 
 misery. He had made several attempts to ob- 1 
 tain it, and to return into his own kingdom, j 
 but always without success. He was twice re- | 
 taken in the midst of his flight, and punished 
 only with being carried back to the place of his 
 confinement, where he was guarded with more 
 care, but always treated with the same magni- 
 ficence. This was not the effect of mere good- 
 ness and clemency in the Parthians ; interest 
 had some share in it. They had views of mak- 
 ing themselves masters of the kingdom of Syria, 
 however remote they were, and waited a favour- 
 able opportunity, when, under (;olour of going 
 to re-establish Uemetiius upon his throne, they 
 might take possession of it for themselves. 
 
 1 Simulato impio testamento, filium ejus (Eumenis) 
 Avistonicum, quia patrium regtuim petiverat, hostium 
 more per triuraphum duxcre. Apud Sallust. in Fragm. 
 ■1 Hor. Od. xviii. 1. ii. 1. 5. 
 
 3 1 Maccab. xvi. Joseph. Antiq. I. xiii. c. 16. Diod. 
 Eclojr. i. p. 901. 
 
 4. Five hundred thousand crowns. 
 5 E('it. Liv. 1. Uii. 
 6 The qua?stor was the treasurer of the army. 
 7 Justin. 1. xxxviii. c. 9 & 10. 1. xxxix c. 1. Oros. 1. v. 
 c. 1. Valer. M^x. 1. ix. c. 1. Athen. 1. v. p. 'm. & 1. x. 
 p. 439 & 1. xii. p. 540. Joseph. Antiq. x u. c. 16. Appian 
 in Syr. p. W-.'-l. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 629 
 
 Antlochiis Sidetes, whether apprize 1 of th 
 f?e£ign or not, thought proper to prevent it, and 
 marched against Phraates at the head of a for- 
 midable army. The Parthians' late usurpation 
 of the richest and finest provinces of the East, 
 which his ancestors had always possessed from 
 the time of Alexander, was a strong induce- 
 ment to him for uniting all his forces for their 
 expulsion. His army consisted of upwards of 
 80,000 men, well armed and disciplined. But 
 the train of luxury had added to it so great a 
 multitude of sutlers, cooks, pastry-cooks, con- 
 fectioners, actors, musicians, and infamous wo- 
 men, that they were almost four times as many 
 as the soldiers, for they were reckoned to amount 
 to about 300,000. There may be some exaggera- 
 tion in this account, but, if two-thirds were de- 
 ducted, there would still remain a numerous 
 train of useless mouths. The luxury of the 
 camp was in proportion to the number of those 
 that administered to it. Gold and silver glit- 
 tered in all parts,* even uport the boots of the 
 private soldiers. The instruments and utensils 
 of the kitchen were silver, as if they had been 
 marching to a feast, and not to a war. 
 
 Antiochus had great success at first. He beat 
 Phraates in three battles, and retook Babylonia 
 and Media. All the provinces of the East, 
 which had formerly appertained to the Syrian 
 empire, threw off the Parthian yoke, and sub- 
 mitted to him, except Parthia itself, where 
 Phraates found himself reduced within the nar- 
 row bounds of his ancient kingdom. Hyrcanus, 
 prince of the Jews, accompanied Antiochus in 
 this expedition, and having had his share in all 
 these victories, retui-ned home laden with glory, 
 at the end of the campaign and the year 
 
 The rest of the army passed 
 A, M. S874. the winter in the East. The 
 Ant. J. C. 130. prodigious number of the 
 troops, including the train 
 before mentioned, obliged them to separate, and 
 to remove so far from each other, that they 
 could not easily rejoin and form one body in 
 case of ail attack. The inhabitants, whom they 
 plundered extremely in their quarters, to be re- 
 venged upon them, and to get rid of troublesome 
 guests, whom nothing could satisfy, conspired 
 with the Parthians to massacre them all in one 
 day in their quarters, without giving them time 
 to assemble ; which was accordingly executed. 
 Antiochus, who had kept a body of troops al- 
 ways aboust his person, marched to assist the 
 quarters nearest him, but was overpowered by 
 numbers, and perished himself. All the rest of 
 the army were either massacred in their quar- 
 ters the same day, or made prisoners ; so that 
 out of so great a multitude, scarce any escaped 
 to carry the sad news of this slaughter into 
 Syria. 
 
 It occasioned great grief and consternation 
 there. The death of Antiochus, a prince esti- 
 mable for many excellent qualities, was particu- 
 larly lamented. Plutarch^ relates a saying of 
 his very much to his honour. One day, having 
 lost himself a-hunting, and being alone, he re- 
 tired into the cottage of some poor people, who 
 received him in the best manner they could, 
 
 8 Argenti aurique tantum, ut etiam grcgarii milites 
 caligas auro figerent, proculcarentque materiam, cujus 
 amore populi ferro dimicant. Culinarum quoque argentea 
 instrumenta fuere, quasi ad epulas non ad bella pergerent 
 lustin. " 
 9 riut. in Apophthegm, p. 284. 
 
 without knowing him. At supper, having 
 himself turned the conversation upon the per- 
 son and conduct of the king, they said, that he 
 was in every thing else a good prince, but that 
 his too great passion for hunting made him ne- 
 glect the affairs of his kingdom, and repose too 
 much confidence in his courtiers, whose actions 
 did not always correspond with the goodness of 
 his intentions. Antiochus made no answer at 
 that time. The next day, upon the arrival of 
 his train at the cottage, he was known. He 
 repeated to his officers what had passed the 
 evening before, and told them by way of re- 
 proach, " Since I have taken you into my ser- 
 vice, I have not heard the truth concerning 
 myself till yesterday. " ^ 
 Phraates, thrice beaten by Antiochus, had at 
 last released Demetrius, and sent him back into 
 Syria with a body of troops, in hopes that his 
 return would occasion such troubles as would 
 compel Antiochus to follow him. But after the 
 massacre, he detached a party of horse to retake 
 him. Demetrius, who apprehended a counter- 
 mand of that nature, had marched with so 
 much diligence, that he had already passed tho 
 Euphrates before that party arrived upon the 
 frontier. In this manner he recovered his do- 
 minions, and made great rejoicings upon that 
 occasion ; whilst all the rest of Syria were in 
 tears, deploring the loss of the army, in which 
 few families had not some near relation. 
 
 Phraates caused the body of Antiochus to be 
 sought for amongst the dead, and put into a 
 coffin of silver. He sent it into Syria to be 
 honourably interred with his ancestors; and 
 having found one of his daughters amongst the 
 captives, he was struck with her beauty, and 
 married her. 
 
 Antiochus being dead," Hyrcanus took ad- 
 vantage of the troubles and divisions which 
 happened throughout the whole empire of Syria, 
 to extend his dominions, by making himself 
 master of many places in Syria, Phojnicia, and 
 Arabia, which lay commodiously for him. He 
 laboured also at the same time to render him- 
 self absolute and independent. He succeeded so 
 well, that from thenceforth neither himself nor 
 any of his descendants were dependant in the 
 least upon the kings of Syria. They threw off 
 entirely the yoke of subjection and even that of 
 homage. 
 
 I'hraates," flushed with 
 A. M. S875. his great successes and the 
 Ant. J. C. 129. victory be had gained, de- 
 . , signed to carry the war into 
 
 byria, m revenge for Antiochus's invasion of 
 his dominions. But, whilst he was making his 
 preparations for that expedition, an unexpected 
 vyar broke out with the Scythians, who found 
 him employment enough at home, to remove all 
 thoughts of disquieting others abroad. Finding 
 himself vigorously pressed by Antiochus, as we 
 have seen, he had demanded aid of that people. 
 When they arrived, the affair was terminated ; 
 and having no farther occasion for them, lie 
 would not give them the sums he had engaged 
 to pay them. The Scythians immediately turned 
 their arms against himself, to avenge themselves 
 for the injustice he had done them. 
 
 It was a great error in this prince to have 
 
 10 Joseph. Antiq. 1. xiii. c. 17. Strab. I xvi. p. 
 Justin. 1. xxxvi. c. 1. 
 
 11 Justin. 1. xxxix. c. 1. & 1. xliiii-c. 1 Hi 2. 
 
 710. 
 
G30 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 disffusted so powerful a nation by a mean and ■ of Alexandria had put the government into the 
 sS avarice^; and he committed a second, no hands of Cleopatra, whom he had repudiated 
 is clsi^e rab e i„ the war itself. To strengthen He immediately raised troops to make war upon 
 
 Igss corisi - _ 
 
 himself against that nation, he sought aid from 
 a people to whom he had made himself more 
 hateful than to the Scythians themselves; these 
 were the Greek foreign troops, ^vho had been in 
 the pay of Antiochus in the last war against 
 him, and had been made prisoners. Phraates 
 thought proper to incorporate them into his own 
 troops ; believing that he should considerably 
 reinforce them by that means. But when they 
 saw themselves with arms in their hands, they 
 were resolved to be revenged for the injuries 
 and ill-treatment they had suffered during their 
 captivity ; and as soon as the armies engaged, 
 they went over to the enemy, and gave such a 
 turn to the battle, whilst the victory was in sus- 
 pense, that Phraates was defeated, with a great 
 slaughter of his troops. He perished himself in 
 the pursuit, and almost his whole army. The 
 Scythians and Greeks contented themselves with 
 plundering the country, and then retired to their 
 several homes. 
 
 When they were gone, Artaban, Phraates's 
 uncle, caused himself to be crowned king of the 
 Parthians. He was killed some days after in a 
 battle with the Thogarians, another Scythian 
 nation. Mithridates v/as his successor, who 
 
 for his glorious 
 Great. ' 
 
 actions was surnamed the 
 
 A. M. SS74. 
 Ant. J. C. iSO. 
 
 Daring all these revolu- 
 tions in the Syrian and Par- 
 thian empires,^ Ptolemy 
 Physcou did not alter his 
 conduct in Egypt. X have already observed, 
 that on his marriage with his sister Cleopatra, 
 who was his brother's widow, he had killed in 
 hef arms the son she had by his brother, on the 
 very day of their nuptials. Afterwards, hav- 
 ing taken a disgust for the mother, he fell pas- 
 sionately in love with one of her daughters by 
 Philometor, called also Cleopatra. He began 
 by violating her, and then married her, after 
 turning away her mother. 
 
 He soon made himself hated also by the new 
 inhabitants of Alexandria, whom he had drawn 
 thither to repeople it, and supply the places of 
 those whom his former cruelties had obliged to 
 abandon their country. To put them out of a 
 condition to do him hurt, he resolved to have 
 the throats cut of all the young people in the 
 city, in whom its whole force consisted. For 
 that purpose, he caused them to be invested one 
 day by his foreign troops in the place where the 
 exercises were performed, when the assembly 
 there was most numerous, and put them all to 
 the sword. The whole people ran in a fury to 
 set fire to the palace, and to burn him in it : 
 but he had quitted it before they arrived there, 
 and made his escape into Cyprus, with his wife 
 Cleopatra, and his son Memphitis. Upon his 
 arrival there, he was informed that the people 
 
 1 These Thogarians were a tribe of those Scythians 
 who had conquered the Greek kingdom of Bactria. It is 
 not true that Artaban was succeeded, as Rollin says, by Mi- 
 thridates the Great ; for this latter was he who had defeat, 
 ed Demetrius Nicator, and taken him prisoner twelve years 
 before. Artaban was the successor of Phraates, the son 
 of that Mithridates, and could not therefore be succeeded 
 by him. He was brother to that Mithridates, and was 
 succeeded by Pacorus I. — Ed. 
 
 2 Justin. I. xxxviii. c. 8, 9. xxxix. c. 1. Val. Max. 1. ix. 
 0. 2—7. Ores. 1. V, c. 10. Epit. Liv. 1. lix. Ix. Diod. m 
 Excerpt. Vales».p. 374—376. Joseph. Aiiliq. 1. xiii. c. 
 
 r. 
 
 the new queen and her adherents 
 
 But first apprehending 
 A. M. 3875. that the Alexandrians would 
 Ant. J. C. 129. make his son king to whom 
 he had given the govern- 
 ment of Cyrenaica, he caused him to come to 
 him, and put him to death as soon as he arrived, 
 only to prevent a pretended danger, which 
 had no foundation but in his falsely-alarmed 
 imagination. That barbarity enraged every 
 body the more against him. They pulled down 
 and dashed to pieces all his statues in Alexan- 
 dria. He believed that Cleopatra, whom he 
 had repudiated, had induced the people to this 
 action ; and to be revenged of her, oi'dered the 
 throat of Memphitis to be cut, a young prince 
 whom he had by her, of great beauty and hopes. 
 He afterwards caused the body to be cut in 
 pieces, and put into a chest, with the head en- 
 tire, that it might be known, and sent it by one 
 of his guards to Alexandria, with orders to 
 wait till the birth- day of that princess, which 
 was approaching, and was to be celebrated with 
 great magnificence, and then to present it to her. 
 His orders were obeyed. The chest was deliv- 
 ered to her in the midst of the rejoicings of the 
 feast, which were immediately changed into 
 mourning and himentations. The horror can- 
 not be expressed which the view of that sad ob- 
 ject excited against the tyrant, whose monstrous 
 barbarity had perpetrated so unnatural and un- 
 heard-of a crime. The abominable present was 
 exposed to the view of the public, with whom it 
 had the same effect as with the court, who had 
 first seen that sad spectacle. The people ran to 
 arms; and nothing was thought of, but how to 
 prevent that monster from ever re-ascending the 
 throne. An army was formed, and the com- 
 mand of it given to Marsyas, whom the queen 
 had appointed general, and all the necessary 
 precautions were taken for the defence of the 
 country. 
 
 Ptolemy Physcon having 
 A. M. 3876. raised an army on his side. 
 Ant. J. C. 128. gave the command of it te 
 Hegelochus, and sent him 
 against the Alexandrians. A battle was fought 
 and gained by Hegelochus. He even took Mar- 
 syas prisoner, and sent him loaded with chains 
 to Physcon. It was expected that so bloody a 
 tyrant would have put him to death in the most 
 exquisite torments; but the contrary happened. 
 He gave him his pardon, and set him at liberty. 
 For finding by experience, that his cruelties only 
 drew misfortunes upon him, he began to abate 
 in them, and was for doing himself honour by 
 his lenity. Cleopatra, reduced to great extremi- 
 ties by the loss of her army, which was almost 
 entirely cut to pieces in the pursuit, sent to de- 
 mand aid of Demetrius, king of Syria, who 
 had married her eldest daughter by Philometor, 
 and promised him the crown of Egypt for his 
 reward. Demetrius, without hesitation, ac- 
 cepted that proposal, marched with all his 
 troops, and laid siege to Pelusium. 
 
 That prince was no less hated by the Syrians 
 for his haughtiness, tyranny, and excesses, than 
 Physcon by the Egyptians. When they saw 
 him at a distance and employed in the siege of 
 Pelusium, they took up arms. The people of 
 Antioch began, and after them those of Apa- 
 mea; many other cities of Syria followed their 
 example, jind ioined with them. Demetrius 
 was obliged to leave Egypt, in order to reduce 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 C3I 
 
 his own sul)jects to obedience. Cleopatra, dcsti - 
 tiite of the aid she expected from him, embarked 
 with all her treasures, and took refuge with her 
 daughter Cleopatra, queen of Syria. 
 
 This Cleopatra, the daughter, had been first 
 married to Alexander Bala, and afterwards to 
 Demetrius, in the life-time of her father Philo- 
 metor. But Demetrius, having been taken 
 prisoner by the Parthians, and detained amongst 
 them, she had married Antiochus Sidetes, De- 
 metrius's brother. After the death of Sidetes, 
 she returned to Demetrius, her first husband, 
 who being set at liberty by the Parthians had 
 repossessed himself of Syria: she kept her court 
 at Ptolemais, where her mother came to her. 
 
 Physcon, as soon as Cleo- 
 A. M. 3877. patra had abandoned Alex- 
 Ant. J. C. 127. andria, returned thither, and 
 re- assumed the government. 
 For after the defeat of Marsyas, and the flight 
 of Cleopatra, there was nobody in condition to 
 oppose him. After having employed some time 
 in strengthening himself, to revenge the invasion 
 of Demetrius, he set up against him an impos- 
 tor called Alexander Zebina. He was the son 
 of a bi'oker of Alexandria. He gave himself 
 out for the son of Alexander Bala, and pretend- 
 ed, in that quality, that the crown of Syria was 
 his right. Physcon lent him an army to put 
 him in possession of it. He was no sooner in 
 Syria, than, without examining the justice of 
 his pretensions, the people came in crowds to 
 join him, out of their hatred to Demetrius. 
 They cared not who was to be their king, pro- 
 vided they got rid of him. 
 
 At length a battle decided the affair. It was 
 fought near Damascus, in Ccele-syria. Deme- 
 trius was entirely defeated, and fled to Ptole- 
 mais, where his wife Cleopatra was. She, who 
 had always at heart his marriage with Rhodo- 
 guna amongst the Parthians, took this occasion 
 to be revenged, and caused the gates of the city 
 to be shut against him. Would not one think, 
 that in the age of which we now treat, there 
 was a kind of dispute and emulation between 
 the princes and princesses, who should distin- 
 guish themselves most by wickedness and the 
 blackest crimes? Demetrius was obliged to fly 
 to Tyre, where he was killed. After his death, 
 Cleopatra preserved for herself part of the king- 
 dom : Zebina had all the rest ; and to establish 
 himself the better, made a strict alliance with 
 Hyrcanus, who, as an able statesman, took the 
 advantage of these divisions to strengthen him- 
 self, and to obtain for his people the confirmation 
 of their liberty, and many other considerable 
 idvantages, which rendered the Jews for^nida- 
 'tle to their enemies. 
 
 He had sent the preceding year an embassy 
 to Rome to renew the treaty made with Simon 
 his father.^ The senate received those ambassa- 
 dors very graciously, and granted them all they 
 demanded. And because Antiochus Sidetes had 
 made war against the Jews, contrary to the de- 
 cree of the Romans, and his alliance with Si- 
 mon ; had taken several cities ; had made them 
 pay tribute for Gazara, Joppa, and some other 
 places which ha had ceded to them ; and had 
 made them consent by force to a disadvantage- 
 ous peace, by besieging the city of Jerusalem 
 upon what the ambassadors represented to the 
 senate on these heads, the/ condemned all 
 
 that had been done in such manner against 
 the Jews from the time of the treaty made with 
 Simon, and resolved that Gazara, Joppa, and 
 the rest of the places taken fron^ them by the 
 Syrians, or which had been made tiibu<ar v, con- 
 trary to the tenor of that treaty, should be re- 
 stored to them, and exempted from all homage, 
 tribute, or other subjection. It was also decreed 
 that the Syrians should make amends for all the 
 losses that the Jews had sustained from them in 
 contravention to the senate's regulations in the 
 treaty concluded with Simon : in fine, that the 
 kings of Syria should renounce their pretended 
 right to march their troops into the territories of 
 the Jews. j 
 i^t the time of which we | 
 A. M. 3879. speak,* incredible swarms of i 
 Ant. J. C. 125. locusts laid Africa waste j 
 
 in an unheard-of manner. 
 ITiey ate up all the fruits of the earth ; and af- 
 terwards, being carried by the wind into the 
 sea, their dead bodies were thrown by the waves i 
 upon the shore, where they rotted, and infected i 
 the air to such a degree, that they occasioned a 
 pestilence, which carried off in Lybia, Cyrenai- 
 ca, and some other parts of Africa, more than 
 800,000 souls. 
 
 We have seen that Cleo- : 
 A. M. 3880. patra had possessed herself , 
 
 Ant. J. C. 124. of part of the kingdom of 
 Syria,^ at the death of De- 
 metrius Nicator, her husband. He left two 
 sons by that princess, the eldest of whom, called 
 Seleucus, conceived hopes of ascending the throne 
 of his father, and accordingly caused himself to 
 be declared king. His ambitious mother was 
 anxious to reign alone, and was very much 
 offended at her son's intention to establish him- 
 self to her prejudice. She had also reason to 
 fear that he might desire to avenge his father's 
 death, of which it was well known she had been 
 the cause. She killed him with her own hands, 
 by plunging a dagger into his breast. He reigned 
 only one year. It is hardly conceivable, how a 
 woman and a mother could be capable of com- 
 mitting such horrid excesses : but when some 
 unjust passion takes possession of the heart, it 
 becomes the source of every kind of guilt. How- 
 ever gentle it may appear, it is not far from 
 arming itself with poniards, and from having 
 recourse to poison ; because, being anxious to 
 attain its ends, it has a natural tendency to de- 
 stroy every thing which opposes that view. 
 
 Zebina had made himself master of part of 
 the kingdom of Syi'ia. Three of his principal 
 officers revolted against him, and declared for 
 Cleopatra. They took the city of Laodicea, and 
 resolved to defend that place against him. But 
 he found means to bring them to reason. They 
 submitted, and he pardoned them with the most 
 uncommon clemency and gi'eatness of soul, and 
 without doing them any hurt. This pretended 
 prince had in reality an exceeding good heart. 
 He received all who approached him in the most 
 affable and engaging manner, so that he acquired 
 the love of all men, and even of those who ab- 
 hori-ed the imposture by which he had usurped 
 the crown. 
 
 Mithridates Euergetes, king of Pontus, died 
 this year ; he was assassinated by his own ser- 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq 1. xjii. c. 17. 
 
 i 4 Liv. Epit. 1. Ix. Oros. I. v. c. 11, 
 
 , 5 Liv. Epit. 1. Ix. Justin. 1 xxxix. c. 1, 2. Appiaii. m 
 
 ;Svr. p. 132. 
 
G32 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 vants. His son, who succeeded him, was the | 
 famous Mithridates Eupator, who disputed so 
 long the empire of Asia with the Romans, and 
 supported a war of almost thirty years' duration 
 against them. He was but twelve years of age 
 when his father died. 1 shall make his history 
 a separate article. 
 
 Cleopatra, after having 
 A. M. 3881. killed her eldest son, be- 
 Ant. J. C. 123. lieved it for her interest to 
 make a titular king, under 
 whose name she might conceal the authority 
 which she intended to retain entirely to herself. 
 She well knew that a warlike people, accus- 
 tomed to be governed by kings, would always 
 regard the throne as vacant whilst filled only by 
 a princess, and that they would not fail to offer 
 it to any prince that should set up for it. She 
 therefore caused her other son, Antiochus, to 
 return from Athens, whither she had sent him 
 for his education, and ordered him to be declared 
 king as soon as he arrived. But that was no 
 more than an empty title. She gave him no 
 share in the affairs of government ; and as that 
 prince was very young, being no more than 
 twenty yeai's of age, he suffered her to govern 
 for some time with patience enough. To dis- 
 tinguish him from other princes of the name of 
 Antiochus, he was generally called by the sur- 
 name of Gn/pus,^ taken from his great nose. 
 Josephus calls him Thilometor ; but that prince 
 in his medals took the title of Epiphanes. 
 
 Zebina having well esta- 
 A. M. 38S2. hlished himself, after the 
 Ant. J. C. 122. death of Demetrius Nicator, 
 in the possession of part of 
 the Syrian empire, Physcon, who looked upon 
 him as his creature, insisted upon his doing him 
 homage for it. Zebina refused in direct terms 
 to comply with that demand. Physcon resolved 
 to throw him down as he had set him up ; and 
 having accommodated all differences with his 
 niece Cleopatra, he sent a considerable army to 
 the assistance of Grypus, and gave him his 
 daughter Tryphena in marriage. Grypus, by 
 the means of this aid, defeated Zebina, and 
 obliged him to retire to Antioch. The latter 
 formed a design of plundering the temple of 
 Jupiter, to defray the expenses of the war. 
 Upon its being discovered, the inhabitants rose, 
 and drove him out of the city. He wandered 
 some time about the country from place to place, 
 but was taken at last, and put to death. 
 
 After the defeat and death 
 A. M. 3884 of Zebina, Antiochus Gry- 
 Ant. J. C. 120. pus, believing himself of suf- 
 ficient years, resolved to take 
 the government upon himself. The ambitious 
 Cleopatra, who saw her power diminished, and 
 grandeur eclipsed by that measure, could not 
 suff"er it. To render herself again absolute mis- 
 tress of the government of Syria, she resolved 
 to rid herself of Grypus, as she had already 
 done of his bi'other Seleucus, and to give the 
 crown to another of her sons by Antiochus Si- 
 detes, under whom, being an infant, she was in 
 hopes of possessing the royal authority for many 
 years, and of taking such measures as might 
 establish her in it during her life. This wicked 
 woman prepared a poisoned di-aught for that 
 purpose, which she presented to Grypus one 
 day as he returned very hot from some exercise. 
 
 1 V^uveci in Greek signifies a man with an aquiline nose. 
 
 But that prince having been apprized of her de- 
 sign, desired her first, by wEy of respect, to 
 drink the cup herself; and upon her obstinate 
 refusal to do it, having called in some wit- 
 nesses, he gave her to understand, that the only 
 means she had to clear herself of the suspicions 
 conceived against her, was to drink the liquor 
 she had presented to him. That unhappy wo- 
 man, who found herself without evasion or re- 
 source, swallowed the draught. The poison 
 took effect immediately, and delivered Syria 
 from a monster, who, by her unheard-of crimes, 
 had been so long the scourge of the state. She 
 had been the wife of three kings of Syria,^ and 
 the mother of four. She had occasioned the 
 death of two of her husbands; and as to her 
 children, she had murdered one with her own 
 hands, and would have desti'oyed Grypus by 
 the poison which he made her drink herself. 
 That prince afterwards applied himself with 
 success to the affairs of the public, and reigned 
 several years in peace and tranquillity, till his 
 brother Antiochus of Cyzicum, occasioned the 
 troubles we shall relate hereafter. 
 
 Ptolemy Physcon, king of 
 A. M. 3887. Egypt,^ after having reigned 
 Ant. J. C. 117. twenty-nine years from the 
 death of his brother Philo- 
 metor, died at last in Alexandria. No reign 
 was ever more tyrannical, nor abounded more 
 with crimes than his. 
 
 SECT. VI. 
 
 Ptolemy Lathyrus succeeds Physcon. War between Gry- 
 pus and Ills brother Antiochus of Cyzicum, for the 
 kingdom of Syria. Hyrcanus fortifies himself in Judtea 
 His death. Aristobulus succeeds him, and assumes the 
 title of king. He is succeeded by Alexander Jannceus 
 Cleopatra drives Lathyrus out of Egypt, and places 
 Alexander, his youngest brother, on the throne in his 
 stead. War between that princess and her sons. Death 
 of Grypus. Ptolemy Apion leaves the kingdom oi 
 Cyrenaica to the Romans. Continuation of the wars in 
 Syria and Egypt. The Syrians choose Tigranes king. 
 Lathyrus is re-established upon the throne of Egypt. 
 He dies. Alexander his nephew succeeds him. Nieo- 
 medes, king of Bithynia, makes the Roman people his 
 heirs. 
 
 Physcon at his death left 
 A. M. 3887. three sons.'' The first named 
 Ant. J. C. 117. Apion, was a natural son, 
 whom he had by a concu- 
 bine. The two others were legitimate, and the 
 children of his niece Cleopatra, whom he mar- 
 ried after having repudiated her mother. The 
 eldest was called Lathyrus, and the other Alex- 
 ander. 
 
 He left the kingdom of Cyrenaica by will to 
 Apion, and Egypt to his widow Cleopatra, and 
 to whichever of his two sons she should think fir 
 to choose. Cleopatra believing that Alexander 
 would be the most complaisant, resolved U-^ 
 choose him ; but the people would not sufi"er thv 
 eldest to lose his birth-right, and obliged th( 
 queen to recall him from Cyprus, whither sht 
 
 !2 The three kings of Syria who had been her husbands, 
 were Alexander Bala, Demetrius Nicator, and Antiochus 
 Sidetes. Her four sons were Antiochus, by Alexander 
 Bala; Seleucus and Antioclius Grypus, by Demetrius, 
 and Antiochus the Cyzicenian, by Antiochus Sidetes, 
 
 3 Porphyr. in Grzec. Euseb. Seal. Hieron. in Dan. ix. 
 
 4 Justin. I. xxxix. c. 4, 5. Appian. in Mithrid. 
 finem, et in Syr. p. 1^2, Strab. 1. xvii. p. 793. Plin. 1. it. 
 
 67. & 1. vi. c. 30. Porphyr. in Grsr. Euseh. Scalig 
 .oseph. Antiq. 1. xiii. c. 18. Diod. in Excerpt. Vales, 
 p 384. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 G33 
 
 had caused him to be banished by bis father, 
 and to associate him with hex* on the throne. 
 Before she would suffer him to take possession 
 of the thi^ne at Memphis according to custom, 
 she obliged him to repudiate his eldest sister 
 Cleopatra, whom he passionately loved, and to 
 take Selene, his youngest sister, for whom he 
 had no inclination. Arrangements of this kind 
 promise no very pacific reign. 
 
 At his coronation he took the title of Soter. 
 Some authors give him that of Philometor; but 
 the generality of historians distinguish him by 
 the name of Lathyrus.^ However, as that was 
 but a kind of nickname, nobody dared to give it 
 him in his own time. 
 
 Antiochus Grypus, king 
 A. M. 3890. of Syria, was making pre- 
 
 Aut. J. C. 114 parations for invading Ju- 
 dSea, when a civil war broke 
 out to employ him, which was fomented by An- 
 tiochus of Cyzicum, his brother by the mother's 
 side. He was the son of Cleopatra and Antio- 
 chus Sidetes, and born whilst Demetrius was 
 prisoner amongst the Parthians. When Deme- 
 trius returned, and repossessed himself of his 
 dominions after the death of Antiochus Sidetes, 
 his mother, out of regard to his safety, had sent 
 him to Cyzicum, a city situate upon the Pro- 
 pontis, in Mysia Minor, where he was educated 
 by the care of a faithful eunuch named Crate- 
 rus, to whom she had intrusted him. From 
 thence he was called the Cyzicenian. Grypus^ 
 to whom he gave umbrage, wished to have him 
 poisoned. His design was discovered, and the 
 Cyzicenian was compelled to take up arms in 
 his own defence, and to endeavour to make 
 good his pretensions to the crown of Syria. 
 
 Cleopatra, whom Lathy- 
 A. M. 8891. rus had been obliged to re- 
 
 A.nt. J. C. 113. pudiate, finding herself at 
 her own disposal, married 
 the Cyzicenian. She brought him an army for 
 her dowry," to assist him against his competi- 
 tor. — Their forces by that means being very 
 near equal, the two brothers came to a battle, in 
 which the Cyzicenian having the misfortune to 
 be defeated, retired to Antioch. He left his 
 wife in that place, where he fancied she would 
 be secure, and went himself to raise new troops 
 for the reinforcement of his army. 
 
 But Grypus immediately laid siege to the 
 city, and took it. Tryphena, his wife, was 
 very earnest with him to put Cleopatra his 
 prisoner into her hands. Though her sister by 
 father and mother, she was so excessively en- 
 raged at her for having married their enemy, 
 and giving him an army against them, that she 
 resolved to depiive her of life. Cleopatra had 
 taken refuge in one of the temples of Antioch ; 
 a sanctuary which was held inviolable. Grypus 
 would not show a complaisance for his wife, 
 which he saw would be attended with fatal 
 eflects from the violence of her rage. He al- 
 leged to her the sanctity of the asylum where 
 
 5 Aa,6v^o; signifies a kind of pea, called in Latin cicer, 
 !rom which came the surname of Cicero. Lathyrus must 
 have had some very visible mark of this sort upon his 
 face, or the name would have been still more offensive. 
 
 6 We find in the latter editions of Justin the. following 
 words: exercitum Grypi sollicitatum, velut dotalem, ad 
 maritum deducit ; which shows, that Cleopatra, having 
 succeeded in corrupting part of Urypus's army, carried it 
 to her husband. Several editions read Cypri instead of 
 i'injpi, which would imply, that Cleopatra had an army 
 in Cyprus 
 
 her sister had taken refuge ; and represented 
 that her death would neither be of use to them, 
 nor of prejudice to the Cyzicenian ; that in all 
 the civil or foreign wars, wherein his ancestors 
 had been engaged, it had never been known, 
 that after victory any cruelty had been exer- 
 cised against the women, especially against so 
 i near a relation ; that Cleopatra was her sister, 
 [and his near relation :^ that therefore he desired 
 her to speak no more of her to him, because he 
 could by no means consent to her being treated 
 with any severities. Tryphena,^ far from ac- 
 quiescing in his reasons, became more violent, 
 through sentiments of jealousy; imagining, that 
 it was not through compassion, but love, that 
 her husband thus took the part of that unfortu- 
 nate princess. She therefore sent soldiers into 
 the temple, who could not tear her in any other 
 manner from the altar, than by cutting off her 
 hands with which she embraced it. Cleopatra 
 expired, uttering a thousand curses against the 
 parricides who were the authors of her death, 
 and implored the god, in whose sight so barbar- 
 ous a cruelty was committed, to avenge her 
 upon them. 
 
 However, the other Cleopatra, the common 
 mother of the two sisters, did not seem to be 
 affected at all, with either the fate of the one or 
 the crime of the other. Her heart, which was 
 solely susceptible of ambition, was so taken u]> 
 with the desire of reigning, that she had no 
 other thoughts than of the means of supporting 
 herself in Egypt, and of retaining an absolute 
 authority in her own hands during her life. 
 To sti'engthen herself the better, she gave the 
 kingdom of Cyprus to Alexander her youngest 
 son, in order to draw from him the assistance 
 for which she might have occasion, in case La- 
 thyrus should ever dispute the authority she 
 was determined to keep. 
 
 The death of Cleopatra in 
 A. M. 3892. Svria did not long remain 
 Ant. J. C. 112. unpunished. The Cyzice- 
 nian returned at the head of 
 a new army to give his brother battle a second 
 time, defeated him, and took Tryphena, upon 
 whom he inflicted the torments which her cru- 
 elty to her sister had well deserved. 
 
 Grypus was obliged to 
 A. M. 3893. abandon Syria to the victor. 
 Ant. J. C. HI. He retired to Aspendus in 
 Pamphylia, which occasioned 
 his being sometimes called in history the Aspen- 
 dian, but returned a year after into Syria, and 
 repossessed himself of it. The two brothers at 
 length divided that empire between them. The 
 Cyzicenian had Ccele-syria and Phcenicia, and 
 took up his residence at Damascus. Grypus 
 had all the rest, and kept his court at Antioch. 
 Both equally abandoned themselves to luxuiy, 
 and many other excesses. 
 
 Whilst the two brothers 
 A. M. 8894. were exhausting their forces 
 Ant. J. C. HO. against one another,' or in- 
 dolently dozed after the peace 
 in luxurious sloth and ease, John Hyrcanus was 
 augmenting his wealth and power; and seeing 
 that he had nothing to fear from them, he 
 
 7 Her father Physcon was the uncle of Cleopatra, Gry- 
 pus's motlier. 
 
 8 Sed quanta Grypus abnuit, tantb soror muliebri per. 
 tinacia accenditur, rata non misericordije hac verba sed 
 am oris esse. Justin. 
 
 9 Josefih. Antiq. L xiil. c. 17—19. 
 
631 
 
 IIISTOKY OF 
 
 underto<^k to reduce the city of Samaria. He 
 sent Aristobulus and Antigonus, two of his sons, 
 to form the siege of that place. The Samaritans 
 demanded aid of the Cyzicenian, king of Ua- 
 mascus, who marched thither at the head of an 
 army. The two brothers quitted their lines, 
 and a battle ensued, wherein Antiochus was de- 
 feated, and pursued as far as Scythopolis, es- 
 caping with great difficulty. 
 
 The two brothers after 
 A. M. 3895. this victory returned to the 
 Ant. J. C. 109. siege, and pressed the city so 
 vigorously, that it was oblig- 
 ed a second time to send to the Cyzicenian, to so- 
 licit him to come again to its aid. But he had i 
 not troops enough to undertake the raising of 
 the siege ; and the same request was made to | 
 Lathyrus, king of Egypt, who granted 6000 | 
 men, contrary ^to the opinion of Cleopatra his 
 mother. As Chelcias and Ananias, two Jews, j 
 were her favourites, ministers, and generals, 
 both the sons of Onias, who built the temple of 
 Egypt, those two ministers, who entirely gov- 
 orn'ed her, influenced her in favour of their na- j 
 tion ; and out of regard for them, she would | 
 not do any thing to the prejudice of the Jews, j 
 She was almost resolved to depose Lathp'us for 
 having engaged in this war without her consent, j 
 and even against her will. 
 
 When the auxiliary troops of Egypt arrived, 
 the Cyzicenian joined them with his. He was 
 afraid', however, to attack the anny that formed t 
 the siege, and contented himself with ravaging 
 the country, by flying parties and excursions, j 
 in order to" form a diversion, and to induce the 
 I enemy to raise the siege, in order to defend i 
 I themselves at home. But seeing that the Jew- 
 1 ish army did not move, and that his own was 
 much diminished by the defeat of some detach- 
 ments, by desertion, and other accidents, he 
 thought it improper to expose his person by con- 
 tinuing in the field with an army so much 
 weakened, and retired to Tripoli. He left the 
 command of his troops to two of his best gen- 
 erals, Caliiraander and Epicrates. The first 
 was killed in a rasii enterprise, in which his 
 whole party perished with him. Epicrates, 
 seeing no hopes of success, had no farther 
 thoughts but of serving his private interest in 
 the best manner he could in the present situa- 
 tion of affairs. He treated secretly with Hyr- 
 canus, and for a sum of money put Scythopolis 
 into his hands, with all the other places which 
 the Syrians possessed in the country, without 
 regard to his duty, honour, and reputation ; and 
 alffor a sum perhaps inconsiderable enough. 
 
 Samaria, destitute of all appeaa-ance of relief, 
 was obliged, after having sustained a siege for a 
 year, to surrender at last to Hyrcanus, who im- 
 mediately ordered it to be demolished. The 
 walls of the city, and the houses of the inhabi- 
 tants, were entirely razed and laid level with i 
 the ground ; and, to prevent its being rt^built, | 
 lie caused large and deep ditches to be cut j 
 through the new plain where the city had stood, • 
 into which water was turned. It was not re- s 
 established till the time of Herod, who gave the 
 new city, which he caused to be rebuilt there, 
 the name of Sebaste' in honour of Augustus. 
 
 HjTcanus saw himself at that time master of 
 all Judsea, Galilee, Samaria, and of many 
 places upon the frontiers, and became thereby . 
 
 one of the most considerable princes ot his time 
 None of his neighbours dared to attack him anj 
 more, and he passed the rest of his days in per- 
 fect tranquillity with regard to foreign affaire. 
 
 But towards the close of 
 
 A. M. 3896. his life he did not find th; 
 Ant. J. C. 108. same repose at home. Th» 
 Pharisees, a violent and re- 
 bellious sect, gave him abundance of vexation. 
 By an affected profession of attachment to the 
 law, and a severity of manners, they had ac- 
 quired a reputation which gave them great sway 
 amongst the people. HjTcanushad endeavour- 
 ed, by all sorts of favours, to engage them in 
 his interests. Besides having been educated 
 amongst them, and having always professed 
 their sect, he had protected and served them 
 upon all occasions ; and, to make them more 
 firmly his adherents, not long before he had in- 
 vited'the heads of them to a magnificent enter- 
 tainment, in which he made a speech to them, 
 highly capable of affecting reasonable minds. 
 He represented, that it had always been his in- 
 tention, as they well knew, to be just in his ac 
 tious towards men, and to do all things in re- 
 gard to God that might be agreeable to him, ac- 
 cording to the doctrine taught by the Pharisees : 
 that he conjured them therefore, if they saw that 
 he departtd in any thing from the great end he 
 proposed to himself in those two rules, that they 
 would give him their instructions, in order to 
 his amending and correcting his errors. Such 
 a disposition is highly laudable in princes, and 
 in all men ; but it ought to be attended with 
 prudence and discernment. 
 
 The whole assembly applauded this discourse, 
 and highly praised hi'm for it. One man only, 
 named Eleazar, of a turbulent and seditious 
 spirit, rose up, and spoke to him to this effect : 
 " Since you desire that the truth should be told 
 you with freedom, if j-ou would prove yourself 
 just, renounce the high-priesthood, and content 
 yourself with the civil government." HjTcan- 
 iis was surprised, and asked him what reasons 
 he had to give him such counsel. Eleazar re- 
 plied, " that it was known from the testimony 
 of aged persons worthy of belief, that his mo- 
 ther was a captive, and that, as the son of a 
 stranger, he was incapable by the law of holding 
 that office." If the fact had been true, Eleazar 
 would have been in the right; for the law was 
 express in that point r but it was a false suppo- 
 sition, and a mere calumny ; and all who Avere 
 present extremely blamed him for advancing it, 
 and expressed great indignation upon that ac- 
 count. 
 
 This adventure, however, occasioned great 
 troubles. Hyrcanus was highly incensed at so 
 insolent an attempt to defame his mother, aiid 
 call in question the purity of his birth, and, in 
 consequence, to invalidate his right to the high- 
 priesthood. Jonathan, his intimate friend and 
 a zealous Sadducee, took advantage of this oppor- 
 tunity to incense him against the whole party, 
 and to bring him over to that of the Sadducees. 
 
 Two powerful sects in Judaea, but directly op- 
 posite to each other in sentiments and interests 
 entirely divided the state ; that of the Pharisees, 
 and that of the Sadducees. The first piqued 
 themselves upon an exact observance of the law ; 
 to which thev added a great number of tradi- 
 tions, that thev pretended to have received from 
 
 ' 1'zSa.-r-: ir Greek signifies AugiKtus. 
 
 2 Lev. xxi. 15. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 (>35 
 
 their ancestors, and to which they much more 
 strictly adhered than to the law itself, though 
 often contrary to what the latter enjoined. 
 They acknowledged the immortality of the soul, 
 and, in consequence, another life after this. — 
 They affected an outside of virtue, regularity, 
 and austerity, which gained them great consid- 
 eration with the people. But under that im- 
 posing appearance they concealed the greatest 
 vices: sordid avarice; insupportable pride; an 
 insatiable thirst of honours and distinctions ; a 
 violent desire of ruling alone; an envy, that 
 rose almost to fury, against all mei'it but their 
 own ; an irreconcilable hatred for all who pre- 
 sumed to contradict them; a spirit of revenge 
 capable of the most horrid excesses ; and what 
 was still more their distinguishing characteris- 
 tic, and outdid all the rest, a black hypocrisy, 
 which always wore the mask of religion. The 
 Sadducees rejected the Pharisaical traditions 
 with contempt, denied the immortality of the 
 soul, and the resurrection of the body ; and ad- 
 mitted no felicity, but that which may be en- 
 joyed in this life. The rich, the nobility, and 
 most of those who composed the Sanhedrim, 
 that is to say, the Great Council of the Jews, in 
 which the affairs of state and religion were de- 
 termined, were of this latter sect. 
 
 Jonathan, therefore, to bring over Hyrcanus 
 to his party, insinuated to him, that what had 
 passed was not the mere suggestion of Eleazar, 
 but a trick concerted by the whole cabal, of 
 which Eleazar had only been the tool ; and that, 
 in order to convince himself of the truth of this 
 assertion, he had only to consult them upon the 
 punishment which the calumniator deserved; 
 that he would find, if he thought fit to make the 
 experiment, by their conduct in favour of the 
 criminal, that they were all of them his accom- 
 plices. Hyrcanus followed his advice, and con- 
 sulted the chief men among the Pharisees upon 
 the punishment due to the person who had so 
 grossly defamed the prince and high-priest of his 
 people, expecting that they would undoubtedly 
 condemn him to die. But their answer was, 
 that calumny was not a capital crime ; and that 
 all the punishment he deserved, was to be scourged 
 and imprisoned. So much lenity in so heinous 
 a case, made Hyrcanus believe all that Jonathan 
 had insinuated ; and he became the mortal ene- 
 my of the whole sect of the Pharisees. He 
 prohibited, by a decree, the observation of the 
 regulations founded upon their pretended tradi- 
 tion ; inflicted penalties upon such as disobeyed 
 that ordinance ; and abandoned their party en- 
 tirely, to throw himself into that of the Sad- 
 ducees their enemies. 
 
 Hyrcanus did not long 
 A. M. 3897. survive this storm ; he died 
 Ant. J. C. 107. the year following, after hav- 
 ing been high-priest and 
 prince of the Jews twenty-nine years. 
 
 Not to interrupt the history of other king- 
 doms, I shall reserve the greatest part of what 
 regards the successors of Hyrcanus for the arti- 
 cle in which I shall treat the history of the Jews 
 separately. 
 
 We have seen that Ptolemy Lathyrus had 
 sent an army into Palestine to aid Samaria,^* 
 contrary to the advice of his mother, and not- 
 withstanding her opposition. She carried her 
 resentment of this and some other similar en- 
 
 cioachiiients upon her authority so far, that she 
 took his wife Selene from him, by whom he 
 had already had two sons,'* and obliged him to 
 quit Egypt. The method which she devised to 
 effect her purpose was this. She procured some 
 of her favourite eunuchs to be wounded, and 
 then produced them in an assembly of the peo- 
 ple of Alexandria. She caused it to be reported, 
 that they had been used thus barbarously by 
 her son Lathyrus, for having endeavoured to 
 defend her against his violence ; and inflamed 
 the people so much by this black fiction, which 
 convinced them that he had designed to kill her, 
 that they immediately rose universally against 
 Lathyrus, and would have torn him in pieces, 
 if he had not escaped from the port in a ship, 
 which set sail as soon as he got on board. Cleo- 
 patra sent immedlatt^Iy after for Alexander, hei 
 youngest son, to whom she had given the king- 
 dom of Cyprus, and made him king of Egypt 
 in his brother's stead, whom she obliged to con- 
 tent himself with the kingdom of Cyprus, which 
 the other quitted. 
 
 Alexander,^ king of the 
 A. M. 3899. Jews, after having put the 
 Ant. Jw C. 103. internal affairs of his king- 
 dom in good order, marched 
 against the people of Ptolemais, beat them, and 
 obliged them to shut themselves up within their 
 walls, where he besieged them. They sent to 
 demand aid of Lathyrus, who went thither in 
 person. But the besieged changing their senti- 
 ments, from the apprehension of having him 
 for their master, Lathyrus dissembled his re- 
 sentment for the present. He was upon the 
 point of concluding a treaty with Alexander, 
 when he was apprised that the latter was ne- 
 gotiating secretly with Cleopatra, to engage her 
 to join him with all her forces in order to drive 
 him out of Palestine. Lathyrus became his 
 declared enemy, and resolved to do him all the 
 injury in his power. 
 
 The next year he did not 
 A. M. 3900. fail to carry his resolution 
 Ant. J. C. 104. into effect. He divided his 
 army into two bodies, and 
 detached one of them under the command of 
 one of his generals, to form the siege of Ptole- 
 mais, with which place he had reason to be dis- 
 satisfied ; and with the other marched in per- 
 son against Alexander. The inhabitants of 
 Gaza had supplied Lathyrus with a considerable 
 number of troops. A bloody battle was fought 
 between them upon the banks of the Jordan. 
 Alexander lost 30,000 men, without including 
 the prisoners taken by I^athyrus after the vic- 
 tory. 
 
 A most cruel and horrid action is related to 
 have been committed by Lathyrus upon this oc- 
 casion. The same evening that he gained this 
 battle, in going to take up his quarters in the 
 neighbouring villages, he found them full of 
 women and children, and caused them all to bt 
 put to the sword, and their bodies to be cut in 
 pieces and put into cauldrons to be cooked, as if 
 he intended to make his army sup upon them. 
 His design was to have it believed that his troops 
 ate human flesh, to spread the greater terror 
 throughout the country. Could one believe such 
 a barbarity possible, or that any man should 
 every conceive so wild a thought ? Joseph us re- 
 
 3 Justin. 1. xxxviii. c. 4. 
 
 4 Those two sons died before him. 
 5 Joseph. Antiq. 1. xiii. tr. 20, 21. 
 
636 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 ports this fact upon the authority of Strabo, and 
 another author. 
 
 Lathyrus, after the defeat of Alexander, not 
 having any enemy in the field, ravaged and laid 
 waste all the flat country. Without the suc- 
 cours brought by Cleopatra the following year 
 Alexander would have been undone ; for after 
 so considerable a loss, it was impossible for him 
 to retrieve his affairs, and make head against his 
 enemy. 
 
 even pressed her to take the advantage of it, 
 which she would have done, had it not been for 
 Ananias. But he represented to her, how base 
 and infamous it would be to treat an ally in 
 that manner, who was engaged with her in the 
 same cause ; that it would be acting contrary to 
 honour and good faith, which are the founda- 
 tions of society ; that such a conduct would be 
 highly prejudicial to her interests, and would 
 1 draw upon her the abhorrence of all the Jews 
 
 A. M. 
 Ant. J. 
 
 3901. 
 C. 103. 
 
 dispersed throughout the world. In fine, he so • 
 effectually prevailed by his arguments and in- 
 fluence, which he employed to the utmost for 
 the preservation of his countryman and relation, 
 that she came into his opinion, and renewed her 
 alliance with Alexander. Of how great value 
 to princes is a wise minister, who has courage 
 enough to oppose their unjust undertakingsTvith 
 vigovir! Alexander returned to Jerusalem, where 
 he at length set another good army on foot, with 
 which he passed the Jordan, and formed the 
 siege of Gadara. 
 
 Ptolemy Lathyrus, after 
 A. M. 3903. having wintered at Gaza, 
 Ant. J. C. 101. perceiving that his efforts 
 would be ineffectual against 
 Palestine whilst his mother supported it, aban- 
 doned that design, and returned into Cyprus. 
 She, on her side, retired also into Egypt, and 
 the country was delivered from them both. 
 
 Being informed,^ upon her return to Alexan- 
 dria, that Lathyrus had entered into a treaty at 
 Damascus with Antiochus the Cyzicenian, and 
 that with the aid which he expected from him 
 he was preparing to make a new attempt for 
 the recover j"^ of the crown of Egypt; that queen, 
 to make a diversion, gave her daughter Selene, 
 whom she had taken from Lathyrus, to Antio- 
 chus Grypus, and sent him at the same time a 
 considerable number of troops, and great sums 
 She detached Chelcias with part of her j of money, to put him into a condition to attack 
 " " ' I his brother the Cyzicenian with vigour. The 
 
 1 affair succeeded as she had intended. The war 
 I was renewed between the two brothers, and the 
 I Cyzicenian had so much employment upon his 
 I hands at home, that he was in no condition to 
 assist Lathyrus, who was thereby obliged to 
 ' abandon his design. 
 
 I Ptolemy Alexander, his younger brother, 
 whom she had placed upon the throne in con- 
 junction with herself, shocked by the barbarous 
 cruelty with which she persecuted his brother 
 Lathyrus, especially in depriving him of his 
 wife to give her to* his enemy ; and obsei'ving 
 ; besides, that the greatest crimes cost her no- 
 
 That princess saw plainly, ' 
 that if Lathyrus made him- 
 self master of Judfea and 
 Phoenicia, he would be in a 
 condition to enter Egypt, and to dethrone her ; 
 and that it was necessary to put a stop to his 
 progress. For that purpose she raised an army, 
 and gave the command of it to Chelcias and 
 Ananias, the two Jews of whom we have 
 spoken before. She fitted out a fleet at the same 
 time, to transport her troops ; and embarking 
 with them herself, landed in Phoenicia.^ She 
 carried with her a great sum of money, and her 
 richest jewels. In order to secure them in case 
 of accident, she chose the isle of Cos for their 
 repository, and sent thither at the same time 
 her grandson Alexander, the son of him who 
 reigned jointly with her. When Mithridates 
 made himself master of that island, and of the 
 treasures laid up there, he took that young 
 prince under his care, and gave him an educa- 
 tion suitable to his birth. Alexander withdrew 
 by stealth from Mithridates, some time after, 
 and took refuge with Sylla, who received him 
 well, took him into his protection, carried him 
 to Rome, and at length set him upon the throne 
 of Egypt, as we shall see in the sequel. 
 
 The arrival of Cleopatra made Lathyrus im- 
 mediately raise the siege of Ptolemais, which he 
 had continued till then. He retired into Coele- 
 syria. 
 
 army to pursue him, and with the other, cora- 
 manded by Ananias, formed the siege of Ptole- 
 mais herself. Chelcias, who commanded the 
 first detachment, having been killed in the ex- 
 pedition, his death put a stop to every thing. 
 Lathyrus, to take advantage of the disorder oc- 
 casioned by that loss, threw 
 A. M. 3902. himself with all his forces 
 Ant. J. C. 102. into Egypt, in hopes of find- 
 ing it without defence in the 
 absence of his mother, who had carried her best 
 troops into Phoenicia. He was mistaken. The 
 troops Cleopatra had left there, made head till 
 
 the arrival of those she detached to reinforce _ 
 
 them from Phoenicia, upon receiving advice of , thing, when the gratification of her ambition 
 his design. He was compelled to return into 
 Palestine, and took up his winter-quarters in 
 Gaza. 
 
 Cleopatra, in the mean time, pushed the siege 
 of Ptolemais with so much vigour, that she at 
 last took it. As soon as she entered it, Alex- 
 ander made her a visit, and brouglit rich pre- 
 sents with him to recommend himself to her 
 favour. But what conduced most to his suc- 
 cess, was his hatred for her son Lathyrus ; 
 which was alone sufficient to assure him of a 
 
 good reception. 
 
 was concerned; did not believe himself safe near 
 her, and resolved to abandon the throne, and 
 retire ; preferring a quiet life without fear in 
 banishment, to reigning with so wicked and 
 cruel a mother, with whom he was perpetually 
 in danger. It was not Avithout abundant soli- 
 citation he was prevailed upon to return : for 
 the people were absolutely determined that she 
 should not reign alone, though they well knew 
 that she gave her son only the name of king; 
 that since the death of Physcon she had always 
 engrossed the whole royal authority ; and that 
 
 Some persons of Cleopatra's court pointed out the real cause of Lathyrus's disgrace, Avhich 
 
 to her the fair opportunity she now had of had cost him his crown and wife, was his 
 
 making herself mistress of jiulaea, and all Alex- having presumed to act in one instance with- 
 
 ander's dominions, by seizing his person: they out her. 
 
 2 Justin. 1. xxxix. c. 4 
 
ALEXANDEU S SUCCESSORS. C37 
 
 The death of Antioclius 
 
 A. M. 3907. Grypus happened this year. 
 Ant. J. C. 97. He was assassinated by He- 
 racleon, one of his own vas- 
 sals, after having reigne4 twenty-seven years. 
 He left five sons ; Seleucus, the eldest, succeeded 
 'lim ; the four others were Antiochus and Phi- 
 lip, twins; Demetrius Eucheres, and Antiochus 
 Dionysius. They were all kings in their turns, 
 or at least pretended to the crown. 
 
 Ptolemy Apion,^ son of 
 
 A. M. 3909. Physcon, king of Egypt, to 
 Ant. J. C. 96. whom his father had given 
 the kingdom of Cyrenaica, 
 dying without issue, left his kingdom to the 
 Romans by will ; who, instead of taking ad- 
 vantage of that legacy, gave the cities their 
 liberty, which soon filled the whole country 
 with tyrants; because the most powerful per- 
 sons of each of those small states were for mak- 
 ing themselves sovereigns of them. Lucullus, 
 in passing that way against Mithridates , reme- 
 died those disorders in some measure; but there 
 was no other means of re-establishing peace and 
 good order, than by reducing the country into a 
 province of the Roman empire, as was after- 
 wards done. 
 
 Antiochus the Cyzicenian seized Antioch,* 
 after the death of Grypus, and used his utmost 
 endeavours to dispossess Grypus's children of 
 the rest of the kingdom. But Seleucus, who 
 was in possession of many other strong cities, 
 maintained himself against him, and found 
 means to support his right. 
 
 Tigranes, son of Tigi-anes 
 
 A. M. 3909. king of Armenia, who had 
 Ant. J. C. 95. been kept as a hostage by the 
 Parthians during the life of 
 his father,^ was released at his death, and set 
 upon the throne, on condition that be should re- 
 sign certain places to the Parthians which lay 
 conveniently for them. This happened twenty- 
 five years before he espoused the part of Mithri- 
 dates against the Romans. I shall have occasion 
 hereafter to speak of this Tigranes, and of the 
 kingdom of Armenia. 
 
 The Cyzicenian,® who saw 
 A. M. 3910. that Seleucus was gaining 
 Ant. J. C. 94. strength every day in Syria, 
 set out from Antioch to give 
 him battle ; but being defeated, he was made 
 prisoner, and put to death. Seleucus entered 
 Antioch, and saw himself in possession of the 
 whole empire of Syria ; but could not keep it 
 long. Antiochus Eusebes, son of the Cyzice- 
 nian, Avho made his escape from Antioch, when 
 Seleucus took it, went to Aradus,^ where he 
 caused himself to be crowned 
 A. M. 3911. king. From thence he march- 
 Ant. J. C. 93. ed with a considerable army 
 against Seleucus, obtained a 
 great victory over him, and obliged him to shut 
 himself up in Mopsuestia, a city of Cilicia, and 
 to abandon all the rest to the mercy of the vic- 
 tor. Jn this retirement he oppressed the in- 
 habitants so much by the heavy subsidies which 
 
 3 Liv. Epit. 1. Ixx. Plut. m Lucul. p. 492. Justin. 
 1. xxxix. c. 5. 
 
 4 Porphyr. in Graec. Seal. 
 
 5 Justin. 1. xxxviii. c. 3. Appiaii. in Syr. p. 118. Strab. 
 1. xi p. 63^. 
 
 6 Joseph. Anliq. 1. xiii, c. 21. Appian. in Syr. p, 132. 
 Forphyr. in Graec. Seal. 
 
 7 An island and city of Phoenicia. 
 
 he exacted from them, that at length they muti- 
 nied, invested the house where he resided, and 
 set it on fire. Himself, and all who were in it, 
 perished in the flames. 
 
 Antiochus and Philip, the 
 A. M. 3912. twin-sons of Grypus, to re- 
 Atit. J. C. 92. venge the death of their bro- 
 ther Seleucus, marched at the 
 h="ad of all the troops they couJd raise against 
 Mopsuestia. They took and demolished the city, 
 and put all the inhabitants to the sword. But 
 on their return, Eusebes charged them near the 
 Orontes, and defeated them. Antiochus was 
 drowned in endeavouring to swim his horse over 
 that river. Philip made a fine retreat with a 
 considerable body of men, which soon increased 
 to such a number, as enabled him to keep the 
 field, and dispute the empire with Eusebes. 
 
 The latter, to strengthen himself upon the 
 throne, had married Selene the widow of Gry- 
 pus. That politic princess, upon her husband's 
 death, had found means to secure part of the 
 empire in her own possession, and had provided 
 herself with good troops. Eusebes married her, 
 therefore, in order to augment his forces. La- 
 thyrus, from whom she had been taken, to 
 avenge himself for this fresh insult, sent to 
 Cnidos for Demetrius Eucheres, the fourth son 
 of Grypus, who was brought up in that place, 
 and made him king at Damascus. Eusebes and 
 Philip were too much employed against each 
 other to prevent that blow. For though Euse- 
 bes had well retrieved his affairs, and augmented 
 his power by his marriage, Philip, however, still 
 supported himself, and at last so totally defeated 
 Eusebes in a great battle, that he was reduced 
 to abandon his dominions, and take refuge 
 amongst the Parthians, whose king at that time 
 was Mithridates II. surnamed the Great. The 
 empire of Syria by this means became divided 
 between Philip and Demetrius. Two year.s 
 after, Eusebes, assisted by the Parthians, re- 
 turned into Syria, repossessed himself of part of 
 what he had before, and involved Philip in new 
 difficulties. Another competitor fell also upon 
 his hands, almost at the same time; this was 
 Antiochus Dionysius, his brother, the fifth son 
 of Gyypus. He seized the city of Damascus, 
 established himself there as king of Coile-syria, 
 and supported himself in that city for three 
 years. 
 
 Affairs^ were neither more 
 A. M. 3915. quiet, nor crimes and perfidy 
 Ant. J. C. 89. more rare, in Egypt than in 
 Syria. Cleopatra, not being 
 able to bear a companion in the supreme autho- 
 rity, nor to admit her son Alexander to share 
 the honour of the throne with her, resolved to 
 rid herself of him, in order to reign alone for the 
 future. That prince, who was apprized of her 
 design, prevented her, and put her to death. She 
 was a monster of a woman, who had spared nei- 
 ther her mother, her sons, nor her daughters^ 
 and had sacrificed every thing to the ambitious 
 desire of reigning. She was punished in this 
 manner for her crimes, but by a crime equal to 
 her own. 
 
 I do not doubt but the reader as well as my- 
 self, is struck with horror at the sight of so 
 dreadful a scene as our history has for some 
 time exhibited. It furnishes us no where with 
 
 8 Justin. 1. xxxix. c. 4. Pausan. in Attic, p. 15. Atben. 
 1. xii. p. 530. 
 
0?8 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 such frequent and sudden revolutions, nor with 
 examples of so many kings dethroned, betrayed, 
 and murdered by their nearest relations, their 
 brothers, sons, mothers, wives, friends, and con- 
 fidants ; who all in cold blood, with pi'emedi- 
 tated design, reflection, and concerted policy, 
 employ the most odious and most inhuman 
 means to effect their purpose. Never was the 
 anger of Heaven more distinctly visible, nor 
 more dreadfully inflicted, than upon these prin- 
 ces and nations. We see here a sad complica- 
 tion of the blackest and most detestable crimes ; 
 perfidy, imposture of heirs, divorces, mui'ders, 
 poisoning, incest. Princes on a sudden become 
 monsters, yieing in treachery and wickedness 
 with each other ; attaining crowns with rapi- 
 dity, and disappearing as scon ; reigning only 
 to satiate their passions, and to render their peo- 
 ple unhappy. Such a situation of a kingdom, 
 wherein all orders of the state are in confusion, 
 all laws despised, justice abolished, all crimes 
 secure of impunity, denotes approaching ruin, 
 and seems to call for it with the loudest excla- 
 mations. 
 
 As soon as it was known at Alexandria, that 
 it was Alexander who had caused his mother to 
 be put to death, that horrid crime made the 
 parricide so odious to his subjects that they 
 could not endure him any longer. They ex- 
 pelled him, and called in Lathyrus, whom they 
 replaced upon the throne, in which he supported 
 himself to his death. Alexander having got 
 some ships together, endeavoured to i-eturn into 
 Egypt the year following, but without success. 
 He' perished soon after in a new expedition 
 which he undertook. 
 
 The Syrians,' weary of the 
 A M. 3921. continual wars made in their 
 
 Ant. J. C. 83. country by the princes of the 
 house of Seleucus for the so- 
 vereignty, and not being able to suffer any longer 
 the ravages, murders, and other calamities, to 
 which they were perpetually exposed, resolved 
 at last to exclude them all, and to submit to a 
 foreign prince, who might deliver them from 
 the many evils which those divisions occasioned, 
 and restore tranquillity to their country. Some 
 had thoughts of Mithridates, king of Pontus : 
 others of Ptolemy, king of Egypt : but the for- 
 mer was actually engaged in a war with the 
 Romans, and the other had always been the 
 enemy of Syria. They therefore determined 
 upon electing Tigranes, king of Armenia ; and 
 sent ambassadors to acquaint him with their 
 resolution, and the choice they had made of 
 him. He agreed to it, came into Syria, and 
 took possession of the crown, which he wore 
 eighteen years. He governed that kingdom 
 fourteen years together by a viceroy named 
 
 Megadates, whom he did not recall from that 
 office till he had occasion for him against the 
 
 Romans. 
 
 Eusebes., being driven out of his dominions 
 by his subjects and Tigranes, took refuge in 
 Cilicia, where he passed the rest of his days in 
 concealment and obscurity. As to Philip, it is 
 not known what became of him. It is probable 
 that he was killed in some action defending 
 himself against Tigranes. Selene, the wife of 
 Eusebes, retained Ptolemais, with part of Phoe- 
 
 nicia and C(£le-syria, and reigned there manj 
 years after, which enabled her to give her own 
 two sons an education worthy of their birth. 
 The eldest was called Antiochus Asiaticus, and 
 the youngest Seleucus Cibiosactes. I shall have 
 occasion to speak of them in the sequel. 
 
 home time after Ptolemy Lathyrus had been 
 replaced upon the throne of Egypt, a consider- 
 able rebellion broke out in the Upper Egypt, 
 The rebels, being overthrown and defeated in a 
 great battle, shut themselves up in the city of 
 Thebes, where they defended themselves with 
 incredible obstinacy. It was at length taken 
 after a siege of three years. Lathyrus used it 
 with so much rigour, that, from being the great- 
 est and richest city till then in all Egypt, it 
 was almost reduced to nothing. 
 
 Lathyrus did not long sur- 
 
 A. M. 3923. vive the ruin of Thebes. 
 Ant. J. C. 81. Reckoning from the death 
 of his father, he had reigned 
 thirty- six years ; eleven jointly with his mother 
 in Egypt, eighteen in Cyprus, and seven alone 
 in Egypt after hi%,mother's death. Cleopatra, 
 his daughter, succeeded him, who was his only 
 legitimate issue. Her proper name was Bere- 
 nice ; but by the established custom of that 
 family, all the sons were called Ptolemj'^, and 
 the daughters Cleopatra. 
 
 Sylla,* at that time perpetual dictator of Roim^ 
 sent Alexander to take possession of the crown 
 of Egypt, after the death of his uncle Lathyrus, 
 as the nearest heir male of the deceased. He 
 was the son of that Alexander who had put his 
 mother to death. But the people of Alexandria 
 had already set Cleopatra upon the throne, and 
 she had been six months in possession of it 
 when Alexander arrived. To accommodate the 
 difference, and not to draw Sylla, the master of 
 Rome, and, in consequence, dispenser of law to 
 the universe, upon their hands, it was agreed 
 that Cleopatra and he should marry, and reign 
 jointly. But Alexander, who either did not 
 approve of her for a wife, or would have no as- 
 sociate in the throne, caused her to be put to 
 death nineteen days after their marriage, and 
 reigned alone fifteen years. Murder and par- 
 ricide were no longer reckoned as any thing in 
 those times, and, if 1 may use that expression, 
 were grown into fashion among princes and 
 princesses. 
 
 Some time after,* Nico- 
 A. M. 3928. medes, king of Bithynia, 
 Ant. J. C. 76. died, having first made the 
 Roman people his heirs. His 
 country by that means became a province of the 
 Roman empire, as Cyrenaica did also the same 
 year. The Romans, instead of appropriating 
 the latter to themselves, had granted it liberty. 
 Twenty years had since elapsed, during which 
 term sedition and tyranny had occasioned infi- 
 nite calamities. It is said, that the Jews, who 
 had been long settled there, and composed a 
 great part of the nation, contributed very much 
 to those disorders. The Romans, to put a stop 
 to them, were obliged to accept Cyrenaica, which 
 
 1 Justin. 1. xl. c. 1 & 2. Appian. in Syr. p. 118. Joseph. 
 A.ntiq. 1. xiii. c. 24. 
 
 2 Cic. in Ver. vi. n. 61. Appian. in Syr. p. 133. Strab. 
 1. xvii. p. 796. 
 
 3 Pausan. in Attic, p. 15. 
 4 Appian. de Bel. Civ. p. 414. Pori)hyr. in Grsc. Seal. 
 
 I'^Appian. in Mithridat. p. 218. De JBel. Civil. 1. i. 
 p. 420. Liv Epit. 1. Ixx. & xciii. Plut. in Lucul. p. ti)2. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 G39 
 
 iiiid been bequeathed to them by the last king's 
 •vill, and to reduce it into a Ronaan province. 
 
 SECT. VII. 
 
 Selene, sister of Lathyrus, conceives hopes of the crown 
 of Egypt; slie sends two of her sons to Rome for that 
 purpose. The eldest, called Antiochus, on his return 
 passes through Sicily. Verres, praator of that island, 
 takes from him a golden candelabrum, de,signed for the 
 Capitol. Antiochus, surnamed Asiaticus, after having 
 reigned four years over part of Syria, is dispossessed of 
 his dominions by Pompey, who reduces Syria into a pro- 
 vince of the Roman empire. Troubles in Judeea and 
 Egypt. The Alexandrians expel Alexander their king, 
 and set Ptolemy Auletes on the throne in his stead. 
 Alexander, at his death, makes the Roman people his 
 heirs. In consequence, some years after, they order 
 Ptolemy king of ( yprus, brother of Auletes, to be 
 deposed, confiscate h:s property, and seize that island. 
 The celebrated Cato is charged with this commission. 
 
 Some troubles wh^'ch hap- 
 A. M. 3931. pened in Egypt," occasioned 
 Ant. J. C. 73. by the disgust taken against 
 Alexander, made Selene, the 
 sister of Lathyrus, conceive thoughts of pretend- 
 ing to the crown. She sent her two sons, An- 
 tiochus Asiaticus and Seleucus, whom she had 
 by Antiochus Eusebes, to Rome, to solicit the 
 senate in her behalf.^ The important affairs 
 which then employed Rome, at that time en- 
 gaged in a war with Mithridates, and perhaps 
 the motives of policy, from which she had 
 hitherto always opposed the kings who were de- 
 sirous of joining the forces of Egypt with those 
 of Syria, prevented the princess from obtaining 
 what they demanded. After a residence of two 
 years in Rome, and ineffectual solicitations, 
 they set out upon their return to their own king- 
 dom. 
 
 The eldest,^ called Antiochus, resolved to pass 
 through Sicily. He experienced an insult there, 
 which is hardly credible, and shows how much 
 Rome was corrupted in the times we speak of; 
 to what an excess the avarice of the magistrates, 
 sent into the provinces, had risen; and what 
 horrid rapine they committed with impunity, 
 in the sight and with the knowledge of the 
 whole world. 
 
 Verres was at that time prsetor in Sicily.^ 
 As soon as he heard that Antiochus was arrived 
 at Syracuse, as he had reason to believe, and 
 had been told, that that prince had abundance 
 of rare and precious things with him, he 
 
 6 Cic. vi in Ver. Orat. n. 61—67. 
 . 7 Reges Syria, regis Antiochi filios pueros, scitis Romse 
 nuper fuisse; qui venerant, non proi)ter Syris regnum, 
 nam id sine controversia obtinebant, ut k patre et a majo- 
 ribus acceperant ; sed regnum ^gypti ad se et ad Selenem 
 matrem suam pertinere arbitrabantur. Hi, postquam 
 temporibus populi Romani exclusi, per senatum agere 
 quae voluerant non potuerunt, in Syriam, in regnum pa- 
 tnum profecti sunt. 
 
 8 Eorum alter, qui Antiochus vocatur, iter per Siciliam 
 facere voluit. 
 
 9 Itaque isto (Verrel pratore venit Syracusas. Hie 
 Verres litereditatem sibi venisse arbitratus est, quod in 
 ejus regnum ac manus venerat is, quem iste et audierat 
 multa secum prjeclara habere, et suspicabatur. Mittit ho- 
 mini munera satis larga : hsec ad usum domesticum, vini 
 olei, quod visum erat, etiam tritici quod satis esset. De- 
 mde ipsum regem ad ccenam invitat. Exornat ample 
 magnificeque triclinium. Exponit ea, quibus abundabat 
 
 plurima ac pulcherrima vasa argentea Omnibus curat 
 
 rebus instructum et paratum ut sit convivium. Quid 
 multa ? Rex ita discessit, ut et istum copiosd ornatum, et 
 se honorifice acceptum arbitraretur. 
 
 judged his arrival a kind of rich inheiitance 
 fallen to him. He began by sending Antiochus 
 presents considerahle enough, consisting in pro 
 visions of wine, oil, and corn. He then invited 
 him to supper. The hall was magnificently 
 adorned. The tables were set off with all his 
 vessels of the most excellent workmanship, of 
 which he had a great number. The feast was 
 sumptuous and delicate, for he had taken care 
 that nothing should be wanting to make it so. 
 In a word, the king withdrew, well convinced 
 of the prffitor's magnificence, and still better sa- 
 tisfied with the honourable reception he had 
 given him. 
 
 He invites Verres to supper in his turn ex- 
 poses all his riches, a vast quantity of silver 
 plate, and not a few cups of gold set with 
 je wels, after the custom of kings, especially those 
 of Syria. There was among the rest a very 
 large vessel for wine, made out of one precious 
 stone. Verres takes each of these vessels into 
 his hand one after the other, praises and admires 
 them, while the king rejoices that the prtetor of 
 the Roman people is so well pleased with his 
 entertainment. 
 
 On retiring from this entertainment," the 
 latter had no other thoughts, as the sequel suf- 
 ficiently showed, than how to rifle Antiochus, 
 and send him away fleeced and plundered of all 
 his rich effects. He sent to desire that he would 
 let him have the finest of the vessels he had seen 
 at his house, under pretence of showing them 
 to his workmen. The prince, who did not 
 know Verres, complied without difficulty or 
 suspicion. The praetor sent again to desire that 
 he would lend him the beautiful vessel made of 
 a single precious stone, that he might examine 
 it more attentively, as he said. The king sent 
 him that also. 
 
 But to crown all,'^ the kings of Syria, of 
 whom we are speaking, had carried a candela- 
 brum with them to Rome, of singular beauty, 
 as well from the precious stones with which it 
 was adorned, as its exquisite workmanship. 
 With this they intended to adorn the capitol, 
 which had been burned during the wars between 
 Marius and Sylla, and was then rebuilding. 
 But that edifice not being finished, they would 
 not leave it behind them, nor suffer any body to 
 
 10 Vocat ad coenara deinde ipse prjetorem. Exponit 
 suas copias omnes : multum argentum, non pauca etiam 
 pocula ex auro, quae, ut mos est regius et raaxime in S}.. 
 ria, gemmis erant distincta clarissimis. Erat etiam va? 
 vinarium ex una gemma pergrandi.— Iste unumquodque 
 vas in manus sumere, laudare, mirari. Rex gaudere 
 pra;tori populi Romani satis jucundum et gratum illud 
 esse convivium. 
 
 11 Postea quam inde discessum est, cogitare iste nihil 
 aliud, quod ipsa res declaravit, nisi qucmadmodum regem 
 ex provincia spoliatum expilatumque dimitteret. Mittit 
 rogatum vasa ea, quae pulcherrima apud ilium viderat ; ait 
 se suis Ccelatoribus velle ostendere. Rex, qui istum non 
 nosset, sine ulla suspicione libentissimd dedit. Mittit 
 etiam trullam gemmeam rogatum : velle se eam diligen. 
 tius considerare. Ea quoque mittitur. 
 
 12 Nunc reliquum, judices, attendite—Candelabrum e 
 gemmis clarissimis, opere mirabili perfectum, reges hi, 
 quos dico, Romam cum attulissent, ut in capitolio ponerent ; 
 ■quod nondum etiam perfectum templum offenderant, neque 
 ponere, neque vulgo ostendere ac proferre voluerunt ; utet 
 magnificentius videretur, cCim suo tempore in sella Jovis 
 Opt. Max. poneretur, et clarius, cum pulchritudo ejus recens 
 ad oculos hominum atque Integra perveniret. Statuerunt 
 id secum in Syriam r^ortare, ut, cUm audissent simula- 
 crum Jovis Opt. Max. dedicatum, legates mitterent, qui 
 cum ceteris rebus illud quoque eximium atque pulcherri- 
 mum donum in capitolium afferrent. 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 have a sight of it ; in order that when it should 
 nppear, at a proper time in the temple of Jupi- 
 ter, the surprise might add to the admiration of 
 it, and the charm of novelty give new splendour 
 to the present. They therefore chose to carry 
 it hack into Syria, resolving to send ambas- 
 sadors to offer this rare and magnificent gift, 
 amongst many others, to the god, when they 
 should know that his statue was set up in the 
 temple. 
 
 Verres was informed of all this by some means 
 or other for the prince had taken care to keep 
 the candelabrum concealed ; not that he feared 
 or suspected any thing, but that few people 
 might see it before it was exposed to the public 
 view of the Romans. The praetor demanded it 
 of the king, and earnestly entreated him to send 
 it him, expressing a great desire to examine 
 it, and promising to let nobody else see it. The 
 young prince, with the candour and simplicity 
 of whose youth the noble sentiments of his birth 
 were united, was far from suspecting any bad 
 design. He ordered his officers to carry the 
 candelabrum secretly to Verres, well covered 
 from sight ; which was done accordingly. As 
 soon as the wrappers were taken oft', and the 
 prjetor beheld it, he cried out, This is a present 
 worthy of a prince, worthy of a king of Syria; 
 worthy of the capitol. For it was amazingly 
 splendid, from the quantity of fine jewels with 
 which it was adorned, and the variety of the 
 workmanship, in which art seemed to vie with 
 the materials ; and at the same time of so large 
 a size, that it was easy to distinguish it was not 
 intended to be used in the palaces of men, but to 
 adorn a vast and superb temple. The officers of 
 Antiochus, having given the prsetor full time to 
 consider it, prepared to carry it back ; but were 
 told by him, that he would examine it moi'e at 
 his leisure, and that his curiosity was not yet 
 sufficiently gratified. He then bade them go 
 home, and leave the candelabrum with him. 
 They accordingly returned without it. 
 The king was not alarmed at first,® and had 
 
 1 Pervenit res ad istius aures nescio quomodo. Nam 
 rex id celatum voluerat : non qu5 quidquam inetueret aut 
 suspicaretur, sed ut ne multi illud ante perciperent oculis, 
 quara populus Romanus. Iste petit a rege, et cum pluri- 
 mis verbis rogat, uti ad se mittat : cupere se dicit mspi- 
 cere, neque se aliis videndi potestatem esse facturum. 
 Antiochus, qui animo et puerili esset et regio, nihil de is- 
 tius improbitate suspicatus est. Imperat suis, ut id in 
 praetorium involutum quSm occultissime deferrent. Q\ib 
 posteaquam attulerunt, involucrisque rejectis constitue- 
 runt, iste clamare ccepit, dignam rem esse regno Syrias, 
 dignam regio munere, dignam capitolio. Etenim erat eo 
 splendore, qui ex clarissimis et plurimis gemmis esse de- 
 bebat : ea varietate operum, ut ars certare videretur cum 
 copia ; ea magiiitudine, ut intelligi posset, non ad homi- 
 num apparatum, sed ad amplissimi templi ornamentum, 
 esse factum. Quod cum satis jam perspexisse videretur, 
 tollere incipiunt ut referrent. Iste ait se velle illud etiam 
 atque etiam considerate : nequaquam se esse satiatuni. 
 Jubetillos discedere, et candelabrum relinquere. Sic lUi 
 tum inanes ad Antiochum revertuntur. 
 
 2 Rex prime nihil metuere, nihil suspicari. Dies unus, 
 alter, plures: non referri. Tum mittit rex ad istum, si 
 6ibi videatur, ut reddat. Jubet iste posterius ad se reverti. 
 Mirum illi videri. Mittit iterum : non redditur. Ipse 
 hominem appellat : rogat ut reddat. Os hominis insig- 
 nemque impudentiam cognoscite. Quod sciret, quodque 
 ex ipso rege audisset, in capitolio esse ponendum ; quod 
 Jovi Opt. Wax. quod populo Rom. servari videret, id sibi 
 ut donaret, rogare et veheraenter i)etere ccepit. Cum 
 tile se religione Jovis Capitoiini et h jminum existimatione 
 impediri diceret, quod multae nationes testes essent illius 
 opeiis ac rauneris ; iste homini minari acerrime ccepit. 
 Ubi videt eum iiihilo magis minis quam precibus permo- 
 
 no suspicion : — one day, two days, several day 
 passed, and the candelabrum was not brought 
 home. The prince therefore sent to demand it 
 of the prsetor, who put it off till the next day ; 
 but it was not returned then. At length he ap- 
 plied in person to him, and prayed him to re- 
 store it. Who would believe it ? That very 
 candelabrum, which, he knew from the prince 
 himself, was to be set up in the capitol, and de- 
 signed for the great Jupiter and the Roman 
 people, Verres earnestly entreated the prince to 
 give him. Antiochus excusing himself, both 
 from the vow he had made to consecrate it to 
 Jupiter, and the judgment which the many na- 
 tions that had witnessed the progress of the 
 workmanship of it, and knew for whom it was 
 designed, would pass upon such an action : the 
 pi'setor began to threaten him in the sharpest 
 terms : but when he saw his menaces had no 
 more effect than his entreaties, he ordered the 
 prince to quit his province before night ; and al- 
 leged for his reason, that he had received advice 
 from good hands that pirates from Syria were 
 about to land in Sicily. 
 
 The king upon that withdrew to the public 
 square,^ and, with tears in his eyes, declared 
 with a loud voice, in a numerous assembly of 
 the Syracusans, calling the gods and men to 
 witness, that Verres had taken from him a can- 
 delabrum of gold, enriched with precious stones, 
 which was to have been placed in t]ie capitol, to 
 be a monument in that august temple of his al- 
 liance and amity with the Roman people. That 
 he cared little, and did not complain, for the 
 other vessels of gold and the jewels which Ver- 
 res bad got from him ; but that to see the can- 
 delabrum taken from him by violence, was a 
 misfortune and an affront that made him incon- 
 solable. That though by his intention, and that 
 of his brother, that candelabrum was already 
 consecrated to Jupiter; howevei-, he offered, 
 presented, dedicated, and consecrated it again to 
 that god, in the presence of the Roman citizens, 
 who heard him, and called Jupiter to witness to 
 the sentiments of his heart and the piety of his 
 intentions. 
 
 Antiochus Asiaticus, be- 
 A. M. 3939. ing returned into Asia, soon 
 Ant. J. C. 65. after ascended the throne: 
 he reigned over part of the 
 country for the space of four years. Pompey 
 deprived him of his kingdom during the war 
 against Mithridates, and reduced Syria into a 
 province of the Roman empire. 
 
 What must foreign nations think, and how 
 odious must the name of Roman be to them, 
 when they heard it told, that in a Roman pro- 
 vince a king had been so grossly injured by the 
 prtetor himself ; a guest plundered, an ally and 
 friend of the Roman people driven away with 
 
 veri, repente hominem de provincia jubet ante noctem 
 discedere. Ait se comperisse ex ejus regno piratas in Si- 
 ciliam esse venturos. 
 
 3 Rex maximo conventu Syracusis, in foro, fiens, deos ho- 
 minesque contestans, clamare ccepit, candelabrum factum e 
 gemmis, quod in capitolium missurus esset, quod in tem- 
 plo clarissimo, populo Rom. monumentum suae societatis 
 amicitiEeque esse voluisset, id sibi C. Verrem abstulisse. 
 De ca;teris operibus ex auro et gemmis, quas sua penes 
 ilium essent, se non laborare : hoc sibi eripi miserum esse 
 et indignum. Id etsi antea jam, mente et cogitatione sua 
 fratrisque sui, consecratunn esset ; tamen tum se in illo 
 conventu civium Romaiiorum dare, donare, dicare, conse- 
 crare, Jovi Opt. Max testemque ipsum Jovem 6u» volun- 
 tatis ac religionis adhibere. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 641 
 
 the highest indignity and violence ! And what 
 Cicero reproaches Verres with in this phice, 
 was not peculiar to him; it was the crime of 
 almost all the magistrates sent by Rome into 
 the yn'ovinces; a crime which the senate and 
 people seemed to approve, and of which they 
 made themselves equally guilty by their weak 
 and abject connivance. " We have seen for sev- 
 eral years,"* says the same Cicero, in another of 
 j his orations against Verres, " and have suffered 
 m silence the wealth of all nations to be trans- 
 ferred into the hands of a few private persons. 
 Athens, Pergamus, Cyzicum, Miletus, Chios, 
 Samos, in short, all Asia, Achaia, Greece, Si- 
 rily, are now inclosed in some of the country- 
 houses of those rich and unjust plunderers, 
 whilst money is universally a prodigious rarity 
 evei'y where else. And we have just reason to 
 believe, that we ourselves connive at all these 
 flagrant and terrible disorders, since those who 
 commit, take no manner of pains to conceal 
 them, nor to hide their thefts and depreda- 
 tions from the eyes and knowledge of the 
 public." 
 
 Such was Rome at the time we now speak of, 
 j which soon occasioned its ruin, and the loss of 
 its liberty. And, in my opinion, to consider in 
 this manner the failings and vices that prevail 
 in a state, to examine their causes and effects, 
 : to enter thus into men's most secret retirements 
 (if I may use that expression), to study closely 
 : the characters and dispositions of those who 
 govern, is a much more important part of his- 
 i tory, than that which only treats of sieges, bat- 
 '. ties, and conquests : to which, however, we 
 , must return. 
 
 j The reign of Alexander Jannaeus in Judsea 
 I had always been involved in troubles and sedi- 
 j eions, occasioned by the powerful faction of the 
 
 Pharisees, that continually opposed him, because 
 
 he was not of a disposition to suffer himself to 
 i be governed bv them. His 
 
 I A. M. 3925. death did not jput an end to 
 I Ant. J. C. 79. these disorders.^ Alexandra, 
 I his wife, was appointed su- 
 
 ; preme administratrix of the nation according to 
 
 the king's last will. She caused her eldest son 
 j Hyrcanus to be acknowledged high-priest. The 
 I Pharisees continually persisted in persecuting 
 those who had been their 
 A. M. 8934. enemies in the late reign. 
 Ant. J. C. 70. That princess, at her death, 
 had appointed Hyrcanus her 
 
 sole heir ; but Aristobulus, his younger bro- 
 '] ther, had the strongest party, and took his 
 ! place. 
 
 I Nothing but troubles and 
 
 I A. M. 8939. violent agitations were to be 
 j Ant. J. C. 65. seen on all sides.« In Egypt, 
 j the Alexandrians weai-y of 
 
 I 4 Patimur multos jam annos et stlemus, cQm videamus 
 ad paucos homines omnes omnium nalionura pecunias 
 I pervenisse. Quod eo magis ferre aequo animo atque enn- 
 ; cedere videmur, quia nemo istorum dissimulat, nemo la- 
 I borat, ut obscura sua cupiditas esse videatur. Ubi pecu- 
 , nias exterarum nationum esse arbitramini, ouibus nunc 
 omnes egeiit, cum Athenas, Pergamum, Cyzicum, Mile- 
 ; turn, Chium, Samum, totam rienique Asiam, Achaiam, 
 Grseciam, Siciliam, jam in paucis vjUas incliisas esse vide- 
 atus ? Cic. in Ver. ult. de Suppl. n. 125, 1V6. 
 
 5 Joseph. Antiq. 1. xiii.c. 23, 24. & de Bell, Judaic, i. 4. 
 &c. 
 
 6 Sueton. in Jul. Cges. c. xi, Tragus in Prol. xxxix. 
 Appian. in Mithridat. p. 251. 
 
 n. 
 
 their king Alexander, took up arms and expelled 
 him, and called in Ptolemy Auletes. He was 
 a bastard of Lathyrus, who never had a legiti- 
 mate son. He was surnamed Auletes, that is to 
 say, the plat/er upon the fiute, because he valued 
 himself so much upon 'playing well upon that 
 instrument, that he disputed the prize of it in 
 the public games. Alexander, being driven out 
 in this manner, went to Pompey, who was 
 then in the neighbourhood, to demand aid of 
 him : Pompey would not ititerfere in his affairs, 
 because they were foreign to his commission. 
 That prince retired to Tyre, to wait there a 
 more favourable conjuncture. 
 
 -But none offered, and he died there some time 
 after. Before his death, he made a will, by ! 
 which he declared the Roman people his heirs. ' 
 The succession was important, and included all 
 the dominions Alexander had possessed, and to 
 which he had retained a lawful right, of which 
 the violence he had sustained could not deprive \ 
 him. The affjxir was taken into consideration 
 by the senate.^ Some were of opinion that it 
 was necessaiy to take possession of Egypt, and \ 
 of the island of Cyprus, of which the' testator i 
 had been sovereign, and which he had be- \ 
 queathed in favour of the Roman people. The 
 majority of the senators did not approve this 
 advice. They had very lately taken possession 
 of Bithynia, which had been left them by the ' 
 will of Nicomedes; and of Cyrenaica and Li-! 
 bya, which had been also given them by that of 
 Apion ; and they had reduced all those coun- 
 tries into Roman provinces. They were afraid, 
 that if they also accepted Egypt and the isle of 
 Cyprus in virtue of a like donation, that their 
 facility in accumulating provinces upon pro- 
 vinces, might alienate men's minds from them, 
 and indicate and express too clearly a fixed de- 
 sign to engross in the same manner all other 
 states. They believed, besides, that this enter- 
 prise might involve them in another war, which 
 would embarrass them very much, whilst they 
 had that with Mithridates upon their hands. 
 So that they contented themselves for the pre- 
 sent with causing all the effects which Alexan- 
 der had at his death to be brought from Tyre, 
 and did not meddle with the rest of his estates. 
 This pi-oceeding sufficiently implied, that they 
 did not renounce the will, as the sequel will 
 fully explain. I 
 Ihis is the fourth example of dominions left ! 
 to the Roman people by will; a very singular I 
 custom, and almost unheard-of in all other his- - 
 tory, which undoubtedly does great honour to 
 those in whose favour it was established. The ' 
 usual methods of extending the bounds of a state, ! 
 are war, victory and conquest. But with what | 
 enormous injustice and violence are those me- I 
 thods attended, and how much devastation and 
 blood must it cost to subject a country by force \ 
 of arms ? In this there is nothing cruel and 
 inhuman, and neither tears nor blood ai'e shed. 
 It is a pacific and legitimate increase of power, 
 the simple acceptance of a voluntary gift. Sub- 
 jection here has nothing of violence to enforce it, 
 and proceeds from the heart. 
 
 There is another sort of violence, which has 
 neither the name nor appearance of being so, 
 but it is no less dangerous on that account ; I 
 mean seduction : when to. obtain the suffrages of 
 
 7 Cicer. Orat. ii. in Rullum. n. 41 — 43. 
 2S 
 
 t 
 
G42 
 
 HISTORY 01* 
 
 a people, undermining arts, indirect means, se- \ 
 cret artifices, and great donations of money are 
 employed to corrupt the fidelity of the persons 
 of the highest credit and authority in states and 
 kingdoms, and events are inHuenced, in which 
 the principal agents act at a distance, and do not 
 seem to have any share. In this we now speak 
 of, there was no visible trace of a policy so 
 common with princes, and which, so far from 
 making any scruple of it, they imagine for their 
 glory. 
 
 Attalus, who was the first, if I am not mis- 
 taken, that appointed the Roman people his 
 heirs, had not engaged in any strict union with 
 that republic during the short time he reigned. 
 As for Ptolemy Apion, king of Cyrenaioa, the 
 Romans, far from using any arts to attain the 
 succession to his dominions, renounced it, left 
 the people in the full enjoyment of their liberty, 
 and would not accept the inheritance after- 
 wards, till they were in some measure obliged 
 to it against their will. It does not appear that 
 they employed any solicitations, either public or 
 private, towards Nicomedes king of Bithynia, 
 or Ptolemy Alexander, king of Egypt. 
 
 What motives then induced these pi-inces to 
 act in this manner? First, gratitude: the house 
 of Attalus was indebted for all its splendour to 
 the Romans ; Nicomedes had been defended by 
 them against Mithridates : and next, love for 
 their people, the desire of procuring a lasting 
 tranquillity for them, and the idea they enter- 
 tained of the wisdom, justice, and moderation 
 of the Roman people. They died without chil- 
 dren or lawful successors ; for bastards were 
 not looked upon as such. They had only in 
 view the future divisions and civil wars that 
 might arise about the choice of a king, of which 
 Egypt and Syria supplied them with dreadful 
 examples. They saw with their own eyes the 
 tranquillity and happiness enjoyed by many 
 cities and nations under the shelter and protec- 
 tion of the Roman people. 
 
 A prince, in the situation of which we speak, 
 had but three things to choose : either to leave 
 his throne to the ambition of the grandees of his 
 kingdom ; to restore to his subjects their entire 
 liberty, by instituting republican government; 
 or to give his kingdom to the Romans. 
 
 The first choice undoubtedly exposed the king- 
 dom to all the horrors of a civil war, which the 
 factions and jealousies of the great would not 
 fail to excite, and continue with heat and fury : 
 and the prince's love for his subjects induced 
 him to spare them misfortunes as fatal as they 
 would be inevitable. 
 
 The execxition of the second choice was im- 
 practicable. There are many nations, whose 
 genius, manners, characters, and habit of living, 
 do not admit their being formed into republics. 
 They are not capable of that uniforni equality, 
 that dependence upon mute laws, which do not 
 make an impression on their senses. They ai-e 
 made for monarchy; and every other kind of 
 government is incompatible with the natural 
 frame of their minds. Cyrenaica, which has a 
 share in the present question, is a proof of this ; 
 and all ages and climates supply us with exam- 
 ples of the same kind. 
 
 A prince, therefore, at his death, could not do 
 more wisely than to leave his subjects the alli- 
 ance and protection of a people, feared and re- 
 spected by the whole universe, and therefore 
 capable of defending them from the unjust and 
 violent attempts of their neighbours. How 
 
 many civil divisions, and bloody discords, did 
 he spare them by this kind of testamentary dis- 
 position? This appears from the example of 
 Cyrenaica. The Romans, out of a noble dis- 
 intei-estedness, having refused the legacy which 
 the king had bequeathed to them at his death, 
 that unhappy kingdom, abandoned to liberty 
 and its own will, gives itself up to cabals and 
 intrigues. Torn by a thousand factions, exas- 
 perated almost to madness against each other, 
 and, in a word, become like a ship without a 
 pilot in the midst of the most violent storms, it 
 suffered many years the most incredible calami- 
 ties ; the only 'remedy of which was to pray, 
 and in some manner to force, the Romans to 
 vouchsafe to take the government of it upon 
 themselves. | 
 
 Besides this, a prince by such conduct did no 
 more than prevent, and that advantageously for 
 his peojde, what must necessarily have happened 
 sooner or later. Was there any city or state 
 capable of making head against the Romans ? 
 Could it be expected, that a kingdom, especially 
 when the royal family was extinct, could sup- 
 port itself, and its independence, long against 
 them ? There was an inevitable necessity, there- 
 fore, for its falling into the hands of that people ; 
 and for that reason it was highly consistent 
 with prudence to soften the yoke by a voluntary 
 subjection. For they m.ade a great ditFerence 
 between those nations who submitted to them 
 freely as to friends and protectors, and those 
 who only yielded to them out of force, after a 
 long and obstinate resistance, and being com- 
 pelled, by reiterated defeats, to give way at last 
 to a conqueror. We have seen with what se- 
 verity the Macedonians, at least the principal 
 persons of the nation, and after them the Achse- 
 ans, were treated; especially during the first 
 years of their subjection. 
 
 The other nations suffered nothing of that 
 kind ; and, generally speaking, of all foreign 
 yokes none ever was lighter than that of the 
 Romans. Scarce could its weight be perceived 
 by those who bore it. The subjection of Greece 
 to the Roman empire, even vinder the emperors 
 themselves, was rather a means to ensure the 
 public tranquillity, than a servitude heavy upon 
 private persons, and prejudicial to society. Most 
 of the cities were governed by their ancient laws, 
 had always their own magistrates, and wanted 
 very little* of enjoying entire liberty. They were 
 by that means secured from all the inconve- 
 niences and misfortunes of war with their neigh- 
 boui's, which had so long and so cruelly dis- 
 tressed the republic of Greece in the times of 
 their ancestors. So that the Greeks seemed to 
 be great gainers in ransoming themselves from 
 these inconveniences by some diminution of their 
 liberty. 
 
 It is true, the provinces sometimes suffered 
 very much from the avarice of their governors. 
 But those were only transient evils, which had 
 no long effects, and to which the goodness and 
 justice of a worthy successor applied a speedy 
 redress ; and which, after all, were not com- 
 parable to the disorders with which the wars of 
 the Athenians, Thebans, and Lacedsemonians, 
 against each other, were attended ; and still less 
 to the violences and ravages occasioned in many 
 cities and states, by the insatiable avarice and 
 barbarous cruelty of tyrants. 
 
 An evident proof of the wisdom of the plan 
 adopted by princes, of leaving their dominions 
 1 to the Romans after their death, is, that their 
 
G43 
 
 people never exclaimed asfainst that disposition, 
 nor proceeded to any revolt of their own accord, 
 to prevent its taking efFect. 
 
 I do not pretend to exculpate the Romans 
 entirely in this place, nor to justify their con- 
 duct in all things. I have sufficiently animad- 
 verted upon the interested views and political 
 motives which influenced their actions. I only 
 say, that the Roman government, especially with 
 regard to those Avho submitted voluntarily to 
 them, was gentle, humane, equitable, advanta- 
 geous to the people, and the source of their peace 
 and tranquillity. There were indeed some in- 
 dividual oppressors, who made the Roman peo- 
 ple authorize the most flagrant injustice, of 
 which we shall soon see an example : but there 
 was always in that republic a considerable num- 
 ber of citizens, zealous for the public good, who 
 i rose up against those violences, and declared 
 I loudly for justice. This, however, was not the 
 } case in the affair of Cyprus, which it is now 
 j time to relate. 
 
 I Clodius," who commanded a small fleet near 
 Cilicia, was defeated and taken prisoner by the 
 I pirates of that coast, against whom he had "been 
 j sent. He caused Ptolemy, king of Cyprus, bro- 
 ther of Ptolemy Auletes, to be desired in his 
 : name to send him money to pay his ransom. 
 
 That prince, who was a kind of prodigy in point 
 . of avarice, sent him only two talents. The pi- 
 rates chose rather to release Clodius without 
 ransom, than to take so small a one. 
 
 His thoughts were bent 
 A. M. 3946. upon being revenged on that 
 Ant. J. C. 58. king as soon as possible. He 
 had found means to get him- 
 self elected tribune of the people ; an Important 
 office, which gave him great pov/er. Clodius 
 made use of it for the destruction of his enemy. 
 He pretended that that prince had no right to 
 the kingdom of Cyprus, which had been left to 
 the Roman people by the will of Alexander, 
 who died at Tyre. It was determined, in con- 
 sequence, that the kingdom of Egypt, and that 
 of Cyprus, which depended on it, appertained 
 to the Romans in virtue of that donation ; and 
 Clodius accordingly obtained an order of the 
 people to seize the kingdom of Cyprus, to depose 
 Ptolemy,^ and to confiscate all his effects. To 
 put so unjust an order in execution, he had suf- 
 ficient influence and address to cause the justest 
 of all the Romans to be elected, 1 mean Cato,- 
 whom he removed from the republic, under the 
 pretext of so honourable a commission, that he 
 might not find in him an obstacle to the violent 
 and criminal designs which he was meditating. 
 Cato was therefore sent into the isle of Cyprus, 
 to deprive a prince of his kingdom, who well 
 deserved that disgrace, says an historian, for 
 his many irregularities : as if a man's vices suf- 
 ficiently authorized the seizure of all his pro- 
 perty. 
 
 ('ato, upon his arrival at RhodeSj^* sent to bid 
 Ptolemy retire peaceably ; and promised hi 
 if he com])lied, to procure him the high-prie 
 hood of the temple of Venus at Paphos, 
 
 im, 
 iest- 
 the 
 
 1 Strab. 1. xiv. p. 684. 
 2 P. Clodius in senatu sub honorificentissimo titulo M. 
 Catonem a rep. relcgavit. Quippe legem tulit, ut is miti 
 terctur in insulani Cyprum, atl spoliandurn regno Ptole- 
 tnajum, omnibus morum vitiis earn contumeliam irieritum. 
 Feil. Faterc. 1. ii. c. 45. 
 
 3 Plut. in Cato. p. 776. 
 
 revenues of which were sufficiently considerable 
 to enable him to subsist honourably. Ptolemy 
 rejected that proposal. He was not, however, 
 in a condition to defend himself against the 
 power of the Romans; but could not resolve, 
 after having worn a crown so long, to live as a 
 [u-ivate person. J3etermined therefore to end 
 his life and reign together, he embarked with 
 all his treasures, and put to sea. His design 
 was to have holes bored in the bottom of his 
 ship, that it might sink with him and all his 
 riches. But when he came to the execution of 
 his purpose, though he persisted constantly in 
 the resolution of dying himself, he had not cou^ 
 rage to include his innocent and well-beloved 
 treasures in his ruin ; and thereby showed that 
 he loved them better than he did himself-"— 
 king of Cyprus indeed in title, but in fact, the 
 mean slave of his money. He returned to shore, 
 and replaced his gold in his magazines, after 
 which he poisoned himself, and left the whole 
 to his enemies. Cato carried those treasures the 
 following year to Rome. The sum was so large, 
 that in the greatest triumphs the like had scarce 
 ever been laid up in the public treasury. Plu- 
 tarch makes it amount to almost 7000 talents 
 vl,OoO,000^. sterling). Cato caused all Ptole- 
 my s precious effects and furniture to be sold 
 publicly ; reserving to himself only a picture of 
 Zeno,_the founder of the Stoics, the sentiments 
 of which sect he followed. 
 
 The Roman people here throw off the mask, 
 and show themselves not such as they had been 
 in the glorious ages of the republic, full of con- 
 tempt for riches and of esteem for poverty, but 
 such as they were become, after that gold and 
 silver had entered Rome in triumph with their 
 victorious generals. Never was any thing more 
 capable of disgracing and reproaching the Ro- 
 mans than this last action. " The Roman peo- 
 ple, says Cicero, " instead of making it their 
 honour, and almost a duty, as formerly, to re- 
 establish the kings their enemies whom they 
 had conquered, upon their thrones, now see a 
 king, their ally, or at least a constant friend of 
 the republic, who had never done them any 
 wrong, of whom neither the senate nor any of 
 our generals had ever received the least com- 
 plaint, who enjoyed the dominions left him by 
 his ancestors in tranquillity, plundered on a 
 sudden without any formality, and all his effects 
 sold by auction almost before his eyes, by order 
 of the same Roman people. This," continues 
 Cicero, « shows other kings, upon what they 
 are to rely for their security : from this fatal 
 
 4 Procul dubio hie non posscdit divitias, sed S. divitijg 
 possessus est; titulo rex insula;, animo pecuniaj miserabile 
 mancipiura. Fal. Max. 
 
 F> PcoleiPjeus rex, si nondum socius, at non hostis, pa- 
 catus, quietus, fretus imperio populi Kom,, regno pa tern- 
 atque avito, regali otio perfruebatur. De hoc nihil cogi- 
 tante, nihil siispicante, est rogatum, nt sodens cum pm-- 
 pura ot scci)tro et illis insignibus regiis, prs>coni publice 
 subjiccretur, et imjjerante populo Horn., qui etiam victis 
 hello regibus regna reddcre consuevit, rex amicus, nulla 
 injuria commemorata, nullis repetitis rebus, cum bonis 
 omnibus publicaretur — (]yprius miser, qui semper socius, 
 semper amicus fuit ; de quo nulla unquam suspicio durior 
 aut ad senatum, aut ad imperatores nostros allata est , 
 vivus Cut aiunt) est et videns, cum victu et vestitu sue, 
 publicatus. An cur ca?teri reges stabilem esse suam for- 
 tunam nrbifrentur, cQm hoc illius funesti anni perdito 
 oxempio videant, per tribunum aliquem se fortunis spo. 
 liari (posse) et regno omni nudari ? Cic. OrcU pro Scrlin 
 n. 57. 
 
 2S 2 
 
HISTORY OF ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS, 
 
 example they learn, thai amongst us there 
 needs only the secret intrigue of some seditious 
 tribune, to deprive them of their thrones, and 
 to plunder them at the same time ot all their 
 
 ^ \Vhlit 1 am most amazed at is, that Cato, the 
 iustest and most upright man of those times, 
 Ibut what was the most shining virtue and jus- 
 tice of the Pagans!) should lend his name and 
 service in so notorious an injustice. Licero, 
 who had reasons for sparing him, and dared not 
 
 blame his conduct openly, shows, however, ni 
 the same oration which 1 have now cited, bul 
 in an artful and delicate manner, and under the 
 appearance of excusing him, how much he had 
 dishonoured himself by that action. 
 
 During Cato's stay'at Rhodes, Ptolemy Au- 
 letes, king of Egypt, and brother to him oi 
 Cyprus, came thither to him. I reserve for r 
 following book the history of that prince, wliicb 
 merits particular attention. 
 
THE HISTORY 
 
 ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS 
 
 CONTINUED. 
 
 BOOK XXI. 
 
 THE twenty- first book is diA'ided into three 
 articles, which are all abridgments : the 
 j first, of the history of the Jews, from the reign 
 1 of Aristobulus to that of Herod the Great ; the 
 ' second, of the history of the Parthians, from the 
 establishment of that empire to the defeat of 
 Crassus; the third, of the history of the kings 
 of Cappadocia, to the annexing of that kingdom 
 to the Roman empire. 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 
 Abridgment of the History of the Jews, from Aristobulus, 
 son of Hyrcanus, who first assumed the title of king, to 
 the reign of Herod the Great, the Idumacan. 
 
 As the history of the Jews is often intermixed 
 with that of the kings of Syria and Egypt, 1 
 have taken care, as occasion offered, to relate 
 those circumstances of it which were most ne- 
 cessary and suitable to my subject. I shall add 
 here what remains of that history, to the reign 
 of Herod the Great. The historian Josephus, 
 who is in every one's hands, will satisfy the 
 laudable curiosity of such as are desirous of be- 
 ing more fully informed. Dean Prideaux, of 
 whom I have here made much use, may be also 
 consulted for the same purpose. 
 
 SECT. 1. 
 
 Reign of Aristobulus the First, which lasted two years. 
 
 Hyrcanus,' high-priest and 
 A. M. 3898, prince of the Jews, had left 
 Ant. J. C. 106. five sons at his death. The 
 
 first was Aristobulus, the second Antigonus* 
 the third Alexander Jannaeus, the fourth's 
 name is unknown. The fifth was called Absa- 
 lom. 
 
 Aristobulus, as the eldest, succeeded his fa- 
 ther in the high-priesthood and temporal sove- 
 reignty. As soon as he saw himself well esta- 
 blished, he assumed the diadem and title of king, 
 which none of those who had governed Judaea 
 since the Babylonish captivity had done besides 
 himself. The circumstances of the times seem- 
 ed favourable for that design. The kings of 
 Syria and Egypt, who were alone capable of op- 
 posing it, were weak princes, involved in do- 
 mestic troubles and civil wars, little secure upon 
 the throne, and not maintaining themselves long 
 in the possession of it. He knew that the Ro- 
 mans were much inclined to authorize the dis- 
 membering and dividing the dominions of the 
 Grecian kings, in order to weaken and keep 
 them low in comparison with themselves. Be- 
 sides, it was natural for Aristobulus to take ad- 
 vantage of the victories and acquisitions made 
 by his ancestors, who had given an assured and 
 uninterrupted establishment to the Jewish na- 
 tion, and enabled it to support the dignity of a 
 king amongst its neighbours. 
 
 Aristobulus's mother, in virtue of Hyrca- 
 nus's will, pretended to the government j but 
 Aristobulus was the strongest, and put her in 
 prison, where he caused her to be starved to 
 death. With respect to his brothers, as he very 
 much loved Antigonus the eldest of them, he 
 gave him at first a share in the government. He 
 confined the other three in prison, and kept 
 them there during his life. 
 
 When Aristobulus^ had fully possessed him- 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. xiii. 19, &c. Id. de Bell, Jud. i. 3, 
 
 1 
 
 '2 Joseph. Antiq. xiii. 19. Id. de Bell, Jud. i. 3. 
 
G46 HISTORY OF 
 
 A. M. S898. self of the authority which 
 Ant. J. C. 106. his father had enjoyed, he 
 entered into a Avar with the 
 Fturseans ; and after having subjected the great- 
 est part of them, he obliged them to embrace 
 Judaism, as Hyrcanus had compelled the Idu- 
 masans some years before. He gave them the 
 alternative, either to be circumcised and profess 
 the Jewish religion, or to quit their country and 
 seek a settlement elsewhere. They chose to 
 stay, and comply with what was I'equired of 
 them, and thus were incorporated with the 
 Jews, both as to spirituals and temporals. This 
 practice became a fundamental maxim with the 
 Asmoneans. It shows, that they had not a just 
 idea of religion at that time, which does not im- 
 pose itself by force, and which ought not to be 
 received but voluntarily and by persuasion. 
 Itursa, which was inhabited by the people in 
 question, formed part of Ccele-syria, on the 
 north-east frontier of Israel, between the in- 
 heritance of the half tribe of Manasseh on the 
 other side of Jordan, and the territory of Da- 
 mascus. 
 
 A distemper obliged Aristobulus to return 
 from Itursea to Jerusalem, and to leave the com- 
 mand of the army to his brother Antigonus, to 
 make aa end of the war he had begun. The 
 queen and her cabal, who envied Antigonus the 
 king's favour, took advantage of this iUness, to 
 prejudice the king against him by false reports 
 and vile calumnies. Antigonus soon returned 
 to Jerusalem after the successes by which he 
 had terminated the war. His entry was a kind 
 of triumph. The feast of tabernacles was then 
 celebrating. He went directly to the temple 
 with his guards, completely armed as he had en- 
 tered the city, without giving himself time to 
 change any part of his equipage. This was im- 
 puted to him as a crime with the king ; who, 
 otherwise prejudiced against him, sent him or- 
 ders to disarm himself, and come to him as soon 
 as possible; conceiving, that if he refused to 
 obey, it was a proof of some bad design; and 
 in that case he gave orders that he should be 
 killed. The person sent by Aristobulus was 
 gained by the queen and her cabal, and told him 
 the order quite differently; that the king desired 
 to see him completely armed as he was. Anti- 
 gonus went directly to wait on him ; and the 
 guards who saw him come in his arms, obeyed 
 their orders, and killed him. 
 
 Aristobulus, having discovered all that had 
 passed, was keenly affected with it, and incon- 
 solable for his death. Tormented with remorse 
 of conscience for this murder, and that of his 
 mother, he led a miserable life, and expired at 
 last in anguish and despair. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 Kelgn of Alexander Jannreus, which continued twenty- 
 seven years. 
 
 Salome,' the wife of Aris- 
 A. M. S899. tobulus, immediately after 
 Ant. J. C. 105. his death, took the three 
 princes out of the prison, 
 into which they had been put by her husband. 
 Alexander Jannseus, the eldest of the three, was 
 crowned. He put his next brother to death, 
 
 1 Josci.h. Ar.tiq. xii 20. Id. de Bell. Jiul. i. 3. 
 
 who had endeavoured to deprive him of the 
 crown. As for the third, named Absalom, who 
 was of a peaceable disposition, and who had no 
 thoughts but of living in tranquillity as a pri- 
 vate person, he granted him his favour, and pi'o- 
 tected him during his whole life. No more is 
 said of him,^ than that he gave his daughter in 
 marriage to Aristobulus the youngest son of his 
 brother Alexander, and that he served him 
 against the Romans at the siege of Jerusalem, 
 in which he was made prisoner forty-two years i 
 after, when the temple was taken by Pompey. i 
 
 Whilst all this was passing, the two kings of | 
 Syria, of whom Grypus reigned at Antioch, | 
 and Antiochus of Cyzicum at Damascus, made ; 
 a cruel war upon each other, although they were i • 
 bi'others. Cleopatra, and Alexander the young- ! 
 est of her sons, reigned in Egypt, and Ptolemy ' 
 Lathyrus the eldest, in Cyprus. | 
 
 Alexander Jannaus, some time after he re- ! 
 turned to Jerusalem, and had taken possession 
 of the throne, had set a strong army on foot, 
 which passed the Jordan, and formed the siege 
 of Gadara. At the end of ten months, having 
 made himself master of that city, he took seve- 
 ral other very strong places, situated also on the 
 other side of the Jordan. But not being suffi- 
 ciently upon his guard on his return, he was 
 beaten by the enemy, and lost 10,000 men, with 
 all the spoils he had taken, and his own baggage. 
 He returned to Jerusalem in the highest afflic- 
 tion for this loss, and the shame with which it 
 was attended. He had even the mortification 
 to see, that many people, instead of lamenting 
 his misfortune, took a malignant joy in it. For 
 since the quarrel of Hyrcanus with the Phari- 
 sees, they had always been the enemies of his 
 house, and especially of this Alexander. And 
 as they had drawn almost the whole people into 
 their party, they had so strongly prejudiced and I 
 inflamed them against him, that all the disorders j 
 and commotions with which his whole reign 
 was embroiled, flowed from this source. 
 
 This loss, great as it waS; ! 
 
 A. M. 3904. did not prevent his going to 
 Ant. J. C. 100. seize Raphia and Anthedon, 
 when he saw the coast of 
 Gaza without defence, after the departure of 
 Lathyrus. 
 
 Those two posts, which were only a few 
 miles from Gaza, kept it in a manner blocked 
 up, which was what he proposed when he at- 
 tacked them. Pie had never forgiven the inha- 
 bitants of Gaza for calling in Lathyrus against 
 him, and giving him troops, which had contri- 
 buted to his gaining the fatal battle of the Jor- 
 dan ; and he earnestly sought all occasions to 
 avenge himself upon them. 
 
 As soon as his affairs 
 A. M. 8906. would permit, he came Avith 
 Ant. J. C. 98. a numerous army to besiege 
 their city. Apollodorus, the 
 governor of it, defended the place a whole year 
 with a valour and prudence that acquired him 
 great reputation. His own ' 
 A. M. 3907. brother Lysimachus could 
 Ant. J. C. 97. not see his glory Avitbout 
 envy ; and that base passion 
 induced him to assassinate the governor. That 
 Avretch afterAvards associated Avith some others 
 as abandoned as himself, and surrendered the 
 city to Alexander. Upon his entrance it Avas 
 
 6 Joseph. Antiq. xiv. 8. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 647 
 
 thought Ly his behaviour and the orders which 
 he gave, that he intended to use his victory vv'ith 
 clemency and moderation. But as soon as he 
 saw himself master of all the posts, and that 
 there was nothing to oppose him, he let loose 
 his soldiers with permission to kill, plunder, 
 and destroy ; and immediately all the barbarity 
 that could be imagined was exercised upon that 
 unfoi'tunate city. The pleasure of revenge cost 
 him very dear. For the inhabitants of Gaza 
 defended themselves like men in despair, and 
 killed almost as many of his people as they were 
 themselves. But at length he satiated his brutal 
 revenge, and reduced that ancient and famous 
 city to a heap of ruins ; after Avhich he returned 
 to Jerusalem. This war employed him a year. 
 
 Some time after the people 
 A. M. S905. affronted him in the most 
 Ant. J. C. 95. heinous manner.^ At the 
 feast of tabernacles, whilst 
 I he was in the temple, offering the solemn sacri- 
 fice, in quality of high-priest, upon the altar of 
 burnt-offerings, they threw lemons at his head, 
 calling him a thousand injurious names, and 
 amongst the rest giving him that of " Slave ;" 
 a reproach which sufficiently argued, that they 
 looked upon him as unworthy of the crown and 
 pontificate. This was a consequence of what 
 Eleazar had presumed to advance ; that the mo- 
 ther of Hyrcanus had been a captive. These 
 indignities enraged Alexander to such a degree, 
 that he attacked those insolent people in person, 
 at the head of his guards, and killed 6000 of 
 them. Seeing how much the Jews were dis- 
 affected towards him, he was afraid to trust his 
 person any longer to them, and used foreign 
 troops for his guard, whom he caused to come 
 from Pisidia and Cilicia. Of these he formed 
 a body of 6000 men, who attended him every 
 where. 
 
 When Alexander saw the 
 A. M. 3910. storm which had been raised 
 Ant. J. C. 94i. against him a little appeased 
 by the terror of the revenge 
 he had taken for it, he turned his arms against 
 the enemy abroad. After having obtained some 
 advantages over them, he fell into an ambus- 
 cade, wherein he lost the greatest part of his 
 army, and escaped himself 
 A. M. 3912. with great difficulty. At 
 Ant. J. C. 92. his return to Jerusalem, the 
 Jews, incensed at this defeat, 
 revolted against him. They flattered themselves, 
 that they should find him so much weakened 
 and dejected by his late loss, that they should 
 experience no difficulty in completing his de- 
 struction, which they had so long desired. Alex- 
 ander, who wanted neither application nor va- 
 lour, and who besides had a more than common 
 capacity, soon found troops to oppose them. A 
 civil war ensued between him and his subjects, 
 which continued six years, and occasioned great 
 misfortunes to both parties. The rebels were 
 beaten and defeated upon many occasions. 
 
 Alexander, having taken a 
 A. M. 3918. city wherein many of them 
 Ant. J. C. 86. had shut themselves up, car- 
 ried 800 of them to Jerusa- 
 lem, and caxised them all to be crucified in one 
 day. When they were fixed to the cross, he 
 ordered their wives and children to be brought 
 out, and to have their throats cut before their 
 
 3 JosepJQ. Antiq. xiii. 21. 
 
 faces. During this cruel execution, the king 
 regaled his wives and concubines in a place 
 from whence they saw all that passed ; and this 
 sight was to him and them the principal part 
 of the entertainment. Horrid gratification ! 
 This civil war, during the six years it lasted, 
 had cost the lives of more than 60,000 men ou 
 the side of the rebels. 
 
 Alexander, after having put an end to it, 
 undertook many other foreign expeditions with 
 very great success. Upon his return to Jeru- 
 salem, he abandoned himself to intemperance 
 and excess of wiise, which brought a quartan 
 ague upon him, of which he died at the end of 
 three years, after having reigned twenty-seven. 
 
 He left two sons, Hyr- 
 
 A. M. 3925. can us and Aristobulus; but 
 Ant. J. C. 79. he decreed by his will, that 
 Alexandra his wife should 
 govern the kingdom dui'ing her life, and choose 
 which of her sons she thought fit to suc- 
 ceed her. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 Reign of Alexandra, the wife of Alexander JannEBUs, 
 which continued nine years. Hyrcanus her eldest son 
 is high-priest during that time. 
 
 According to the advice of 
 A. M. 3926. herhusband,^ Alexandrasub- 
 Ant. J. C. 78. mitted herself and her chil- 
 dren to the power of the Pha- 
 risees, declaring to them, that in doing so, she 
 acted only in conformity to the last will of her 
 husband. 
 
 By this step she so well conciliated thera, 
 that, forgetting their hatred for the dead, though 
 they had carried it during his life as far as pos- 
 sible, they changed it on a sudden into respect 
 and veneration for his memory; and instead of 
 the invectives and reproaches which they had 
 always abundantly vented against him, nothing 
 was heard but praises and panegyrics, wherein 
 they exalted immoderately the great actions of 
 Alexander, by which the nation had been ag- 
 grandized, and its power, honour, and credit, 
 much augmented. By this means they brouglit 
 over the people so effectually, whom till then 
 they had always irritated against him, that they 
 celebrated his funeral with greater pomp and 
 magnificence than that of any of his predeces- 
 sors ; and Alexandra, according to the intent of 
 his will, was confirmed sovereign administratrix 
 of the nation. We see from hence, that a blind 
 and unlimited conformity to the power and will 
 of the Pharisees was with them a substitute for 
 every kind of merit, and made all failings, and 
 even crimes, disappear as effectually as if they 
 had never been : which is very common with 
 those who are fond of ruling. 
 
 When that princess saw herself well esta- 
 blished, she caused her eldest son Hyrcanus to 
 be received as high-priest: he was then near 
 thirty-three years of age. According to her 
 promise, she gave the administi'ation of all im- 
 portant affairs to the Pharisees. The first thing 
 they did was to repeal the decree, by which 
 John Plyrcanus, father of the two last kings, 
 had abolished all their traditional constitutions, 
 which were afterwards more generally received 
 than ever. They persecuted with great cruelty 
 
 4 Joseph. Antiq. xiii. 23, 24. & de BelL Jud. i. 4. 
 
G48 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 i 
 
 all those who had declared themselves their ene- 
 mies in the preceding- reigns, without the queen's 
 being ahle to prevent them ; because she had tied 
 up her own hands, by putting herself into those 
 of the Pharisees. She had seen in her husband's 
 time what a civil war was, and the infinite mis- 
 fortunes with which it is attended. She v/as 
 afraid of liindling a new one ; and not knowing 
 any other means to prevent it, than hy giving 
 way to the violence of those revengeful and in- 
 exorable men, she helieved it necessary to suffer 
 a less evil, in order to prevent a greater. 
 
 What we have said upon this head may con- 
 tribute very much to our having a right notion 
 of the state of the Jewish nation, and of the 
 characters of those who governed it. 
 
 The Pharisees still con- 
 
 A. M. 3931. tinued their persecutions 
 Ant. J. C. 73. against those who had op- 
 posed them under the late 
 king.' They made them accountable for all the 
 cruelties and faults with which they thought 
 proper to blacken his memory. They had al- 
 ready got rid of many of their enemies under 
 this pretext^ and invented every day new arti- 
 cles of accusation to destroy those who gave 
 them most umbrage amongst such as still sur- 
 vived. 
 
 The friends and partizans of the late king, 
 seeing that there was no end to these persecu- 
 tions, and that their destruction was sworn, as- 
 sembled at last, and came in a body to wait on 
 the queen, with Aristobulus, her second son, at 
 their head. They represented to her the ser- 
 vices they had done the late king ; their fidelity 
 and attachment to him in all his wars, and all 
 the difiSculties in which he had been involved 
 during the troubles. That it was very hard at 
 present, that under her government, every thin^ 
 they had done for him should be made criminal, 
 and they should see themselves sacrificed to the 
 implacable hatred of their enemies, solely for 
 their adherence to herself and her family. They 
 implored her either to put a stop to such sort of 
 inquiries ; or, if that was not in her power, to 
 permit them to retire out of the country, in or- 
 der to seek an asylum elsewhere: at least they 
 begged her to put them into garrisoned places, 
 where they might find some security against the 
 violence of their enemies. 
 
 The queen was as much affected as it was 
 possible to be with the condition she saw them 
 in, and the injustice done them. But it was 
 out of her power to do for them all she desired ; 
 for she had given herself masters, by engaging to 
 take no steps without the consent of the Phari- 
 sees. How dangerous is it to invest such people ; 
 with too much authority! They exclaimed, that 
 it would be putting a stop to the course of jus- 
 tice to suspend the inquiries after the culpable; 
 that such a proceeding was what no government 
 ought to suffer, and that therefore they never 
 would accede to it. On the other side, the queen 
 believed that she ought not to give her consent, 
 that the real and faithful friends of her family | 
 should abandon their country in such a manner ; | 
 because she would then lie at the mercy of a I 
 turbulent faction, without any support, and 
 would have no resource in case of necessity. 
 She resolved therefore upon the third point they 
 had proposed to her, and dispersed them into 
 places where she had garrisons. She found two 
 
 advantages resulting from that conduct : the firsst 
 was, that their enemies dared not attack them 
 in those fortresses, where they would have arms 
 in their hands ; and the second, that they would 
 always be a body of reserve, upon which she 
 could rely upon occasion in case of any rupture. 
 
 Some years after, queen 
 A. M. S934. Alexandra fell sick of a very 
 Ant. J. C. 70. dangerous distemper, which 
 brought her to the point of 
 death. As soon as Aristobulus, her youngest 
 son, saw that she could not recover, as he had 
 long formed the design of seizing the crown at 
 her death, he stole out of Jerusalem in the night, 
 with only one domestic, and went to the places, 
 in which, according to a plan he had given them, 
 the friends of his father had been placed in gar- 
 rison. He was received there with open arms, 
 End in fifteen days' time twenty-two of those 
 towns and castles declared for him, which put 
 him in possession of almost all the forces of the 
 state. The people as well as the army were 
 entirely inclined to declare for him, being weary 
 of the cruel administration of the Pharisees, who 
 had governed without control under Alexandra, 
 and were become insupportable to every one. 
 They came therefore in crowds from all quar- 
 ters to follow the standards of Aristobulus; in 
 hopes that he would abolish the tyranny of the 
 Pharisees, which could not be expected from 
 Hyrcanus his elder brother, who had been brought 
 up by his mother in a blind submission to that 
 sect : besides which, he had neither the courage 
 nor capacity necessary for so vigorous a design ; 
 for he was heavy and indolent, void of activity 
 and application, and of a very mean capacity. 
 
 When the Pharisees saw that Aristobulus's 
 party augmented considerably, they went with 
 Hyrcanus at their head to repi'esent to the dy- 
 ing queen what was going forward, and to de- 
 mand her orders and assistance. She answered, 
 that she was no longer in a condition to inter- 
 meddle in such affairs, and that she left the 
 care of them to the Phaiisees. However, she 
 appointed Hyrcanus her heir, and expired soon 
 after. 
 
 As soon as she was dead, he took possession 
 of the throne, and the Pharisees used all their 
 endeavours to support him upon it. When 
 Aristobulus quitted Jerusalem, they had caused 
 his wife and children, whom he had left behind 
 him, to be shut up in the castle of Bans,'* as 
 hostages against himself. But seeing this diii 
 not stop him," they raised an army. Aristobu- 
 lus did the same. A battle near Jericho decided i 
 the quarrel. Plyrcanus, abandoned by most ! 
 part of his troops, who went over to his brother, 
 was obliged to fly to Jerusalem, and to shut 
 himself up in the castle of Baris; his partisans 
 took refuge in the temple. A short time after 
 they also submitted to Aristobulus, and Hyr- 
 canus was obliged to come to an accommodation 
 with him. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 Reign of Aristobulus II., which continued six years. 
 
 It was agreed by this ac- 
 A. M. 3935. commodation, that Aristo- 
 Ant. J. C. 69. bulus should have the crown 
 and high-priesthood,and that 
 
 2 Baris was a castle situate upon a high rock withou' 
 the works of the temple, which were upon the same rock. 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. xiv. 1. & de Bell. Jud. i. 4. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 649 
 
 Hyrcanus should resign both to him, and con- 
 tent himself with a private life, under the pro- 
 tection of his brother, and with the enjoyment 
 of his fortune. It was not difficult to reconcile 
 him to this ; for he loved quiet and ease above 
 all things. Thus he quitted the government, 
 after having possessed it three months. The 
 tyranny of the Pharisees ended with his reign, 
 after having greatly distressed the Jewish na- 
 tion from the time of the death of Alexander 
 Jannaeus. 
 
 The troubles of the state were not so soon 
 appeased : these were occasioned by the arab 
 
 them from falling into those of strangers. In 
 fine, that he bore no other title than what his 
 father Alexander had done before him. And 
 in proof of what he advanced, he produced a 
 great number of the young nobility of the coun- 
 try, who appeared with all possible splendour 
 and magnificence. Their superb habits, haughty 
 manners, and proud demeanour, did no great 
 service to his cause. 
 
 Poinpey heard enough to discern that the con 
 duct of Aristobulus was violent and unjust; but 
 would not, however, pronounce immediately 
 upon it, lest Aristobulus, out of resentment, 
 
 tipn of Antipas,^ better ^known under the name 'should oppose his designs against Arabia, which 
 „f A TT _ ^ TT , jj^^ much at heart : he therefore politely dis- 
 
 missed the two brothers ; and told them, that at 
 his return from reducing Aretas and his Ara- 
 bians, he should pass through Judaea, and that 
 he would then regulate their affair, and settle 
 every thing. 
 
 Aristobulus, who fully penetrated Pompey's 
 sentiments, set out suddenly for Damascus, 
 without paying him the least instance of re- 
 he should succeed to the spect, returned into Judaea, armed his subjects, 
 crown. But when he saw | and prepared for a vigorous defence. By this 
 all his measures defeated by | conduct, he made Pompey his mortal enemy, 
 the deposition of Hyrcanus,* Pompey applied himself also in making pre- 
 and the coronation of Aristobulus, from whom jparations for the Arabian war. Aretas till then 
 he had nothing to expect, he employed his whole i had despised the Roman arms; but when he 
 address and application to replace Plyrcanus ; saw them at his door, and that victorious army 
 "Pon the throne. | ready to enter his dominions, he sent an em- 
 
 Ihe latter, by his secret negotiations, had at bassy to make his submission. Pompey, how- 
 first applied to Aretas, king of Arabia Petrea, : ever, advanced as far as Petra, his capital, of 
 for aid to reinstate himself. After various which he made himself master. Aretas was 
 events, which I pass over to avoid prolixity, he taken in it. Pompey at first kept him under a 
 had recourse to Pompey, who, on his return , guard, but at length he was released upon ac- 
 trom his expedition against Mithridates, was jcepting the conditions imposed on him by the 
 
 of Antipater, father of Herod. He was by ex- 
 traction an Idumsean, and a Jew by religion, 
 as were all the Idumaeans, from the time that 
 Hyrcanus had obliged them to embrace Juda- 
 ism. As he had been brought up in the court 
 of Alexander Jannaeus, and of Alexandra his 
 wife, who reigned after him, he had gained an 
 ascendant over Hyrcanus, their eldest son, with 
 the hope of raising himself by his favour, when 
 
 A. M. 3939. 
 Ant. J. C. 63. 
 
 arrived in Syria.^ He there took cognizance of 
 the competition between Hyrcanus and Aris- 
 tobulus, who repaired thither according to his 
 orders. A great number of Jews went thither 
 also, to request that he would free them from 
 the government of both the one and the other. 
 They represented that they ought not to be 
 
 victor, who soon after returned to Damascus. 
 
 He was not apprized till then of Aristobulus's 
 proceedings in Judaea. He marched thither 
 with his army, and found Aristobulus posted in 
 the castle of Alexandrion, which stood upon a 
 high mountain at the entrance of the country. 
 This was an extremely strong place, built by 
 
 ruled by kings : that they had long been accus- his father Alexander, who had given his name 
 tomed to obey only the high-priest, who, with- ! to it. Pompev sent to bid him come down to 
 out any other title, administered justice accord- him. Aristobulus was not much inclined to 
 ing to the laws and constitutions transmitted comply, but at last acceded to the opinion of 
 down to them from their forefathers: that the those about him, who, dreading a war with the 
 two brothers were indeed of the sacerdotal line ; } Romans, advised him to go. He did so; and 
 but that they had changed the form of the after a conversation which turned upon his dif- 
 government lor a new one, which would en- ference with his brother, he returned into his 
 
 slave them, if not remedied 
 
 Hyrcanus complained, that Aristobulus had 
 unjustly deprived him of his birthright, by 
 usurping every thing, and leaving him only a 
 small estate for his subsistence. He accused 
 him also of practising piracy at sea, and of plun- 
 dering his neighbours by land. And to confirm 
 what he alleged against him, he produced al 
 
 castle. He repeated the same visit two or three 
 times, in hopes by that civility to gain upon 
 Pompey, and induce him to decide in his fa- 
 vour. But for fear of accident, he did not omit 
 to put good garrisons into his strong places, and 
 to make all other preparations for a vigorous 
 defence, in case Pompey should decide against 
 him. Pompey, who had advice of his proceed- 
 
 questration, and made him sign orders for that 
 purpose to all the commanders of those places. 
 Aristobulus, incensed at the A'iolence which 
 ncapacity : that had been offered him, as soon as he was re- 
 
 most a thousand Jews, the principal men of the ings, the last time he came to him, oblioed him 
 nation, whom Antipater had brought expressly, ; to put them all into his hands, bv way of se 
 to support by their testimony what that prince questration, 
 had to say against his brother. 
 
 Aristobulus replied to this. That Hyrcanus 
 had been deposed only for his incapacity: that , 
 
 his sloth and indolence rendered him entirely iedsed7 TOad7air haste' tT Jerusalem^ a'nd^re- 
 incapable ot the management of public affairs ; pared every thing for the war. His resolutions 
 that the people despised him ; and that he ( Aris- ; to keep the crown, made him the sport of two 
 tobulus) had been obhged to take the reins of different passions, hope and fear. When he saw 
 the government into his own hands, to prevent the least appearance that Pompey would decide 
 
 I in his favour, he made use of all the arts of 
 
 — j complaisance to incline him to it. When, on 
 
 ' the contrary, he had the least reason to suspect 
 4 Joseph. Antiq. xiv. 2—8. & de Bell. Jud. i. 5. i that he would declare against him, he observed 
 6 Josc;)h. Antiq. xiv. 5. Id. de Bell. Jud. i. 5. \ a directly opposite conduct. This was the cause' 
 
650 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 of the contrarifiiy visible in the different steps 
 he took throughout this affair. 
 
 Pompey followed him close. The first place 
 where he encamped in his way to Jerusalem, 
 was Jericho ; there he received the news of Mi- 
 thridates's death, as we shall see in the following 
 book. 
 
 He continued his march towards Jerusalem. 
 When he approached, Aristobulus, who began 
 to repent of what he had done, came out to 
 meet him, and endeavoured to bring him to an 
 accommodation, by promising au entire submis- 
 sion, and a great sum of money to prevent the 
 war. Pompey accepted his offers, and sent Ga- 
 binius, at the head of a detachment, to receive 
 
 to enter once a year, upon the solemn day of ex- 
 piation. This was what most keenly afflicted 
 the Jews, and enraged that people so bitterly 
 against the Romans. 
 
 Pompey did not touch the treasures of the 
 temple, which consisted principally in sums that 
 had been deposited there by private families for 
 their better security. Those sums amounted to 
 2000 talents in specie,^ without reckoning the 
 gold and silver vessels, which were innumerable, 
 and of infinite value. It was not,^ says Cicero, 
 out of respect for the majesty of the God adored 
 in that temple, that Pompey behaved in this 
 manner; for, according to him, nothing was ! 
 more contemptible than the Jewish religion 
 
 the money: but when that lieutenant-general ; more unworthy the wisdom and grandeur of the 
 arrived at Jerusalem, he found the gates shut | Romans, nor more opposite to the institutions 
 against him ; and, instead of receiving the mo- ! of their ancestors. Pompey in this noble dis- 
 ney, he was told from the top of the walls, that ; interestedness had no other motive than to de- 
 the city would not stand to the agreement. ; prive malice and calumny of all means of attack- 
 Pompey thereupon, not being willing that they { ing his reputation. Suc^h were the thoughts of 
 
 the most learned of the Pagans, with respect to 
 the only religion of the true God. They blas- 
 phemed what they knew nct.^ 
 
 It hath been observed, that till then Pompey 
 had been successful in all things, but that after 
 this sacrilegious curiosity, hfe good fortune 
 abandoned him, and that the advantage gained 
 over the Jews was his last victory. 
 
 SECT. V. 
 
 Reign of Hyrcanus II. which continued twenty-four 
 years. 
 
 A. M. 3941. 
 Ant. J. C. 63. 
 
 should deceive him with impunity, ordered 
 Aristobulus, whom he had kept with him, to be 
 put in irons, and advanced with his whole 
 army against Jerusalem. The city was ex- 
 tremely strong by its situation and the works 
 which *had been made; and had it not been for 
 the dissensions that prevailed within it, was ca- 
 pable of making a long defence. 
 
 Aristobulus's party was for defending the 
 place ; especially when they saw that Pompey 
 kept their king prisoner. But the adherents of 
 Hyrcanus were determined to open the gates to 
 that general. And as the latter were much the 
 greater number, the other party retired to the 
 mountain of the temple, to defend it, and caused 
 the bridges of the ditch and valley which sur- 
 rounded it to be broken down. Pompey, to 
 whom the city immediately opened its gates, re- 
 solved to besiege the temple. The place held 
 out three whole months, and would have done 
 I so three more, and perhaps obliged the Romans 
 
 I to abandon their enterprise, but for the supersti- ; sons, Alexander and Antigonus, prisoners to 
 1 tious rigour with which the besieged observed | Rome. He dismembered several cities from 
 1 the sabbath. They believed, indeed, that they the kingdom of Judaea, which he united with 
 I might defend them'selves when attacked, but not the government of Syria, imposed a tribute 
 I that they might prevent the works of the enemy, : upon Hyrcanus, and left the administration of 
 ! or make any for themselves. The Romans , affairs to Antipater, who was at the court of 
 i knew how to take advantage of this inaction i Hyrcanus, and one of his principal ministers. 
 
 upon the sabbath-days. They did not attack ' Alexander made his escape upon the way to 
 
 the Jews upon them, but filled up the fosses, Rome, and returned into Judaea, where he af- 
 
 made their approaches, and fixed their engines | terwards excited new troubles. 
 
 without opposition. They threw down at ( 
 
 length a great tower, which carried along with -~ — — ■ 
 
 it so great a part of the wall, that the breach i 
 
 was large enough for au assaxilt. The place was | 
 
 carried sword in hand, and a terrible slaughter I 
 
 ensued, in which more than 12,000 persons were , 
 
 killed. 
 
 During the whole tumult, the cries, and dis- 
 order of this slaughtei', history observes that the 
 priests, who were at that time employed in di- 
 vine service, continued it with surprising calm 
 
 Pompey having thus put 
 an end to the war, caused 
 the walls of Jerusalem to be 
 demolished, I'e-established 
 Hyrcanus, and sent Aristobulus, with his two 
 
 1 Three hundred thousand pounds sterling. 
 2 Cn. Pompelus, captis Hierosolymis, victor ex illo fa- 
 no nihil attigit. In primis hoc, ut muJta alia, sapieiiter, 
 qa6d in tam suspiciosa ac maledica civitate locum eermcn 
 obtrectatorum non reliquit. Non enim credo religionem 
 et Judffiorum et hostium impedimento prEEStantissimo im. 
 peratori, sed pudoreni fuisse — istorum religio sacrorum a 
 splendore hujus imperii, gravitate iiominis vestri, mKjo- 
 bhorrebat. Cic, pro flac. x\. Q~ — b9. 
 
 rum instituti 
 
 How could the Pagans be "said to blaspheme w^haj 
 
 nes?, notwithstanding the rage of their enemies, 1 they knew not, and what, in their circumstances, they 
 and their grief to see their friends and relations " ""' ' " " 
 
 massacred before their eyes. Many of them saw 
 their own blood mingle with that of the sacri- 
 fices they were offering, and the sword of the 
 enemy make themselves the victims of their 
 duty ; happy and worthy of being envied, if 
 they had been as faithful to the spirit as the let- 
 ter of it ! 
 
 Pompey, with many of his superior officers, 
 entered the temple, and not only into the sanc- 
 tuary, but into the holy of holies, into which, 
 *by the law, the high-priest alone was permitted 
 
 could not Know, as did the Jews? 1 had always consid. 
 ered blasphemy to be a sin of the deepest dye, as being 
 consistent only with a stale of knowledge ; a wilful act of 
 sin, implying' knowledge combined with malice ; a sin 
 against light. Such a sin were the Jews guilty of, in as. 
 cribing our Saviour's miracles to demoniacal agency, when 
 they had the fullest visible proof that his miracles were 
 done by the influence of the Holy Ghost; which influence 
 he had without measure. But surh cannot be said of the 
 Romans, who had neither the light nor privileges of the 
 Jews. There is a great diiference between the servant 
 who knew his master's will and did not do it, and he w hc 
 (comparatively) knew it not and did not do it ; for, "to 
 whomsoever much is given, of hira much shall be re- 
 quired." — Ed. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 Hyrcanus finding himself 
 A. M. 3947. too weak to take the field 
 Ant. J. C. 57. against him, had recourse to 
 the arms of the Romans. 
 Gabinius, governor of Syria, after having over- 
 thrown Alexander in a battle, went to Jerusa- 
 lem, and reinstated Hyrcanus in the high- 
 priesthood.* He made gi'eat alterations in the 
 civil government; for instead of monarchical, 
 as it had been, he changed it into aristocratical ; 
 but those innovations were but of short dura- 
 tion. 
 
 Crassus, upon his march 
 A. M. 3950. against the Parthians, al- 
 Ant. J. C. 54. ways intent upon gratifying 
 I his insatiable avarice, stop- 
 
 ped at Jerusalem, where he had been told great 
 treasures were laid up. He plundered the tem- 
 ple of all the riches in it, which amounted to 
 the sum of 10,000 talents ; that is to say, about 
 1,500,000^. sterling. 
 
 Csesar,* after his expedi- 
 A. M. 3957. tion into Egypt, being ar- 
 Ant. J. C. 47. rived in Syria, Antigonus, 
 who had made his escape 
 from Rome with his father Aristobulus, came 
 to throw himself at his feet, begged him to 
 re-establish him upon the throne of his father, 
 who was lately dead, and made great complaints 
 against Antipater and Hyrcanus. Ceesar had 
 too great obligations to both, to do any thing 
 contrary to t?ieir interests ; for, as we shall see 
 in the sequel, without the aid he had received 
 from them, his expedition into Egypt would 
 have miscarried. He decreed that Hyrcanus 
 
 j should retain the dignity of high-priest of Jeru- 
 salem, and the sovereignty of Judeea, to himself 
 and his posterity after him for ever, and gave 
 Antipater the office of procurator of Judaea un- 
 der Hyrcanus. By this decree, the aristocracy 
 of Gabinius was abolished, and the govei'n- 
 
 ! men t of Judaea re-established upon the ancient 
 
 I footing. 
 
 j Antipater^ caused the government of Jerusa- 
 I lem to be given to Phasael his eldest son, and 
 that of Galilee to Herod his second son. 
 
 Caesar, at Hyrcanus's re- 
 A. M. 3960. quest,^ fvnd in consideration 
 Ant. J C. 44. of the services he had ren- 
 dered him in Egypt and 
 Syria, permitted him to rebuild the walls of Je- 
 rusalem, which Pompey had caused to be de- 
 j molished. Antipater, without losing time, be- 
 I gan the work, and the city was soon fortified as 
 I it had been before the demolition. Caesar was 
 killed this same year. 
 
 During the civil wars, Judaea, as well as all 
 the other provinces of the Roman empire, was 
 agitated by violent troubles. 
 
 Facorus,^ son of Orodes, 
 A. M. 3964. king of Parthia, had entered 
 Ant. J. C. 40. Syria with a powerful army. 
 
 From thence he sent a de- 
 tachment into Judaea, with orders to place An- 
 tigonus, the son of Aristobulus, upon the throne, 
 who on his side had also raised troops. Hyr- 
 canus, and Phasael, Herod's bi-other, upon the 
 proposal of an accommodation, had the impru- 
 
 4 Joseph. Antiq. xiv. 10. Id. de Bell. Jud. i. 6. 
 
 5 Joseph. Antiq. xiv. 15. Id. de Bell. Jud. i. 8. 
 6 Joseph. Antiq. xiv. 17. de Bell. Jud. i. 8. 
 
 7 Id. Antiq. xiv. 17. 
 B Joseph. Antiq. xiv. 24, 26. Id. de Bell. Jud. i. 11. 
 
 dence to go to the enemy, who seized them and 
 put them in irons. Herod escaped from Jeru- 
 salem the moment before the Parthians entered 
 it to seize him also. 
 
 Having missed Herod, they plundered the 
 city and country, placed Antigonus vipon the 
 throne, and delivered Hyrcanus and Phasael in 
 chains into his hands. Phasael, who well 
 knew that his death was resolved, dashed out his 
 brains against the wall of his prison, to avoid ' 
 the hands of the executioner. As for Hyrca- j 
 nus, his life was granted him; but to render i 
 him incapable of the priesthood, Antigonus ! 
 caused his ears to be cut off; for according to 
 the Levitical law,** it was requisite that the 
 high-priest should be perfect in all his members. 
 After having thus mutilated him, he gave him j 
 back to the Parthians, that they might carry j 
 him into the East, from whence it would not i 
 be possible for him to embroil affairs in Judaea.'" | 
 He continued a prisoner at Seleucia in Babylo- i 
 nia, till the accession of Phraates to the crown, I 
 who caused his chains to be taken off, and gave ! 
 him entire liberty to see and converse with the 
 Jews of that country, who were very numerous. 
 They looked upon him as their king and high- 
 priest, and raised him a revenue sufficient to 
 support his rank with splendour. The love of 
 his native country made him forget all those 
 advantages. He returned the year following to 
 Jerusalem, whither Herod had invited him to 
 come; but some years afterwards he caused him 
 to be put to death. 
 
 Herod had at first taken refuge in Egypt, 
 from whence he went to Rome. Antony was I 
 then in the high degree of power which the tri- 
 umvirate had given him. He took Herod un- 
 der his protection, and even did more in his fa- 
 vour than he expected. For instead of what he 
 proposed, which was at most to obtain the 
 ci'own for Aristobulus," to whose sister Mari- 
 amne he had for some time been betrothed, with 
 the view only of governing under him, as An- 
 tipater had done under Hyrcanus; Antony 
 caused the crown to be conferred upon him, 
 contrary to the usual maxim of the Romans in 
 like cases. For it was not their custom to vio- 
 late the rights of the royal houses, which ac- 
 knowledged them for protectors, and to give the 
 crown to strangers. Herod was declared king 
 of Judaea by the senate, and conducted by the 
 consuls to the capitol, where he received the in- 
 vestiture of the crown, with the ceremonies 
 usual upon such occasions. 
 
 Herod passed only seven days at Rome in ne- 
 gotiating this great affair, and returned speedily 
 into Judaea. He had employed no more time 
 than three months in his journeys by sea and 
 land. 
 
 SECT. VI. 
 
 Reign of Antigonus, of only two years' duration. 
 
 It was not so easy for 
 A. M. 3965. Herod to establish himself 
 Ant. J. C. 39. in the possession of the king- 
 dom of Judaea, as it had been 
 
 9 Levit. xxi. IG— 24. 10 Joseph. Antiq. xv. 2. 
 11 Aristobulus AA'as the son of Alexandra, Hyrcanus's j 
 daughter ; and his father was Alexander, son of Aristo. i 
 bului, brother of Hyrcanus ; so that the right of both i 
 brothers to the crown was united in his person. / 
 
652 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 to obtain his title from the Romans. Antigo- 
 nus was not at all inclined to resign a thi'one 
 which had cost him so much pains and money 
 to acquire. He disputed it with him very vi- 
 gorously for almost two years. 
 
 Herod,' who during the 
 
 A. M. 3966. winter had made great pre- 
 Ant. J. C. 38. parations for the following 
 campaign, opened it at length 
 with the siege of Jerusalem, which he invested 
 at the head of a fine and numerous army. An- 
 tony had given orders to Sosius, governor of Sy- 
 ria, to use his utmost endeavoui's to reduce An- 
 tigonus, and to put Herod into full possession of 
 the kingdom of Judsea. Whilst the works ne- 
 cessary for the siege were carrying on, Herod 
 made a tour to Samaria, and at length consum- 
 mated his marriage with Mariamne. They had 
 been contracted for years to each other : but the 
 unfoi-eseen troubles which had befallen him, 
 had prevented their consummating the marriage 
 till then. She was the daughter of Alexander 
 the son of king Aristobulus, and Alexandra the 
 daughter of Hyrcanus the Second, and thereby 
 grand-daughter to those two brothers. She was 
 a princess of extraordinary beauty and virtue, 
 and possessed in an eminent degree all the other 
 qualities that adorn the sex. The attachment 
 of the Jews to the Asmonsean family, made 
 Hei'od imagine, that, by espousing her, he should 
 find no difficulty in gaining their aflfection, which 
 was one of his reasons for consummating his 
 marriage at that time. 
 
 On his return to Jerusalem, Sosius and he, 
 having joined their forces, pressed the siege in 
 concert with the utmost vigour, and with a very 
 numerous army, which amounted to at least 
 60,000 men. The place, however, held out 
 against them many months with exceeding re- 
 solution ; and if the besieged had been as expert 
 in the art of war and the defence of places, as 
 they were brave and resolute, it would not per- 
 haps have been taken. But the Romans, who 
 were much better skilled in those things than 
 they, carried the place at length, after a siege 
 of something more than six months. 
 
 The Jews being driven 
 
 A. M. 3967. from tlieir posts, the enemy 
 Ant. J. C. 37. entered on all sides, and made 
 themselves masters of the 
 city. And to revenge the obstinate resistance 
 they had made, and the fatigue they had suffered 
 during so long and difficult a siege, they filled 
 all quarters of Jerusalem with blood and slaugh- 
 ter, plundered and destroyed all before them, 
 though Herod did his utmost to prevent both 
 the one and the other. 
 
 Antigonus, seeing all was lost, came and 
 threw himself at the feet of Sosius, in the most 
 submissive and most abject manner. He was 
 put in chains, and sent to Antony as soon as he 
 arrived at Antioch. He designed at first to 
 have reserved him for his triumph : but Herod, 
 who did not think himself safe as long as that 
 remnant of the royal family survived, would 
 not let him rest till he had obtained the death of 
 that unfortunate prince, for which he even gave 
 a large sum of money.^ He was proceeded 
 against in form, condemned to die, and had the 
 sentence executed upon him in the same man- 
 
 1 Joseph. Antiq. xiv. 27. Id. de Bell. Jud. i. 13. 
 2 Joseph. Antiq. xiv. 27. Plut in Anton, p. 932. Dion. 
 Cass. 1. xUx, p. 405. 
 
 ner as common criminals, with the rods and 
 axes of the lictoi-, and was fastened to a stake; a 
 treatment with which the Romans had never 
 used any crowned head before. 
 
 Thus ended the reign of the Asmonaeans, af- 
 ter a duration of 129 years, reckoning from the 
 beginning of the govei-nment of Judas Macca- 
 bseus. Herod entered by this means upon the 
 peaceable possession of the kingdom of Judaea. 
 
 This singular, extraordinary, and, till then, 
 unexampled event, by which the sovereign au- 
 thority over the Jews was given to a stranger, 
 an Idumsean, ought to have opened their eyes, 
 and rendered them attentive to a celebrated pro- 
 phecy, which had foretold it in clear terms ; and 
 had given it as the certain mark of another 
 event, in which the whole nation was interested, 
 which was the perpetual object of their vows 
 and hopes, and distinguished them by a peculiar 
 characteristic from all the other nations of the 
 world, that had an equal interest in it, but 
 without knowing or being apprized of it. This 
 was the prophecy of Jacob, who at his death 
 foretold to his twelve sons, assembled round his 
 bed, what would happen in the series of time to 
 the twelve tribes, of which they were the chiefs, 
 and after whom they wei'e called. Amongst 
 the other predictions of that patriarch concern- 
 ing the tribe of Judah, there is this of which 
 we now speak ; " The sceptre shall not depart 
 from Judah,^ nor a lawgiver from 'between his 
 feet, until Shiloh come, and unto him shall the 
 gathering of the people be." The sceptre, or 
 rod (for the Hebrew signifies both), implies 
 here the authority and superiority over the other 
 tribes. 
 
 All the ancient Jews have explained this pre- 
 diction to denote the Messiah : the fact is there- 
 fore incontestable, and is reduced to two essential 
 points. The first is, that as long as the tribe of 
 Judah shall subsist, it shall have pre-eminence 
 and authority over the other tribes : the second, 
 that it shall subsist, and form a body of a repub- 
 lic, governed by its laws and magistrates, till the 
 Messiah comes. 
 
 The first point is verified in the series of the 
 history of the Israelites, wherein that pre-emi- 
 nence of the tribe of Judah appears evidently. 
 This is not the proper place for proofs of this 
 kind ; those who would be more fully informed, 
 may consult the explanation of Genesis lately 
 published.* 
 
 For the second point, we have only to consider 
 it with the least attention. When Herod, the 
 Idumaean, and in consequence a stranger, was 
 placed upon the throne, the authority and supe- 
 riority which the tribe of Judah had over the 
 other tribes, began to be taken from it. This 
 was an indication that the time of the Messiah's 
 coming was not far off. The tribe of Judah 
 has no longer the supremacy ; it no longer sub 
 sists as a body, from which the magistrates are 
 taken. It is manifest, therefore, that the Mes- 
 siah is come. But at what time did that tribe 
 become like the rest, and was confounded with 
 them ? In the time of Titus and Adrian, who 
 finally exterminated the remnant of Judah. It 
 was therefore before those times that the Mes- 
 siah came. 
 
 How wonderful does God appear in the ac- 
 complishment of his promises ! Would it be 
 
 3 Gen. xlix. 10. 
 By F. Babuty, Hue St. Jacques. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS 
 
 G53 
 
 making a right use of history, not to dwell a 
 few moments upon facts like this, when we 
 meet them in the course of our subject? He- 
 rod, reduced to quit Jerusalem, takes refuge at 
 Rome. He has no thoughts of demanding the 
 sovereignty for himself, but for another. It 
 was the grossest injustice to give it to a stranger, 
 whilst there were princes of the royal family in 
 being. It was contrary to the laws, and even 
 contrary to the usual practice of the Romans. 
 But it had been decreed from all eternity, that 
 Herod should be king of the Jews. Heaven 
 and earth should sooner pass away, than that 
 deci'ee of God not be fulfilled. Antony was at 
 Rome, and in possession cf sovereign power, 
 when Herod arrived there. How many events 
 were necessary to the conducting of things to 
 this point ! But is there any thing too hard for 
 the Almighty? 
 
 ARTICLE II. 
 
 Abridgment of the history of the Parthians from the es- 
 tabKshraent of that empire to the defeat of Crassus, 
 which is related at large. 
 
 The Parthian empire was one of the most 
 powerful and most considerable that ever was 
 in the East. Very weak in its beginnings, as 
 is common, it extended itself by little and little 
 over all Upper Asia, and made even the Ro- 
 mans tremble. Its duration is generally allowed 
 to be 474 years; of which 254 years were before 
 Jesus Christ, and 220 after ?iim. Arsaces was 
 the founder of that empire, from whom all 
 his successors were called Arsacidse. Artaxer- 
 xes, by birth a Persian, having overcome and 
 slain Artabanus, the last of those kings, trans- 
 ferred the empire of the Parthians to the Per- 
 sians, in the fifth year of the emperor Alexan- 
 der, the son of Mammsea. I shall only speak 
 here of the affairs of the Parthians before Jesus 
 Christ, and shall treat them very briefly, except 
 the defeat of Crassus, which I shall relate in all | 
 its extent. I 
 I have observed elsewhere | 
 A. M. 3754. what gave Arsaces I.* occa- j 
 
 Ant. J. C. 250. sion to make Parthia revolt, 
 and to expel the Macedoni- 
 ans, who had been in possession of it from the 
 death of Alexander the Great ; and in what 
 manner he had caused himself to be elected king 
 of the Parthians. Theodotus at the same time 
 made Bactriana revolt, and took that province 
 from Antiochus, surnamed Theos. 
 
 Some time after, Seleucus 
 A. M. 3768. Callinicus,^ who succeeded 
 
 Ant. J. C. 236. Antiochus, endeavoured in 
 vain to subdue the Parthi- 
 ans. He fell into their hands himself, and 
 was made prisoner : this happened in the reign 
 of Tiridates, called otherwise Arsaces II. bro- 
 ther of the first. 
 
 Antiochus, surnamed the 
 A. M. 3792. Great, was more successful 
 Ant. J. C. 212. than his predecessor.' He 
 marched into the East, and 
 repossessed himself of Media, . which the Par- 
 thians had taken from him. He also entered 
 Parthia, and obliged the king to retire into H yr- 
 cania, from whence he returned soon after with 
 
 6 See Book xvii, 6 Ibid. 7 See Book xviii. 
 
 I an army of 100,000 foot and 20,000 horse.^ As 
 the war was of a tedious duration, Antiochus 
 made a treaty with Arsaces, by which he left 
 him Parthia and Hyrcania, upon condition that 
 he should assist him in reconquering the other 
 revolted provinces. Antiochus marched after- 
 wards against Euthydemus king of Bactria, 
 with whom he was also obliged to come to an 
 accommodation. 
 
 Priapatius, the son of 
 A. M. 3798. Arsaces II. succeeded his 
 Ant. J. C. 206. father; and after having 
 reigned fifteen years, left the 
 crown at his death to Phraates I. his eldesf 
 son. 
 
 Phraates left it to Mithri- 
 A. M. 3840. DATES, whom he preferred 
 Ant. J. C. 164. before his own issue, upon 
 account of his extraordinary 
 merit. In fact, he was one of the greatest kings 
 the Parthians ever had. He carried his arms 
 farther than Alexander the Great. It was he 
 who made Demetrius Nicator prisoner. 
 
 Phraates II. succeeded 
 A. M. 3873. Mithridates his father. An- 
 Ant. J. C. 131. tiochus Sidetes, king of Sy- 
 ria, marched against him at 
 the head of a powerful army, under pretence of 
 delivering his brother Demetrius, who had been 
 long kept in captivity. After having defeated 
 Phraates in three battles, he was himself over- 
 thrown and killed in the last, and his army en- 
 tirely cut to pieces. Phraates in his turn, at the 
 time he had formed the design of invading Sy- 
 ria, was attacked by the Scythians, and lost his 
 life in a battle. 
 
 A M 3876 Artabanus his uncle 
 
 Ant. J.' C. 129. l^'Sp^A in his stead, and 
 died soon after. 
 His successor was Mithridates II. of whom 
 Justin says,^ that his great actions acquired him 
 the surname of Great. 
 
 He declared war against the Armenians, and 
 by a treaty of peace which he made with them, 
 he obliged their king to send him his son Ti- 
 granes as a hostage. The 
 A. M. 3909. latter was afterwards set 
 Ant. J. C. 95. upon the throne of Arme- 
 nia by the Parthians them- 
 selves, and joined with Mithridates king of 
 Pontus in the war against the Romans. 
 
 Antiochus Eusebes took 
 A. M. 3912. refuge with Mithridates, 
 Ant. J. C. 92. who re-established him in 
 the possession of part of the 
 kingdom of Syria two years after. 
 
 It was the same Mithri- 
 A. M. 3914. dates, as we shall see here- 
 Ant. J. C. 90. after, who sent Orobazus to 
 Sylla, to demand the amity 
 and alliance of the Romans, and who caused 
 him to be put to death on his return, for hav- 
 ing given precedence to Sylla. 
 
 Demetrius Eucheres,'* 
 A. M. 3915. who reigned at Damascus, 
 Ant. J. C. 89. besieging Philip his brother 
 in the city of Beraea, was 
 defeated and taken by the Parthian troops sent 
 
 8 The Abbe Longuerue, in his Latin dissertation upon 
 the Arsacidffi, ascribes what is here said to. Artabanus, 
 whom he places between Arsaces II. and Priapatius. Jus. 
 tin says nothing of him. 
 
 9 Justin. 1. xxxviii. c. 3. 10 Joseph. Antiq. xiii. 22. 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 j G54 
 
 ! to the aid of Philip, and carried prisoner to 
 Mithridates, who treated him with all possible 
 honours. He died there of a disease. 
 
 Mithridates II. died,' after 
 A. M. 3915. having reigned forty years, 
 Ant. J. C. 89. generally regretted by his 
 subjects. The domestic trou- 
 i bles with which his death was followed, con- 
 siderably weakened the Parthian empire, and 
 made his loss still more sensibly felt. Tigranes 
 re-entered upon all the provinces which he had 
 given up to the Parthians, and took several 
 j others from them. He passed the Euphrates, 
 and made himself master of Syria and Phoe- 
 nicia. 
 
 During these troubles, the Parthians elected 
 Mnaskires, and after him, Sinatrocces, kings, 
 of whom scarcely any thing more is known than 
 their names. 
 
 \ M 3935 Phraates, the son of the 
 
 \nt j' C 69 If^tter, was he who caused 
 himself to be surnamed the 
 
 God. 
 
 He sent ambassadors to Lucullus, after the 
 great victory which the Romans had obtained 
 over Tigi'anes. He held at the same time se- 
 cret intelligence with the latter. It was at that 
 time Mithridates wrote to him the letter which 
 Sallust has preserved. 
 
 Pompey having been ap- 
 A. M. 3938. pointed in the place of Lu- 
 Ant. J. C. 66. cuUus, to terminate the war 
 against Mithridates, engaged 
 ; Phraates in the party of the Romans, 
 j The latter joins Tigranes the younger against 
 his father, and breaks with Pompey. 
 
 After Pompey's return to 
 A. M. 3948. Rome, Phraates is killed by 
 Ant. J. C. 56. his own children. Mith- 
 ridates his eldest son takes 
 
 his place. 
 
 Tigranes king of Armenia dies almost at the 
 same time. Artavasdes his son succeeds him. 
 
 Mithridates,^ expelled his kingdom either by 
 his own subjects, to whom he had rendered him- 
 self odious, or hy the ambition of his brother 
 Orodes, applies to Gabinius, who commanded 
 in Syria, to re-establish him 
 A. M. 3949. upon the throne ; but with- 
 Ant. J. C. 65. out effect. He takes up arms 
 in his own defence. Be- 
 I sieged in Babylon, and warmly pressed, he sur- 
 renders to Orodes, who, considering him only 
 as an enefny, and not as a brother, causes him 
 to be put to death ; by which means Orodes 
 becomes peaceable possessor of the throne. 
 
 But he found enough to 
 A. M. 3950. employ him abroad,^ that he 
 Ant. J. C. 54. had no reason to expect. 
 
 Crassus had lately been cre- 
 ated consul at Rome, for the second time, with 
 Pompey. On the partition of the provinces, 
 Syria fell to Crassus, who was exceedingly re- 
 joiced upon that account ; because it favoured 
 ! the design he had formed of carrying the war 
 into Parthia. When he was in company, even 
 I with people whom he scarce knew, he could not 
 moderate his transports. Amongst his friends, 
 with whom he was under less restraint, he even 
 burst out into rhodomontades unworthy of his 
 age and character, and seemed to be no longer 
 
 the same man. He did not confine his views to 
 the government of Syria, nor to the conquest of 
 some neighbouring provinces, nor even to that 
 of Parthia. He flattered himself with doing 
 such things, as should make the great exploits 
 of Lucullus against Tigranes, and those of Pom- 
 pey against Mithridates, appear like child's play 
 in comparison with his. He had already over- 
 run, in imagination, Bactriana and the Indies, 
 and penetrated as far as the remotest seas, and 
 the extremities of the East. However, in the 
 instructions and powers which were given him, 
 war against Parthia was in no manner in- 
 cluded ; but all the world knew his design 
 against it was his darling passion. Such a be- 
 ginning forbodes no success. 
 
 His departure had besides something more 
 inauspicious in it. One of the tribunes, named 
 Ateius, threatened to oppose his going; and 
 was joined by many people, who could not suffer 
 him to set out, merely through wantonness to 
 make war against people who had done the Ro- 
 mans no injury, and were their friends and 
 allies. That tribune, in consequence, having in 
 vain opposed the departure of Crassus, made 
 haste to the gate of the city through which he 
 was to pass, and set a chafingdish full of fire 
 before him ; and as soon as Crassus came to the 
 place, he threw perfumes, and poured libationg 
 into the pan, uttering over them the most ter- 
 rible imprecations, Avhich could not be heard 
 without making all present shudder with hor- 
 ror, and of which the misfortunes of Crassuf 
 have been regarded by many writers as the ac- i 
 complishment. * [ 
 
 Nothing could stop him. Superior to all op- 
 position, he continued his march, arrived at 
 Brundusium ; and, though the sea was very I 
 tempestuous, embarked, and lost many of his | 
 ships in his passage. When he arrived at Gala- | 
 tia, he had an interview with king Dejotarus, 
 who, though far advanced in years, was at that 
 time employed in building a new city. Upon 
 which Crassus rallied him to this effect: " King | 
 of the Galatians, you begin full late to build a i 
 city at the twelfth hour of the day."'' — " And | 
 you, my lord," replied Dejotarus, " ai-e not over | 
 early in setting out to make war against the | 
 Parthians." For Crassus was at that time up- 
 wards of sixty years old, and his countenance 
 made him look still older than he was. 
 
 He had been informed that there were con- 
 siderable treasures in the temple of Jerusalem,^ j 
 which Pompey had not ventured to touch. He [ 
 believed it well worth his while to go a little ; 
 out of his way to make himself master of them, j 
 He therefore marched thither with his army. 
 Besides the other riches, which amounted to j 
 very considerable sums, in the temple there was ! 
 a beam of gold, enclosed and concealed in an- 
 other of wood made hollow for that purpose : 
 this was known only to Eleazar, the priest, who 
 kept the treasures of the sanctuary. This beam 
 of gold weighed 300 minse, each of which weighed ! 
 two pounds and a half. Eleazar, who was ap- 
 prized of the motive of Crassus's march to Je- I 
 rusalem, in order to save the other riches, which ! 
 were almost all of them deposited in the temple i 
 by private persoBS, discovered the golden beam ! 
 to Crassus, and suffered him to take it away, 
 after having made him take an oath not to med- 
 
 4 The twelfth hour was the end of the day. 
 5 Joseph. Antiq. xiv. 12. 
 
ALEXANDEH'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 055 
 
 (lie with the rest. Was he so ignorant as to 
 imagine any thing sacred in the eyes of avarice? 
 Crassus took the beam of gold ; and, notwith- 
 standing, plundered the rest of the treasures, 
 which amounted to about 1,500,000/. sterling. 
 He then continued his route. 
 
 Every thing succeeded at first as happily as 
 he could have expected. He built a bridge over 
 the Euphrates without any opposition, passed 
 it with his army, and entered the Parthian ter- 
 ritories. He invaded them without any other 
 i-eal motive for the war, than the insatiable de- 
 sire of enriching himself by the plunder of a 
 country which was supposed to be extremely i 
 opulent. The Romans under Sylla, and after- \ 
 wards under Pompey, had made peace and j 
 several treaties with them. There had been no j 
 complaint of any infraction of these treaties, nor 
 of any other enterprise that could give a just I 
 pretext for a war. So that the Parthians' ex- 
 j pected nothing less than such an invasion ; and 
 not being upon their guard, had made no pre- 
 parations for their defence. Crassus, in conse- 
 quence, was master of the field, and overran 
 without opposition the greatest part of Mesopo- 
 tamia. He took also several cities without re- 
 sistance ; and had he known how to take ad- 
 vantage of the occasion, it had been easy for him 
 to have penetrated as far as Seleucia and C:-esi- 
 I phon, to have seized them, and made himself 
 j master of all Babylonia, as he had done of Me- 
 I sopotamia. But instead of pursuing his point, 
 ! in the beginning of autumn, after having left 
 1 7000 foot and 1000 horse, to secure the cities 
 , which had surrendered to him, he repassed the 
 I Euphrates, and put his troops into winter- 
 jj quarters in the cities of Syria, where his sole 
 j employment was to amass money, and to plun- 
 I der temples. 
 
 i He was joined there by his son, whom Csesar 
 j sent to him out of Gaul, a young man who had 
 I already been honoured with sevei-al of the mili- 
 I tary crowns, which were given by generals to 
 I such as distinguished themselves by their valour, 
 i He brought with him 1000 chosen horse. 
 I Of all the faults committed by Crassus in this 
 I expedition, which were all very considerable, 
 ) the greatest undoubtedly, after that of having 
 ! undertaken this war, was his hasty return into 
 I Syria. For he ought to have gone on without 
 j stopping, and to have seized Babylon and Seleu- 
 ! cia, cities always at enmity with the Parthians, 
 j instead of giving his enemies time to make pre- 
 I parations by his retreat, which was the cause of 
 his ruin. 
 
 I Whilst he was re-assembling all his troops 
 from their winter-quarters, ambassadors from 
 the king of Parthia arrived, who opened their 
 commission in few words. They told him that 
 if that army was sent by the Romans against 
 the Parthians, the war could not be terminated 
 by any treaty of peace, and could only be brought 
 to a conclusion by the final ruin of the one or 
 the other empire. That if, as they had been 
 I informed, it was only Crassus, who, contrary to 
 I the opinion of his country, and to satiate his 
 private avarice, had taken arms against them, 
 and entered one of their provinces, the king 
 their master was well disposed to act with mo- 
 deration in the affair, to take pity on the age of 
 Crassus, and to suffer the Romans in his do- 
 minions, who were rather shut up than keep- 
 ing possession of cities, to depart with their lives 
 and rings safe. They spoke, no doubt, of the 
 garrisons which Crassus had left in the con- 
 quered places. Crassus answered this discourse 
 
 only with a rhodomontade. lie told them, 
 " 'i'hey should have his answer in the city of 
 Seleucia." Upon which the most ancient of 
 the ambassadors, Vahises, made answer, laugh- 
 ing, and showing him the palm of his hand : 
 " Crassus, you will sooner see hair grow in the 
 palm of my hand, than you will see Seleucia." 
 The ambassadors retired, and went to give their 
 king notice that he must prepare for war. 
 
 As soon as the season 
 A. M. 8951. would permit, Crassus took 
 Ant. J. C. 63. the field." The Parthians 
 had time during the winter 
 to assemble a very great army to make head 
 against him. Orodes their king divided his 
 troops, and marched in person with one part 
 of them to the frontiers of Armenia : he sent 
 the other into Mesopotamia, under the com- 
 inand of Surena. I'hat general, upon his ar- 
 rival there, retook several of the places of which 
 Crassus had made himself master the year 
 before. 
 
 About the same time some Roman soldiers, 
 who with exceeding difficulty had escaped out 
 of the cities of Mesopotamia,' where they had 
 been in garrison, of which the Parthians had 
 already retaken some, and were besieging the 
 rest, came to Crassus, and related things to him 
 highly capable of disquieting and alarming him. 
 They told him, that they had seen with their 
 own eyes the incredible numbers of the enemy, 
 and that they had also been witnesses of their 
 terrible valour in the bloody attacks of the cities 
 they besieged. They added, that they were 
 troops not to be escaped when they pursued, nor 
 overtaken when they fled; that their arrows, of 
 an astonishing weight, and at the same time of 
 an astonishing rapidity, were always attended 
 with mortal wounds, against which it was im- 
 possible to guard. 
 
 This discourse infinitely abated the courage 
 and boldness of the Roman soldiers ; who had 
 imagined, that the Parthians differed in nothing 
 from the Armenians and Cappadocians, whom 
 Lucullus had so easily overthrown ; and flat- 
 tered themselves, that the whole difficulty of the 
 war would consist in the length of the way, and 
 the pursuit of the enemy, who would never dare 
 to come to blows with them. They now saw, 
 contrary to their expectation, that they were to 
 undergo great battles and great dangers. This 
 discouragement rose so high, that many of the 
 principal officers were of opinion that it was 
 necessary for Crassus, before he advanced far- 
 ther, to assemble a council, in order to deliberate 
 again upon the whole enterprise. But Crassus 
 listened to no other advice than that of those 
 who pressed him to begin his march, and to 
 make all possible expedition. 
 
 What encouraged him the most, and con- 
 firmed him in that resolution, was the arrival of 
 Artabasus king of Armenia. He brought with 
 him a body of 6000 horse, which were part of 
 his guards ; adding that, besides these, he had 
 10,000 cuirassiers, and 80,000 foot, at his ser- 
 vice. But he advised him to take great care 
 not to march his army into the plains of Meso- 
 potamia, and told him, that he must enter the 
 enemy's country by the way of Armenia ; the 
 reasons with which he enforced this advice, 
 were, that Armenia, being a mountainous coun- 
 try, the Parthian cavalry, in which the greatest 
 
 6 Plut. in Crass, p. 554. 
 
G5G 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 strength of their army consisted, would be ren- 
 dered entirely useless to them : that if they took 
 this route h<' should be in a condition to supply 
 the army with all necessaries ; instead of which, 
 i if they marched by the way of Mesopotamia, 
 ' convoys would fail, and he would have a power- 
 ! ful army in his front on all the marches it would 
 I be necessary for him to take, before he could 
 [ penetrate to the centre of the enemy's domi- 
 nions; that in those plains, the horse would have 
 ] all possible advantages against him ; and, lastly, 
 I that he must cross several sandy deserts, where 
 j the troops might be in great distress for want of 
 water and provisions. The advice was excel- 
 lent, and the reasons unanswerable ; but Cras- 
 sus, blinded by Providence, who intended to 
 punish the sacrilege he had committed in plun- 
 I deriug the temple^of Jerusalem, despised all that 
 I was said to him. He only desired Artabasus, 
 ! who was returning into his dominions, to bring 
 I him his troops as soon as possible. 
 
 I have said, that Providence blinded Crassus, 
 which is self-evident in a great measure. But 
 a' Pagan writer makes the same remark : this is 
 Dion Cassius, a very judicious historian, and 
 j at the same time a military man. He says, 
 I that the Romans, under Crassus, " had no saiu- 
 I tary view, and were either ignorant upon all 
 j occasions of what was necessary to be done, or 
 I in no condition to execute it ; so" that one would 
 have thought, that, condemned and persecuted 
 J by some divinity, they could neither make use 
 , of their bodies nor minds." That Divinity was 
 ; unknown to Dion. It was He whom the' Jew- 
 ish nation adored, and who avenged the injury 
 I done to his temple. 
 
 I Crassus made haste, therefore, to set forward, 
 j He had seven legions of foot, near 4000 horse, 
 j and as many light-armed soldiers and archers, 
 I which amounted in all to more than 40,000 
 j men ; that is to say, one of the finest armies the 
 Romans ever set on foot. When his troops were 
 I passing the bridge he had laid over the river 
 j Euphrates, near the city of Zeugma, a dreadful 
 { storm of thunder and lightning drove in the face 
 ' of the soldiers, as if to prevent them from going 
 1 on. At the same time a black cloud, out of 
 j which burst an impetuous whirlwind, attended 
 ! with thunder-claps and lightning, fell upon the 
 I bridge and broke down a part of it. The troops 
 I were seized with fear and sadness. He endea- 
 j voured to re-animate them as well as he was 
 j able, promising them with an oath, that they 
 j should march back by the way of Armenia; 
 j and concluded his discourse with assuring them, 
 that not one of them should return that way. 
 Those last words, which were ambiguous, and 
 had escaped him very imprudently, threw the 
 whole army into the greatest trouble and dis- 
 may. Crassus well knev/ the bad effect they 
 had produced; but out of a spirit of obstinacy 
 and haughtiness, he neglected to remedy it, by 
 explaining the sense of those words, tore-assure 
 the timorous. 
 
 He made his troops advance along the Eu- 
 phrates. His scouts, whom he had sent out for 
 intelligence, shortly returned, and reported, that 
 there was not a single man to be seen in the 
 country, but that they had found the marks of 
 horses which seemed to have fled suddenly, as 
 if they had been pursued. 
 
 Upon this advice, Crassus confirmed himself 
 in his hopes ; and his soldiers began to despise 
 the Parthians, as men that would never have 
 courage to stand a charge, and come to an en- 
 gagement with them. Cassius advised him at 
 
 least to approach some town, where they had a j 
 garrison, in order to rest the army a little, and j 
 have time to learn the true number of the ene- 
 mies, their force, and what designs they had in ! 
 view ; or, if Crassus did not approve that coun- ! 
 sel, to march along the Euphrates towards Se- i 
 j leucia ; because, by always keeping upon the i ' 
 I banks of that river, he would put it out of the I i 
 power of the Parthian cavalry to suri'ound him ; 1 1 
 and that with the fleet which might follow him, j 
 provisions might be always brought from Syria, ' i 
 and all other things of which the army might , ' 
 stand in need. This Cassius was Crassus's i 
 quaestor, and the same who afterwards killed i < 
 Csesar. { j 
 
 Crassus, after having considered this advice, ; j ^ 
 was upon the point of complying with it, when i| 
 a chief of the Arabians, named Ariamnes, came ' \ 
 in unexpectedly, and had the address to make ;i 
 him approve a quite dirierent plan. That Arab I 
 had formerly served under Pompey, and was 
 known by many of the Roman soldiers, who jg^ 
 looked upon him as a friend. Surena found : 
 him from this circumstance, admirably qualified 1 
 to play the part he gave him. Accordingly, J 
 when he was conducted to Crassus, he informed | 
 him, that the Parthians would not look the Ro- ' 
 man army in the face ; that its name alone had 
 already spread a universal terror among their 
 troops ; and that there wanted no m-cre for the 
 obtaining a complete victory, than to march { 
 directly up to them, and give them battle. He 
 offered to be their guide himself, and to carry j 
 them the shortest way. Crassus, blinded by ] 
 his flattery, and deceived by a man who knew 
 how to give a specious turn to what he pro- ; 
 posed, fell into the snare, notwithstanding the . 
 pressing entreaties of Cassius, and some othei's, 
 who suspected that impostor's design. | 
 
 Crassus would hearken to nobody. The trai- > 
 tor Ariamnes, after having pei-suadod him to ; 
 draw off from the banks of the Euphrates, con- ' 
 ducted him across the plain by a way at first 
 level and easy, but which at length became difti- 
 cult, from the deep sands in which the army 
 found itself engaged, in the midst of a vast 
 country all bare and parched, where the eye 
 could discover neither end nor boundary where 
 the troops might hope to find rest and refresh- : 
 ment. If thirst, and the fatigue of the way, 
 discouraged the Romans, the prospect of the 
 country alone threw them into a despair still 
 more terrible : for they could perceive neither 
 near them, nor at a distance, the least tree, ; 
 plant, or brook ; not so much as a hill, nor a 
 single blade of grass ; nothing was to be seen all 
 round but heaps of burning sand. \ 
 
 This gave just reason to suspect some treach- ' 
 ery, of which the arrival of some couriers from 
 Artabasus ought to have fully convinced them. 
 That prince informed Crassus, that king Orodes 
 had invaded his dominions with a great army ; 
 that the war he nad to maintain, prevented him 
 from sending the aid he had promised ; but that 
 he advised him to approach Armenia, in oi'der 
 that they might unite their forces against the 
 common enemy : that, if he would not follow 
 that advice, he cautioned him at least to avoid, 
 in his marches and encampments, the open 
 plains, and such places as were commodious for 
 the horse, and to keep always close to the moun- 
 tains. Crassus, instead of giving ear to these 
 wise counsels, inveighed against those that gave 
 them ; and without vouchsafing to write an an- ' 
 swer to Artabasus, he only told his couriers, j 
 " 1 have not time at present to consider the 
 
G57 
 
 affairs of Armenia ; I shall go thither soon, 
 and shall then punish Artabasus for his treach- 
 ery. ' ' 
 
 Crassus Avas so infatuated with his Arab, and 
 so blinded by his artful suggestion, that he had 
 continued to follow him without the least dis- 
 trust, notwithstanding all the advice that was 
 given him, till he had brought him into the 
 sandy desert we have mentioned. The traitor 
 then made his escape, and went to give Surena 
 an account of what he had done. 
 
 After a march of some days in a desert and 
 enemy's country, where it was difficult to have 
 any intelligence, the scouts came in full speed to 
 inform Crassus, that a very numerous army of 
 the Parthians was advancing with great order 
 and boldness to attack him immediately. That 
 news threw the whole camp into great trouble 
 and consternation. Crassus was more affected 
 with it than the rest. He made all possible 
 haste to draw up his army in battle. At first, 
 following the advice of Cassius, he extended his 
 infantry as far as he could, that it might take 
 up the more ground, and make it difficult for 
 the enemy to surround him ; and he posted all 
 his cavalry upon the wings. But afterwards 
 he changed his opinion, and drawing up his foot 
 in close order, he made them form a large hol- 
 low square, facing on all sides, of which each 
 flank had twelve cohorts in front. ^ Every co- 
 hort had a company of horse near it, in order 
 that, each part being equally sustained by the 
 cavalry, the whole body might charge with 
 j greater security and boldness. He gave one 
 of the wings to Cassius, the other to his son 
 the younger Crassus, and posted himself in the 
 centre. 
 
 They advanced in this order to the banks of 
 a brook which had not much water, but was 
 I however highly grateful to the soldiers, from 
 
 the exceeding drought and excessive heat. 
 I Most of the officers were of opinion, that it 
 [ was proper to encamp in this place, to give the 
 j troops time to recover from the extraordinary 
 i fatigues they had undergone in a long and pain- 
 j ful march, and to rest there during the night ; 
 
 that in the mean time, all possible endeavours 
 I should be used to get intelligence of the enemy, 
 f and that when their number and disposition 
 were known, they should attack them the next 
 day. But Crassus, suffering himself to be car- 
 ried away by the ardour of his son, and of the 
 cavalry under his command, who pressed him 
 to lead them against the enemy, gave orders that 
 all who had occasion, should take their refresh- 
 ment under arms in their ranks ; and scai-ce 
 allowing them time for that purpose, he com- 
 manded them to march, and led them on, not 
 slowly and halting sometimes, but with rapi 
 dity, and as fast as they could move, till thev 
 came in view of the enemy. Contrary to their 
 expectation, they did not appear either so nume- 
 rous or so terrible, as they had been represented, 
 which was a stratagem of Surena's. He had 
 concealed the greatest part of his battalions be- 
 hind the advanced troops, and to prevent their 
 being perceived by the brightness of their arms, 
 he had given them orders to cover themselves 
 with their vests or with skins. 
 
 When they approached and were ready to 
 
 'l^'ie Roman cohort was a body rf infantry consistine 
 of ,5 or 600 men ; and differed very little from what is now 
 called a battalion. 
 11. 
 
 charge, the Parthian general had no sooner 
 given the signal of battle than the whole field 
 resounded with dreadful cries, and the most 
 horrid noise. For the Parthians did not excite 
 their troops to battle with horns or trumpets, 
 but made use of a great number of hollow in- 
 struments, covered with leather, and having 
 bells of brass round them, which they struck 
 violently against each other; and the ncise 
 rnade by these instruments was harsh and ter- 
 rible, and seemed like the roaring of wild beasts, 
 joined with claps of thunder. Those Barbarians 
 had well observed, that of all the senses none 
 disorders the soul more than the hearing : that 
 it strikes upon, and affects it the most imme- 
 diately, and is the most sudden in making it in 
 a manner confused and distracted. 
 
 The trouble and dismay into which this noise 
 had thrown the Romans, were quite different 
 when the Parthians, throwing off on a sudden 
 the covering of their arms, appeared all on fire, 
 from the exceeding brightness of their helmets 
 and cuirasses, which were of burnished steel, 
 and glittered like sun-beams, and to which the 
 furniture and armour of their horses added not 
 a little. At their head appeared Surena, hand- 
 some, well made, of an advantageous stature, 
 and of a much greater reputation for valour 
 than the effeminacy of his mien seemed to pro- 
 mise. For he was painted after the fashion of 
 the Medes, and, like them, wore his hair curled 
 and dressed with art whereas the other Par- 
 thians still persevered in wearing theirs after 
 the manner of the Scythians, much neglected, 
 and such as nature gave them, in order to ap- 
 pear more terrible. 
 
 At first the Barbarians were for charging the 
 Romans with their pikes, and endeavoured to 
 penetrate and break the front ranks: but having 
 observed the depth of the hollow square so well 
 closed and even, in which the troops stood firm 
 and supported each pther successfully, they fell 
 back and retired in a seeming confusion, as if 
 their order of battle were broken. But the Ro- 
 mans were much astonished to see on a sudden 
 their whole army surrounded on all sides. 
 Crassus immediately gave orders for his archers 
 and light-armed foot to charge them ; but they 
 could not execute those orders long ; for they 
 were compelled by a shower of arrows to retire, , 
 and cover themselves behind their heavx^-armed 1^ 
 foot. 
 
 Their disorder and dismay now began, when 
 they experienced the rapidity and force of those 
 arrows, against which no 'armour was proof, 
 and which penetrated alike whatever they hit. 
 The Parthians dividing, applied themselves on 
 all sides to shooting at a distance, without its 
 being possible for them to miss, even though 
 they had endeavoured it, so close were the Ro- 
 mans embattled. They did dreadful execution, 
 and made deep wounds, because as they drew 
 their bows to the utmost, the sti-ings discharged 
 their arrows, which were of an extraordinary 
 weight, with an impetuosity and force that no- 
 thing could resist. 
 
 The Romans, attacked in this manner on all 
 sides by the enemy, knew not in what manner 
 to act. If they continued firm in their ranks, 
 they were wounded mortally, and if they quit- 
 ted them to charge the enemy, they could do 
 them no hurt, and suffered no 'less than before. 
 The Parthians fled before them, and kept a 
 continual discharge as they retired ; for of all 
 nations in the woi'Id they were the most expert 
 in that exercise after the Scythians: an opera- 
 
G68 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 tion in reality very wisely conceived ; since by 
 flyina: they saved their lives, and by fighting, 
 avoided the infamy of flight. 
 
 As long as the Romans had hopes that the 
 Barbarians, after having exhausted all their ar- 
 rows, would either give over the fight, or come 
 to blows with theni hand to hand, they sup- 
 ported their distress with valour and resolution ; 
 but when they perceived that in the rear of the 
 enemy there 'were camels laden with arrows, 
 whither those who had exhausted their quivers 
 wheeled about to replenish them, Crassus, los- 
 ing almost all courage, sent orders to his son to 
 endeavour, whatever it cost him, to join the 
 enemy, before he was entirely surrounded by 
 them'; for they were principally intent against 
 him, and were wheeling about to take him in 
 the rear. 
 
 Young Crassus, therefore, at the head of 1300 
 horse, 500 archers, and eight cohorts armed 
 with round bucklers,' wheeled about against 
 those who endeavoured to surround him. The 
 latter, whether they were afraid to stand the 
 charge of a body of troops that came on with so 
 good an aspect, or whether they designed to 
 draw off young Crassus as far as they could 
 I from his father, immediately faced about and 
 ! fled. Young Crassus upon that, crying out 
 as loud as he could, " They don't stand us," 
 pushed on full speed after them. The foot, 
 animated by the example of the horse, piqued 
 themselves upon not staying behind, and fol- 
 lowed them at their heels, carried on by their 
 eagerness, and the joy which the hopes of vic- 
 tory gave them. They firmly believed they had 
 conquered, and had nothing to do but to pursue, 
 till being at a great distance from their main 
 body, they discovered the stratagem ; for those 
 who had seemed to fly, faced about, and being 
 joined by many other troops, came on to charge 
 the Romans. 
 
 Young Crassus thereupon made his troops 
 halt, in hopes that the enemy, upon seeing their 
 small number, would not fail to attack them, 
 and come to close fight. But those Barbarians 
 contented themselves with opposing him in front 
 with their heavy-armed horse, and sent out 
 detachments of their light-horse, that wheeling 
 about, and surrounding them on all sides with- 
 out joining them, poured in a perpetual flight of 
 arrows upon them. At the same time, by stir- 
 ring up the heaps of sand, they raised so thick 
 a dust, that the Romans could neither see nor 
 speak to one another; and being pent up in a 
 narrow space, and keeping close order, they 
 were a mark for every arrow shot at them, and 
 died by a slow but cruel death. For finding 
 their entrails pierced, and not being able to sup- 
 port the pain they suffered, they rolled thenti- 
 selves upon the sands with the arrows in their 
 bodies, and expired in that manner in exquisite 
 torments ; or endeavouring to tear out by force 
 the bearded points of the arrows, which had 
 penetrated through their veins and nerves, they j 
 only made their wounds the larger, and in- 
 creased their pain. 
 
 Most of them died in this manner ; and those 
 who were still alive were no longer in any con- 
 dition to act. For when young Crassus exhort- 
 ed them to charge the heavy armed horse, they 
 showed him their hands nailed to their buck- 
 lers, and their feet pierced through and through 
 
 1 These formed 4 or 5000 men. 
 
 and riveted to the ground ; so that it was equally 
 impossible for them either to defend themselves 
 or fly. Putting himself therefore at the head of j 
 his horse, he made a vigorous charge upon that 
 heavy-armed body covered with iron, and threw | 
 himself boldly amongst the squadrons, but with ^ 
 great disadvantage, as well in attacking as de- 1 
 fending. For his troops with weak and short i 
 javelins struck against armour either of excel- i 
 lent steel, or very hard leather; whereas the 
 Barbarians charged the Gauls, who were either i 
 naked or lightly armed, with good and strong ! 
 spears. I'hese Gauls were troops in whom t 
 young Crassus placed the greatest confidence, i 
 and with whom he did most wonderful exploits. | 
 For those troops took hold of the spears of the | 
 Farthians, and closing with them, seized them 
 by the neck, and threw them ofi" their horses 
 upon the ground, where they lay without power 
 to stir, from the exceeding weight of their arms. 
 Several of the Gauls quitting their horses, crept 
 under those of the enemy, and thrust their 
 swords into their bellies. The horses, wild with 
 the pain, plunged and reared, and throwing olf 
 their riders, trampled them under foot as well 
 as the enemy, and fell dead upon both. 
 
 But what gave the Gauls most trouble, was 
 the heat and thirst ; for they were not accus- 
 tomed to support them. They also lost the 
 greater part of their horses, which, running 
 precipitately upon that heavy-armed body, killed 
 themselves upon their spears. They were 
 obliged therefore to retire to their infantry, and 
 to carry oflF young Crassus, who had received 
 several dangerous wounds. 
 
 Upon their way they saw, at a small dis- 
 tance, a rising bank of sand, to which they re- 
 tired. They fastened their horses in the centre, 
 and made an enclosure with their bucklers, by 
 way of intrenchment, in hopes that it would 
 assist them considerably in defending themselves j 
 against the Barbarians'; but it happened quite [ 
 otherwise. For in a level spot, the front cover- 
 ed the rear, and gave it some relaxation ; where- 
 as upon this hill, the inequality of the ground 
 showing them over each other's heads, and those 
 in the rear most, they were all exposed to the 
 enemy's shot. So that, unable to avoid the ar- 
 rows which the Barbarians showered continu- 
 ally upon them, they were all equally struck 
 by them, and deplored their unhappy destiny, 
 in perishing thus miserably, without being able 
 to make use of their arms, or to give the enemy 
 proofs of their valoui*. 
 
 Y'oung Crassus had two Greeks with him, 
 who had settled in that country in the city of 
 Carrse. Those two young men, touched with 
 compassion to see him in so bad a condition, 
 pressed him to make off with them, and to re- 
 tire into the city of Ischnes, which had espoused 
 the party of the Romans, and was at no great 
 distance. But he replied, " that no fear of any 
 death, however cruel, could induce him to aban- 
 don so many brave men, who died through love 
 for him." A noble sentiment in a young no- 
 bleman ! He ordered them to make off as fast 
 as they could, and embracing them, dismissed 
 them the service. Foe himself, not being able 
 to make use of his hand, which was shot 
 through with an arrow, he commanded one of 
 his domestics to thrust his sword through him, 
 and presented his side to him. The principal 
 oflicers killed themselves, and many of those 
 that remained were slain, fighting with exceed- 
 ing valour. The Parthians made only about 
 500 prisoners ; and after having cut off young 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 C59 
 
 Crassus's head, marched immediately against 
 Lis father. 
 
 The latter, after having ordered his son to 
 charge the Parthians, and received advice that 
 they were put to the rout, and were pursued 
 vigorously, had resumed some coui-age, and the 
 more, because those who opposed him, seemed 
 to abate considerably of their ardour ; for the 
 greatest part of them were gone with the rest 
 i against young Crassus. Wherefore, drawing 
 I his army together, he retired to a small hill in 
 his rear, in hopes that his son would speedily 
 return from the pursuit. 
 
 Of a great number of officers, sent succes- 
 sively by his son, to inform him of the danger 
 he was in, the greatest part had fallen into the 
 hands of the Barbarians, who liad put them to 
 the sword. Only the last, who had escaped 
 with great difficulty, got to his presence, and 
 declared to him that his son was lost if he did 
 not send him directly a powerful reinforcement. 
 Upon this news, Crassus was struck with such 
 a diversity of afflicting thoughts, and his reason 
 thereby so much disturbed, that he was no 
 longer capable of seeing or hearing any thing. 
 However, the desire of saving his son and the 
 army, determined him to go to his aid, and he 
 ordered the troops to march. 
 
 At that very instant the Parthians, who were 
 I retarning from the defeat of young Crassus, ar- 
 rived vyith great cries and songs of victory, 
 vvhich from far apprized the wretched father of 
 his misfortune. The Barbarians, carrying the 
 head of young Crassus upon the end of a spear, 
 approached the Romans, and insulting them 
 with the most scornful bravadoes, asked them of 
 what family that young Roman was, and who 
 were his relations ; " i<'or," said they, " it is 
 I impossible that a young man of such extraordi- 
 I nary valour and bravery should be the son of so 
 : base and cowardly a father as Crassus." 
 
 This sight exceedingly dispirited the Romans, 
 and instead of exciting the height of anger, and 
 the desire of revenge in them, as might have 
 been expected, froze them with terror and dis- 
 may. Crassus, however, showed more con- 
 I stancy and courage on his disgrace than he had 
 j done before ; and running through the ranks, he 
 cried out, " Romans, this mournful spectacle 
 concerns me alone. The fortune and glory of 
 Rome are still invulnerable and invincible, 
 whilst you continue firm and intrepid. If you 
 have any compassion for a father who has now 
 j lost a son whose valour you admired, let it ap- 
 pear in your rage and resentment against the 
 Barbarians. Deprive them of their insolent 
 joy, punish their cruelty, and do not suffer 
 yourselves to be cast down by my misfortune, 
 i There is a necessity for experiencing some loss, 
 I when we aspire at great achievements. Lucul- 
 I lus did not defeat Tigranes, nor Scipio Anti- 
 ochus, without its costing them some blood. It 
 I is after the greatest defeats that Rome has ac- 
 I quired the greatest victories. It is not by the 
 j favour of fortune she has attained to so high a 
 i degree of power, but by her patience and forti- 
 : tude in supporting herself with vigour against 
 ' adversity." 
 
 i Crassus endeavoured by remonstrances of this 
 j kind to reanimate his troops ; but when he had 
 given them orders to raise the cry of battle, 
 he perceived the general discouragement of his 
 army even in that cry itself, which was faint, 
 unequal and timorous; whereas, that of the 
 enemy was bold, full, and strenuous. 
 
 The charge being given, the light-horse of the j 
 
 Parthians dispersed themselves upon the wings 
 of the Romans, and taking them in flank, over- 
 whelmed them with their arrows, whilst the 
 heavy cavalry attacked them in front, and 
 obliged them to close up in one compact body ; 
 except those who, to avoid the arrows, the 
 wounds of which occasioned a long and painful 
 death, had the courage to throw themselves 
 upon the horse, like men in despair. Though 
 they did not do them much hurt, their audacity 
 was attended with this advantage ; it occasioned 
 their dying immediately, by the large and deep 
 wounds they received. For the Barbarians 
 thrust their lances through their bodies with 
 such force and vigour, that they often pierced 
 two at once. 
 
 After having fought in that manner the re- 
 mainder of the day, when night came on the ! 
 Bai-barians retired*; saying, they would grant | 
 Crassus only that night to lament for his son, | 
 unless he should find it more expedient to con- | 
 suit his own safety, and prefer going voluntarily | 
 to their king Arsaces, to being dragged before I 
 him. They then encamped in the presence of j 
 the Roman army, in the firm expectation that i 
 the next day they should meet with little or no 
 difficulty in completing its defeat. 
 
 This was a terrible night for the Romans. 
 They had no thoughts either of interring their 
 dead, or of dressing their wounded, of whom 
 the greatest part died in the most horrible tor- 
 ments. Every man was solely intent upon his 
 own particular distress. For they all saw plainly 
 that they could not escape, whether they waited 
 for day in camp, or ventured during the night 
 to throw themselves into that immense plain of | 
 which they saw no end. Besides which, in the j 
 latter choice, their wounded gave them great 
 trouble. For to carry them off would be very 
 difficult, and extremely retard their flight ; and 
 if they were left behind, it was not to be doubted 
 but they would discover the departure of the 
 army by their cries and lamentations. 
 
 Though they were perfectly sensible that 
 Crassus alone was the cause of all their misfor- 
 tunes, they however were unanimous in desiring | 
 to see his face, and to hear his voice. But he ! 
 lying upon the ground, in an obscure corner, 
 with his head covered in his cloak, was to the 
 vulgar, says Plutarch, a great example of the 
 instability of fortune ; to wise and considerate 
 persons, a still greater instance of the pernicious 
 effects of temerity and ambition, which had 
 blinded him to such a degree, that he could not 
 bear to be less at Rome than the first and great- 
 est of so many millions of men, and thought 
 himself low and mean, because there were two 
 above him, Caesar and Pompey. 
 
 Octavius, one of his lieutenants, and Cas- 
 sius approached him, and endeavoured to make 
 him I'ise, and to console and encourage him : 
 but seeing him entirely depressed' with the 
 weight of his affliction, and deaf to all consola- 
 tion and remonstrance, they assembled the prin- 
 cipal officers, and held a council of war directly ; 
 and it being their unanimous opinion, that'it 
 was necessary to retire immediately, they de- 
 camped without sound of trumpet. This was 
 done at first with great silence. But soon after, 
 the sick and wounded who could not follow, 
 perceiving themselves abandoned, filled the 
 camp with tumult and confusion, cries, shrieks, 
 and horrible lamentations ; so that the troops 
 who marched foremost were seized with trouble 
 and terror, imagining the enemy were coming 
 on to attack them. By frequently turning back, 
 
GGO 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 and drawing up again in order of battle, or 
 busying themselves in setting the wounded, who 
 followed them, upon the beasts of burden, and 
 in dismounting such as were less sick, they lost 
 considerable time. There were only 300 horse, 
 under the command of Ignatius, who did not 
 stop, and arrived about midnight at the city of 
 CarrfB. Ignatius called to the sentinels upon 
 the walls, and when they aIls\v^rcd, bade tLcm 
 go to Coponius, who commanded in the place, | 
 and tell him that Crassus had fought a great 
 battle with the Farthians; and without saying 
 any more, or letting them know who he was, 
 he pushed on with ail possible expedition to the 
 bridge which Crassus had laid over the Euphra- 
 tes, and saved his troops by that means. But ' 
 he was very much blamed for having abandoned 
 'lis general. 
 
 However, the message lie bad sent to Copo- 
 nius by those guards, was of great service to 
 Crassus. For that governor, wisely conjectur- 
 ing from the manner in which the unknown 
 person had given him that intelligence, that it 
 implied some disaster, gave orders immediately 
 for the gaiTison to stand to their arms. And 
 when he was informed of the way Crassus had 
 taken, he marched out to m.eet him, and con- 
 ducted him and his army into the city. The 
 Parthians, though well informed of his flight, 
 would not pursue him in the dark. But early 
 the next morning, they entered the camp, and 
 put all the wounded who had been left there, to 
 the number of 4000, to the sword ; and their 
 cavalry being dispersed over the plain after 
 those who fled, took great numbers of them, 
 whom they found straggling on all sides. 
 
 One of Crassus's lieutenants, named Vargun- 
 teius, having separated in the night from the 
 main body of the aimy with four cohorts, 
 missed his way, and was found the next moi'n- 
 ing upon a small eminence by the Barbarians, 
 who attacked him. He defended himself with 
 great valour, but was at length overpowered by 
 multitudes, and all his soldiers killed, except 
 tv/enty, wlio with sword in hand fell on the 
 enemy in despair, in order to open themselves a 
 passage through them. The Barbarians were 
 so much astonished at their bravery, that out of 
 admiration of it they opened and gave them a 
 passage. They arrived safe at Carrse. 
 
 At the same time Surena received false ad- 
 vice, that Crassus had escaped with his best 
 forces, and that those who had retired to Carrse 
 were only a body of troops collected from all 
 quaiters, that were not worth the trouble of 
 pursuing. Surena, believing the reward of his 
 victory lost, but still uncertain whether it was 
 or was not, desired to be better informed, in 
 order that he might resolve, either to besiege j 
 Carrse, if Crassus was there, or to pursue him | 
 if he had quitted it. He therefore despatched 
 one of his interpreters, who spoke both lan- 
 guages perfectly well, with orders to approach 
 the walls of Carrse, and in the Roman language 
 to desire to speak with Crassus himself, or Cas- 
 sius, and to say that Surena demanded a con- 
 ference with them. 
 
 The interpreter having executed his orders, 
 Crassus accepted the proposal with joy. Soon 
 after some Arabian soldiers came from the Bar- 
 barians, who knew Crassus and Cassius by 
 sight, from having seen them in the camp be- 
 fore the battle, 'i hose soldiers approached the 
 place, and seeing Cassius upon the walls, they 
 lold him, that Surena was inclined to treat with 
 them, and permit them to retire, upon condition 
 
 that they would continue in amity with the 
 king his master, and abandon Mesopotamia tc 
 him ; that this proposal was more advantageous 
 for both parties, than to proceed to the last ex- 
 tremities. 
 
 Cassius acceded to this ofl"er, and demanded j 
 that the time and place for an interview be- I 
 tween Surena and Crassus should immediately ! 
 be fixed. The Arabians assured him that they j 
 would go and do their utmost to that effect, and i 
 v/ithdrew. 
 
 Surena, overjoyed with keeping his prey in a 
 place from vi^hence it could xiot escape, marched 
 thither the next day with his Farthians, who 
 talked at first with extreme haughtiness, and 
 declared that if the Romans expected any fa- 
 vourable terms from them, they must previously 
 deliver up Crassus and Cassius bound hand and 
 foot into their hands. The Romans, enraged at 
 such flagrant deceit, told Ciassus that it was 
 necessary to renounce all remote and vain hopes 
 of aid from the Armenians, and fly that very 
 night, without losing a moment's time. It was 
 highly imj>ortant that not one of the inhabitants 
 of Carrse should know of this design, till the 
 instant of its execution. But Andromachus, 
 one of the citizens, was infoi-med of it first, and 
 by Crassus himself, who confided it to him, and 
 chose him for his guide, relying very injudi- 
 ciously upon his fidelity. 
 
 The Parthians consequently were not long 
 before they were fully apprized of the whole 
 plan by means of that traitor. But as it was 
 not their custom to engage in the night, the 
 impostor, to prevent Crassus from getting so 
 much ground as might make it impossible for 
 the Farthians to come up with him, led the Ro- 
 mans sometimes by one way, sometimes by an- 
 other, and at length brought them into deep 
 marshy grounds, and places intersected with 
 great ditches, where it was very difficult to 
 march, and necessary to make a gi-eat many 
 turnings and windings to extricate themselves 
 out of that labyrinth. 
 
 There were some who, suspecting that it was 
 with no good design that Andromachus made 
 them go backwards and forwards in that man- 
 ner, refused at last to follow him, and Cassius 
 himself returned towards Carrse.* By hasty 
 
 1 This is the ancient Harran in Mesopotamia, from 
 which Abraham departed, on his way to the land of Ca- 
 naan. It was a city renowned as being the seat of t!)e 
 Zabians, who worshipped the host of heaven It still 
 retains the name of Harran, though now an inconsider. 
 able city. It lies 40 milss north of Racca, or Nicephorium, 
 on the Euphrates. 'Ihe place where the battle was fought 
 lay 20 geographical miles south of t harras. The brook 
 here mentioned, is a small streamlet which runs into the 
 Balifsus, or Bolis, as it is now called, which runs south- 
 east to the Euphrates, and joins it at Racca, or Nicepho- 
 rium. This part of Me-opotamia was called Anthemn^ia 
 by the Macedonians, who transferred this name from a 
 district in Mactdon ; and was so called from the super- 
 abundance of roses which it produced. It was afterwards 
 named Osrhcene, from a race of Arab princes who ruled 
 it. Edessa, now cilkd Roha, was the capital of Osrhoenc, | 
 and was so called from the city of. that name in Maccdo- I 
 nia, and lay SO geographical miles north-west of Charrre, I 
 
 and conta 
 "lOurs' walk 
 
 ns at present a population of 40,000 souls. " Two 
 „^k from CharrjE,"" says the Turki-sh geographer, I 
 Hadji Khalifah, "are to be seen on a bill, called the liiU | 
 of Abraham, the remains of a Zabian temi)le." 
 
 Charra; lay 55 geographical miles south-east of Zeugma, 
 In direct distance, where Crassus had crossed the Euplira. 
 tes. Here two roa(is separate, one to the right through the ; 
 raked level plain tliat lies south of Charra?, leading to the { 
 Euphrates at Nicephorium, and the other to the left and 
 norih-east towards the Tigris and Nisibis. Theaj pclL ti 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 661 
 
 marches, he escaped into Syria with 500 horse. 
 Most of the rest, who had trusty guides, gained 
 the pass of the mountains, called the Sinnachian 
 mountains, and were in a place of safety before 
 the break of day. The latter might be about 
 5000 men, under the command of Octavius. 
 
 As for Crassus, the day overtook him, while 
 he was still embarrassed, by the contrivance of 
 the perfidious Andromachus, in those marshy 
 and difficult places. He had with him four 
 cohorts of foot armed with round bucklers, a 
 few horse, and five lictors who carried the fasces 
 before him. 
 
 He at length came into the main road, after 
 abundance of trouble and difficulty, when the 
 enemy wei'e almost upon him, and he had no 
 more than twelve stadia to march in order to 
 join the troops under Octavius. All he could 
 do was to gain as soon as possible another sum- 
 mit of those mountains, less impracticable to 
 the horse, and in consequence not so secure. 
 This was under that of the Sinnachian moun- 
 tains, to which it was joined by a long chain of 
 mountains that filled up all the space between 
 them. Octavius therefore saw plainly the dan- 
 , ger that threatened Crassus, and descended first 
 himself from those eminences with a small num- 
 ber of soldiers to his aid. But he was soon foL 
 lowed by all the rest, who, reproaching them- 
 selves for their cowardice, flew to his assistance. 
 Upon their arrival they charged the Barbarians 
 so roughly, that they obliged them to abandon 
 the hill. After that they placid Crassus in the 
 midst of them, and forming a kind of rampart 
 for him with their bucklers, they declared 
 fiercely that not an arrow of the enemy should 
 approach their general's body till they were all 
 dead round him fighting in his defence. 
 
 Surena, seeing that the Parthians, already 
 repulsed, went on with less vigour to the at- 
 tack, and that if the night came on, and the 
 Romans should gain the mountains, it would be 
 impossible for him to take them, had again re- 
 course to stratagem to amuse Crassus. He gave 
 secret ordei's, that some prisoners should be set 
 at liberty, after having posted a number of his 
 
 Mesopotainia, or the country between the rivers, was ap- 
 plied by the Greeks in a restricted sen.se to tlie territory 
 that lay north-west of the Babylonian plain, or the wail of 
 Media, that ran across it from the Euphrates at Mace- 
 practa north .ea-t lo the Tigris; for the term in its true 
 meaning should include both Babylonia and Chaldea, as 
 far as Korna, where the rivers meet. The name of Meso - 
 |)otaraia is just a translation of Aram Naharajim, or Aram 
 of the rivers, to distinguish it from Syria, the Hebrew 
 name of which is Aram. It seems also to lie the transla- 
 tion of the Hebrew Shinar, probably derived from Skene, 
 two ; and Nahar, river ; by a usual change of the aspirate, 
 signifying Bifluvialis, interamnis, Mesopotamia, the coun- 
 try between the two rivers. See the Hebrew Lexicon of 
 D. Levi, p. 11, 12. Now, as the plain of Shinar, or Sen- 
 naar, in the Greek, included the plain of Babel, it included 
 more than what the Greeks denominated Mesopotamia. 
 It is erroneous to suppose that the modern Diarbeker cor. 
 responds to the ancient Mesopotamia. It only corresponds 
 to the Great Oval vaUey that lies between the ranges of 
 mount Masius and Niphates, comprehending the source 
 and bason of the Upper Tigris, and which formed the 
 southern part of Armenia, though this district be now in- 
 cluded in Mesopotamia. Diarbeker is an Arabic appellation, 
 signifying the district of Bekr, the Emer of an Arab tribe 
 t hat anciently settled here. Mesopotamia is by the Arabian 
 i<ei)graphers divided into three Diyars, or districts : Diyar 
 Bckr, the north-west part; Diyar Kabia, the southern 
 part; Diyar Modar, the interior part; from three Arab 
 tribes so called, who came from Arabia and settled in this 
 country. When Mescpotamia was divided between the 
 Romans and Persians, Edessa became the capital of Ro. 
 man Mesopotamia, as Nisiibis did of the Tersian division. 
 -Ed. 
 
 soldiers aiound them, who, seeming in discourse 
 together, said, as the general report of the army, 
 that the king was much averse to continuing 
 war with the Romans; that, on the contrary, 
 his design was to cultivate their amity, and to 
 give them proofs of his favourable inclinations, 
 by treating Crassus with great humanity. And 
 that their deeds might agree with their words, 
 as soon as the prisoners were released, the Bar- 
 barians retired from the fight ; and Surena, ad- 
 van(-ing peaceably with his principal officers to- 
 wards the hill, with his bow unstrung, and arms 
 extended, invited Crassus to come down and 
 treat of an accommodation. He said, with a 
 loud voice, that contrary to the king his mas- 
 ter's will, and through the necessity of a just 
 defence, he had made them experience the forcft 
 and power of the Parthian arms ; but that at 
 present he was disposed to treat them with 
 mildness and favour, by granting them peace, 
 and giving them liberty to retire with entire 
 security on his part. We have observed, on 
 more than one occasion, that the peculiar cha- 
 racteristic of these Barbarians was to promote 
 the success of their designs by fraud and treach- 
 ery, and to make no scruple of breaking through 
 their engagements upon such occasioiis. 
 
 The troops of Crassus lent a willing ear to 
 this discourse of Surena's, and expressed ex- 
 ceeding joy at it; but Crassus, who had expe- 
 rienced nothing but deceit and perfidy from the 
 Barbarians, and to whom so sudden a change 
 was very suspicious, did not easily give into it, 
 and deliberated with his friends. The soldiers 
 began to call out to him, and to urge him to 
 accept the interview. From thence they pro- 
 ceeded to outrage and reproaches; and went so 
 far as to accuse him of cowardice ; charging him 
 with exposing them to be slaughtered by ene- 
 mies with whom he had not so much as the 
 courage to speak, when they appeared unarmed 
 before him. 
 
 Crassus at first had recourse to entreaties, and 
 reinori.strated to them, that by maintaining their 
 ground for the rest of the day, upon the emi- 
 nences and difficult places where they then 
 were, they might easily escape when night came 
 on : he even showed them the way, and ex- 
 horted them not to frustrate such hopes of their 
 approaching safety. But seeing they grew out- 
 rageous, that they were ready to mutiny, and, 
 by striking their swords upon their shields, even 
 menaced him ; apprehending that commotion, 
 he began to descend, and, turning about, he said 
 only these few words : " Octavius, and you, 
 Peti'onius, with all the officers and captains here 
 present, you see the necessity I am under of 
 taking a step I would willingly avoid, and are 
 witnesses of the indignities and violence I suffer. 
 But I beg you, when you have retired in safety, 
 that you will tell all the world, for the honour 
 of Rome our common mother, that Crassus 
 perished, deceived by the enemy, and not aban- 
 doned by his citizens." Octavius and Petro- 
 nius could not resolve to let him go alone, but 
 went down the hill with him, when ( rassu; 
 dismissed his lictors, who would have followed 
 him. 
 
 The first persons the Barbarians sent to him 
 were two Greeks, who, dismounting from their 
 hoi'ses, saluted him with profound respect, and 
 told him in the Greek tongue, that he had only 
 to send some of his attendants, and Surena 
 would satisfy them, that himself, and those with 
 him, came without arms, and with all the fidel- 
 ity and good intentions possible. Crassus re 
 
6G2 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 plied, that had he set the least value upon his 
 life, he should not have come to put himself 
 into their hands; and sent two brothers, named 
 Roscius, to know only upon what foot they 
 should treat, and in what number. 
 
 Surena caused those two brothers to be seized 
 and kept prisoners ; and advancing on horse- 
 back, followed by the principal officers of his 
 army, as soon as he perceived Crassus, " What 
 do I see ?" said he : " What ! the general of the 
 Romans on foot, and ourselves on horseback ! 
 Let a horse be brought for him immediately." 
 He imagined that Crassus appeared in that man- 
 ner before him out of respect. Crassus replied, 
 " that there was no reason to be surprised that 
 they came to an interview, each after the cus- 
 tom of his own country."' — " Very good," re- 
 turned Surena ; *' from henceforth let there be 
 a treaty of peace between king Orodes and the 
 ! Romans ; but we must go to prepare and sign 
 \ the articles of it upon the banks of the Euphra- 
 , tes. For you Romans," added he, " do not 
 j always remember your conventions." At the 
 ! same time he held out his hand to him. Cras- 
 sus would have sent for a horse; but Surena told 
 him there was no occasion for it, and that the 
 ; king made him a present of that, 
 j A horse was immediately presented to him, 
 j which had a golden bit; and the king's officers 
 I taking him round the middle set him upon it, 
 i surrounded him, and began to strike the horse 
 I to make him go forwards faster. Octavius was 
 ! the first, who, offended at such behaviour, took 
 i the hoi'se by the bridle. Petronius seconded 
 j him, and afterwards all the rest of his atten- 
 I dants, who came round him, and endeavoured 
 j to stop the horse, and to make those retire by 
 force who pressed close on Crassus. At first 
 I they pushed against each other with great tu- 
 j mult and disorder, and afterwards came to 
 I blows. Octavius, drawing his sword, killed a 
 I groom of one of those Barbarians. At the same 
 1 time another of them gave Octavius a great 
 j stroke with his sword behind, which laid him 
 [ dead upon the spot. Petronius, who had no 
 [ shield, received a stroke upon his cuirass, and 
 . leaped from his horse without being wounded. 
 : Crassus at the same moment was killed by a 
 j Parthian. Of those who were present, some 
 I were killed fighting around Crassus, and others 
 : had retired in good time to the hill. 
 ! The Parthians soon followed them thither, 
 I and told them, that Crassus had suffered the 
 j jmnishment due to his treachery ; but as for 
 ! them, that Surena let them know they had only 
 to come down with confidence, and gave them 
 his word that they should suffer no ill-treat- 
 ment. Upon this promise some went down and 
 put themselves into the hands of the enemy ; 
 others took the advantage of the night, and dis- 
 pei'sed on all sides. But of the latter very few 
 escaped ; all the rest were pursued the next day 
 by the Arabians, who came up with them, and 
 put them to the sword. 
 
 The loss of this battle was the most terrible 
 blow the Romans had received since the battle 
 of Cannas. They had 20,000 men killed in it, 
 apd 10,000 taken prisoners. The rest made 
 their escape by different ways into Armenia, 
 Cilicia, and Syria ; and out of these ruins an- 
 other army was afterwards formed in Syria, of 
 
 1 Amongst the Romans the consul always marched on 
 foot, at the head of the infantry. 
 
 which Cassius took upon him the command, and 
 with it prevented that country from falling into 
 the hands of the A'ictor. 
 
 This defeat must, in one sense, have been 
 more affecting to them than that of the battle of 
 Cannae, because they had reason to expect it. 
 When Hannibal was victorious at Cannae, 
 Rome was in a state of humiliation. She had 
 already lost many battles, and had no thought 
 but of defending herself, and repulsing the ene- 
 my from her territory. At this time Rome was 
 triumphant, respected and dreaded by all na- 
 tions : she was mistress of the most potent king- 
 doms of Europe, Asia, and Africa ; lately vic- 
 torious over one of the most formidable enemies 
 she ever had ; yet in the most exalted height of 
 her greatness, she saw her glory suddenly fall to 
 the ground, in an attack upon a people, formed 
 out of the assemblage of the eastern nations, 
 whose valour she despised, and whom she leck- 
 oned already amongst her conquests. So com- 
 plete a victory showed those haughty conquerors 
 of the world a rival in a remote people, capable 
 of making head against, and disputing the em- 
 pire of the universe with, them; and not only 
 of setting bounds to their ambitious projects, 
 but of making them tremble for their own 
 safety. It showed that the Romans might be 
 overthrown in a pitched battle, and fighting 
 with all their forces; that that power, which 
 till then, like the inundation of a mighty sea, 
 had overflowed all the country in its way, might 
 at length receive bounds, and be restrained for 
 the future within them. 
 
 The check received by Crassus from the Par- 
 thians was a blot on the Roman name, which 
 the victories gained over them some time after 
 by Ventidius were not capable of effacing. The j 
 standards of the vanquished legions were always ! 
 shown by them as sights. The prisoners - taken ! 
 in that fatal day were kept there in captivity, ' 
 and the Romans, citizens or allies, contracted 
 ignominious marriages to the shame of Rome, i 
 as Horace emphatically describes it, and grew ' 
 old in tranquillity, upon the lands, and under j 
 the standards, of Barbarians. It was not tili ' 
 thirty years after, in the reign of Augustus, 
 that the king of the Parthians, without being 
 compelled to it by arms, consented to restore j 
 their standard and prisoners to the Romans, i 
 which was looked upon by Augustus and the I 
 whole empire as a most glorious triumph; so 
 much were the Romans humbled by the re- i 
 membrance of that defeat, and so much did they ' 
 believe it incumbent on them to efface it, if pos- 
 sible, to the least trace. For themselves, they 
 never could forget it. Caesar was upon the point 
 of setting out against the Parthians, to avenge 
 the affront which Rome had received from them, 
 when he was killed. Antony formed the same 
 design, which turned to his disgrace. The Ro- 
 mans, from that time, always regarded the war 
 with the Parthians as the most important of 
 their wars. It was the object of the application 
 of the most warlike emperors, Trajan, Septimus 
 Severus, &c. The surname of Parthicus was 
 
 2 Milesne Crassi conjuge barbara 
 Turpis maritus vixit ? et hostium 
 (Proh Curia, inversique mores !) 
 Consenuit sorerorum in armis, 
 Sub rege Medo, Marsus ct Appulus, 
 Anclliorum, el nominis. et tcgis 
 Oblitus, cEtcrnteque Vesta;, 
 Incolumi Jove et urbe Koma ? 
 
ALEXANDER'S 
 
 ! the title of which they were fondest, and which 
 I most sensibly flattered their ambition. If the 
 I Romans sometimes passed the Euphrates to ex- 
 tend their conquest beyond it, the Parthians in 
 their turn did the same, to carry their arms and 
 devastations into Syria, and even into Palestine. 
 In a word, the Romans could never subject the 
 Parthians to their yoke ; and that nation was 
 like a wall of brass, which with impregnable 
 force resisted the most violent attacks of their 
 power. 
 
 When the battle of Carree was fought, Orodes 
 was in Armenia, where he had lately concluded 
 a peace with Ai-tabasus. The latter, upon the 
 return of the expresses he had sent to Crassus, 
 perceiving by the false measures he had taken, 
 that the Romans were infallibly lost, entered 
 (into an accommodation with Orodes; and by 
 giving one of his daughters to Pacorus, son of 
 I the Parthian king, he cemented by that alliance 
 I the treaty he had lately made. Whilst they 
 were celebrating the nuptials, the head and hand 
 of Crassus were brought to them, which Surena 
 had caused to be cut off, and sent to the king as 
 a proof of his victory. Their joy was exceed- 
 ingly augmented by that sight ; and it is said 
 that orders were given to pour molten gold into 
 the mouth of that head, in mockery of the in- 
 satiable thirst which Crassus always had for 
 that metal. 
 
 Surena did not long enjoy the pleasure of his 
 victory. His master, jealous of his glory, and 
 of the credit it gave him, catised him to be put 
 to death soon after. There are princes, near 
 whom too shining qualities are dangerous ; who 
 take umbrage at the virtues they are forced to 
 admire, and cannot bear to be served by supe- 
 rior talents, capable of eclipsing their own. 
 Orodes was of this character. He perceived,' 
 as Tacitus observes of Tiberius, that with all 
 his power be could not sufficiently repay the 
 service his general had lately done him. Now, 
 where a benefit is above all return, ingratitude 
 and hatred take the place of acknowledgment 
 and affection. 
 
 Surena was a general of extraordinary merit. 
 At thirty years of age he possessed consummate 
 ability, and surpassed all the men of his time in 
 valour. He was, besides that, perfectly well 
 made, and of the most advantageous stature. 
 For riches, credit, and authority, he had also 
 more than any man ; and was, undoubtedly, 
 the greatest subject the king of Parthia had. 
 His birth gave him the privilege of putting the 
 crown upon the king's head at his coronation, 
 and that right had appertained to his family 
 from the establishment of the empire. When 
 he travelled, he had always 1000 camels to carry 
 his baggage, 200 chariots for his wives and con- 
 l cubines, and, for his guard, 1000 horse com- 
 pletely armed, besides a great number of light- 
 armed troops and domestics, which in all did 
 not amount to less than 10,000 men. 
 
 The Parthians expecting, 
 A M. 3952. after the defeat of the Ro- 
 Ant. J. C. 62. man army, to find Syria 
 without defence, marched to 
 conquer it. But Cassius, who had foi-med an 
 army out of the ruins of the other, received 
 them with so much vigour, that they were 
 
 3 Destrui per haec fortunam suam Ca;sar, iinparemque 
 tanto merito rebatur. Nam beneficia e5 usque lasta sunt, 
 dum videntur exsolvi posse ; ubi rnultum antevenere, pro 
 gratis odium redditur. Tacit. Annul. 1. 4. c. 18. 
 
 SUCCESSORS. (^63 
 
 obliged to repass the Euphrates shamefully, 
 without effecting any thing. 
 
 The next year to the con- 
 A. M. 3953. suls,* M. Calpurnius Bibu- 
 Ant. J. C. 61. lus, and M. Tullius Cicero, 
 were assigned the provinces 
 of Syria and Cilicia. Cicero repaired imme- 
 diately to the latter, which had been allotted 
 him ; but Bibulus amusing himself at Rome, 
 Cassius continued to command in Syria. And 
 that was much to the advantage of the Romans ; 
 for the affairs of that country required a man of | 
 a quite different capacity from Bibulus. Paco- j 
 rus, son of Orodes king of the Parthians, had | 
 passed the Euphrates, in the beginning of the | 
 spring, at the head of a numerous army, and i 
 had entered Syria. He was too young to com- j 
 inand alone, and was therefore accompanied by j 
 Orsaces, an old general, who regulated every i 
 thing. He marched directly to Antioch, which | 
 he besieged. Cassius had shut himself up in | 
 that place with all his troops. Cicero, who had 
 received advice of his condition in his province, j 
 by the means of Antioch us, king of Comagena, j 
 assembled all his forces, and marched to the 
 eastern frontier of his province, which bordered 
 upon Armenia, to oppose an invasion on that 
 side, should the Armenians attempt it, and at 
 the same time to be at hand to support Cassius 
 in case of need. He sent another body of troops 
 towards the mountain Amanus, with the same 
 view. That detachment fell in with a large 
 body of the Parthian cavalry, which had en- 
 tered Cilicia, and entirely defeated it, so that 
 not a single man escaped. 
 
 The news of this success and that of Cicero's 
 approach to Antioch, extremely encouraged Cas- 
 sius and his troops to make a good defence, and 
 so much abated the ardour of the Parthians, 
 that, despairing to carry the place, they raised 
 the siege, and went to form that of Antigonia, 
 which was not far from thence. But they were 
 so little skilled in attacking towns, that they 
 miscarried again before this, and were com- 
 pelled to retire. We are not to be surprised at 
 this, as the Parthians made their principal force 
 consist in cavalry, and applied themselves most 
 to engagements in the field, which suited their 
 genius best. Cassius, who was apprized of the 
 route they would take, laid an ambuscade for 
 them, which they did not fail to fall into. He 
 defeated them entirely, and killed a great num- 
 ber of them, amongst whom was their general 
 Orsaces. The remains of their array repassed 
 the Euphrates. 
 
 When Cicero saw the Parthians removed, and 
 Antioch out of danger, he turned his arms 
 against the inhabitants of mount Amanus, who, 
 being situated between Syria and Cilicia, were 
 independent of, and at war with, both those 
 provinces. They made continual incursions into 
 them, and gave them great trouble. Cicero en-^ 
 tirely subjected those mountaineers, and took 
 and demolished all their castles and forts. He 
 afterwards marched against another barbarous 
 nation, a kind of savages, who called themselves 
 free Cilicians,^ and pretended to have never heen 
 subjected to the empire of any of the kings who 
 had been masters of the countries round about. 
 He took all their cities, and made such disposi- 
 
 4 Cic. ad famil. 1. ii. Epist. 10, 17. iii. 2. xii. 19. xy 
 1—4. Ad. Attic. 1. V. 18, 20, 21. vi. 1, 8. vii. 2, 
 5 Eleuthero-Cilices. 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 tions in the country as very much pleased all 
 their neighbours, whom they used perpetually 
 to harass. 
 
 It is Cicero himself who acquaints us with 
 these circumstances in several of his letters. 
 There are two among the rest, which may be 
 looked upon as perfect models of the manner in 
 which a general or commander ought to give a 
 prince, or his ministry, an account of a military 
 expedition ; vi'ith such simplicity, perspffcuity, 
 and precision, in which the proper character of 
 writings and relations of this kind consists, are 
 they expressed. The first is addressed to the 
 senate and people of Rome, and to the principal 
 magistrates ; it is the second of his fifteenth 
 book of his familiar epistles ; the other is writ- 
 ten particularly to Cato. This last is a master- 
 piece, wherein Cicero, who passionately desired 
 the honour of a triumph for his military expe- 
 ditions, employs all the art and address of elo- 
 quence to engage that grave senator in his 
 ; favour. Plutarch tells us,' that after his return 
 1 to Rome, the senate off'ered him a triumph, and 
 I that he refused it upon account of the civil war 
 then ready to break out between Caesar and 
 I Pompey; not believing that it became him to 
 I celebrate a solemnity which breathed nothing 
 I but joy, at a time'when the state was upon the 
 point of falling into the greatest calamities. 
 His refusal to triumph in the midst of the ap- 
 prehensions and disorders of a bloody civil war, 
 evinces in Cicero a great love for the public 
 good and his country, and does him much more 
 honour than a triumph itself could have done. 
 
 During the civil war between Pompey and 
 Caesar, and those that followed, the Parthians 
 declaring sometimes for one, and sometimes for 
 the other party, made several irruptions into 
 Syria and Palestine. But those are events 
 which particularly relate to the Roman or Jew- 
 ish histories, and therefore do not enter into 
 my plan. 
 
 I shall conclude this abridgment of that of the 
 Pai'thians, with the deaths of Pacorus and Oro- 
 des his father. Ventidius, who commanded the 
 Roman armies, under the authority of Antony 
 the triumvir, did not a little contribute to the 
 ! re-establishing the honour of the nation. He 
 I was a soldier of fortune, who from the lowest 
 I condition of life,^ had raised himself by his 
 merit to the highest dignities of the republic. 
 In the war against the allies of Rome, who at- 
 tempted to extort the freedom of the city by 
 force, he was taken when an infant, with his 
 mother, in Asculum, the capital of the Pice- 
 j nians, by Strabo, the father of Pompey the 
 ' Great, and led in triumph before that general. 
 Supported by the influence of C. Csesai", under 
 whom he had served in Gaul, and who had 
 raised him through all the degi'ees of the service, 
 he became prsetor and consul. He was the only 
 person till the time of Trajan that triumphed 
 for his exploits against the Parthians, and the 
 onlj-- one who obtained that honour, after hav- 
 ing been led in a triumph himself. 
 
 1 have said that Ventidius contributed verj^ 
 much to make the Romans amends for the 
 affront they had received at the battle of Carras. 
 He had begun to revenge the defeat of Crassus 
 and his army, by two successive victories gained 
 ■over those terrible enemies. A third, still 
 
 greater than the former, completed the work 
 and was obtained in this manner : 
 
 That general,^ apprehend- 
 A. M. Sm5. ing the Parthians, whose 
 
 Ant. J. C. 39. preparations were far ad- 
 vanced, would get the start 
 of him, and pass the Euphrates before he had 
 time to draw all his troops together out of their 
 different quarters, had recourse to this strata- 
 gem. There was a petty eastern prince in his 
 camp, under the name of an ally, whom he 
 knew to be entirely in the interest of the Par- 
 thians, and that he held secret intelligence with 
 them, and gave them advice of all the designs of 
 the Romans which he could discover. He re- 
 solved to make this man's treachery the means 
 of drawing the Parthians into a snare he had 
 laid for them. 
 
 With that view he contracted a more than 
 ordinary intimacy with this traitor. He con- 
 versed frequently with him upon the operations 
 of the campaign. Affecting at length to open 
 himself to him with great confidence, he ob- 
 served that he was much afraid, from advices 
 he had received, that the Parthians designed to 
 pass the Euphrates not at Zeugma, as usual, 
 but a great way lower. For, said he, if they 
 pass at Zeugma, the country on this side is so 
 mountainous, that the cavalry in which the 
 whole force of their army consists, can do us no 
 great hurt. But if they poss below, there are 
 nothing but plains, where they will have all 
 manner of advantages against us, and it will be^ 
 impossible for us to make head against them. 
 As soon as he had imparted this seci'et to him, 
 the spy did not fail, as Ventidius had rightly 
 foreseen, to communicate it to the Parthians, 
 with whom it had all the effect he could desire. 
 Pacorus, instead of going to Zeugma, imme- 
 diately took the other route, lost abundance of 
 time in consequence of the great compass he 
 was obliged to take, and in the preparations ne- 
 cessary for passing the river there. Ventidius 
 got forty days by this means, which he em- 
 ployed in making Silon join him from Judaea, 
 with the legions which were quartered on the 
 other side of mount Taurus, and found himself 
 in a condition to give the Parthians a good re- 
 ception when they entered Syria. 
 
 As they saw that they had not been attacked 
 either in passing the river, or afterwards, they 
 attributed that inactivity to terror and cowar- 
 dice, and marched directly to charge the enemy 
 in their camp, though situated very advanta- 
 geously upon an eminence, not doubting but 
 they should soon make themselves masters of it, ! 
 and that without much resistance. They were 
 mistaken. The Romans quitted their camp, 
 fell on them with impetuosity, and pushed them 
 with the utmost vigour upon the declivity : and 
 as they had the advantage of the ground, and 
 their light-armed troops from the top of the hill 
 poured showers of darts upon the Parthians, 
 they soon put them into disorder, notwithstand- 
 ing the vigorous resistance they made at first. 
 The slaughter was very great. Pacorus was 
 killed in the battle, and his death was followed 
 immediately with the flight of his whole army. 
 The vanquished made haste to regain the bridge, 
 in order to return into their own coutitry ; but 
 the Romans pi-evented them, and cut the great- 
 
 1 Plut. in Cic. p. 879. 
 2 Veil. Paterc. 1. ii. c. 65. Valer. Max. 1. vi. c 9. Aul. 
 Geil. 1. XV. c. 4. 
 
 3 Joseph. Antiq. 1. xiv. c. 24. Plut. in Anton, p. 931 
 Apjiian. in Partli. p. 156. Dion. Cass. I. xlix. p. 402, 404- 
 Justin. 1. xlii. c. 4. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 G65 
 
 est part of them in pieces. Some few escapi ng 
 by flight, retired to Antiochus king of Coma- 
 gena. History ohserves, that this celebrated 
 battle, which so well revenged the defeat of 
 Crassus, was fought exactly on the same day 
 with the battle of Carrae fourteen years before. 
 
 Orodes was so struck with the loss of this 
 battle,* and the death of his son, that he was 
 almost out of his senses. For several days, he 
 neither opened his mouth, nor took any nourish- 
 ment. When the excess of his grief was a little 
 abated, and would permit him to speak, nothing 
 was heard from him but the name of Pacorus. 
 He imagined that he saw him, and called to 
 him; he seemed to discourse with him as if he 
 were living, to speak to him, and hear him 
 speak. At other times he remembered that he 
 was dead, and shed a torrent of tears. 
 
 Never was grief more just. This was the 
 most fatal blow for the Parthian monarchy it 
 had ever received ; nor was the loss of the 
 prince less than that of the army itself. P'er 
 he was the most excellent character the house 
 of the Arsacidae had ever produced, for justice, 
 clemency, valour, and all the qualities which 
 constitute the truly great prince. He had made 
 himself so much beloved in Syria, during the 
 little time he resided there, that never did the 
 people express more aiFection for any of their 
 native sovereigns, than for the person of this 
 foreign prince. 
 
 When Orodes had a little recovered the de- 
 jection into which the death of his dear son 
 Pacorus had thrown him, he found himself ex- 
 tremely embarrassed about the choice of his 
 successor out of his other children. He had 
 thirty by different women, each of whom soli- 
 cited him in favour of her own, and made use 
 of all the ascendancy she had over a mind im- 
 paired by age and affliction. At last he deter- 
 mined, however, to follow the order of birth, 
 and nominated Phraates, the eldest, and also 
 most vicious of them all. 
 A. M. 3967. He had scarce taken pos- 
 Ant. J. C. 37. session of the throne, when 
 he caused all his brothers, 
 whom his father had by the daughter of Anti- 
 ochus Eusebes, king of Syria, to be murdered, 
 and that only because their mother was of a 
 better family than his, and they had more merit 
 than himself. The father, who was still alive, 
 not being able to avoid professing extreme dis- 
 pleasure upon that occasion, that unnatural son 
 ordered him also to be put to death. He treated 
 the rest of his brothers in the same manner, and 
 did not spare his own son, from the apprehen- 
 sion that the people would set him upon the 
 throne in his stead. It was this prince, so 
 cruel towards all his own family, that treated 
 Hyrcanus, king of the Jews, with peculiar fa- 
 vour and clemency. 
 
 ARTICLE III. 
 
 Abridgment of the history of the kings of Cappadocia, 
 from the foundation of that kingdom to the time when 
 it became a province of the Roman empire. 
 
 I have spoken in several parts of this history 
 of the kings of Cappadocia, according as I had 
 
 4 Orodes, repente filii morte et exercitUs clade audita, 
 ex dolore m furorem verlitur. Wuitis diebus non alloqui 
 quenquam, non cibum sumere, non vocem mitterc, ita ut 
 etiam mutus factus videretur. Post multos deinde dies, 
 ubi dolor vocem laxaverit, nihil aliud quam Pacorum ' 
 vocabat. Pacorus illi videri, Pacorus audiri videbatur • 
 cum iilo loqui, cum illo consistere. Interdum quasi amis- 
 sum flebiliter dolebat. Justin. 
 
 occasion, but without mentioning either their 
 beginning or succession. I shall here unite in 
 one point of view all that relates to that king- 
 dom. 
 
 Cappadocia is a great country of Asia Minor.' 
 The Persians, under whose dominion it was at 
 first, had divided it into two parts, and esta- 
 blished two satrapies or governments in it. The 
 Macedonians, into whose possession it fell, suf- 
 fered those two governments to be changed into 
 kingdoms. The one extended towards mount 
 Taurus, and was properly called Cappadocia, oi 
 Cappadocia Major ; the other towards Pontus, 
 and was called Cappadocia Pontica, or Cappa- 
 docia Minor : they were at length united into 
 one kingdom. 
 
 Strabo says, that Ariarathes was the first 
 king of Cappadocia, but does not mention at 
 what time he began to reign. It is probable, 
 that it was about the time 
 A. M. S644. that Philip, father of Alex- 
 Ant. J. C. 360. ander the Great, began to 
 reign in Macedonia, and 
 Ochus in Persia. Upon this supposition the 
 kingdom of Cappadocia continued three hun- 
 dred threescore and sixteen years, before it was 
 reduced into a province of 'the Roman empire 
 under Tiberius. 
 
 It was governed at first by a long succession 
 of kings named Ariarathes; then by kings called 
 Ariobarzanes, who did not exceed the third 
 generation ; and at length by the last, Arche- 
 laus. According to Diodorus Siculus, there had 
 been many kings of Cappadocia before Ariara- 
 thes; but as their history is almost entirely 
 unknown, 1 shall make no mention of it in 
 this place. 
 
 Ariarathes I. He reigned 
 jointly with his brother Ho- 
 lophernes, for whom he had 
 a particular affection. 
 
 Having joined the Persi- 
 ans in the expedition against 
 -^&ypt> he acquired great 
 glory, and returned home 
 laden with honours by king Ochus. 
 
 Ariarathes II,'' son of 
 A. M. 8668. the former, had lived at 
 Ant. J. C. 336. peace in his dominions, dur- 
 ing the wars of Alexander 
 the Great, who, out of impatience to come to 
 blows with Darius, was unwilling to be de- 
 layed by the conquest of Cappadocia, and had 
 contented himself with some instances of sub- 
 mission. 
 
 After that prince's death, Cappadocia, in the 
 partition made of the provinces of his empire by 
 his generals, fell to Euraenes. Perdiccas, to 
 put him into possession of it, conducted him 
 thither at the head of a powerful army. Aria- 
 rathes on his side prepared for a vigorous de- 
 fence. He had 30,000 foot and a numerous 
 cavalry. They came to a battle. Ariarathes 
 was defeated and taken prisoner. Perdiccas 
 caused him, with his principal officers, to be 
 crucified, and put Eumeues into possession of 
 his dominions. 
 
 Ariarathes III. After the death of his Ae- 
 ther, he escaped into Armenia. 
 
 As soon as he was ap- 
 A. M. S689. prized of the death of Per- 
 Ant. J. C. 315. diccas and Eumenes, and the 
 
 A. M. 3644. 
 Ant. J. C. 360. 
 
 A. M. 
 Ant. J. 
 
 3653. 
 C. 351. 
 
 5 Strab. 1. xii. p. 533, 534. 
 6 Plut. in Eumen. p. 548. Diod 1, xviii. 
 
 p. 59P 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 G66 
 
 employment which other wars gave Antiochus | 
 and Seleucus, he entered Cappadocia with troops i 
 lent him by Ardoates king of Armenia. He 
 defeated Amyntas, general of the Macedonians, | 
 drove him out of the country, and re-asccnded 
 the throne of his ancestors. 
 
 AuiAMNKs, his eldest son, 
 A. INI. 3720. succeeded him. He entered 
 Ant. J. C. 2Si. into an alliance with Anti- 
 ochus Theos, king of Syria, 
 and married his eldest son to Stralonice, the 
 daughter of the same Antiochus. He had so 
 great an atfection for this son, that he made him 
 his colleague in the kingdom. 
 
 Akiarathes IV. having reigned alone after 
 the death of his father, left his dominions, when 
 he died, to his son of the same name with him- 
 self, who was at that time very young. 
 
 ARiARATHh's V. He mar- 
 A. M. 3SI-1. ried Antiochis, daughter of 
 Ant. J. C. 190. Antiochus the Great, an art- 
 ful princess, who, finding 
 herself barren, had recourse to imposture. She 
 deceived her husband, and made him believe 
 that she had two sons, one of whom was called 
 Ariarathes, and the other Holophernes.' Her 
 barrenness ceasing some time after, she had two 
 daughters, and then one son, who was named 
 Mithridates. She confessed the fraud to her 
 husband, and sent the elder of the supposititious 
 children to be brought up at Home, with a 
 small train, and the other into Ionia. The 
 legitimate son took the name of Ariarathes, and 
 was educated after the manner of the Greeks. 
 
 Ariarathes V\ supplied his lather-in-law, An- 
 tiochus king of Syria, with troops, in the war 
 which he undertook against the Romans. An- 
 tiochus having been defeated, Ariarathes sent 
 ambassadors to llome,^ to ask i)ardon of the se- 
 nate, for having been obliged to declare against 
 the Romans iti favour of his father-in-law. This 
 was granted him, but not till after he had been 
 condemned to pay, by way of expiation of his 
 fault, 200 talents, that is to say, 200,000 crowns. 
 The senate afterwards abated him half that sum, 
 at the request of Eumenes king of Tergamus, 
 who had lately married his daughter. 
 
 Ariarathes afterwards entered into an alliance 
 with his son-in-law Eumenes, against Phar- 
 naces king of Rontus. The Romans, who had 
 rendered themselves ai-biters of the kings of the 
 East, sent ambassadors to negotiate a treaty be- 
 tween those three princes ; but I'harnaces re- 
 jected their me<liation. However, two years 
 after, he was obliged to treat with Eumenes 
 and Ariarathes upon conditions sufiicienlly iiard. 
 
 The latter had a son of his own name, who 
 loved him in the most tender manner, whi< h 
 occasione<l his being surnamed R}iiloi»ator ; for 
 whom he had no less affection. He desire<i to 
 give him proofs of it by resigning the kingdom 
 to him, and placing him up(»n the throne during 
 his life. The son, who had the utmost alTection 
 and respect for a father who so well deserved 
 both, could not resolv»! to accept an otfer so ad- 
 vantageous in the vulgar opinion of men, but 
 one which aimed a mortal wound at so good a 
 heart as his ; and represented to his father, that 
 he was not one of those who could consent to 
 reign during the life of him to whom he owed 
 
 1 Ho is so railed by I'olybiiis, and Oroplierncs by Dio- 
 dorus Siculus. 
 
 2 Liv. I. xxxvii. n. 50. 1. xxxviii. n. 37 & 39. 
 
 his being. Such examples of moderation, gene 
 rosity, disinterestedness, and sincere affection for 
 a father, are the more extraordinary, and the 
 more to be admired, as in the times of which 
 we are now relating the history, inordinate am- 
 bition respected nothing, and boldly violated the 
 most sacred ties of nature and religion. 
 
 Ariarathes VI. ^ sur- 
 A. M. SS42. named Rhilopator, reigned 
 Aut. J. C. IG2. after his father's death, and 
 was an excellent prince. As 
 soon as he ascended the throne, he sent an em- 
 bassy to Rome, to renew the alliance his father 
 had contracted with the Romans, which he 
 found no difficulty to obtain. He applied him- 
 si'lf very closely to the study of philosophy, from 
 whence Cappadocia, which, till then, had been 
 unknown to the Greeks, became the residence 
 of many learned men. 
 
 Demetrius, king of Syria, had a sister, whom 
 Ariarathes refused to espouse, lest that alliance 
 should give offence to the Romans. The refusal 
 extremely prejudiced Demetrius against the king 
 of Cappadocia. He soon found an o 'casion to 
 be revenged, by sui)plying Holophernes with 
 troops, who pretended to be the brother of Aria- 
 rathes,* expelled him from the throne, and after 
 that violence reigned tyrannically. He put many 
 to death, confiscated the estates of the greatest 
 noblemen, and even plundered a temple of Jupi- 
 ter, which had been reverenced by the people 
 from time immemorial, and had never suffered 
 such a violation before. Apprehending a re- 
 volution, which his cruelty gave him reason to 
 expect, he deposited 400 talents ^ with the in- 
 haljitants of Rriene, a city wf Ionia. Ariarathes 
 had taken refuge at Rome, to implore aid of the 
 Romans. The usurper sent his deputies thither 
 also. The senate, according to the usual mo- 
 tives of their jwlicy decreed that the kingdom 
 should be divided between the two brothers. 
 
 Ariarathes iound a more 
 A. INI. S845. ready and more effectual pro- 
 Ant. J. C. 159. tector in the person of Atta- 
 ins, king of I'ergamus, who 
 signalized the begiiming of his reign by re-esta- 
 blishing this unfortunate prince upon the throne 
 of his ancestors. Ariarathes, to revenge himself 
 on the usurper, wished to compel the inhabitants 
 of Priene to deliver into his hands the 400 ta- 
 lents Holophernes had lelt with them. They 
 opposed that demand, with pleading the invio- 
 lable faith of deposits, which would not admit 
 their giving up that sum to any one whomso- 
 ever, during the life of the person who had con- 
 fided it to their keeping. Ariarathes had no 
 regard to so just a representation, and laid waste 
 their lands without mercy; notwithstandiiig 
 which, so considerable a loss did not induce them 
 to violate the fi<lelity they thought themselves 
 obliged to observe in regard to him, who had 
 confided that deposit with them. 
 
 Holophernes had retired to Antioch," where 
 he joined in a conspiracy with the inhabitants 
 of that city agaisist Demetrius his benefactor, 
 whose jdace he had conceived hopes of supi)ly- 
 ing. Tile conspiracy was discovered, and Holo- 
 phernes imprisoned.' Demetrius would have put 
 I him to death directly, if he had not judged it 
 more advisable to reserve him, in order to make 
 
 3 Diod. in Eclog. 1. xxxi. p. 8fi5. 
 
 4 Diod. Ill Excerpt. |). 334 & 336. 
 
 5 Four hundred thousand crowns. 
 
 6 Justin. 1. XXXV. c. 1. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. CG7 
 
 use of him afterwards iu the pretensions he had 
 upon Cappadocia, and the design he had formed 
 of dethroning and destroying Ariarathes; but 
 he was prevented by the plot contrived against 
 him by the three kings of Egypt, Pergamus, 
 and Cappadocia, who set Alexander JBala upon 
 the throne in his stead. 
 
 Ariarathes aided the Ro- 
 
 A. M. 3875. mans against Aristonicus,' 
 Ant. J. C. 129. who had possessed himself 
 of the kingdom of Pergamus, 
 and perished in that war. 
 
 He left six children, whom he had by Lao- 
 dice. The Romans, in gratitude for the father's 
 services, added Lycaonia and Cilicia to their 
 dominions. Laodice, who was regent during 
 the minority of those six princes, apprehending 
 the loss of her authority when they should be of 
 age to reign, poisoned five of them the same 
 year their father died. She would have treated 
 the sixth in the same manner, if the vigilance of 
 relations had not removed him from the fury of 
 that unnatural mother. The people set him 
 upon the throne, after having destroyed that 
 cruel murderess of her children. 
 
 Ariarathes V J I. Hemar- 
 
 A. M. 3913. ried another Laodice,^ sister 
 Ant. J. C. 91. of Mithridates Eupator, and 
 had two sons by her, Aria- 
 rathes VIII. and Ariarathes IX. His bro- 
 ther-in-law caused him to be murdered by Gor- 
 dius, one of his subjects. Laodice afterwards 
 married Nicomedes king of Bithynia, who im- 
 roediately took possession of Cappadocia. Mith- 
 ridates sent an army thither, drove out the gar- 
 risons of Nicomedes, and restored the kingdom 
 to his nephew, the son of the same Ariarathes, 
 whom he had caused to be assassinated. 
 
 Ariarathes VIII. had scarce ascended the 
 throne, when Mithridates pressed him to recall 
 Gordius from banishment, with design to rid 
 himself of the son by the same assassin who had 
 killed the father. That young prince shuddered 
 at the proposal, and raised an army to oppose 
 the violence of his uncle. Mithridates being 
 unwilling to decide his measures by the hazard 
 of a battle, chose rather to draw Ariarathes to 
 a conference, in which he assassinated him, 
 vvith a dagger concealed for that purpose, in the 
 view of the two armies. He set his own son 
 of only eight years of age in his place, caused 
 him to be called Ariarathes, and gave him Gor- 
 dius for his governor." The Cappadocians, not 
 being able to bear the oppression of the lieute- 
 nants of Mithridates, rose in arms, called in 
 Ariarathes, the late king's brother, from Asia, 
 and placed him upon the throne. 
 
 Ariarathes IX. Soon after his return, 
 Mithridates attacked, overthrew, and expelled 
 him the kingdom. That young prince's grief 
 brought a disease on him, of which he died soon 
 after. Mithridates had re-established his son 
 upon the throne. 
 
 Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, apprehending 
 that Mithridates, being in possession of Cappa- 
 docia, might fall upon his dominions, set up an 
 infant of eight years of age, to whom he also 
 gave the name of Ariarathes, and sent deputies 
 to the Romans to demand the kingdom of his 
 father in his name. Queen Laodice, his wife, 
 went expressly to Rome to support the impos- 
 
 7 Justin. 1. xxxvii. c. 1. 8 Id. 1. xxxviiL c. I. 
 
 9 id. 1. XXXV iii. c. ii. 
 
 ture, and to testify that she had had three sons 
 by Ariarathes VII., of whom this, which 
 she produced, was the last. Mithridates, on 
 his side, ventured to have assurances made by 
 Gordius, that this son, whom he had placed 
 upon the throne, was the son of that Ariarathes 
 who had been killed in the war against Aris- 
 tonicus. What times were these ! what a series 
 is here of frauds and impostures ! The Roman 
 people saw through them ; and in order not to 
 support them on either side, decreed that Mith- 
 ridates should renounce Cappadocia, which for 
 the future should enjoy its liberty, and govern 
 itself as it thought proper. But the Cappado- j 
 cians sent to Rome to declare that liberty was 1 
 insupportable to them, and to demand a king, i 
 We may justly be astonished at the taste of a 
 people, who could prefer slavery to liberty. But 
 there are nations to which the monarchical is ^ 
 better adapted than the republican government ; I 
 and there are few who are wise enough to make 
 a moderate use of perfect and entire liberty. 
 The Cappadocians elected, or rather received 
 from the Romans, Ariobarzanes for their king, 
 whose family was extinct at the third genera- 
 tion. 
 
 Ariobarzanes I. This 
 A. M. 3915. new prince did not enjoy 
 Ant. J. C. 89. hisdignity in peace." Mith- 
 raas and Bagoas, generals of 
 Tigranes, drove him out of Cappadocia, and 
 established there Ariarathes, son of Mithridates. 
 The Romans caused Ariobarzanes to be re- 
 instated. He was expelled some time after by 
 an army sent by Mithridates into Cappadocia, 
 in favour of his son. Sylla, having obtained 
 great advantages over Mithridates, compelled 
 him to abandon Cappadocia. Sometime after, 
 at the instigation of that prince, Tigranes in- 
 vaded that kingdom, and carried off 300,000 
 men, to whom he gave lands in Armenia, and 
 placed a considerable number of them in the 
 city of Tigranocerta. Ariobarzanes, who had 
 escaped to Rome before the invasion, was not 
 restored till Pompey had put an end to the war 
 with Mithridates. 
 
 Ariobarzanes II. Pom 
 A. M. 3938. pey had considerably enlarged 
 Ant. J. C. 66. the dominions of Ariobar- 
 zanes, when he replaced him 
 on the throne of Cappadocia. His son succeeded 
 to all that great inhei-itance, but did not keep it 
 long. He was killed some time before Cicero 
 went to command in Cilicia. The prince who 
 reigned at that time was Ariobarzanes III, 
 grandson of Ariobarzanes I. 
 
 Ariobarzanes III." Ci- 
 A. M. 3953. cero, upon quitting Rome, 
 Ant. J. C. 61. had received orders to fa- 
 vour and pi-otect Ariobar- 
 zanes with all possible care, as a prince whose 
 welfare was dear to the senate and people; a ' 
 glorious testimonial, which had never before i 
 been granted to any king. Cicero punctually | 
 executed the order of the senate. When he ar- 
 rived in Cilicia, Ariobarzanes was menaced with 
 being killed, as his father had been. A conspi- ) 
 racy was on foot against him, in favour of his i 
 brother Ariarathes. The latter declared to Ci- ( 
 cero, that he had no part iu that plot: that in- 
 
 10 Appian. ill Mitlirid. p. 176, Sea. Justin. 1. xxxviii 
 c. 3. Plut. in Sylla. 
 
 11 Cic. tlpist. 2 & 4. 1. XV. ad Fan)iJ. & Epist. 20. 1. v 
 ad Attic. 
 
GG8 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 deed he had been earnestly solicited to accept the | 
 kingdom, but that he had always been infinitely 
 averse to such thoughts, during the life of his bro- 
 ther ; who, it seems, had no issue. Cicero employ- 
 ed the authority of his office, and all the influence 
 his high reputation gave him, to dispel the storm 
 with which the king was threatened. His en- 
 deavours were successful he saved the king's 
 life and crown by his resolution, and a generous 
 disinterestedness, which rendered him inacces- 
 sible to all the attempts that were made to cor- 
 rupt his integrity, and to seduce him. The 
 greatest danger came from the high-priest of 
 Comana. There were two principal cities of 
 that name, the one in Cappadocia and the other 
 in ihe kingdom of Pontus.^ They were conse- 
 crated to Bellona, and observed almost the same 
 ceremonies in the worship of that goddess. The | 
 one was formed upon the model of the other ; 
 that of Fontus upon that of Cappadocia. It is | 
 of the latter we speak in this place. The tern- j 
 pie of that goddess was endowed with great 
 estates, and served by a vast number of persons, j 
 under the authority of a pontitf, a man of great j 
 induence, and so considerable, that the king | 
 alone was his superior : he was generally of the j 
 blood royal. His dignity was for life. Strabo i 
 says, that in his time there were above 6000 | 
 persons consecrated to the service of the temple 
 of Comana. It was that which made the high- 
 priest so powerful ; and in the time of which 
 we speak,^ might have occasioned a very danger- 
 ous war, and involved Ariobarzanes in great 
 difficulties, had he thought proper to defend 
 himself by force of arms, as it was believed he 
 would ; for he had troops, both horse and foot, 
 ready to take the field, with great funds to pay 
 and subsist them. But Cicero, by his prudence, 
 prevailed upon him to retire out of the king- 
 dom, and to leave Ariobarzanes in the peaceable 
 possession of it. 
 
 During the civil war between Csesar and 
 Pompey, Ariobarzanes marched with some 
 troops to the latter, who were present at the 
 battle of Pharsalia. This, no doubt, was the 
 reason that Csesar laid Ariobarzanes under con- 
 tribution. It is certain that he exacted very 
 considerable sums of money from him ;* for that 
 prince represented to him, that it would be im- 
 possible for him to pay them, if Pharnaces con- 
 tinued to plunder Cappadocia. Csesar was then 
 in Egypt, from whence he set out to reduce 
 Pharnaces to reason. He passed through Cap- 
 padocia, and made such regulations there, as 
 imply that Ariobarzanes and his brother kept 
 up no very good understanding with each other, 
 and entirely subjected the latter to the authority 
 of the former. After Csesar had conquered 
 Pharnace.?,^ he gave part of Cilicia and Arme- 
 nia to Ariobarzanes. 
 
 1 Ariobarzanes opera mea vivit, rei,'nat 'Ey -xv-go^w, 
 consilio et auctoritate, et qu5d proditoribus ejus ccrtgo- 
 ciTov fx-i, non modb a,iaooloKr,Tciv preebui, rcgein regniim- 
 que servavi. Cic. Epist. '20. 1. v. ad Attic. 
 
 2 Strab. 1 xii. p. 535 & 537. 
 S Cum magnum bellum in Cappadocia concitaretur, si 
 sacerdos armis se (quod facturus" putabatur^ defenderet, 
 ariolescens et equitatu et pedidatu et ])ecu:iia paratus, et 
 toto, iis qui uovari aliquid volcbant, perfeci ut e reg;io ille 
 discederet ; rexque sine tumultu ac sine armis, onini auc- 
 toritate aulce communita, resinum cum dignitate obti- 
 neret. Cic. Ep. 4. lib. xv. ad Fain. 
 
 4 Cjes. de BclL Civ. 1. iii. Hirt. de Bell. Alex. 
 5 Die. 1, xlii. p. 183. 
 
 This mild treatment gave 
 A. sr. 3962. the murderei's of Csesar rea- 
 Ant. J. C. 42. son to believe that the king 
 of Cappadocia would not 
 favour their party." He did not openly declare 
 against them ; but he refused to enter into their 
 ailiance. This conduct gave them a just dis- 
 trust of him, so that Cassius thought it incum- 
 bent upon him not to spare him. He attacked 
 him, and having taken him prisoner, put him 
 to death. 
 
 Ariarathes X, By the death of Ariobar- 
 zanes the kingdom of Cappadocia fell to his 
 bi'other Ariarathes. The possession of it was 
 disputed with him by Sisinna, the eldest son of 
 Glaphyra, wife of Archelaus, high-priest of 
 Bellona, at Comana, in Cappadocia. This Ar- 
 chelaus was the grandson of Archelaus, a Cap- 
 padocian by nation, and general of an army in 
 Greece for Mithridates against Sylla. He aban- 
 doned the party of INIithridates in the second 
 war, as Ave shall relate in the twenty-third 
 book, and joined the Romans.^ He left one son, 
 named also Archelaus, who married Berenice, 
 queen of Egypt, and was killed six months after 
 in a battle. He had obtained a very honourable 
 dignity from Pompey, which was the high- 
 priesthood of Comana in Cappadocia. His son 
 Archelaus possessed it after him. He married 
 Glaphyra, a lady of extraordinary beauty, and 
 had two sons by her, Sisinna 
 A. M. 3963. and Archelaus. Thefirstdis- 
 Aut. J. C. 41. puted the kingdom of Cap- 
 padocia with Ariarathes Avho 
 possessed it,^ Mark Antony was the judge of 
 this difference. And determined it in favour 
 of Sisinna, What became 
 A. M. 3968. of him is not known; history 
 Ant. J. C. 36. only tells us, that Ariarathes 
 re-ascended the throne. Five 
 or six years after, Mark Antony expelled him, 
 and established Archelaus,^ the second son of 
 Glaphyra, in his stead. 
 
 Archelaus.'" That prince 
 A. M. 3973. became very powerful. FI^^ 
 Ant. J. C. 31. expressed his gratitude to 
 Mark Antony by joining 
 him with good troops at the battle of Actium. 
 He Avas so fortunate, notwithstanding that con- 
 duct, as to escape the resentment of Augustus. 
 He was suffered to keep possession of Cappa- 
 docia, and was almost the only one treated with 
 so much favour. 
 
 He assisted Tiberius to re- 
 A. M. 3984. establish 'I'igranes in Arme- 
 Ant. J. C. 20. nia," and obtained of Augus- 
 tus, Armenia Minor, and a 
 great part of Cilicia. Tiberius rendered him 
 great services with x^ugustus, especially when 
 his subjects brought accusations against him be- 
 fore that prince. He pleaded his cause himself, 
 and was the occasion of his gaining it. Arche- 
 laus tixed his residence in the island of Eleusis 
 near the coast of Cilicia, and having married 
 Pythodorus, the Avidow of Polemon king ot 
 Pontus, he considerably augmented his power. 
 For as the sons of Polemon Avere infants at that 
 
 6 Dio. 1. xlvii. p. 346. 
 7 Strab. 1. xii. p. 558. Dio 1. xxxix. p. 116. 
 8 Appian. de Bell Civ. 1. v. p. 675. 
 9 Dio. 1. xlix. p. 411. 10 Plut. in Anton. 944. 
 
 11 Joseph. Antiq. 1. xv. c. 5. Dio. 1. liv. p. 526. Sueton 
 in Tib. c. viii Dio. 1. Ivii. p. 614. Strab. 1. xiv. p. 671. 
 & 1. xii. p. 556. 
 
ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 G6.9 
 
 time, lie had undoubtedly the 'administration of 
 their kingdom jointly with their mother, 
 
 . ^ His reign was very long 
 
 A. M. S988. and happy :'2 but his latter 
 Ant. J. C. 16. years were unfortunate, and 
 his misfortunes were the 
 consequence of Tiberius's revenge. That prince, 
 who satv with pain, that Caius and Lucius, the 
 sons of Agrippa, grandsons of Augustus, and 
 his sons^ by adoption, Avere raised by degrees 
 above him;'^ to avoid giving umbrage to the 
 two young Caesars, and to spare himself the 
 niortifi cation of being witness to their aggran- 
 dizement, demanded and obtained permission to 
 retire to Rhodes, under pretext that he had 
 need of repose for the re-establishment of his 
 health. His retreat was considered as a real 
 banishment, and people began to neglect him as 
 a person in disgrace, and did not believe it safe 
 to appear his fi-iends. During his stay at 
 Rhodes,'* king Archelaus, who Avas not at a 
 great distance from thence, residing generally at 
 Eleusis,'^ paid him no honours, forgetting the 
 great .obligations he had to him. It was not, 
 says Tacitus, out of pride or haughtiness, but 
 by the advice of Augustus's principal friends, 
 who believed the amity of Tiberius dangerous 
 at that time. On the con- 
 A. M. ^002. trary, when young Caius Cse- 
 Ant. J. C. 2. sar, appointed governor of the 
 East, was sent into Armenia 
 by Augustus, to appease the troubles of that 
 country, Archelaus, who looked upon him as 
 the future successor to the empire, paid him all 
 kind of honours, and distinguished himself by 
 the zeal with which he paid his court to him. 
 Politicians are often mistaken in their conjec- 
 tures, for want of a clear insight into futurity. 
 It would have been more consistent with pru- 
 dence and wisdom in Archelaus to have ob- 
 served such a conduct as would have been agree- 
 able to each of the princes, who might both 
 arrive at the empire. Something of this nature 
 IS observed of Pomponius Atticus,'^ who dur- 
 ing all the divisions, with which the republic 
 was torn at different times, always knew how 
 to render himself agreeable to the heads of both 
 parties. 
 
 Tiberius never forgot the injurious prefer- 
 ence that had been given to his rival, which was 
 the more offensive to him, as 
 A. M. 4020. it argued an ungrateful dispo- 
 An. Dom. 16. sition in Archelaus. He made 
 him highly sensible of this 
 when he became master. Archelaus was cited 
 ♦:o Rome, as having endeavoured to excite trou- 
 
 bles in the province. Livia wrote to him, and 
 without dissembling the emperor's anger, gave 
 him hopes of pardon, provided he came in per- 
 son to demand it. This was a snare laid for 
 drawing him out of his kingdom. The king of 
 Cappadocia either did not perceive it,'^ or dared 
 not to act as if he did. He set out for Rome, 
 was very ill received by Tiberius, and saw him- 
 self shortly after proceeded against as a criminal. 
 Dion assures us, that Archelaus, depressed with 
 ago, was generally believed to have lost his rea- 
 son ; but that in reality he was perfectly in his 
 senses, and counterfeited the madman, because 
 he saw no other means of saving his life. The 
 senate passed no sentence against him; but age, 
 the gout, and, more than those, the indignity of 
 the treatment he was made to suffer, soon occa- 
 sioned his death. He reigned two-and-fifty 
 years. ^ After his death, Cappadocia was re- 
 duced into a province of the Roman empire. 
 
 'I'his kingdom was very powerful. The re- 
 venues of Cappadocia were so considerable when 
 Archelaus died, that Tiberius thought himself 
 able, from his new acquisition, to abate the half 
 of a tax he had caused to be levied. He even 
 gave that province some relief, and would not 
 exact from it all the duties it had paid the last 
 king. 
 
 The kings of Cappadocia generally resided at 
 Mazaca,'^* a city situate at the foot of the 
 
 17 Ille ignarus doli, vel, si intelligere videretur vim 
 metuens, in urbem propeiat: exceptusque immiti a'prin- 
 cipe, et mox accusatus a senatu ; non ob crimina, qute 
 fingebantur, sed angore, simul fessus senio,et quia re^ibus 
 a>qua, pedum infima, insolita sunt, finem vitee sponte an 
 tato implevit. Tacit. Annal. 1. ii. c. 42. 
 
 18 Strab. 1 xii. p. 537, 539. 
 • This city was afterwards called Caesarea Mazaca, in 
 honour of liberius Csssar, and is now called Kaisariah by 
 the iurks. It was also sometimes called Ad Argaum 
 to distinguish it from other cities of the same name. 
 J his city continued to increase in wealth and splendour 
 
 Sueton. in Tib. c. x. Veil. 
 
 12 Dio. in Excerpt, p. 662. 
 Patcrc. 1. ii. c. 99. 
 
 13 Ne fulgor suus orientium juven-um obstaret initiis, 
 dissimulate causa consilii sui, commeatum ab socero atque 
 eodem vitrico acquicscendi acontinuatione laborum petiit 
 faterc. \. ii. c. 99. 
 
 14. Ilex Archelaus quinquagesimura annum Cappadocia 
 potiebatur, invisus Tiberio, quM, eum Rhodi egentum 
 nuilo offtcio coluisset. Nec id Archelaus per superbiam 
 omiserat, sed at intimis Augusti monitus : quia florcnte 
 Caio CjEsare, missoque ad res Oricntis, intuta 'I'iberii ami 
 citia credebatur. Tacit. Annal. 1. ii. c. 42. 
 
 15 Eleusis was but six leagues "distant from Rhodes. 
 Strab. 1, xiv. p. 65. 
 
 16 Hoc quale sit, faciliCls existimabit is, qui judicare 
 potent quants sit sapientize, eorum retinere usum bene, 
 volentiamque, inter quos maximarum rerum non solum 
 a?mulatio, sed obtrectatio tanta intercedebat, quantum fuit 
 incidere necesse inter Cjesarem atque Antonium, cilm se 
 uterque principem non soliim urbis Romante sed orbis 
 terrarum c.^se ciij)cret. Corn. Nejr in Attic, r. xx 
 
 after its annexation to the empire. It struck a numlier 
 of medals, consecrated temples to the emperors, and cele- 
 brated public games in honour of Septimius Severus and 
 his sons. It was adorned with an amphitheatre and many 
 temples, and when pillaged by Schabour, son of Ardeshir 
 Babegan, the Persian king, in fhe reign of Valerian, it 
 contained a population of 400,( 00 souls. Its dimensions 
 were contracted by Justinian, wi.o rebuilt the walls It 
 was raised to the dignity of an auoslolic See, and gave 
 birth to the celebrated Ba.sil, wi,o was buried near the 
 town. The city lies in the south siJe of a plain, fertile and 
 of great extent, and at the foot of a stupendous mountain 
 ca. ed Arga;us. Two branches of this mountain advance 
 a short distance into the plain, forn.ing a small recess, in 
 the centre of which stands Cfesarea, surrounded on three 
 sides by mountains. The area of the modern city is in- 
 considerable, and the houses, though built of stone and 
 mortar, are mean in their appearance. It is still the em. 
 ponum of an extensive trade, and the resort of merchai,ts 
 to It from all parts of A.sia Minor and Syria, for the pur. 
 pose of buying cotton, here cultivated in great quantities 
 and either sold as a raw material, or ay manufactured into 
 1 r?,'^ • '^'""'er states the population at 25,000 : of which 
 1500 are Armenians, 300 Greeks, and 150 Jews, 
 
 Very considerable ndns are visible here, as the area of 
 the ancient city was much larger than that now occupied 
 by the modern city. The sides of the hills south of the 
 town are strewed with mouldering rubbish in vast piles, 
 and to the north and east other ruins are plainly discerni. 
 ble. The rums on the south side are about a quarter of a 
 mile distant from the suburbs, and are called Eski Shehr 
 or the old city. No vestiges of ir.scriptions, no columns, 
 or sculptured marbles, are however to be seen, though 
 many ot trie ruins are of great antiquity, and the arches of 
 ttie old gateways are semicircular, and not in the point- 
 ed, or Saracenic fashion. The plain is watered by tliM 
 Karasu, or Black water; corresponding to the Greek I\)e- 
 las, which Kinnier, in his description, makes to fall into 
 the Euphrates, while in his map he makes it run west till 
 joined by the Enga Su, and then nonh-we.«t till it ioinx 
 the Sivas branch of the Halvs, or Kizil Irmak This is 
 avery cxtro.iniir-nv chlradictio-i, and impossible to he 
 
670 HISTORY OF ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSORS. 
 
 mountain Argea, and which was governed by 
 the laws of Charondas.' This city was built 
 upon the river Melas, which empties itself into 
 the river Euphrates. A king of Cappadocia, 
 
 1 This Charondas was a celebrated legislator of Greecia 
 Major, of whom mention has been made. 
 
 reconciled. It might surely have been easily ascertained 
 on the spot, whether the river ran to the Euphrates or to 
 the Halys. If it flows from west to east, as he says, it must 
 enter the Euphrates; but in liis map it runs in quite a 
 contrary direction. This was a matter of eye-sight, and 
 could not deceive. It is quite provoking to meet with 
 such carelessness in writers, and travellers travelling for 
 the express purpose of observaiion. In Rennel's large 
 map, No. 11, in his Memoir of Xenophon's memorable 
 march, it is made in correspondence to Kinnier's map, 
 but like it, in flat opposition to Kinnier's description, to 
 run west and north-west to the Halys. But what shall 
 we say of the judicious Strabo, himself a native of Cappado- 
 cia, and who, one should suppose, was well acquainted with 
 the geography of his native province ? The strange ^tory 
 lold in the text from him is inexplicable. If the Melas 
 ran east to the Euphrates, how could the bursting of those 
 dams which Ariarathes made at its mouths, cause such a 
 great inundation in the Halys, as to ravage all the low 
 lands in Phrygian Galatia? ahd, vice versa, if it ran into 
 the Halys, as I think it does, how could it cause an in. 
 j undation in the Euphrates ? We cannot suppose a river 
 I to run in opposite directions. If the iMelas ran west, and 
 j its passage from the plain of CsBsarea was blocked up, the 
 ! continual increase of accumulating water from the east, 
 i or its sources, would burst the mounds or dams to the 
 ! west, and cause an inundation in that river to which it 
 I ran, namely the Halys, which runs to Ualatia, or that 
 j .part of Phrygia possessed by them, and then called Gala-, 
 j tia ; but it is purely and simply impossible that it could 
 either swell the Euphrates to which it does not run, or 
 that it could swell both rivers, running in opposite direc- 
 tions. The story thus told is plainly absurd and contra- 
 dictory, and it is wonderful how Strabo could write such 
 nonsense. 
 
 Mount Argjeus is undoubtedly the highest mountain in 
 Asia Minor, and, 1 believe, equal in elevation to mount 
 Blanc, it being distinctly visible at the horizontal distance 
 of 150 miles, nay, 180. It rises, like mount Elwund, from 
 the plain of Haraadan, but with far greater elevation ; 
 and, as Kinnier observed on the 24th of October, when 
 the whole of the country round was parched wi h drought, 
 it was inveloped in the snows of perpetual winter, half 
 way from its summit. The natives say that the Homans 
 bad a castle on its summit, where Tiberius Ccesar used to 
 sit; but they confessed, that, although many had made the 
 attempt, no one, within their knowledge, had ever passed 
 its frozen steeps. 
 
 That it was esteemed very lofty by the ancients, is plain 
 from the notion that obtained credit among them, that 
 from its summit both the Euxine and Mediterranean seas 
 could be distinctly seen ; and, consequently, they must 
 have deemed it higher than mount I'aurus, which Jay be- 
 twixt it and the latter. 
 
 The range of the Argi Dagh is totally unconnected 
 with any other, but rises in six peaks, like the stei)s of a 
 ladder, the most lofty of which bore north-east by east 
 from Karahissar, where Kinnier had an excellent view of 
 the range. The peak of Arga;us, as far as he could judge 
 from observation, lies ten miles south of Ctesarea. It is 
 very surprising that Colonel Leak, who saw its lofty peaks 
 rising considerably above the horizon, at the north-west 
 extremity of the' plain of Iconium, 130 miles distant, 
 should have estimated its elevation at only six thousand 
 feet, and yet he believes it to be the highest mountain in 
 Asia Minor. No mountain, of such a diminutive height, 
 can possibly be seen at such an elevation, and rising so 
 high above the verge of the distant horizon. The utmost 
 elevation of mount Taurus is conjectured by the same 
 traveller at only toOO feet. The fact is otherwise ; and it 
 is quite plain, that if a mountain be visible at such a dis- 
 tance, and be covered with snow half way down, in the 
 latitude of 38°. in the drought of autumn, that it must 
 equal, if not exceed, mount Blanc in elevation. 
 
 Ptolemy, in his Table of Ca[)pa(locia, lib. v. p. 121, 112. 
 places the .southern boundary of mount Argseus 10 mile* 
 
 whom Strabo calls simply Ariarathes, wHhout 
 mentioning the time when he lived, Iiaving 
 filled up the mouths of this river, it overflowed 
 all the neighbouring country ; after which he 
 caused small islands to be made in it, after the 
 manner of the Cyclades, where he passed part 
 of his life in puerile diversions. The river 
 broke the dams of its mouths, and the waters 
 returned into their channel. The Euphrates 
 having received them, overflowed, and did in- 
 credible damage in Cappadocia. The Galatians, 
 who inhabited Phrygia, sufl^ei-ed also great losses 
 by that inundation, for which they insisted upon 
 being made amends. They demanded 300 ta- 
 lents of the king of Cappadocia, and made the 
 Romans their judges. 
 
 Cappadocia abounded with horses, asses, and 
 mules,^ It was from thence the horses were 
 brought so particularly allotted for the use of 
 the emperors, that the consuls themselves were 
 forbidden to have any of them. It furnished 
 also a great number of slaves and false wit- 
 nesses.^ The Cappadocians were reported to 
 accustom themselves to the bearing of torments 
 from their infancy, and to put one another to 
 the rack and other methods of torture, in order 
 to inure themselves against the pains their false 
 witness might one day expose them to suff'er. 
 This people exceeded the Greek nation in per- 
 jury, though the latter had carried that vice to 
 a great height,^ if we may believe Cicero, who 
 ascribes to them the having made this manner 
 of speaking common amongst them ; " Lend 
 me your evidence, and I will pay you with 
 mine."* 
 
 Cappadocia, generally speaking, was far from 
 being a country of great geniuses and learned 
 men. It has produced, however, some very , 
 celebrated authors. Strabo and Fausanias are } 
 of that number. It was believed especially, that I 
 the Cappadocians were very unfit for the pro- I 
 fessions of orators ; and it became a proverb, 
 that a rhetorician of that country was as hard ' 
 to be found as a white raven or a flying tor- | 
 toise.® S. Basil and S. Gregory Nazianzen are ! 
 exceptions to that rule. i 
 
 north of Ctesarea, perfectly opposite to fact ; and extends 
 the range from o9". 4^. north latitude to 40°. 30'. north 
 latitude, while he places Ctesarea itself in 39°. 30'. north 
 latitude. There are 80 villages dependent on Cassarea. 
 
 Mr. Bruce, in his Journey from Ctesarea to Ooscat, 
 mentions a river which he crossed on a stone bridge, not \ 
 very far from the city, and observed many morasses occa- 
 sioned by the inundations of the river. This river is un- 
 doubtedly that mentioned in the text, as running west 
 from the elevated plain of Caesarea V> the Halys. Perhaps 
 these very morasses may have been caused by the inun- 
 dation of the river from the stoppage of its mouths by 
 Ariarathes. Tiie range of Argseus, as represented in Kin- 
 nier's map, lies between the Karasu on the north, and 
 the Enga-Su on the south, both which unite about 30 
 British miles west of Cffisarea, thus forming a peninsula. 
 As the river is frequently subjected to inundations, also, 
 from the melting of the snows of mount Argasus, it is very 
 probable that this additional circumstance contributed 
 to increase the calamity. Casarea lies in 35". 42'. east 
 longitude of Greenwich, and in 38°. 41'. north latitude, 
 —Ed. 
 
 2 Bpch. Phaleg. 1. iii. c. 11. Scol. Persii. 
 3 Mancipiis locuples eget aaris Caiipadocum rex. Horat 
 4 Cic. pro. Flac. n. 9, 10. 
 5 Da mihi testimonium mutuum. 
 6 @S.T'70v lr,v Xivfiob; y,o^a.y,a; ttt/ii/ix,? Tt xS^uvcti 
 
THE 
 
 HISTORY OF SYRACUSE. 
 
 BOOK XXIT. 
 
 THIS twenty-second book contains the con- 
 clusion of the history of Syracuse. It may 
 be divided into three parts. The first includes 
 the long reign of Hiero II. The second, the 
 short reign of his grandson, Hieronymus, the 
 troubles of Syracuse occasioned by it, with the 
 siege and taking of that city by Marcellus. 
 The third is a concise abridgment of the history 
 of Syracuse, with some reflections on the govern- 
 ment and character of the Syracusans, and on 
 Archimedes. 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 Sect. I. 
 
 Hiero the Second chosen captain-general by the Syra- 
 cusans, and soon after appointed king. He makes an 
 alliance with the Eomans in the beginning of the first 
 Punic war. 
 
 . Hiero II. was descended 
 
 A. M. 3700, from the family of Gelon, 
 Ant. J. C. 304. who had formerly reigned in 
 Syracuse.^ As his mother 
 was a slave, his father, Hierocles, according to 
 the barbarous custom of those times, caused him 
 to be exposed soon after his birth ; believing that 
 the infant dishonoured the nobility of his race. 
 If Justin's fabulous account may be believed, 
 the bees nourished him several days with their 
 honey. The oracle declaring, that so singular 
 an event was a certain presage of his future 
 greatness, Hierocles caused him to be brought 
 back to his house, and took all possible care of 
 his education. 
 
 The child derived from this education all the 
 benefit that could be expected. He distinguished 
 himself early above all those of his years, by his 
 address in military exercises, and his courage in 
 
 7 Justin. 1. xxiii. c. 4. 
 
 battle. He acqun-ed the esteem of Pyrrhus, and 
 received several rewards from his hands. He 
 wasof a beaut.fulaspect, tall stature, and robust 
 complexion. In his conversation^ he was affa- 
 ble and polite, in business just, and moderate in 
 command ; so that he wanted nothing but the 
 
 auLt.^hf r K'^^'-'^^y possessed all the 
 qualities that adorn that rank. 
 
 A M •:?^9'7 4. ^''^^["^ h^frng arisen be- 
 A M. 3,27. tween the citizens of Syra- 
 Ant. J. C. 277. cuse and their troops,^ the 
 latter, who were in the 
 neighbourhood, raised Artemidorus and Hiero 
 to the supreme command, which comprehended 
 all authority, civil and military. The latter 
 was at that time very young, but displayed a 
 prudence and maturity that gave promise of a 
 great king Honoured with this command, by 
 the help of some friends he entered the city; and 
 having found means to bring over the adverse 
 party, who were intent upon nothing but rais- 
 ing disorders, he behaved with so much mild- 
 ness and greatness of mind, that the Syracusans, 
 though highly dissatisfied M'ith the liberty as- 
 sumed by the soldiers, of choosing their oflicers, 
 were, however, unanimous in conferring upon 
 him the title and power of captain -general. 
 
 From his first measures it was easy to judg^e 
 that the new magistrate aspired at something 
 more than that office. In fact, observing tha't 
 the troops no sooner quitted the city, than Syra- 
 cuse was involved in new troubles by seditious 
 spirits and lovers of innovation, he perceived 
 how important it was, in the absence of himself 
 and the army, to have somebody upon whom he 
 might rely for keeping the citizens within the 
 bounds of their duty. Leptines seemed very fit 
 
 derail!;''"!!^";'' blandus in negotio Justus, in iiriperio mo. 
 JrJe1e^r.'"jS' " '^"^ pr^ter^egnum 
 
 9 Fftlyb. 1. i. p. 8, 9. 
 
672 
 
 HISTORY OF SYRACUSE. 
 
 foi' that purpose, as being a man of integrity, 
 and one who had great influence with the peo- 
 ple. Hiero attached him to himself for ever, 
 by espousing his daughter, and by the same alli- 
 ance secured the public tranquillity, during the 
 time he should be obliged to remove from Syra- 
 cuse, and march at the head of the armies. 
 
 Another much bolder, though far less just, 
 stroke of policy, established his security and re- 
 pose. He had every thing to fear from the 
 foreign soldiers, turbulent, malignant men, void 
 of respect for their commanders, and of affe;;tion 
 for a state of which they made no part, solely 
 actuated by the desire of lucre, and always ready 
 for a revolt ; who having been bold enough to 
 assume a right in the election of magistrates, 
 which did not belong to them, were capable, 
 upon the least discontent, of attempting any 
 thing against himself. He easily comprehended, 
 that he should never have the mastery over 
 them, as they were too well united amongst 
 themselves ; that, if he undertook to punish the 
 most criminal, their chastisement would not 
 fail to provoke the rest ; and that the only 
 means to put an end to the troubles they occa- 
 sioned, was utterly to exterminate this factious 
 body of troops, whose licentiousness and rebel- 
 lious disposition were only fit to corrupt othei's, 
 and incline them to pernicious excesses. De- 
 ceived by a false zeal and blind love for the 
 public good, and sensibly affected also with the 
 prospect of the dangers to which he was per- 
 petually exposed, he thought it incumbent on 
 him, for the safety of his country and security 
 of his person, to proceed to this cruel and sad 
 extremity, very contrary to his natural charac- 
 ter, but which seemed necessary to him in the 
 present conjuncture. He therefore took the 
 field under the pretext of marching against the 
 Mamertines.' When he came within view of 
 the enemy, he divided his army into two parts : 
 on the one side he posted such of the soldiers as 
 were Syracusans; on the other', the mei'cenaries. 
 He put himself at the head of the first, as if he 
 intended an attack; and left the others exposed 
 to the Mamertines, who cut them in pieces ; 
 after which he returned quietly to the city with 
 the Syracusan troops. 
 
 The army being thus purged of all who might 
 excite disorders and sedition, he raised a suffi- 
 cient number of new troops, and afterwards dis- 
 charged the duties of his function in peace. The 
 Mamertines, elate with their success, advancing 
 into the country, he marched against them with 
 the Syracusan troops, whom he had armed and 
 disciplined well, and gave them battle in the 
 plain of Mylse. A great part of the enemies 
 were left upon the field, and their generals made 
 prisoners. At his return he 
 
 A. M. 3733. was declared king by all the 
 Ant. J. C. 271. citizens of Syracuse, and af- 
 terwards by all the allies. 
 This happened seven years after his being raised 
 to the supreme authority. 
 
 It would be difficult to justify the manner in 
 which he attained that eminence. Whether he 
 put the foreign soldiers in motion himself, which 
 seems probable enough, or only lent himself to 
 their zeal, it was a criminal infidelity to his 
 country and the public authority, to which his 
 
 1 They were originallv n-oops from Cainpanb, whom 
 Agathocles had taken into his pay, and who afterwards 
 seized Messina, having first put the principal inhabitants 
 to the sword. 
 
 example gave a mortal wound. It is true, the 
 irregularity of his entrance upon office was 
 somewhat amended by the consent which the 
 people and allies afterwards gave to it. But 
 can we suppose, that in such a conjuncture their 
 t;onsent was perfectly free? As to his being 
 elected king, there was nothing of compulsion 
 in that : if his secret ambition had any part in 
 it, that fault was well atoned for by his wise 
 and disinterested conduct through the long dura- 
 tion of his reign and life. 
 
 The loss of the battle we have spoken of en- 
 frely disconcerted the affairs of the iMamertines. 
 Sume of them had recourse to the Carthaginians, 
 to whom they surrendered their citadel ; others 
 resolved to abandon the city to the Romans, and 
 sent to desire their aid. Hence arose the first 
 Funic war, as I have explained more at large 
 elsewhere.^ 
 
 Appius Claudius the consul put to sea, in 
 order to aid the Mamertines.^ Not being able 
 to pass the strait of Messina, of which the Car- 
 thaginians had possessed themselves, he made a 
 feint of abandoning that entei'prise, and of re- 
 turning towards Rome with all the troops he 
 had on board his fleet. Upon this news the 
 enemy, who blocked up Messina on the side 
 next the sea, having retired, as if there had been 
 nothing farther to apprehend, Appius tacked 
 about, and passed the strait without danger. 
 
 The Mamertines/ partly through menaces and 
 partly through surprise, having driven out of 
 the citadel the officer who commanded in it for 
 the Carthaginians, called in Appius, and opened 
 the gates of their city to him. The Cartha- 
 ginians soon after formed the siege of it, and 
 made a treaty of alliance with Hiero, who joined 
 his troops to theirs. The Roman consul thought 
 fit to venture a battle, and attack the Syracusans 
 first. The fight was warm. Hiero showed all 
 possible courage, but could not resist the valour 
 of the Romans, and was obliged to give way, 
 and retire to Syracuse. Claudius, having ob- 
 tained a like victory over the Carthaginians, 
 saw himself master of the field, advanced to the 
 walls of Syracuse, and even designed to have 
 besieged it. 
 
 When the news of Ap- 
 A. M. 3739. pius's good success ari-ived 
 Ant. J. C. 265. at Rome, it occasioned great 
 joy.^ In order to make the 
 most of it, it was thought proper to use new 
 efl'orts. The tvvo consuls lately elected, Manius 
 Octacilius and Manius Valerius, were ordered 
 into Sicily. Upon their arrival, several of the 
 Carthaginian and Syracusan cities surrendered 
 at discretion. 
 
 The consternation of Sicily, joined to the 
 number and force of the Roman legions, made 
 Hiero conceive what was likely to be the event 
 of this new war. That prince was sensible, 
 that he might rely upon a more faithful and 
 constant amity on the side of the Romans. He 
 knew that the Carthaginians had not renounced 
 the design they had anciently formed, of pos- 
 sessing" themselves of all Sicily; and if they 
 made themselves masters of Messina, he rightly 
 judged his power would be very insecure in the 
 neighbourhood of such dangerous and formidable 
 enemies. He saw no otlier expedient for the 
 preservation of his kingdom, than to leave the 
 
 2 Vol, i. History of the Carthaginians 
 3 Frontin. Stratag. 1. i. c 4. 
 4 Polyb. 1. i. p. 10, U. 5 Ibid. p. 15 Ifi. 
 
G73 
 
 Carthaginians engaged with the Romans; well 
 assured that the war would he long and obsti- 
 nate between these two republics, whose strength 
 was equal ; and that as long as they should be 
 i contending, he should have no reason to appre- 
 I bend being distressed either by the one or the 
 ; other. He, therefore, sent ambassadors to the 
 : consuls to treat of peace and alliance. They 
 j ! were far from refusing those oflFers. They were 
 i too much afraid, that the Carthaginians, being 
 ; masters at sea, might cut off all passage for pro- 
 j visions; which fear was the better founded, as 
 I the ti-oops who had first passed the strait had 
 j suffered extremely by famine. An alliance with 
 I Hiero secured the legions in that respect, and 
 I was immediately concluded. The conditions 
 I were, that the king should restore to the Ro- 
 mans, without ransom, all the prisoners he had 
 I taken from them, and pay them a hundred ta- 
 I lents in money.^ 
 
 I From thenceforth Hiero, constantly attached 
 I to the Romans, to whom he sent supplies when 
 j occasion required, reigned peaceably at Syra- 
 cuse, as a king who had no view nor ambition 
 but the esteem and love of his people. No prince 
 was ever more successful in that point, nor 
 longer enjoyed the fruits of his wisdom and pru- 
 dence. For more than fifty years that he lived 
 after being elected king, whilst all things were 
 in flames around him, occasioned by the cruel 
 wars which the two most potent states of the 
 world made against each other, he was so pru- 
 dent and happy as to be no more than a specta- 
 tor of them, and only to hear the noise of those 
 arnis which took all the neighbouring regions, 
 whilst himself and his people retained a pro- 
 found peace. 
 
 The Romans perceived^ on more than one 
 i occasion, during the first Punic war, and espe- 
 cially at the siege of Agrigentum, with which 
 It was in a manner opened, the importance of 
 their alliance with Hiero, who abundantly sup- 
 plied them with provisions, at times when the 
 Roman army without his aid would have been 
 exposed to excessive famine. 
 
 The interval between the end of the first 
 Punic war and the commencement of the se- 
 cond, which was about five-and-twenty years, 
 was a time of peace and tranquillity to Hiero, 
 in which the actions of that prince are little 
 spoken of. 
 
 , Polybius^ only informs us, i 
 
 A.M. .3763. that the Carthaginians, in 
 Ant. J. C. 241. the unhappy war they were 
 obliged to support against the 
 strangers, or mercenaries, which was called the 
 African war, finding themselves extremely press- 
 ed, had recourse to their allies, and especially to 
 king Hiero, who granted them all they asked of 
 
 I him. That prince perceived, that to support 
 himself in Sicily, it was necessary that the Car- 
 thaginians should overcome in this war; lest 
 the strangers, who had already obtained many 
 advantages over the Carthaginians, in case of 
 entire success, should find no farther obstacles 
 to their projects, and should form designs of 
 bringing their victorious arms into Sicily. Per- 
 
 I haps, also, as he was an excellent politician, he 
 thought it incumbent on him to be upon his 
 guard against the too great power of the Ro- 
 mans, who would become absolute masters, if 
 
 6 A hundred thousand crowns. 
 7 Polyb. 1. 1. p. IS. 8 Ibid. p. 84. 
 
 the Carthaginians should be entirely ruined in 
 the war against the revolters. 
 
 Hiero's sole application during this long in- 
 terval of peace, was to make his subjects happy, 
 and to redress the evils which the unjust govera- 
 ment of Agathocles, who preceded him some 
 years, and the intestine divisions which ensued, 
 had occasioned ; an employment worthy of a 
 king. There was a levity and inconstancy in 
 the character of the Syracusans, which often in- 
 clined them to excessive and violent resolutions ; 
 but at bottom they were humane and equitable, 
 and no enemies to a just and reasonable obe- 
 dience. The proof of which is, that when they 
 were governed with wisdom and moderation, 
 as by Timoleon, they respected the authority of 
 the laws and magistrates, and obeyed them with 
 
 Hiero was no sooner entered upon office, and 
 had the supreme authority confided to him, than 
 he showed his detestation for the wretched po- 
 licy of the tyrants ; who, considering the citi- 
 zens as their enemies, had no other thoughts 
 than to weaken and intimidate them, and re- 
 posed their whole confidence in the foreign sol- 
 diers, by whom they were perpetually sur- 
 rounded. He began by putting arms into the 
 hands of the citizens, formed them with care in 
 the exercises of war, and employed them in 
 preference to all others. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 Hiero's pacific reign. He particularly favours agricul. 
 ture. He applies the abilities of Archimedes his rela- 
 tion to the service of the public, and causes him to 
 make an infinite number of machines for the defence 
 of a besieged place. He dies very old, and much re- 
 gretted by the people. 
 
 When Hiero attained the sovereign autho- 
 rity, his great aim was to convince his subjects, 
 less by his words than his actions, that he was 
 infinitely remote from any design to the preju- 
 dice of their fortunes or liberty. He was not 
 intent upon being feared, but upon being loved. 
 He looked upon himself less as their master, 
 than as their protector and father. Before his 
 reign, the state had been divided by two fac- 
 tions, that of the citizens and that of the sol- 
 diers ; whose differences, supported on both sides 
 with great animosity, had occasioned infinite 
 misfortunes. He used his utmost endeavours 
 to extinguish all remains of this division, and to 
 eradicate from their minds all seeds of discord 
 and misunderstanding. He seems to have suc- 
 ceeded wonderfully in that respect, as during 
 a reign of more than fifty years, no sedition or 
 revolt disturbed the tranquillity of Syracuse. 
 
 What contributed most, without doubt, to 
 this happy calm, was the particular care taken 
 by Hiero to keep his subjects employed; to 
 banish luxury and idleness, the parent of all 
 vices, and the usual source of all seditions, from 
 his dominions ; to support and improve the 
 natural fertility of his country ; and to reflect 
 honour upon agriculture, which he considered 
 as the certain means to render his people happy, 
 and to diffuse abundance throughout his king- 
 dom. The cultivation of lands, indeed, besides 
 employing an infinite number of hands, which 
 would otherwise remain idle and unprofitable, 
 draws into a counti-y, by the exportation of 
 grain, the riches of the neighbouring nations, 
 and turns their current into the houses of the 
 people, by a commerce which is renewed every 
 year, and which is the deserved fruit of their 
 
 2U 
 
r74 
 
 HISTORY OF SYRACUSE. 
 
 lanoar and industry. This in, and we cannot 
 repeat it too often, what ought to be the pecu- 
 liar attention of a wise government, as one ot 
 the most essential parts of wise and salutary 
 policy, thouah unhappily too much neglected. 
 
 Hi'ero applied himself entirely to this end. 
 He did not think it unworthy of the sovereignty 
 to study and make liimself thoroughly master of 
 all the rules of agriculture. He even gave him- 
 si lf the trouble to compose books upon that sub- 
 j.-ct, of which we ought much to regret the 
 ioss.i But he considered that object of his in- 
 quiries in a manner still more worthy of a king. 
 The principal riches of the state, and the most 
 certain fund of the prince's revenue, consisted 
 in corn. He therefore believed it of the highest 
 consequence, and what demanded his utmost 
 care and application, to establish good order in 
 that traffic, to render the condition of the hus- 
 bandmen, of whom the greatest part of the peo- 
 ple were composed, safe and happy ; to ascertain 
 the prince's dues, whose principal revenue rose 
 from them; to obviate such disorders as might 
 I ! get ground to the prejudice of his institutions ; 
 I and to prevent the uniust vexations w^hich might 
 I i possibly be attempted to be introduced m the 
 i I sequel. To answer all these purposes, Hiero 
 
 I ' made regulations so wise, reasonable, equitable, 
 
 I I and at the same time conformable to the people's 
 i ! and prince's interests, that they became in a 
 ! ' manner the fundamental laws of the country, 
 i ! and were always observed as sacred and invio- 
 
 lable, not only in his reign, but in all succeed- 
 ing times. When the Romans hdd subjected 
 the city and dominions of Syracuse, they im- 
 posed no new tributes, and decreed that all 
 things should be disposed according to ilie laws 
 of Hiero :^ in order that the Sjn-acusans, in 
 changing their masters, might have the consola- 
 tion not to change their laws, and see themselves 
 in some measure still governed by a prince, 
 whose very name was always dear to them, and 
 rendered those laws exceedingly venerable. 
 
 I have observed, that in Sicily the prince's 
 principal revenue consisted in corn ; the tenth 
 being paid him. It was therefore his interest 
 that1;he country should be well cultivated, that 
 estimates should be made of the value of the 
 lands; and that they should produce abundantly, 
 as his revenue augmented in proportion to their 
 fertility. The collectors of this tenth for the 
 prince," which was paid in kind, and not in 
 money, were called Decumani, that is to say, 
 farmers of the teyiths. Hiero, in the regulations 
 he made "upon this head, did not neglect his own 
 interests, which is the mark of a wise prince 
 and good ecoiiomist. He knew very well, there 
 was reason to apprehend, that the country peo- 
 ple, who frequently consider the most legal and 
 moderate imposts as intolerable burdens, might 
 be tempted to defraud the prince of his dues. 
 To spare them this temptation, he took such 
 just and exact precautions,^ that whether the 
 corn were in the ear, on the floor to be thrashed, 
 
 j laid up in barns, or laden for carriage, it was 
 not possible for the husbandman to secrete^ any 
 part of it, or to defraud the collector of a single 
 grain, without exposing himself to a severe 
 penalty. Cicero acquaints us with these cir- 
 cumstances at much length. But he adds also, 
 that Hiero had taken the same precautions, 
 against the avidity of the collectors, to whom it 
 was equally impossible to extort any thing from 
 the husbandmen beyond the tenth. Hiero seems 
 to have been very much against the husband- 
 man's being drawn from his home upon any 
 pretext whatsoever. In fact, says Cicero, in- 
 veighing against Verres, who gave them great 
 trouble by^requent and painful journeys, is is 
 very hard and afflicting to the poor husband- 
 men, to be brought from their country to the 
 city, from the plough to the bar, and from the 
 care of tilling theirlands to that of prosecuting 
 lawsuits. Misernm. atqiie iniquufn, ex agro ho- 
 mines traduci in foru}n, ab nratro ad subsellia, ab 
 iiMi renim rusticarum. ad insoUtam litem atque 
 judicium.^ And besides, can they flatter them- 
 selves, let their cause be ever so just, that they 
 shall carry it to the prejudice of the collectors ? 
 Judici 111 arator deaimamnn perseguatur ? 
 
 Can there be any thing more to a king's praise 
 than what we have now said? Hiero might 
 undertake %vars, for he did not want valour, 
 gain battles, make conquests, and extend the 
 bounds of his dominions, and upon these ac- 
 counts might pass for a hero in the opinion of 
 the generality of men. But with how many 
 taxes must lie have loaded his people ! How- 
 many husbandmen must he have torn from 
 their lands ! How much blood would the gain- 
 ing of those victories have cost him! and of 
 what emolument would they have been to the 
 state? Hiero, who knew w-herein true glory 
 consists, placed his in governing his people with 
 wisdom, and in making them happy. Instead 
 of conquering new countries by the force of 
 arms, he endeavoured to multiply his own in a 
 manner by the cultivation of the lands, by ren- 
 dering them more fertile than they were, and 
 in actually multiplying his people, wheyein the 
 real force and true riches of a state consist ; and 
 which can never fail to happen when the people 
 
 of a country reap 
 their laboux". 
 
 i-easonable advantage from 
 
 A. M. S7S6. 
 Ant. J. C. 218. 
 
 1 Plin. 1 xviii. c. 3. 
 
 2 Decumas lege Hieronica semper vendendas censue- 
 runt, ut lis jucundior esset rauneris illius fiinctio, si ejus 
 regis, qui Siculis carissimus tuil, non solCim instituta, 
 commutato imperio, verClm etiam nomen remaneret. Cic. 
 Orat. in Verr. defrmn. n. 15. 
 
 3 Hieronica lex omriibus custodiis subjectum aratorem 
 decumano tradit ut neque in segetibus, neque in areis, 
 neque in horreis, neque in amovendo, neque in asportando 
 frumento, grano uno posset arator, sine maxima pceni, 
 fraudare decumanum. Cic. Orat. tn Verr. defrum. n. 'JO. 
 
 It was in the second Pu- 
 nic war, that Hiero gaie 
 distinguished proof of his 
 attachment to the Romans.^ 
 As soon as he received advice of Hannibal's ar- 
 rival in Italy, he went with his fl*et well equip- 
 ped to meet Tiberius Sempronius, who was j 
 arrived at Messina, to offer that consul his ser- | 
 vices, and to assure him that, advanced in age | 
 as he was, he would show the same zeal for the j 
 Roman people as he had formerly done in his j 
 youth in the first war against the Carthagi- | 
 riians. He took upon him to supply the con- | 
 sul's legions, and the troops of the allies, with 
 corn and clothes at his own expense. Upon the ! 
 news received the same instant, of the ad van- , 
 ta^e gained by the Roman over the Carthagi- \ 
 nian fleet, the consul thanked the king for his j 
 advantageous offers, and made no use of them at j 
 that time. , , i> ^ 
 lliero's inviolable fidelity towards tlie Ko | 
 
 4 Cic Orat. in Verr. de frum. n. H. 
 5 Liv. 1. xxi. n. 50, 51. 
 
HISTORY OF SYRACUSE. 
 
 C75 
 
 inans," which is very remarkable in his charac- 
 ter, appeared still more conspicuously after their 
 defeat near the lake of Thrasyraenus. They 
 had already lost three battles against IJannibal, 
 each more unfortunate and more bloody than 
 tne other. Iliero, in that mournful conjunc- 
 ture, sent a fleet laden with provisions to the 
 port of Ostia. The Syracusan ambassadors, 
 when introduced to the senate, told them, 
 "That Hiero their mastcj- had been as sensibly 
 afflicted with their last disgrace, as if he had 
 suffered it in his own person. That though he 
 .vvell knew, that the grandeur of the Roman 
 people was almost more worthy of admiration 
 m times of adversity, than after the most signal 
 success ; he had sent them all the aid that could 
 be expected from a good and faithful allj^ and 
 earnestly desired the senate would not refuse to 
 accept it. That they had particularly brought 
 a Victory of gold, that weighed three hundred 
 pounds, which the king hoped they would 
 vouclisafe to receive as a favourable augury, and 
 a pledge of the vows which he made for the 
 prosperity. That they had also imported three 
 hundred thousand bushels of wheat, and two 
 hundred thousand of barley; and that if the 
 lioman people desired a greater quantity, Hiero 
 would cause as much as they pleased to be trans- 
 ported to whatever places they should appoint. 
 1 hat he knew the Roman people em.ployed none 
 ID their armies but citizens and allies; but that 
 he had seen light-armed strangers in their camp. 
 I hat he had therefore sent them a thousand 
 archers and slingers, who might be opposed suc- 
 cessfully to the Baleares and Moors of Planni- 
 bal's army."— They added to this aid a very 
 salutary piece of advice, which was, that the 
 praetor, who should be sent to command in Si- 
 cily, might despatch a fleet to Afi ica, in order 
 to find the Carthaginians such employment in 
 their own country, as might put it out of their 
 power by that diversion to send any succours to 
 Hannibal. 
 
 ^ The senate answered the king's ambassadors 
 in very obliging and honourable terms, "That 
 Hiero acted like a very generous prince, and a 
 most faithful ally : that from the time he had 
 contracted an alliance with the Romans, his at- 
 tachment for them had been constant and un- 
 alterable ; in fine, that in all times and places 
 he had pow^erfully and magnificently succoured 
 them : that the people had a due sense of such 
 generosity : that some cities of Italy had already 
 presented the Roman people with gold, who, 
 after having expressed their gratitude, had not 
 thought fit to accept it: that the Victory was 
 too favourable an augury not to be received : 
 that they would place her in the Capitol, that 
 is to say, in the temple of the most high Jupi- 
 ter, in order that she might establish there her 
 fixed and lasting abode." All the corn and 
 barley on board the ships, with the archers and 
 slingers, were sent to the consuls. 
 Valerius Maximus ^ makes 
 
 , , observation 
 
 here, upon the noble and prudent liberality of 
 Hiero ; first, in the generous design he forms, 
 
 6 Liv. 1 xxii. n. 37, 38. 
 7 Trecenta millia inodiQm tritici, et ducenta millia hor. 
 dei, aunque ducenta et quadraginta pondo urbi nostra 
 muneri misit. Neque ignarus verecundice majorum no?- 
 trorum, qufid nollet arcipere, in habitura id Victoria} for- 
 mavit, ut eos religione motos, munificetitia sua uti coge- 
 ret : volunlate mittendi priCis, iterum providentia cavendi 
 (le reroitteretur, liheralis. Fal. Max. 1, iv. c. 8. 
 
 of presenting the Romans with thier^ hundred 
 and twenty pounds weight of gold ; then in the 
 industrious precaution he uses, to prevent tliem 
 from refusing to accept it. He does not offer 
 them that gold in specie ; he knew the exceed- 
 ing delicacy of the Roman people too well for 
 that; but under the form of a Victory, which 
 they dared not refuse, upon account of the good 
 omen it seemed to bring along with it. 
 
 It is extraordinary to see a prince, whose do^ 
 minions were situate as Syracuse was in regard 
 to Carthage, from which it had every thing to 
 fear, at a time when Rome seemed near her 
 ruin, continue unalterably faithful, and declare 
 openly for her interests, notwithstanding all the i 
 dangers to which so daring a conduct exposed 
 him. A more prudent politician, to speak the 
 usual language, would perhaps have waited the ' 
 event of a new action, and not have been so 
 hasty to declare himself without necessity, and ! 
 at his extreme peril. Such examples are the : 
 more estimable lor being rare and almost un- 
 paralleled. J 
 I do not Tcnow, however, whether, even in ! 
 good policy, Hiero ought not to have acted as i 
 he did. It would have been the greatest of all 
 misfortunes for Syracuse, had the Carthagi- 
 nians entirely ruined, or even weakened the , 
 Romans too much. That city would have im- j 
 mediately felt all the weight of Carthage ; as it I 
 was situated over-against it, and lay highlv con- 
 venient for strengthening its commerce, secur- 
 ing to it the empire of the sea, and establishing 
 it firmly in Sicily, by the possession of the 
 whole island. It would therefore have been 
 imprudent to suffer such allies to be ruined bv 
 the Carthaginians, who would not have been 
 the better friends to the Syracusans for having 
 renounced the Romans by force. It was there- 
 fore a decisive stroke, to fly immediately to the 
 aid of the Romans ; and as Syracuse would ne- 
 cessarily fall after Rome, it was absolutely re- 
 quisite to hazard every thing, either to- save 
 Rome, or fall with her. 
 
 If the facts, which history has preserved of 
 so long and happy a reign, are few, they do not 
 give us the less idea of this prince, and ought 
 to make us exceedingly regret the want of 
 niore particular infornialion concerning his ac- 
 tions. 
 
 The sum of a hundi-ed talents (a hundred 
 thousand crowns), v/hich he sent to the Rho- 
 dians,** and the presents he made them after the 
 great earthquake, which laid waste their island, 
 and threw down their Colossus, are illustrious 
 instances of his liberality and munificence. The 
 modesty with which his presents were attended 
 infinitely enhances the value of them. He 
 caused two statutes to be erected in the public 
 square at Rhodes, representing the people of 
 Syracuse placing a crown upon the head of the 
 Rhodians; as if, says Polybius, Hiero, after 
 having made that people such magnificent pre- 
 sents, far from assuming any vaiiity from his 
 munificence, Relieved himself their debtor upon 
 that very^ account. And indeed the liberality 
 and beneficence of a prince to strangers is re- 
 warded with interest, in the pleasure they give 
 to himself, and the glory he acquires by tbein. 
 
 There is a pastoral of Theocritus {Idyll. 10.) 
 which bears the name of the king we spvak of 
 wherein the poet seems tacitly to reijroach that 
 
 Polyb. 1. V. p. 4Jg. 
 
670 
 
 prince with paying very ill for the verses made 
 in honour of him. But the mean manner in 
 which he claims, as it were, a reward for the 
 verses he meditates, leaves room to conclude, 
 that the imputation of avarice falls with more 
 justice upon the poet than upon the prince, dis- 
 tinguished and esteemed, as we have seen, for 
 his liberality. 
 
 • It is to Hiero's just taste, and singular atten- 
 tion to every thing that concerned the public 
 good, that Syracuse was indebted for those 
 amazing machines of war, of which we shall 
 soon see it make so great a use, when besieged 
 by the Romans.' Though that prince seemed 
 to devote his cares entirely to the tranquillity 
 and domestic atfairs of the kingdom, he did not 
 neglect those of war ; convinced, that the surest 
 means to preserve the peace of his dominions, 
 was to hold himself always in readiness to make 
 war upon unjust neighbours, who should at- 
 tempt to disturb it. He knew how to profit 
 by the advantage he possessed of having in his 
 dominions the most learned geometrician the 
 world had ever produced: it is plain I mean 
 Archimedes. He was illustrious, not only by 
 his great ability in geometry, but his birth, as 
 he was Hiero's relation. Sensible alone to the 
 pleasures of the mind, and highly averse to the 
 hurry and tumult of business and government, 
 he devoted himself solely to the study of a 
 science, whose sublime speculations on truths 
 purely intellectual and spiritual, and entirely 
 distinct from matter, have such attraction for 
 the learned of the first rank, as scarce leaves 
 them at liberty to apply themselves to any other 
 objects, 
 
 Hiero had, however, sufficient influence over 
 Archimedes, to engage him to descend from 
 those lofty speculations to the practice of those 
 mechanics which depend on the hand, but are 
 disposed and directed by the head. He pressed 
 him continually, not to employ his art always 
 in soaring after immaterial and intellectual ob- 
 jects, but to bring it down to sensible and cor- 
 poreal things, and to render his reasonings in 
 some measure more evident and familiar to the 
 generality of mankind, by joining them experi- 
 mentally with things of use. 
 
 Archimedes frequently conversed with the 
 king, who always heard him with great atten- 
 tion and extreme pleasure. One day, when he 
 was explaining to him the wonderful effects of 
 the powers of motion, he proceeded to demon- 
 strate, " That with a certain given power any 
 weight whatsoever might be moved." And ap- 
 plauding himself afterwards on the force of his 
 demonstration, he ventured to boast, that if 
 there were another world besides this we in- 
 habit, by going to that he could remove this at 
 pleasure. The king, surprised and delighted, 
 desired him to put his position in execution, by 
 removing some great weight with a small force. 
 
 Archimedes preparing to satisfy the just and 
 rational curiosity of his kinsman and friend, 
 chose out one of the galleys in the port, caused 
 it to be drawn on shore with great labour, and 
 by abundance of men. He then ordered its 
 usual lading to be put on board, and besides that 
 as many men as it could hold. Afterwards, 
 placing himself at some distance, and sitting at 
 his ease, without trouble, or exerting his strength 
 in the least, by only moving with his hand the 
 
 1 Plut in Mareel. p. 305, 306, 
 
 end of a machine, which he had provided with 
 numerous cords and pulleys, he drew the galley \ 
 to him upon the land, with as much ease, and , 
 as steadily, as if it had swam upon the water, i 
 
 The king, upon the sight of so prodigious an ; 
 effect of the powers of motion, was entirely as- [ 
 tonished ; and judging from that experiment of j 
 the efficacy of the art, he earnestly solicited Ar- 
 chimedes to make several sorts of machines and ; 
 battering engines for sieges and attacks, as well i 
 for the defence as assault of places. 
 
 It has been sometimes asked, whether the 
 sublime knowledge of which we speak, be ne- 
 cessary to a king ; and if the study of arts and j 
 sciences ought to form part of the education of 
 a young prince ? What we read here demon- 
 strates their utility. If king Hiero had wanted 
 taste and curiosity, and employed himself solely 
 in his pleasures, Archimedes had remained in- 
 active in his closet, and all his extraordinary 
 science been of no advantage to his country. 
 What treasures of useful knowledge lie buried 
 in obscurity, and in a manner hid under the 
 earth, because princes set no value upon learned 
 men, and consider them as persons useless to 
 the state. But when, in their youth, they have 
 imbibed some small tincture of arts and sci- i 
 ences (for the study of princes ought to extend 
 no farther in that point), they esteem such as 
 distinguish themselves by their learning, some- 
 times converse with them, and hold them in 
 honour ; and by so glorious a protection make 
 way for valuable discoveries, of which the state 
 soon reaps the advantage. Syracuse had this 
 obligation to Hiero ; which, without doubt, 
 was the effect of his excellent education ; for he 
 had been bred with uncommon care and atten- ■ 
 tion. 
 
 What has been said hitherto of Archimedes, 
 and what we shall presently add, with respect j 
 to those admirable machines* of war which were | 
 used during the siege of Syracuse, shows how j 
 wrong it is to despise those sublime and specu- 
 lative sciences, whose only objects are simple 
 and abstract ideas. It is true, that all mere 
 geometrical or algebraical speculations do not 
 relate to useful things. But it is also as true, 
 that most of those, which have not that rela- 
 tion, conduct or refer to those that have. They 
 may appear unprofitable, as long as they do not 
 deviate, if I may so say, from this intellectual 
 world ; but the mixed mathematics, which de- 
 scend to matter, and consider the motions of 
 the stars, the perfect knowledge of navigation, 
 the art of di-awing remote objects near by the 
 assistance of telescopes, the increase of the 
 powers of motion, the nice exactitude of the 
 balance, and other similar objects, become more 
 easy of access, and in a manner familiarize 
 themselves with the vulgar. The labour of 
 Archimedes was long obscure, and perhaps con- 
 temned, because he confined himself to simple 
 and barren speculations. Ought we therefoi'e 
 to conclude that it was useless and unprofitable? 
 It was from that very source of knowledge, 
 buried till then in obscurity, that shot forth 
 those brilliant lights and wonderful discoveries, j 
 which display from their birth a sensible and 
 manifest utility, and inspired the Romans with 
 astonishment and despair when they besieged 
 Syracuse. _ [ 
 
 Hiero was great and magnificent in all things, i 
 in building palaces, arsenals, and temples. He 
 caused an infinite number of ships of all bur- 
 dens to be built for the exportation of corn ; a 
 traffic in which almost the whole wealth of the 
 
HISTORY OF SYRACUSE. 
 
 G77 
 
 islal^d consisted. We are told of a galley built 
 by his ordei', under the direction of Archimedes, 
 . which was reckoned one of the most famous 
 structures of antiquity.'^ It was a whole year 
 in building. Hiero passed whole days amongst 
 the workmen, to animate them by his presence. 
 
 This ship had twenty benches of oara. The 
 enormous pile was fastened together on all sides 
 with huge nails of copper, which weighed each 
 ten pounds and upwards. 
 
 The inside had in it three galleries or corri- 
 dors, the lowest of which led to the hold by a 
 flight of stairs, the second to apartments, and 
 the first to soldiers' lodgings. 
 
 On the right and left side of the middle gal- 
 lery, there were apartments to the number of 
 j thirty ; in each of which were four beds for 
 men. The apartment for the officers and sea- 
 1 men had fifteen beds, and three great rooms for 
 I eating; the last of which, that was at the stern, 
 I served for a kitchen. All the floors of these 
 j apartments M^ere inlaid with small stones of 
 different colours, representing stories taken 
 from the Iliad of Homer. The ceilings, win- 
 dows, and all the other parts, were finished with 
 wonderful art, and embellished with all kinds 
 of orna.meiits. 
 
 In the uppermost gallery there was a gymna- 
 sium, or place of exercise, and walks propor- 
 tionate to the magnitude of the ship. In them 
 were gardens and plants of all kinds, disposed 
 in wonderful order. Pipes, some of hardened 
 clay, and others of lead, conveyed water all 
 round to refresh them. There were also ar- 
 bours of ivy and vines, that had their roots in 
 great vessels filled with earth. These vessels 
 were watered in the same manner as the gar- 
 dens. The arbours served to shade the walks. 
 
 After these came the apartment of Venus, 
 with trn-ee beds. This was flooi-ed with agates 
 and other precious stones, the finest that could 
 be found in the island. The walls and roof 
 were of cypress wood. The windows were 
 adorned with ivory, paintings, and small sta- 
 tues. In another apartment was a library, at 
 the top of which, on the outside, was fixed a 
 sun-dial. 
 
 Thei-e was also an apartment with three beds 
 for a bath, in Avhich were three great brazen 
 coppers, and a bathing- vessel, made of a single 
 stone of various colours. This vessel contained 
 two hundred and fifty quarts. At the ship's 
 head was a great reservoir of water, which held 
 a hundred thousand quarts. 
 
 All round the ship, on the outside, were At- 
 lases of six cubits, or nine feet, in height, which 
 suppoi'ted the sides of the ship ; these Atlases 
 were at equal distances from each other. The 
 ship was adorned on all sides with paintings, 
 and had eight towei's proportioned to its size ; 
 two at the head, two at the stern, and four in 
 the middte, of equal dimensions. Upon these 
 towers were parapets, from which stones might 
 be discharged upon the ships of an enemy that 
 should approach too near. Each tower was 
 guarded by four young men completely armed, 
 and two archers. The inside of them was filled 
 with stones and arrows. 
 
 Upon the side of the vessel, well strengthened 
 with planks, was a kind of rampart, on which 
 was an engine to discharge stones, made by Ar- 
 chimedes: it thi'ew a stone of three hundred 
 
 weight, and an arrow of twelve cubits (eighteen 
 feet) the distance of a stadium, or a hundred j 
 and twenty-five paces from it. 
 
 The ship had three masts, at each of which 
 were two machines to discharge stones. There 
 also were the hooks and masses of lead to throw 
 upon such as approached. The whole ship was j 
 surrounded with a rampart of iron So keep off \ 
 those who should attempt to board it. All j 
 around were iron grapplings (corvi), which, be- | 
 ing thrown by machines, grappled the vessels of j 
 the enemy, and drew them close to the ship, > 
 from whence it was easy to destroy them. On ; 
 each of the sides were sixty young men com- i 
 pletely armed, and as many about the masts, ' 
 and at the machines for throwing stones. | 
 
 Though the hold of this ship was extremely 
 deep, one man sufficed for clearing it of all ; 
 water, with a machine made in the nature of a 
 screw, invented by Archimedes. An Athenian 
 poet of that name made an epigram upon this ! 
 superb vessel, for which he was well paid. | 
 Hiero sent him a thousand medimni of corn as a 
 reward, and caused them to be carried to the 
 port of Piraeus. The medimriiis, according to 
 Father Montfaucon, is a measure that contains 
 six bushels. This epigram is come down to us. 
 The value of verse was known at that time in 
 Syracuse. 
 
 Hiero having found that there was no port in 
 Sicily capable of containing this vessel, except 
 some where it could not lie at anchor without 
 danger, resolved to make a present of it to king 
 Ptolemy,^ and sent it to Alexandria. There 
 was at that time a great dearth of corn through- 
 out all Egypt. 
 
 Several other transports of less burden at- 
 tended this great ship. Three hundred thou- 
 sand quarters of corn were put on board them, 
 with ten thousand great earthen jars of salted 
 fish, twenty thousand quintals (or two millions 
 of pounds) of salt meat, twenty thousand bun- 
 dles of different clothes, without including the 
 provisions for the ships' crews and officers. 
 
 To avoid too much prolixity, I have re- 
 trenched some part of the description which 
 Athenseus has left us of this great ship. I could 
 have wished, that, to have given us a better idea 
 of it, he had mentioned the exact dimensions of 
 it. Had he added a word upon the benches of 
 oars, it would have cleared up and determined 
 a question, which, without it, must for ever re- 
 main doubtful and obscure. 
 
 Hiero's fidelity was put to 
 A. M. 3788. a very severe trial, after the 
 Ant. J. C. 216. bloody defeat of the Romans 
 in the battle of Cannae, 
 which was followed by an almost universal de- 
 fection of their allies. 
 
 But even the laying waste of his dominions 
 by the Carthaginian troops, which their fleet 
 had landed in Sicily, was not capable of shaking 
 his resolution. He was only afflicted to see 
 that the contagion had spread even to his own 
 family.* He had a son named Gelon, who mar- 
 ried Nereis the daughter of Pyrrhus, by whom 
 he had several children, and amongst others 
 Hieronymus, of whom we shall soon speak. 
 Gelon, despising his father's great age, and set- 
 ting no value on the alliance of the Romans 
 after their last disgrace at Cannae, had declared 
 
 2 Athen. 1. v, p. 206—209 
 
 3 There is reason to believe this was Ptolemy Philft' 
 delphus. 
 
 4 Liv, 1. xxlii. n. 30. 
 
678 
 
 HISTORY OF_ SYRACUSE. 
 
 openly for the Carthaginians. He had already 
 armed the multitude, and solicited the allies of 
 Syi'acuse to join him ; and would ' perhaps have 
 occasioned great ti'ouble in Sicily, if a sudden 
 and unexpected death had 
 A. M. S789. not intervened. It happened 
 Ant. J. C. 215. so opportunely, that his fa- 
 ther was suspected of having 
 promoted it. He did not survive his son long, 
 and died at the age of fourscore and ten years, 
 infinitely regretted by bis people, after having 
 re'gned fifty-four years. 
 
 ARTICLE 11. 
 
 Sect. I. 
 
 Mieronymus, grandson of Hiero, succeeds him, and causes 
 him to be regretted by his vices and cruelty. He is 
 killed in a conspiracy. Barbarous murder of the prin- 
 cesses. Hippocrates and Epicydes possess themselves cf 
 the government of Syracuse, and declare for the Car- 
 thaginians as Hieronymus had done. 
 
 The death of Hiero occasioned great revolu- 
 I tions in Sicily. The kingdom was fallen into 
 I the hands of Hieronymus his grandson, a young^ 
 I prince incapable of making a wise use of his 
 I independence, and far from possessing strength 
 j to resist the seducing allurements of sovereign 
 power. Hiero's apprehensions, that the tlourish- 
 I ing condition in which he left his kingdom 
 j would soon change under an infant king, sug- 
 i gested to him the thought and desire of restor- 
 i ing their liberty to the Syracusans. But his 
 ! two daughters opposed that design with all their 
 j influence ; from the hope, that the young prince 
 would have only the title of king, and that they 
 should have all the authority, in conjunction 
 j with their husbands, Andranodorus and Zoip- 
 j pus, who were to hold the first rank amongst 
 I his guardians.^ It was not easy for an old man 
 j of ninety to hold out against the caresses and 
 arts of those two women, who besieged him day 
 and night, to preserve the freedom of his mind 
 in the midst of their pressing and assiduous in- 
 sinuations, and to sacrifice with courage the in- 
 terests of his family to those of the public. 
 
 To prevent as far as possible the evils he fore- 
 saw, he appointed him fifteen guardians, who 
 were to form his council; and earnestly desired 
 them, at his death, never to depart from the 
 alliance with the Romans, to which he had in- 
 violably adhered for fifty years, and to teach 
 the young prince to tread in his steps, and to 
 follow the principles in which he had been edu- 
 cated till then. 
 
 The king dying after these arrangements, the 
 guardians whom he had appointed for his grand- 
 son immediately summoned the assembly, pre- 
 sented the young prince to the people, and 
 caused the will to be read. A small number of 
 people, expressly placed to applaud it, clapped 
 their hands, and raised acclamations of joj'. 
 All the rest, in a consternation equal to that of 
 a family who have lately lost a good father, 
 kept a mournful silence, which sufliciently ex- 
 pressed their grief for their recent loss, and their 
 
 1 Movissetque in SiciliA res, nisi mors, ade5 opportuna 
 lit patrem quoque su.'spicione adspergeret, armantem cum 
 multitudinem soUicitantemque socios, absumpsisset. Liv. 
 
 2 Puerum, vixdum libertatem, nedum dominationem, 
 modicg laturum. Liv. 
 
 3 Non facile erat nonagesimum jam agenti annum, cir- 
 rumsesso dies noctesque muliebribus blanditiis, liberare 
 Rniinuui, et convertere ad publicam privata curam. L/v. 
 
 apprehension of what was to come. His fune- 
 ral was afterwards solemnized, and more hon- 
 oured by the sorrow and tears of his subjects, 
 than the care and regard of his relations for his 
 memory.* 
 
 Andranodorus's first care was to remove all 
 the other guardians, by telling them roundly, 
 the prince was of age to govern for himself. 
 
 He was at that time near fifteen years old. 
 So that Andranodorus, being the fii-st to re- i 
 nounce the guardianship held by him in com- [ 
 mon with many colleagues, united in his own { 
 person all their power. The wisest arrange- j 
 ments made by princes at their deaths, are often | 
 little regarded, and seldom executed afterwards. ; 
 
 The best and most moderate prince in the 
 world,^ succeeding a king so well beloved by hi.s 
 subjects, as Hiero had been, would have found 
 it very difficult to console them for the loss they 
 had sustained. But Hieronymus, as if he strove 
 by his vices to make him still more regretted, j 
 no sooner ascended the throne, than he made 
 the people sensible how much all things were 
 altered. While neither Hiero, nor Gelon his 
 son, had ever distinguished themselves from the 
 other citizens by their habits, or any outward 
 ornaments, Hieronymus was presently seen in 
 a purple robe, with a diadem on his head, and 
 surrounded by a troop of armed guards. Some- 
 times he affected to imitate Dionysius, the Ty- 
 rant, in coming out of his palace in a chariot 
 drawn by four white horses. All the rest of 
 his conduct was suitable to this equipage a 
 visible contempt for all the world, haughtiness 
 and disdain in hearing, an alfectation of saying 
 disobliging things, so difficult of access, that not 
 only strangers, but even his guardians, could 
 scarce approach him ; a refinement of taste in 
 discovering new methods of excess ; a cruelty 
 so enormous, as to extinguish all sense of hu- 
 manity in him : this odious disposition of the 
 young king terrified the people to such a degree, i 
 that even some of his guardians, to escape his | 
 cruelty, either put themselves to death, or con- 
 demned themselves to voluntary banishment. 
 
 Only three men, Andranodorus and Zoippus, j | 
 both Hiero's sons-in-law, and Thraso, had a | 
 great freedom of access to the young king. He j 
 paid little more notice to them than to others ; | j 
 but as the two first openly declared for the Car- } 
 thaginians, and the latter for the Romans, that i 
 difference of sentiments, and very warm dis- | 
 putes, Avhich were frequently the consequence j 
 of it, drew upon them that prince s attention. i 
 
 About this time a conspiracy against the life i 
 of Hieronymus happened to be discovered. One 
 of the principal conspii'ators, named Theodotus, 
 was accused. Being put to the torture, he con- 
 fessed the crime as far as it regarded himself ; 
 but all the violence of the most cruel torments 
 could not make him betray his accomplices. At 
 length, as if no longer able to support the pains 
 inflicted on him, he accused the king's best 
 
 4 Funus fit regium, magis amore civiura et caritate, 
 quam cura suorum celebie. Liv. 
 
 5 Vix quidem ulli bono moderatoque regi facilis erat 
 favor apud Syracusanos, succedenti tants caritati Hiero- 
 nis. VerOm enimvero Hieronymus, velut suis vitiis de- 
 siderabilem efficere vellet avum, primo statim conspectu, 
 omnia quam disparia essent, ostendit. Liv. 
 
 6 Hunc tam superbum apparatum habitumque conve- 
 nientes sequebantur conlemptus omnium hominum, su- 
 perbae aures, contumeliosa dicta, rari aditus, non alienis 
 modd sed tutoribus etiam ; libidines novae, inhumana cru 
 delitas. Liu. 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 SYRACUSE. 
 
 frieiuls, though innocent, amongst whom he 
 named Thiaso, as the ringleader of the whole 
 : enterprise ; adding, that they should never have 
 engaged in it, if a man of his credit had not 
 been at their head. The zeal he had always 
 expressed for the Roman interests rendered the 
 evidence probable, and he was accordingly put 
 to death. Not one of the accomplices, during 
 their companion's being tortured, either fled or 
 concealed himself, so much they relied upon the 
 fidelity of Theodotus, and such was his forti- 
 tude to keep the secret inviolable. 
 
 The death of Thraso, who was the sole sup- 
 port of the alliance with the Romans, left the 
 field open to the partisans of Carthage. Hiero- 
 nymus despatched ambassadors to Hannibal, 
 j who sent back a young Carthaginian officer, of 
 \ illustrious birth, named also Hannibal, with 
 j Hippoci'ates and Epicydes, natives of Carthage, 
 I but descended from the Syracusans by their 
 I father. After the treaty with Hieronymus was 
 I concluded, the young officer returned to his 
 j general ; the two others continued with the king 
 by Hannibal's permission. The conditions of 
 the ti-eaty were, that after having driven the 
 Romans out of Sicily, of which they fully as- 
 sured themselves, the river Himera, which also 
 divides the islands, should be the boundary of 
 their respective dominions. Hieronymus, puffed 
 up by the praises of his flatterers, even demand- 
 ed, some time after, that all Sicily should be 
 given up to him, leaving the Carthaginians 
 Italy for their part. The proposal appeared 
 idle and rash ; but Hannibal gave very little 
 attention to it, having no other view at that 
 time than of drawing off the young king from 
 the party of the Romans. 
 
 Upon the first rumour of this treaty, Appius, 
 prastor of Sicily, sent ambassadors to Hierony- 
 mus to renew the alliance made by his grand- 
 father with the Romans. 'I'hat proud prince 
 received them with great contempt ^ asking 
 them, with an air of raillery and insult, what 
 had passed at the battle of Cannse ; that Han- 
 nibal's ambassadors had related incredible things 
 respecting it ; that he was happy in an oppor- 
 tunity of knowing the truth from their mouths, 
 that he might thence determine upon the choice 
 of his allies. The Romans made answei', that 
 they would return to him, when he had learned 
 to treat ambassadors seriously, and with re- 
 spect ; and, after having cautioned rather than 
 desired him not to change sides too rashly, they 
 withdrew. 
 
 ' At length his cruelty, and the other vices to 
 which he blindly abandoned himself, drew upon 
 him an unfortunate end. Those who had formed 
 the conspiracy mentioned before, pursued their 
 scheme ; and having found a favourable oppor- 
 tunity for the execution of their enterpi-ise, 
 killed him in the city of the Leontines, on a 
 journey he made from Syracuse into the coun- 
 try. 
 
 We here evidently see the difference between 
 p. king and a tyrant ; and that it is not in guards 
 or arms that the security of a prince consists, 
 but in t?ie affection of his subjects. Hiero, from 
 jeing convinced, that those who have the laws 
 in their hands for the government of the people, 
 ought always to govern themselves by the laws, 
 behaved in such a manner, that it might be said 
 the law, and not Hiero reigned. He believed 
 himself rich and powerful for no other end than 
 to do good, and to render others happy. He 
 had no occasion to take precautions for the secu- 
 rity of his life : he had always the surest guard 
 
 about him, the love of his people : axid Syracuse 
 was afraid of nothing so much as of losing him. 
 Hpnce he was lamented at his death as the com- 
 mon father of his country. Not only their 
 mouths but hearts were long after filled with 
 his name, and incessantly blessed his memory. 
 Hieronymus, on the contrary, who had no other 
 rule of conduct than violence, who regarded all 
 other men as born solely for himself, and valued 
 himself upon governing them not as subjects but 
 slaves, led the most wretched life in the world, 
 if to pass his days in continual appi'ehension and 
 terror, can be called living. As he trusted no- j 
 body, nobody placed any confidence in him. ' 
 Those who were nearest his person were the ! 
 most exx)osed to his suspicions and cruelty, and 
 thought they had no other security for their i 
 own lives, than by putting an end to his. Thus | 
 ended a reign of short duration, but abounding \ 
 with disorders, injustice, and oppression. j 
 
 Appius,^ who foresaw the consequence of his ! 
 death, gave the senate advice of all that had i 
 passed, and took the necessary precautions to ; 
 preserve that part of Sicily which belonged to ; 
 the Romans. They, on their side,- perceiving I 
 the war in Sicily was likely to become impor- j 
 tant, sent Marcellus thither, 1 
 
 A. M. 3790. who had been appointed con- 
 Ant. J. C. 214. sul with Fabius, in the be- 
 ginning of the fifth year of 
 the second Punic war, and had distinguished 
 himself gloriously by his successes against Han- 
 nibal. 
 
 When Hieronymus was killed, the soldiers, 
 less out of affection for him, than a certain natu- 
 ral respect for their kings, had thoughts at first 
 of avenging his death upon the conspirators. 
 But the grateful name of liberty by which they 
 were flattered, and the hope that was given 
 them of the division of the tyrant's treasures 
 amongst them, and of additional pay, with the 
 recital of his horrid crimes and shameful ex- 
 cesses, all together appeased their first heat, and 
 changed their disposition in such a manner, that 
 they left, without interment, the body of that 
 prince for whom they had just befoi'e expressed 
 so warm a regret. 
 
 As soon as the death of Hieronymus was 
 known at Syracuse, Andranodorus seized the 
 Isle, which was part of the city, with the cita- 
 del, and such other places as were most proper 
 for his defence in it, putting good garrisons into 
 them. Theodotus and Sosis, heads of the con- 
 spiracy, having left their accomplices with the 
 army, to keep the soldiers quiet, arrived soon 
 after at the city. They made themselves mas- 
 ters of the quarter Achradina, where, by show- 
 ing the tyrant's bloody robe, with his diadem, 
 to the people, and exhorting them to take arms 
 for the defence of their liberty, they soon saw 
 themselves at the head of a numerous body. 
 
 The whole city was in confusion. The next 
 day, at sun-rise, all the people, armed and un- 
 armed, ran to the quarter Achradina, where 
 the senate was holden, which had neither as- 
 sembled nor been consulted upon any affair 
 since Hiero's death. Polysenus, one of the sena- 
 tors, spoke to the people with great freedom and 
 moderation. He represented, " that having ex- 
 perienced the indignities and miseries of slavery, 
 they were more sensibly affected with them ; 
 but that as to the evils occasioned by civil dis- 
 
 7 Liv, 1. xxiv. ri. 21—35. 
 
G80 
 
 HISTORY OF SYRACUSE 
 
 I 
 
 cord, they had rather heard them spoken of by 
 their fathers, than been acquainted with them 
 themselves : that he commended their readiness 
 in taking arms, and should praise them still 
 more, if they did not proceed to use them, till 
 the last extremity: that at present it was his 
 advice to send deputies to Andranodorus, and 
 to let him know he must submit to the senate, 
 open the gates of the Isle, and withdraw his 
 garrisons : that if he persisted in his usurpation, 
 it would be necessary to treat him with more 
 rigour than Hieronymus had experienced." 
 
 This deputation at first made some impression 
 upon him ; whether it were, that he still retain- 
 ed a respect for the senate, and was moved with 
 the unanimous concurrence of the citizens ; or 
 whether the best fortified part of the Isle having 
 been taken from him by treachery and sui-ren- 
 dered to the Syracusans, that loss gave him just 
 apprehensions. But his wife Demarata,' Hiero's 
 daughter, a haughty and ambitious princess, 
 having taken him aside, put him in mind of the 
 famous saying of Dionysius the Tyrant, " That 
 it was never proper to quit the saddle" (i. e. the 
 tyranny), " till pulled off the horse by the heels ; 
 that a great fortune might be renounced in a 
 moment, but that it would cost abundance of 
 time and pains to attain it : that it was therefore 
 necessary to endeavour to gain time ; and whilst 
 he amused the senate by ambiguous answers, to 
 treat privately with the soldiers at Leontium, 
 whom it would be easy to bring over to his in- 
 terest by the attraction of the king's treasures in 
 his possession." 
 
 Andranodorus did not entirely reject this 
 counsel, nor think proper to follow it without 
 reserve. He chose a mean between both. He 
 promised to submit to the senate, in expectation 
 of a more favourable opportunity ; and the next 
 day having thrown open the gates of the Isle, 
 repaired to the quarter Achradina ; and there, 
 after having excused his delay and resistance, 
 from the fear he had entertained of being in- 
 volved in the tyrant's punishment, as his uncle, 
 he declared that he was come to put his person 
 and interest into the hands of the senate. Then 
 turning towards the tyrant's murderers, and 
 addressing himself to Theodotus and Sosis, "You 
 have done," said he, " a memorable action. But, 
 believe me, your glory is only begun, and has not 
 yet attained its highest pitch. If you do not 
 take care to establish peace and union among the 
 citizens, the state is in great danger of expiring, 
 and of being destroyed at the very moment she 
 begins to taste the blessings of liberty." After 
 this discourse, he laid the keys of the'lsle and of 
 the king's treasures at their feet. The whole 
 city was highly rejoiced on this occasion, and the 
 temples were thronged during the rest of the day 
 with infinite numbers of people, who went thi- 
 ther to return thanks to the gods for so happy a 
 change of affairs. 
 
 The next day the senate being assembled ac- 
 cording to the ancient custom, magistrates were 
 appointed, amongst whom Andranodorus was 
 elected one of the first, with Theodotus and So- 
 sis, and some others of the conspirators who 
 were absent. 
 
 On the other side, Hippocrates and Epicydes, 
 
 1 Sed evocatum eum ab legatis Demarata uxor, filia 
 Hieronis, inflata aclhuc regiis animis ac muliebri spintu, 
 admonet ssepe usiirpatse Dionvsii tyrauni vocis : qiup, 
 pedibus tractum, non insidentem equo, relinquere tvraii- 
 mdem dixeret debere. Li v. 
 
 whom Hieronymus had sent at the head of ttvo 
 thousand men, to endeavour to excite troubles 
 in the cities which continued to adhere to the 
 Romans, seeing themselves upon the news of 
 the tyrant's death, abandoned by the soldiers 
 under their command, returned to Syracuse, 
 where they demanded to be escorted in safety to 
 Hannibal, having no longer any business in 
 Sicily, after the death of him to whom they had 
 been sent by that general. The S\Tacusans 
 were not sorry to part with those two strangers, 
 who were of a turbulent, factious disposition, 
 and well experienced in military affairs. There 
 is in most affairs a decisive moment, which 
 never returns after having been once let slip. 
 The negligence in assigning the time for their 
 departure, gave them an opportunity of insi- 
 nuating themselves into the favour of the sol- 
 diers, who esteemed them upon account of their 
 abilities, and of setting them against the senate, 
 and the better inclined part of the citizens. 
 
 Andranodorus, whose wife's ambition would 
 never let him rest, and Avho, till then, had 
 covered his designs with smooth dissimulation, 
 believing it a proper time for disclosing them', 
 conspired with Themistus, Gelon's son-in-law, 
 to seize the sovereignty. He communicated his 
 views to a comedian named Ariston, from whom 
 he kept nothing secret. That profession was 
 not at all dishonourable among the Greeks, and 
 was exercised by persons of no ignoble condition. 
 Ariston believing it his duty, as it really was, 
 to sacrifice his friend to his country, discovered 
 the conspiracy. Andranodorus and Themistus 
 were immediately killed, by order of the other 
 magistrates, as they entered the senate. The 
 people rose, and threatened to revenge their 
 deaths ; but were deterred from it by the sight 
 of the dead bodies of the two conspirators, 
 which were throAvn out of the senate-house. I 
 They were then informed of their pernicious ' 
 designs ; to which all the misfortunes of Sicily i 
 were ascribed, rather than to the wickedness o'f 
 Hieronymus, who, being only a A'outh, had 
 acted entirely by their counsels. *They insi- 
 nuated that his guardians and tutors had* reign- ' 
 ed in his name ; that they ought to have been 
 cut off before Hieronymus, or at least with him ; ' 
 that impunity had carried them on to commit 
 new crimes, and induced them to aspire to the I 
 tyranny : that not being able to succeed in their 
 design by force, they had employed dissimula- I 
 tion and perfidy : that neither favours and ho- j 
 nours had been capable of overcoming the wicked 
 disposition of Andranodorus; nor the electing 
 him one of the supreme magistrates amongst the 
 deliverers of their country, him, who was the 
 declared enemy of liberty : that as to the rest, ! 
 they had been inspired with their ambition of i 
 reigning by the princesses of the blood-royal 
 whom they had married, the one Hiero's, the 
 other Gelon's, daughter. 
 
 At those words, the whole assembly cried 
 out, that not one of them ought to be suffered to 
 live, and that it was necessary to extirpate en- 
 tirely the race of the tyrants, without suffering 
 any vestige to remain. Such is the nature o'l 
 the multitude.^ It either abjectly abandons it- 
 
 2 Heec natura multitudinis est: aut servit humilitcr, 
 aut superbe dominatur : libertatem, quae media est, nec 
 spernere modice, nec habere sciunt. Et non ferme de- 
 sunt irarum indulgentes rainistri, qui avidos atque uitem. 
 perantes piebeiorura aniraos ad sanguinem et csedes irri. 
 tent. Lin. 
 
HISTORY OF SYRACUSE. 
 
 681 
 
 self to slavery, or domineers with insolence. 
 But with regard to liberty, which holds the 
 mean betwixt those extremes, it neither knows 
 how to be without it, or to use it; and finds 
 but too many flatterers always ready to enter 
 into its passions, inflame its rage, and hurry it 
 on to excessive violences, and the most inhuman 
 cruelties, to which it is but too much inclined 
 \ of itself; as was the case at this time. At the 
 j request of the magistrates, which was almost 
 i sooner accepted than proposed, they decreed 
 that the royal family should be entirely de- 
 stroyed. 
 
 Demarata the daughter of Hiero, and Hai'- 
 ! ! monia Gelon's daughter, the first married to 
 { I Andranodorus, and the other to Themistus, 
 i ] were killed first. From thence they went to 
 S 1 the house of Heraclea, wife of Zoippus ; who 
 ! having been sent on an embassy to Ptolemy, 
 ; 1 king of Egypt, remained there in voluntary 
 I ' banishment, to avoid being witness of the mise- 
 I j ries of his country. Having been apprized that 
 I j they were coming to her, that unfortunate prln- 
 I • cess had taken refuge with her two daughters 
 j I in the most retired part of her house, near her 
 j 1 household gods. There, when the assassins ar- 
 i ' rived, with her hair loose and dishevelled, her 
 ' face bathed in tears, and in a condition most 
 i proper to excite compassion, she conjured them, 
 i in a faltering voice, interrupted with sighs, in 
 j the name of Hiero her father and Gelon her 
 i brother. Not to involve an innocent princess 
 i in the guilt and misfortunes of Hicronymus. 
 j j She represented to them, that her husband's 
 • I banishment had been to her the sole fruit of 
 I i that reign : that not having had any share in 
 ! ! the fortunes and criminal designs of her sister 
 i Demarata, she ought to have none in her pun- 
 i , ishment. Besides, what was there to fear, 
 ' either from her, in the forlorn condition and 
 j almost widowhood to which she was reduced, 
 i i or from her daughters, unhappy orphans, with- 
 j i out credit or support ? That if the royal family 
 I j were become so odious to Syracuse, that it could 
 I rot bear the sight of them, they might be ban- 
 i : ished to Alexandria, the wife to her husband, 
 I I the daughters to their father." When she saw 
 i ; them inflexible to her remonstrances, forgetting 
 j I what concerned herself, she implored them at 
 ! least to save the lives of the princesses her 
 I daughters, both of an age which inspires the 
 j most inveterate and furious of enemies with 
 I compassion ; but her discourse made no impres- 
 I ' sion upon the minds of those barbarians. Hav- 
 i ing torn her in a manner from the arms of her 
 j household gods, they stabbed her in the sight of 
 ' her two daughters, and soon after murdered 
 j \ them also, already stained and covered with the 
 blood of their mother. What was still more 
 j deplorable in their destiny was, that immedi- 
 ately after their death, an order from the people 
 ! came for sparing their lives. 
 I From compassion, the people in a moment 
 ' proceeded to rage and fury against those who 
 had been so hasty in the execution, and had not 
 I left them time for reflection or repentance. 
 They demanded that magistrates should be no- 
 minated in the room of Andranodorus and The- 
 mistus. They were a long time in suspense 
 upon this choice. At length, somebody in the 
 crowd of the people happening to name Epi- 
 cydes, another immediately mentioned Hippo- 
 crates. Those two persons were demanded with 
 so much ardour by the multitude, which con- 
 sisted of citizens and soldiers, that the senate 
 j I could not prevent their being created. 
 
 The new magistrates did not immediately dib 
 cover the design they had, of re-instating Syra- 
 cuse in the interests of Hannibal. But thej 
 had seen with pain the measures which had 
 been taken before they were in office. For, im- 
 mediately after the re-establishment of liberty, 
 ambassadors had been sent to Appius, to pro- 
 pose renewing the alliance which had been bro- 
 ken by Hieronymus. He had referred them to 
 Marcellus, who was lately arrived in Sicily, 
 with an authority superior to his own. Mar- 
 cellus, in his turn, sent deputies to the magis- 
 trates of Syracuse, to treat of peace. | 
 
 Upon arriving there, they found the state oi 
 affairs much altered. Hippocrates and Epicy- 
 des, at first by secret practices, and afterwards 
 by open complaints, had inspired every body ! 
 with great aversion for the Romans; giving out, | 
 that designs were formed for putting Syracuse : 
 into their hands. The behaviour of Appius, . 
 who had approached the entrance of the port 
 with his fleet, to encourage the party in the 
 Roman interest, strengthened those suspicions 
 and accusations so much, that the people ran 
 tumultuously to prevent the Romans from land- 
 ing, in case they should have that design. | 
 
 In this trouble and confusion it was thought ■ 
 proper to summon tho assembly of the people, j 
 In this meeting the opinions differed very much ; i 
 and the heat of the debate giving reason to fear 
 some sedition, Apollonides, one of the principal 
 senators, made a discourse very suitable to the j 
 present situation of aff'airs. He intimated "that ] 
 never city was nearer its destruction or preser- | 
 vation than Syracuse actually was at that time : | 
 that if they all with unanimous consent should 
 join either the Romans or Carthaginians, their | 
 condition would be happy : that if tiiey were I 
 divided, the war would neither be more warm j 
 nor more dangerous between the Romans and 
 Carthaginians, than between the Syracusans \ 
 themselves against each other, as both parties ; 
 must necessarily have, within the circumference i 
 of their own walls, their own troops, armies, | 
 and generals : that it was therefore absolutely j 
 requisite to make agreement and union amongst j 
 themselves their sole care and application ; and j 
 that to know which of the two alliances was to j 
 be preferred, was not now the most important I 
 question: nevertheless, with respect to the choice | 
 of allies, the authority of Hiero, in his opinion, | 
 ought to prevail over that of Hieronymus ; and | 
 that the amity of the Romans, happily expe- j 
 rienced for fifty years together, seemed prefer- j 
 able to that of the Carthaginians, upon which | 
 they could not much rely for the present, and 
 with which they had had little reason to be 
 satisfied formerly." He added a last motive of ■ 
 no mean force, which was, " that in declaring i 
 against the Romans, they would have a war , 
 immediately upon their hands, which the Car- ! 
 thaginians were not able to carry on against j 
 them immediately." 
 
 The less passionate this discourse appeared, 
 the more eff"ect it had. It induced them to de- 
 sire the opinion of the several bodies of the 
 state; and the pi-incipal officers of the troops, as 
 well natives as foreigners, were requested to i 
 confer together. The affair was long discussed j 
 with great warmth. At length, as it appeared 
 that there was no present means for supporting 
 the war against the Romans, a peace with 
 them was resolved, and ambassadors sent to 
 conclude it. j 
 
 Some days after this resolution had been j\ 
 taken, the Leontines sent to demand aid of Sy- i i 
 
682 
 
 HISTORY OF SYRACUSE. 
 
 1_ 
 
 racuse, for the defence ot their trontieis. This 
 leputalioii seemed to come very seasonably for 
 cidding the city of a turbulent, unruly multi- 
 tude, and removing- their leaders, who were no 
 less dangerous. Four thousand men were or- 
 dered to march under the command of Hippo- 
 crates., of whom they were glad to be rid, and 
 who was not sorry himself for this opportu- 
 nity whiih they gave him to embroil affairs. 
 For he no sooner arrived upon the frontier of 
 the Roman province, than he plundered it, and 
 cut in pieces a body of troops sent by Appius to 
 its defence, iVIarccllus complained to the Syra- 
 cusans, of this act of hostility, and demanded 
 that this stranger should be banished from Si- 
 cily with his brother Epicydes ; who, having 
 repaired about the same time to Leontiuin, had 
 endeavoured to embroil the inliabitants with the 
 people of Syracuse, by exliorting them to re- 
 sume their liberty as well as the Syracusans. 
 The city of the Leontines was dependent on 
 Syracuse, but pretended at this time to throw 
 off the yoke, and to act independently of the 
 Syracusans, as an entirely free city. When 
 therefore the Syracusans sent to complain of 
 the hostilities committed against the Romans, 
 and to demand the expulsion of the two Car- 
 thaginian brothers, who were the authors of 
 them, the Leontines replied, that they had not 
 empowered the Syracusans to make peace for 
 them with the Romans. 
 
 The deputies of Syracuse related to Marcellus 
 this answer from the Leontines, who were no 
 longer at the disposal of their city, and left him 
 at liberty to declare war against them, without 
 any infraction of the treaty made with tliem. 
 He marched immediately to Leontium, and 
 made himself master of it at the first attack. 
 Hippocrates and Epicydes tied. All the de- 
 serters found in the place, to the number of two 
 thousand, were put to the sword ; but as soon 
 as the city was taken, all the Leontines and 
 ether soldiers were spared, and even every thing 
 taken from them was restored, except what was 
 lost in the first tumult of a city carried by 
 storm. 
 
 Eight thousand troops, sent by the magis- 
 trates of Syracuse to the aid of Marcellus, met 
 a man oti their march, who gave them an ac- 
 count of what had passed at the taking of Leon- 
 tium ; exaggerating with artful malice the cru- 
 elty of the Romans, who, he falsely affirmed, 
 had put all the inhabitants to the s%voi'd, as well 
 as the troops sent thither by the Syracusans. 
 
 This artful falsehood, which they took no 
 steps to ascertain, inspired them with compas- 
 sion for their companions. They expressed their 
 indignation by their murmurs. Hippocrates 
 and Epicydes, who were before well known to 
 these troops, appeared at the very instant of this 
 trouble and tumult, and put themselves under 
 their protection, not having any other resource. 
 They were received with joy and acclamations. 
 The report soon reached the rear of the army, 
 where the commanders Dinomenes and Sosis 
 were. When they were informed of the cause 
 of the tumult, they advanced hastily, blamed 
 the soldiers for having received Hippocrates and 
 Epicydes, the enemies of their country, and 
 ^ave orders for their being seized and bound. 
 The soldiers opposed this with great menaces; 
 and the two generals sent expresses to Syra- 
 cuse, to infoi-m the senate of what had passed. 
 
 In the mean time, the army continued its 
 march towards Megara, and upon the way met 
 a c«.^ur.er prepared by Hippocrates, who was 
 
 charged with a letter wiiich seemed to be writ- 
 ten by the magistrates of Syi-acuse to Marcellus. 
 They praised him for the slaughtei" he had made 
 at Leontium, and exhorted him to treat all the 
 mercenary soldiers in the same manner, in order 
 that Syracuse might at length be restored to its 
 libei ty. The reading of this forged letter en - 
 raged the mercenaries, of whom this body of 
 troops was almost entiiily composed. They 
 were for falling upon the few Syracusans amongst 
 them, but were prevented from that violence by 
 Hippocrates and Epicytles ; not from motives 
 of pity or humanity, but that they might not 
 entirely lose their hopes of re-entei'ing Syra- 
 cuse. They sent a man thitlier, whom they 
 had gained by bribes, who related the storming 
 of Leontium, conformably to the first account. 
 I hose reports were favourably received by the 
 multitude, who cried out, that the gates should 
 be shut against the Romans. Hippoci-ates and 
 Epicydes arrived about the same time before 
 the city, which they entered, partly by force, 
 and partly by the intelligence they had'within 
 it. They killed the magistrates, and took pos- 
 session of the city. The next day the slaves 
 were made free, the prisoners set at liberty, and 
 Hippocrates and Epicydes elected into the high- 
 est ofiices, in a tumultuous assembly. Syracuse, 
 in this manner, after a short glimpse of liberty, 
 sunk again into its former slavery. 
 
 SECT. IL 
 
 The consul Marcellus besieges Syracuse. The consider, 
 able losses of men and ships occasioned by the dreadful 
 niachinos of Archimedes, oblige Marcerius to change 
 the siege into a blockade. He takes the city at length 
 by means of his intelligence within it. Death of Ar- 
 chimedes, killed by a soldier who did not know him. 
 
 Affairs being in this state,- 
 Marcellus thought proper to 
 quit the country of the Le- 
 ontines, and advance towards 
 Syracuse. When he was near it, he sent depu- 
 ties to let the inhabitants know, that he came 
 to restore liberty to the Syracusans, and not 
 with intent to make war upon them. They 
 were not permitted to enter the city. Hippo- 
 crates and Epicydes went out to meet them ; 
 and having heard their proposals, replied haugh- 
 tily, that if the Romans intended to besiege 
 their city, they should soon be made sensible of 
 the difference between attacking Syracuse and 
 attacking Leontium. JMarcellus, therefore, de- 
 termined to besiege the place by sea and land ;^ 
 by land, on the side of the Hexapylum ; and by 
 sea, on that of the Achradina,* the walls of 
 which were washed by the waves. 
 
 He gave Appius the command of the land 
 forces, and reserved that of the fleet to himself. 
 It consisted of sixty galleys of five benches of , 
 oars, which were full of soldiers armed with I 
 bows, slings, and darts, to scour the walls. 
 There were a great number of other vessels, 
 laden with all sorts of machines used ia attack- 
 ing places. 
 
 The Romans carrying on their attacks at two 
 different places, Syracuse was in great conster- 
 nation, and apprehensive that nothing could 
 oppose so terrible a power, and such mighty 
 
 1 Liv. ]. xxiv. n. ."3, 34. Pint, in Marcel p. o05--3( 
 Pclyb. 1. viii. n. 515— ,')18. 
 
 2 The description of Syracuse may be seen i'j voL i. 
 
 A. JM. 3790. 
 Ant. J. C. 2U. 
 
HISTORY OF SYRACUSE. 
 
 083 
 
 efforts. And it had indeed been impossible to 
 have resisted them, without the assistance of one 
 single man, whose wonderf ul industry was every 
 thing to the Syracusans : this was Archimedes. 
 He bad taken care to supply the walls with all 
 things necossarjr to a good defence. As soon as 
 his machines began to play on the land side, 
 they discharged upon the infantry all sorts of I 
 darts, and stones of enormous weight, which 
 flr;w with so much noise, force, and rapidity, 
 that nothing could withstand their shock. They 
 beat down and dashed to pieces all before them, 
 and occasioned a terrible disorder in the ranks 
 of the besiegers. 
 
 Marcellus succeeded no better on the side of 
 the sea. Archimedes had disposed his machines 
 in such a manner, as to throw darts to any dis- 
 tance. Though the enemy lay far ft-om the 
 city, he reached them with his larger and more 
 forcible balistse and catapultse. When they over- 
 sliot their mark, he had smaller, proportioned 
 to the distance; which put the Romans into 
 such confusion, as made them incapable of at- 
 tempting any thing. 
 
 This was not the greatest danger. Archi- 
 medes had placed lofty and strong machines be- 
 hind the walls, which suddenly letting fall vast 
 beams, with an immense weight at the end of 
 them, upon the ships, sunk tliem to the bottom. 
 Besides this, he caused an iron grapple to be let 
 out by a chain ; and having caught hold of the 
 head of a ship with this hook, by means of a 
 weight let down within the walls, it was lifted 
 up and set upon its stern, and held so for some 
 time; then by letting go the chain, either by a 
 wheel or a pulley, it was let fall again, with its 
 whole weight, either on its head or side, and 
 often entirely sunk. At other times the ma- 
 chines dragging the ship towards the shore by 
 cordage and hooks, after having made it whirl 
 about a great while, dashed it to pieces against 
 the points of the rocks, which projected under 
 the walls, and thereby destroyed all within it. 
 Galleys frequently seized and suspended in the 
 air, were whirled about with rapidity, exhibit- 
 ing a dreadful sight to the spectators, after which 
 they were let fall into the sea, and sunk to the 
 bottom with their crew. 
 
 Marcellus had prepared, at great expense, 
 machines called sambucce, from their resem- 
 blance to a musical instrument of that name. 
 He appointed eight galleys of five benches for 
 that purpose, from which the oars were re- 
 moved, from half on the right, and from the 
 other half on the left side. These were joined 
 together, two and two, on the sides without 
 oars. This machine consisted of a ladder of the 
 breadth of four feet, which when erect was of 
 equal height with the walls. It was laid at 
 length upon the sides of the two galleys joined 
 together, and extended considerably beyond their 
 beaks ; and upon the masts of these vessels were 
 affixed cords and pulleys. When it was to work, 
 tho cords were made fast to the extremity of the 
 machine, and men upon the stern drew it up by 
 the help of the pulley-s, others at the head as- 
 sisted in raising it with levers. The galleys 
 afterwards being bi'ought forward to the foot of 
 the walls, the machines were applied to them. 
 The bridge of the sambucca was then let down 
 (no doubt after the manner of a draw-bridge,) 
 upon which the besiegers passed to the walls of 
 the place besieged. 
 
 This machine had not the expected effect. 
 Whilst it was at a considerable distance from 
 the walls, Archimedes discharged a vast stone 
 
 upon it that weighed ten quintal , ' then a - 
 cond, and immediately after a tliird ; all of 
 which striking against it with dreadful force 
 and noise, beat down and br<d<e its supjiorts, 
 and gave the galleys upon which it stood such 
 a shock, that they parted from each other. 
 
 Marcellus, almost discouraged, and at a los 
 what to do, retired as fast as posyible with his gal 
 leys, and sent orders to his land forces to do the 
 same. He called also a council of war, in whic h 
 it was resolved the next day, before sunrise, to 
 endeavour to approach the walls. They were 
 in hopes, by this means, to shelter themselvef- 
 from the machines, which, for want of a dis- 
 tance proportioned to their force, would be ren- 
 dered ineffectual. 
 
 But Archimedes had provided against all con- 
 tingencies. He had prepared machir.es long be- 
 fore, as we have already observed, that carried 
 to all distances a proportionate quantity of dartd 
 and ends of beams, wliich, being very short, re- 
 quired less time for preparing them, and in con- 
 sequence were more frequently discharged. Ht; 
 had besides made small chasms or loop-holes in 
 the walls at little distances, where he had placed 
 scorpions,' which, not carrying far, wounded 
 those who approached, without being perceived 
 but by their effect. 
 
 When the Romans had gained the foot of the 
 walls, and thought themselves very well cover- 
 ed, they found themselves exposed either to an 
 infinity of darts, or overwhelmed with stones, 
 which fell directly upon their heads, there being 
 no part of the wall which did not continually 
 pour that mortal hail upon them. This obliged 
 them to retire. But they were no sooner re- 
 moved to some distance, than a new discharge 
 of darts overtook them in their retreat ; so that 
 they lost great numbers of men, and almost 
 all their galleys were disabled or beaten to 
 pieces, without being able to revenge their loss 
 in the least upon their enemies. For Archi- 
 medes had planted most of his machines in se- 
 curity behind the walls ; so that the Romans, 
 says Plutarch, repulsed by an infinity of 
 wounds, without seeing the place or hand from 
 which they came, seemed to fight in reality 
 against the gods. 
 
 Marcellus, though at a loss what to do, and 
 not knowing how to oppose the machines of 
 Archimedes, could not, however, forbear jest- 
 ing upon them. " Shall we persist," said he to 
 his workmen and engineers, " in making war 
 with this Briareus of a geometrician, who treats 
 my galleys and sambucas so rudely? He infi- 
 nitely exceeds the fabled giants, with their hun- 
 dred hands, in his perpetual and surprising 
 discharges upon us." Marcellus had reason for 
 complaining of Archimedes alone. Yov the 
 Syracusans were really no more than members 
 of the engines and machines of that great geo- 
 metrician, who was himself the soul of all their 
 powers and operations. All other arms were 
 unemployed ; for the city at that time made use 
 of none, either defensive or offensive, but those 
 of Archimedes. 
 
 Marcellus at length perceiving the Romans so 
 much intimidated, that if they saw upon the 
 
 3 The quintal, which the Greeks called laXa-MTOv, was 
 of several kinds. The least weighed a hundred and twen- 
 ty-five pounds i the largest more than twelve hundred. 
 
 4 The scorpions were machines in the nature of cross- 
 bows, with which the ancientb used to discharge darts and 
 stones. 
 
HISTORY OF SYRACUSE. 
 
 walls only a small cord, or the least piece of 
 wood, they would immediately fly, crying out, 
 that Archimedes was going to discharge some 
 dreadful maciiine upon them, renounced his 
 hopes of being able to make a breach in the 
 place, gave over his attacks, and turned, the 
 siege into a blockade. The Romans conceived 
 that they had no other resource than to reduce 
 the great number of people in the city by fa- 
 mine, in cutting off all provisions that might be 
 brought to them either by sea or land. During 
 the eight months in which they besieged the 
 city, there were no kind of stratagems which 
 they did not invent, nor any actions of valour 
 left itntried, except indeed the assault, which 
 they never dared to attempt more. So much 
 force, upon some occasions, have a single man 
 and a single science, when rightly applied. De- 
 prive Syracuse of only one old man, the great 
 strength of the Roman arms must inevitably 
 take the city; his sole presence checks and dis- 
 concerts all their designs. 
 
 We here see, which I cannot repeat too often, 
 how much interest princes have in protecting 
 arts, favouring the learned, encouraging acade- 
 mies of science by honourable distinctions and 
 actual rewards, which never ruin or impoverish 
 a state. I say nothing in this place of the birth 
 and nobility of Archimedes; he was not in- 
 debted to them for the happiness of his genius 
 and profound knowledge ; I consider him only 
 as a learned man, and an excellent geometrician. 
 What a loss would Syracuse have sustained, if, 
 to have saved a small expense and pension, such 
 a man had been abandoned to inaction and ob- 
 scur^>v ! Hiero was careful not to act in this 
 manner. He knew all the value of our geome- 
 trician ; and it is no ^■ulgar merit in a prince to 
 understand that of other men. He paid it due 
 honour ; he made it useful ; and did not stay 
 tin occasion or necessity obliged him to do so : 
 it would then have been too late. By a wise 
 foresight, the true character of a great prince 
 and a great minister, in the very arms of peace ' 
 he provided all that was necessary for support- 
 ing a siege, and making war with success ; 
 though at that time there was no appearance of 
 any thing to be apprehended from the Romans, 
 with whom Syracuse was allied in the strictest 
 fiiendship. Hence were seen to arise in an in- 
 stant, as out of the earth, an incredible number 
 of machines, of every kind and size, the very 
 sight of which was sufficient to strike armies 
 with terror and confusion. 
 
 There are amongst these machines, of some 
 of which we can scarce conceive the effects, and 
 the reality of which u-e might be tempted to 
 call in question, if it were allowable to doubt 
 the evidence of writers, such for instance as 
 Polybius, an almost contemporary author, who 
 treated on facts entirely recent, and such as 
 were well known to all the world. But how 
 can we refuse to give credit to the uniform con- 
 sent of Greek and Roman historians, whether 
 friends or enemies, in regard to circumstances 
 of which whole armies were witnesses, and ex- 
 perienced the effects, and which had so great an 
 influence in the events of the war? What 
 passed in the siege of Syracuse shows how far 
 the ancients had carried their genius and art in 
 besieging and supporting sieges. Our artillery, 
 
 i In pace, ut sapiens, aptaril idonea bello. Herat. 
 And wise in peace prepared the anas of war. 
 
 , which so perfectly imitates thunder, has not 
 j more effect than the engines of Archimedes, if 
 I indeed they have so much, 
 
 I A burning-glass is spoken of, by the means of 
 i which Archimedes is said to have burnt part of 
 j the Roman fleet. That must have been an ex- 
 traordinary invention ; but as no ancient author 
 mentions it, it is no doubt a modern tradition 
 without any foundation. Burning-glasses were 
 known to antiquity, but not of that kind, which 
 indeed seem impracticable. 
 
 After Marcelius had re- 
 
 A. M. S791. solved to confine himself to 
 Ant. J. C. 213. the blockade of Sp-acuse,^ he 
 left Appius before the placfc 
 with two-thirds of the army, advanced with the 
 other into the island, and" brought over some 
 cities to the Roman interest. 
 
 At the same time Himilcon, general of the 
 Carthaginians, arrived in Sicily with a great 
 army, in hopes of re-conquering it, and expel- 
 ling the Romans. 
 
 Hippocrates left Syracuse with ten thousand 
 foot and live hundred horse to join him, and 
 carry on the war in concert against iMarcellus. 
 Epicydes remained in the city, to command 
 there during the blockade. 
 
 The fleets of the two states appeared at the 
 same time on the coast of Sicily ; but that of 
 the Carthaginians, seeing itself weaker than the 
 other, was afraid to venture a battle, and soon 
 sailed back for Carthage. 
 
 Marcelius had continued eight months before 
 Syracuse with Appius, according to Polybius, 
 when the year of his consulship expired. Livy 
 places the expedition of Marcelius in Sicily, and 
 his victory over Hippocrates, in this year, which 
 must have been the second year of the siege. 
 And indeed lAwj has given" us no account of 
 tliis second year, because he had ascribed to the 
 first what had passed in the second. For it is 
 highly improbable, that nothing memorable hap- 
 pened in it. 
 
 This is the conjecture of Islv. Crevier, pro- 
 fessor of rhetoric in the college of Beauvais, who 
 has published a new edition of Livy, with re- 
 marks, and with which 1 am convinced the 
 public will be well pleased. The first volume 
 of the said work contains a long preface, which 
 is well worth reading. 
 
 Marcelius, therefore, employed a great part 
 of the second year of the siege" in several expe- 
 ditions in Sicily. On his return from Agri- 
 gcntum, upon which he had made an ineffectual 
 attempt, he came up with the army of Hippo- 
 crates, which he defeated, and killed* above eight 
 thousand men. This advantage kept those in 
 their duty, who had entertained thoughts of go- 
 ing over to the Carthaginians. After the gain- 
 ing of this victory, he returned against Syra- 
 cuse ; and having sent off Appius for Rome, 
 who went thither to demand the consulship, he 
 put Q. Crispinus into his place. 
 
 In the beginning of the 
 
 A. M. 3792. third campaign, ^ JMarcellus, 
 Ant. J. C. 212. almost absolutely despairing 
 of being able to* take Syra- 
 cuse, either by force, because Archimedes con- 
 tinually opposed him with invincible obstacles, 
 or by famine, as the Carthaginian fleet, which 
 was returned more numerous than befoi-e, easily 
 
 2 Liv. 1. xxiv. n. 35, 56. 
 3 Liv. L XXV. n. 23, 31. Flut. in Marcel. 308, SO 
 
HISTORY OF SYRACUSE. 
 
 G86 
 
 threw in convoys, deliberated whether he should 
 continue before Syracuse to push the siege, or 
 turn his endeavours against Agrigentum. But, 
 before he came to a final determination, he 
 thought it proper to try whether he could not 
 make himself master of Syracuse by some secret 
 intelligence. There were many Syracusans in 
 his camp, who had taken refuge there in the be- 
 ginning of the troubles. A slave of one of these 
 secretly carried on an intrigue, in which four- 
 score of the principal persons of the city en- 
 j j?aged, who came in companies to consult with 
 j him in his camp, concealed in barks under the 
 ! nets of fishermen. The conspiracy was on the 
 point of taking effect, when a person named 
 Attains, through resentment for not having 
 been admitted into it, discovered the whole to 
 Epicydcs, who put all the conspirators to death. 
 
 This enterprise having thus miscarried, Mar- 
 cellus found himself in new difficulties. No- 
 thing employed his thoughts but the grief and 
 shame of raising a siege, after having consumed 
 so much time, and sustained the loss of so many 
 men and ships in it. An accident supplied him 
 with a resource, and gave new life to his hopes. 
 Some Roman vessels had taken one Damippus, 
 whom Epicydes had sent to negotiate with Phi- 
 lip, king of Macedon. The Syracusans ex- 
 pressed a great desire to ransom this man, and 
 Marcellus was not averse to it. A place near 
 the port Trogilus was agreed on for the con- 
 ferences concerning the ransom of the prisoner. 
 As the deputies went thither several times, it 
 came into a Roman soldier's thought to con- 
 sider the wall with attention. After having 
 counted the stones, and examined with his eye 
 the measure of each of them, upon a calculation 
 of the height of the wall he found it to be much 
 lower than it was believed, and concluded that 
 with ladders of a moderate size it might be 
 easily scaled. Without loss of time he related 
 the whole to Marcellus. The genera;! is not 
 always the only wise man in an army ; a pri- 
 vate soldier may sometimes furnish him with 
 important hints. Marcellus did not neglect 
 this advice, and assured himself of its reality 
 with his own eyes. Having caused ladders to 
 be prepared, he took the opportunity of a festi- 
 val, that the Syracusans celebrated for three 
 days in honour of Diana, during which the in- 
 habitants gave themselves up entirely to rejoic- 
 ing and good cheer. At the time of night when 
 he conceived that the Syracusans, after their 
 debauch, would begin to grow drowsy and fall 
 asleep, he made a thousand chosen troops, in 
 profound silence, advance with their ladders to 
 the wall. When the first had got to the top 
 without noise or tumult, others followed, en- 
 couraged by the boldness and success of their 
 leaders. These thousand soldiers, taking ad- 
 vantage of the enemy's stillness, who were 
 either drunk or asleep, soon scaled the wall. 
 Having thrown down the gate of the Hexa- 
 pylum, they took possession of the quarter of 
 the city called Epipolse. 
 
 It was then no longer time to deceive, but 
 terrify the enemy. The Syracusans, awakened 
 by the noise, began to rouse, and to prepare for 
 action. Marcellus made all his trumpets sound 
 together, which so frightened and alarmed them, 
 that all the inhabitants fled, believing every 
 quarter of the city in the possession of the ene- 
 my. Ths strongest and best part, however, 
 called Achradina, was not yet taken, because 
 separated by its walls from the rest of the 
 city. 
 
 Marcellus at day- break entered the new city, 
 by the quarter called Tyche. Epicydes having 
 hastily drawn up some troops, which he had in 
 the Isle, which was adjoining to Achradina, 
 marched against Marcellus : but finding him 
 stronger and better attended than he expected, 
 after a slight skirmish he shut himself up in 
 Achradina. 
 
 All the captains and officers with Marcellus 
 congratulated him upon this extraordinary suc- 
 cess. As to himself, when he had considered 
 from an eminence the loftiness, beauty, and ex- 
 tent of that city, he is said to have shed tears, 
 and to have deplored the unhappy condition it 
 was upon the point of experiencing. He called 
 to mind the two powerful Athenian fleets which 
 had formerly been sunk before this city, and the 
 two numerous armies cut in pieces, with the 
 illustrious generals who commanded them : the 
 many wars sustained with so much valour 
 against the Carthaginians : the many famous 
 tyrants and potent kings, Hiero particularly, 
 whose memory was still recent, who had signa- 
 lized himself by so many royal virtues, and still 
 more, by the important services he had ren- 
 dered the Roman people, whose interests had 
 always been as dear to him as his own. Moved 
 by that reflection, he believed it incumbent upon 
 him, before he attacked Achradina, to send to 
 the besieged to exhort them to surrender volun- 
 tarily, and prevent the ruin of their city. His 
 remonstrances and exhortations had no effect. 
 
 To prevent being harassed in his rear, he then 
 attacked a fort called Euryelus, which lay at 
 the bottom of the new town, and commanded 
 the whole country on the land side. After 
 having carried it, and placed therein a strong 
 garrison, he turned all his efforts against Achra- 
 dina. 
 
 During these transactions, Hippocrates and 
 Himilcon ai'rived. The first with the Sicilians 
 having placed and fortified his camp near the 
 gi'eat harbour, and given the signal to those who 
 were in possession of Achradina, attacked the 
 old camp of the Romans, in which Crispin us 
 commanded : Epicydes, at the same time, made 
 a sally upon the posts of Marcellus. Neither 
 of these enterprises was successful. Hippocrates 
 was vigorously repulsed by Crispin us, who pur- 
 sued him as far as his intrenchments, and Mar- 
 cellus obliged Epicydes to shut himself up in 
 Achradina. 
 
 As it was then autumn, there happened a 
 plague, which killed great numbers in the city, 
 and still more in the Roman and Carthaginian 
 camps. The distemper was not excessive at 
 first, and proceeded only from the heat of the 
 season, and the un wholesomeness of the soil: 
 but afterwards the communication with the in- 
 fected, and even the care taken of them, dis- 
 persed the contagion; from whence it happened, 
 that some, neglected and absolutely abandoned, 
 died of the violence of the malady, and others 
 received help which became fatal to those who 
 brought it. Death, and the sight of such as 
 were buried, continually presented a mournful 
 object to the eyes of the living. Nothing was 
 heard night and day but groans and lamenta- 
 tions. At length the being accustomed to the 
 evil had hardened their hearts to such a degree, 
 and so far extinguished all sense of compassion 
 
 4 The new city, or Neapolis, was Epipolae, which ir 
 the latter times had been taken inco the city and sur 
 rounded with walls. 
 
/ 
 
 686 
 
 HISTORY OF SYRACUSE. 
 
 end to them: that if the Romans bad undfr^ 
 taken the siege of Syracuse, it was out of affec- 
 tion, not enmity, to the Syracusans : that it 
 was not till after they had been apprized of the 
 
 in them, that they not only ceased to grieve for 
 the dead, but left them without interment. No- 
 thing was to be seen every where but dead 
 bodies, exposed to the view of those who ex- 
 pected the same fate. The Carthaginians suf- | oppressions they suffered from Hipoocrates and 
 ered mucn more from it than the others. As Epicydes, those ambitious agents of Hannibal, 
 they had no place to retn-e to, they almost all and afterwards of Hieronymus, that they had 
 perished, with their generals Hippocrates and taken arms, and begun the siege of the citv, not 
 Marcellus, from the first breaking | to ruin it, but to dtstro 
 
 Himilcon. 
 
 out of the disease, had brought his soldiers into | Hippocrates" was^dea^^Epicydls^^^^^^ fn 
 
 the city, where the roofs and shade were of | Syracuse, his lieutenants slain, and the Cartha- 
 great relief to them ; but, notwithstanding, he giaians dispossessed of Sicily, both by sea and 
 lost no inconsiderable number of men. land, what reason could the Romans now have 
 
 Bomi car, in the mean time, who commanded for not inclining as much to preserve Syracuse, 
 
 as it Jriiero, the sole example of fidelity towards 
 
 the Carthaginian fleet, and had made a second 
 voyage to ('arthage to bring a new supply, re- 
 turned with a hundred and thirty ships, and 
 seven hundred transports. He was prevented 
 by contrary winds from doubling the cape of 
 Pachynus. Epicydes, who was afraid that if 
 those winds continued, this fleet might be dis- 
 couraged and return to Africa, left Achradina 
 to the care of the generals of the mercenary 
 troops, and went to Bomilcar, whom he per- 
 suaded to try the event of a naval battle, as soon 
 
 them, were still alive? That neither the city 
 nor the inhabitants had any thing to fear but 
 from themselves, if they let'slip the occasion of 
 renewing their amity with the Romans : that 
 they never had so favourable an opportunity as 
 the present, '-vhen they were just delivered from 
 the violent government of their tyrants; and 
 that the first use they ought to make of their 
 liberty was to return to their duty," 
 
 This discourse was perfectly well received by 
 
 as the weather would permit Marce lus, see- every body. It was however iudged proper to 
 ing that the troops of the Sicilians increased create new magistrates before tiie nomination of 
 everyday, and that i. he stayed, and suffered deputies; the latter of whom were chosen out 
 
 8 _ 
 
 ; fleet. As soon as the high winds abated. Bo 
 milcar stood out to sea, in order to double the 
 . cape ; but when he saw the Roman ships ad- 
 j vance towards him in good order, on a sudden, 
 1 for what reason is not said, he took to flight. 
 I sent orders to the transports to regain Africa 
 
 effect : " It was not the people of Syracuse who 
 first broke the alliance, and declared war against 
 you, but Hieronymus, less criminal still to- 
 wards Rome than towards his country; and 
 afterwards, when peace was restored 'by his 
 death, it was not any Syracusan that infringed 
 
 with the design of awaiting the event of the 
 siege in that place, than of making any new at- 
 tempt from thence. 
 
 When it was known in the camp of the Sici- 
 lians, that Epicydes had quitted Syracuse, and 
 the Carthaginians Sicily, they sent deputies to 
 IMarcellus, after having sounded the dispositions 
 of the besieged, to treat upon the conditions on 
 which Syracuse should surrender. It was agreed 
 with unanimity enough on both sides, that what 
 had appertained to the kings, should appertain 
 to the Itomans ; that the Sicilians should retain 
 ?.ll the rest, with their laws and liberty. After 
 these preliminaries they demanded a conference 
 with those to whom Epicydes had intrusted the 
 government in his absence. They told them, 
 they had^ been sent by the army to Marcel! us, 
 and the inhabitants of Syi-acuse, in order that 
 all the Sicilians, as well within as without the 
 city, might have the same fate, and that no se- 
 piirate convention might be made. Having been 
 permitted to enter the city, and to confer with 
 their friends and relations, after having informed 
 them of what they had already agreed with 
 Marcellus, and giving them assurances that theii 
 lives would be safe, they persuaded them to be- 
 gin by removing the three governors Epicydes 
 had left in his place, which was immediately 
 put in execution. 
 
 After which, having assembled the people, 
 
 they represented, " That for whatever miseries than that of Hiero. The latter was much lon- 
 tbey had suffered till then, or should suffer from ger your friend than the former your enemy, 
 thenceforth, they ought not to accuse fortune, ; Permit me to say, you have experienced the 
 as it depended upon themselves alone to put jm ' ^ood effects of the amity of Hiero; but the 
 
 fidy ; and it cannot be said that we have "bad 
 any times of liberty, that have not also been 
 times of peace with you. At present, as soon 
 as we are become masters of ourselves by the 
 death of those who held Sicily in subjection, we 
 come that very instant to deliver up to you our 
 j arms, our persons, our walls, and our city, de- 
 I termined not to refuse any conditions you shall 
 think fit to impose. For the rest," continued 
 he, addressing himself still to Marcellus, " your 
 interest is as much concerned as ours. The 
 gods have granted you the glory of having taken 
 the finest and most illustrious city possessed bv 
 the Greeks. All we have ever achieved worthy 
 of being recorded, eithei by sea or land, aug- 
 ments and adorns your triumph. Fame is not 
 a sufficiently faithful chronicler to make known 
 the greatness and strength of the city you have 
 taken ; posterity can only judge of them by its 
 own eyes. It is necessary that we should show 
 to all travellers, from whatever part of the uni- 
 verse they come, sometimes the trophies we 
 have obtained from the Athenians and Cartha- 
 ginians, and sometimes those you have acquired 
 from us ; and that Syracuse,' thus placed for 
 ever under the protection of Marcellus, may be 
 ■A lasting and eternal monument of the valour 
 and clemency of him who took and preserved 
 it. Jt is unjust that the remembrauce of Hie- ! 
 "onymus should have more weight with j-ou 
 
HISTORY OF SYRACUSE. 
 
 j senseless enterprises of Hieronymus have fallen 
 i solely upon his own head." 
 I The difficulty was not to obtain what they 
 1 ! demanded from Marcel! us, hut to preserve tran- 
 ! quillity and union amongst those in the city. 
 The deserters, convinced that they shouM be 
 delivered up to the Romans, inspired the fo- 
 : reign soldiers with the same fear. Both the 
 I one and the other having therefore taken arms, 
 I whilst the deputies were still in the camp of 
 I Marcellus, they began by cutting the throats of 
 the magistrates newly elected ; and dispersing 
 themselves on all sides, they put to the sword 
 all they met, and plundered whatever fell in 
 : their way. That they might not be without 
 ! leaders, they appointed six officers, three to com- 
 mand in Achradina, and three in the Isle. The 
 i tumult being at length appeased, the foreign 
 I troops were iufoi-med from all hands, that it 
 I was concluded with the Romans, that their 
 \ cause should be entirely distinct from that of 
 the deserters. At the same instant, the depu- 
 ties who had been sent to Marcellus arrived, 
 who fully undeceived them. 
 
 Amongst those who commanded in the Isle, 
 j I there was a Spaniard named Mericus : means 
 were found to corrupt him. He gave up the 
 j gate near the fountain Arethusa to soldiers, sent 
 by Marcellus in the night to take possession of 
 it. At day-break the next morning, Marcellus 
 1 made a false attack on the Achradina, to draw 
 j all the forces of the citadel, and the Isle adjoin- 
 ing to it, to that side, and to enable some vessels 
 he had prepared to throw tioops into the Isle, 
 which would be unguarded. Every thing suc- 
 ceeded according to his plan. The soldiers, 
 whom those vessels had landed in the Isle, find- 
 ing almost all the posts abandoned, and the 
 I gates, by which the garrison of the citadel had 
 I marched out against Marcellus, still open, they 
 I took possession of them after a slight encounter, 
 j ?tlarcellus having received advice that he was 
 master of the Isle, and of part of Achradina, 
 j and that Mericus, with the body under his com- 
 I mand, had joined his troops, ordered a retreat 
 to be sounded, that the treasures of the kings 
 might not be plundered. They did not rise so 
 high in their amount as was imagined. 
 
 The deserters having escaped, a passage being 
 expressly left open for them, the Syracusans 
 opened all the gates of Achradina to Marcellus, 
 and sent deputies to him, with instructions to 
 demand nothing farther from him than the pre- 
 servation of the lives of themselves and their 
 children. Marcellus having assembled his coun- 
 ! cil, and some Syracusans who were in his camp, 
 j gave his answer to the deputies in their pre- 
 sence: "That Hiero, for fifty years, had not 
 done the Roman people more good, than those 
 who had been masters of Syracuse some years 
 past had intended to do them harm ; but that 
 their ill-will had fallen upon their own heads, and 
 I they had punished themselves for their violation 
 of treaties in a more severe manner than the 
 Romans could have desired : that he had be- 
 sieged Syracuse during three years, not that the 
 Roman people might reduce it into slavery, but 
 to prevent the chiefs of the revoltcrs from con- 
 tinuing to hold it under oppression : that he had 
 undergone many fatigues and dangers in so Jong 
 a siege; but that he thought he had made him- 
 self ample amends by the glory of having taken 
 that city, and the satisfaction of having saved it 
 from the entire ruin it seemed to deserve," 
 After having placed a body of troops to secure 
 the treasiiry, and safeguaids in the houses of 
 
 G87 ! 
 
 the Syracusans who had withdrawn into his | 
 camp, he abandoned the city to be plundered. | 
 It is reported, that the riches which were pil- ! i 
 laged in Syracuse at this time exceeded all that j i 
 could have been expected at the taking of Car- j 
 thage itself. j 
 An unhappy accident interrupted the joy of | 
 Marcellus, and gave him a very sensible afflic- j 
 tion. Archimedes, at a time when all things \ 
 were in this confusion at Syracuse, shut up in i 
 his closet like a man of another world, v/ho has 
 no regai'd for what is passing in this, was in- 
 tent upon the study of some geometrical figure, 
 and not only his eyes, but the whole faculties ol I 
 his soul, were so engaged in this contemplation, j 
 that he had neither heard the tumult of the Ho- i 
 mans, universally busy in plundering, nor the 
 report of the city's being taken. A soldier on 
 a sudden comes in upon him, and bids him fol- 
 low him to Marcellus. Archimedes desired him 
 to stay a moment, till he had solved his problem 
 and finished the demonstration of it. The sol- 
 dier, who neither cared for his problem nor de- 
 monstration, enraged at this delay, drew his 
 sword and killed him. Marcellus was exceed- 
 ingly afflicted when he heard the news of his 
 death. Not being able to restore him to life, 
 of which he would have been very glad, he ap- 
 plied himself to honour his memory to the ut- 
 most of his po\A er. He made a diligent search 
 after all his I'elations, treated them with great 
 distinction, and granted them peculiar privi- 
 leges. As for Archimedes, he caused his fune- 
 ral to be celebrated in the most solemn manner, 
 and erected to him a monument amongst the 
 great persons who had distinguished themselves 
 most at Syracuse. 
 
 ARTICLE III. 
 
 Sect. I. j 
 
 Tomb of Archimedes discovered by Ciceit). | 
 
 Archimeoes, by his will, had desired his re- 
 lations and friends to put no other epitaph on 
 his tomb, after his death, than a cylinder cir- 
 cumscribed by a sphere, that is to say, a globe 
 or spherical figure ; and to set down at the bot- 
 tom the proportion which those two solids, the 
 containing and the contained, have to each otiier. 
 He might have filled up the bases of the columns 
 of his tomb with relievoes, whereon the whole 
 history of the siege of Syracuse might have been 
 carved, and himself appeared like another Jupi- 
 ter thundering upon the Romans. But he set 
 an infinitely liigljer value upon a discovery, a 
 geometrical demonstration, than upon all the 
 so-much-celebrated machines which he had in- 
 vented. 
 
 Hence lie chose rather to do himself honour 
 in the eyes of posterity, by the discovery he had 
 made of the relation of a sphere to a cylinder of 
 the same base and height; which is as two to 
 three. 
 
 The Syracusans, who had been in former 
 times so fond of the sciences, did not long re- 
 tain the esteem and gratitude they owed a man 
 Avho had done so much honour to their city. 
 Less than a hundred and forty years after, Ar- 
 chimedes was so perfectly forgotten by his citi- 
 zens, notwithstanding the great services he had 
 done them, that they denied his having been 
 buried at Syracuse. It is Cicero who informs 
 us of this circumstance. | 
 
HISTORY OF SYRACUSE. 
 
 At the time he was qusDstor in Sicily,' his 
 cariosity induced him to make a search after the 
 tomb of Archimedes ; a curiosity worthy a man 
 of Cicero's genius, and which merits the imi- 
 tation of all who travel. The Syracusans as- 
 sured him that his search would be to no pur- 
 pose, and that there was no such monument 
 amongst them. Cicero pitied their ignorance, 
 which only served to increase his desire of mak- 
 ing that discovery. At length, after several 
 fruitless attempts, he perceived without the gate 
 of the city facing Agrigentum, amongst a great 
 number of tombs in that place, a pillar almost 
 entirely covered with thorns and brambles, 
 through which he could discex'n the figure of a 
 sphere and cylinder. Those who have any taste 
 for antiquities may easily conceive the joy of 
 Cicero upon this occasion. He cried out, " that 
 he had found what he had looked for."^ The 
 place was immediately ordered to be cleared, 
 and a passage opened to the column, on which 
 they saw the inscription still legible, though 
 part of the lines were obliterated by time. So 
 that, says Cicero,'* in concluding this account, 
 I the greatest city of Greece, and the most flou- 
 j rishing of old in the study of the sciences, would 
 I n»t have known the treasure it possessed, if a 
 man, born in a country which it considered al- 
 ! most as barbarous, a man of Arpinum, had not 
 j discovered for it the tomb of its citizen, so highly 
 distinguished by the force and penetration of his 
 mind. 
 
 ) We are obliged to Cicero for having left us 
 I this curious and elegant account : but we can- 
 not easily pardon Iiim for the contemptuous 
 manner in which he speaks at first of Archi- 
 medes. It is in the beginning, where, intend- 
 ing to compare the uohappy life of Dionysius 
 the Tyrant with the felicity of one passed in 
 sober virtue, and abounding with wisdom, he 
 says, " 1 will not compare the lives of a Plato 
 or an Archytas,'* persons of consummate learn- 
 ing and wisdom, with that of Dionysius, the 
 most horrid, the most miserable, and the most 
 detestable, that can be imagined. I shall have 
 recourse to a man of his own city, a little ob- 
 scure PERSON, who lived many years after him. 
 I shall produce him from his dust,^ and bring 
 him upon the stage with his rule and compasses 
 in his hand." I say nothing of the birth of 
 Archimedes, his greatness was of a different 
 class. But ought the greatest geometrician of 
 ! antiquity, whose sublime discoveries have in all 
 I ages been the admiration of the learned, be 
 treated by Cicero as a little and obscure person, 
 : as if he had been only a common artificer em- 
 ployed in making machines? unless it be, per- 
 haps, that the Romans, with whom a taste for 
 j geometry and such speculative sciences never 
 gained much ground, esteemed nothing great 
 but what related to government and policy. 
 
 1 Cic. Tusc. Qu£Est. 1, V. n. 64, 66. 
 2 Eu^viy.a., adopting an expression of Archimedes. 
 
 3 Ita nobilissima Grajciffi civitas, quondam ver5 etiam 
 doctissima, sui civis unius acutissimi monumentum igno. 
 rasset, nisi ab liomine Arpinate didicisset. 
 
 4 Non ergo jam cum hujus vita, qua tetrius, miserius, 
 detestabilius excogitare nihil possum, Platonis aut Ar- 
 chytffi vitam comparabo, doctorum hominum et pland 
 sapientum. Ex eadem urbe humilcm homuncionem k 
 pulvere et radio excitabo, qui multis annis p6st fuit, Ar- 
 ch imedem. 
 
 5 He means the dust used by geometricians. 
 
 I Orabunt causas melius, ccelique meatus 
 ; Describent radio, et surgentia sidera dicent : 
 
 Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento. 
 
 Virg. Mn. vi. 
 
 Let others better mould the running mass 
 Of metals, and inform the breathing brass. 
 And soften into flesh a marble face ; 
 Plead better at the bar, descritse the skies. 
 And when the stars descend and when they rise; 
 But, Rome, 'tis thine alone with awful sway 
 To rule mankind, and make the world obey ; 
 Disposing peace and war thy own majestic way. 
 
 Dryilen. 
 
 This is the Abbe Fraguier's reflection in the ' 
 short dissertation he has left us upon this pas- 
 sage of Cicero.® 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 Summary of the history of Syracuse. 
 
 The island of Sicily, with the greatest part of 
 Italy extending between the two seas, composed 
 what was called Magna Grsecia, in opposition 
 to Greece, properly so called, which had peopled 
 all those countries by its colonies. 
 
 Syracuse was the most con- 
 A. M. 3295. siderable city of Sicily, and 
 one of the most powerful of 
 all Greece. It was founded by Archias the 
 Corinthian, in the third year of the seventeenth 
 Olympiad. 
 
 The first two ages of its history are very 
 obscure, and therefore I pass over them in si- 
 lence. It does not begin to be known till after 
 the reign of Gelon, and furnishes in the sequel 
 many great events, for the space of more than 
 two hundred years. During all that time it 
 exhibits a perpetual alternative of slavery un- j 
 der the tyrants, and liberty under a popular \ 
 government; till Syracuse is at length sub- I 
 jected to the Romans, and makes part of their j 
 empire. i 
 I have treated all these events, except the last, j 
 in the order of time. But as they are cut into } 
 different sections, and dispersed into different 
 books, I have thought proper to unite them here 
 in one point of view, that their series and con- 
 nection might be the more evident, from their 
 being shown together and in general, and the 
 places pointed out, where they are treated with 
 due extent. 
 
 Gelon. The Carthagi- 
 A. M. 3520. nians, in concert with Xer- 
 xes, having attacked the 
 Greeks who inhabited Sicily, whilst that prince 
 was employed in making an irruption into 
 Greece ; Gelon, who had made himself pias- 
 ter of Syracuse, obtained a celebrated vic- 
 tory over the Carthaginians, the very day of 
 the battle of lliermopylse. Amilcar, their 
 general, was killed in this battle. Historians 
 speak differently of his death, which has occa- 
 sioned my falling into a contradiction. For 
 on one side, I suppose, with Diodorus Siculus,' 
 that he was killed by the Sicilians in the battle ; 
 and on the other I say, after Herodotus, that to 
 avoid the shame of surviving his defeat, he threw i 
 himself into the pile, in which he had sacrificed ' 
 many human victims. 
 
 6 Memoirs of the Academy of Inscriptions, vol. ii 
 7 In the history of the Carthaginians. 
 
HISTORY OF SYRACUSE. 
 
 G89 
 
 Gelon, upon returning' from 
 A. M. 3625. his victory, repaired to the as- 
 sembly without arms or guards, 
 to give the people an account of his conduct. 
 He was chosen king unanimously. He reigned 
 five or six years, solely employed in the truly 
 royal care of making his people happy. See 
 vol. i. 
 
 HiERo I. Hiero, the eldest of 
 A. M. 3532. Gelon's brothers, succeeded him. 
 
 The beginning of his reign was 
 worthy of great praise. Simonides and Pindar 
 vied with each other in celebrating him. The 
 latter part of it did not answer the former. He 
 reigned eleven yeai-s. See vol. i. 
 
 Thrasyjbulus. Thrasybulus 
 A. M. 3543. his brother succeeded him. He 
 rendered himself odious to all his 
 subjects by his vices and cruelty. They expelled 
 him the throne and city, after a reign of one 
 year. See vol. 1. 
 
 Times of Liberli/. 
 
 Times of Libert^/, 
 
 After his expulsion, Syracuse 
 A. M. 3644.. and all Sicily enjoyed their liber- 
 ty for the space of almost sixty 
 
 fears. 
 
 An annual festival was instituted to celebrate 
 the day upon which their liberty was re-estab- 
 iished. 
 
 Syracuse attacked by the Athenians, 
 
 ^^^'^^S this interval, the Atbe- 
 A. M. 3588. nians, animated by the warm ex- 
 hortations of Alcibiades turned 
 their arms against Syracuse: this was in the 
 sixth year of the Pelopannesian war. How 
 fatal the event of this war was to the Athe- 
 nians, may be seen in vol. i. 
 
 "^^^^^^^"^^the elder. Tb* reign 
 A. M. 3698. of this prince is famous for its 
 length of thirty-eight years; and 
 atill more for the extraordinary events with 
 which it was attended. See vol. i. 
 
 J^ionysius the younger. Dio- 
 A. M. 3632. nysius, son of the elder Diony- 
 sius, succeeded him. He con- 
 tracts a particular intimacy with Plato, and 
 has frequent conversations with him ; who had 
 come to his court at the request of Dion, the 
 near relation of Dionysius. He did not long 
 profit from the wise precepts of that philoso- 
 pher, and soon abandoned himself to all the 
 vices and excesses which attend tyranny. 
 A i^x ^nAA ^ besieged by Dion, he escapes 
 A. 3644. from the citadel, and retires into 
 Italy. 
 
 A T\/r o . . ^i''"'s excellent qualities. He 
 A. M. 3646. IS assassinated in his own house 
 
 by Callippus. 
 A Tx/r r,^.^ Thirteen months after the death 
 A. M. 3647. of Dion, Hipparinus, brother of 
 Dionysius the younger, expels 
 Callippus, and establishes himself in Syracuse. 
 During the two years of his reign, Sicily is agi- 
 tated by great commotions. 
 
 I>jonysius the younger, taking 
 A. M. 3654. advantage of those troubles, re- 
 ^ . ascends the throne ten years after 
 
 having quitted it. 
 
 A ^/r oa^r, '•^''"ced by Timole- 
 
 A. M. 3657. oil, he retires to Corinth. See 
 vol. i. 
 
 Vol. 11. 
 
 Timoleon restores liberty to 
 A. M. 3658. Syracuse. He passes the rest o. 
 
 his life there in a glorious re- 
 tirement, beloved and honoured by all the citi- 
 zens and strangers. See vol. i. 
 
 This interval of liberty was of no long dura- 
 tion. 
 
 Agathocles. Agathocles, in 
 A. M. 3685. a short time, makes himself ty- 
 rant of Syracuse. See vol. i. 
 He commits unparalleled cruelties. 
 He forms one of the boldest designs related 
 in history ; carries the war into Africa ; makes 
 himself master of the strongest places, and ra- 
 vages the whole country. 
 
 After various events, he perishes miserably. 
 He reigned about twenty-eight years. 
 
 Times of Liberty. 
 
 Syracuse revived again for some 
 A, M. 3713. time, and tasted with joy the 
 sweets of liberty. 
 But she suffered much from the Carthagi- 
 nians, who disturbed her tranquillity by con- 
 tinual wars. 
 
 She called in Pyrrhus to her 
 A. M. 3726. aid. The rapid success of his 
 arras at first gave them great 
 liopes, which soon vanished. Pyrrhus by a 
 sudden retreat plunged the Syracusans into new 
 misfortunes. See vol. i. 
 
 HiERo II. They were not happy and in 
 tranquillity till the reign of Hiero II. which 
 was very long, and almost always pacific. 
 
 HiERONYMus. He scarce reigned one year. 
 His death was followed with great troubles, and 
 the taking of Syracuse by Marcellus. 
 
 After that period, what passed in Sicily to its 
 total reduction is little remarkable. There were 
 still some remains of war fomented in it by the 
 partisans of tyranny, and the Carthaginians who 
 supported them ; but those wars were unpro- 
 ductive of any event of consequence, and Rome 
 was soon absolute mistress of all Sicily. Half 
 the island had been a Roman province ever since 
 the treaty which put an end to the first Punic 
 war. By that treaty, Sicily was divided into 
 two parts ; the one continued in the possession 
 of the Romans ; and the other under the govern- 
 ment of Hiero ; which last part, after the sur- 
 render of Syracuse, fell also into their hands. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 Resections upon the government and character of the 
 Syracusans. 
 
 By the taking of Syracuse, all Sicily became 
 a province of the Roman empire : but it was 
 not treated as the Spaniards and Carthaginians 
 were afterwards, upon whom a certain tribute 
 was imposed as the r<:ward of the victors, and 
 punishment of the vanquished : Quasi victories 
 pr<Bmium, ac poena belli. Sicily, in submitting 
 to the Roman people,^ retained all her ancient 
 rights and customs, and obeyed them upon the 
 
 8 Siciliffi civitates sic in amicitiara recepimus, ut eodeni 
 jure assent, quo fuissent; eadem conditione populo R 
 parerent qua suis antea paruissent. Cic. 
 
 •2 X 
 
C90 
 
 HISTORY OF SYRACUSE. 
 
 same conditions she had obeyed her kings. And 
 she certainly well deserved that privilege and 
 distinction. She was the first' of all the foreign 
 nations that had entered into alliance and amity 
 with the Romans ; the first conquest their arms 
 had the glory to make out of Italy; and the 
 first country that had given them the grateful 
 experience of commanding a foreign people. The 
 greatest part of the Sicilian cities had expressed 
 an unexampled attachment, fidelity, and affec- 
 tion, for the Romans. The island was after- 
 wards a kind of step for their troops to pass 
 over into Africa, and Rome would not so easily 
 have reduced the formidable power of the Car- 
 thaginians, if Sicily had not served it as a maga- 
 zine, abounding with provisions, and a secure 
 retreat for their fleets. Hence, after the taking 
 and ruin of Carthage, Scipio Africanxis thought 
 himself bound to adorn the cities of Sicily with 
 a great number of excellent paintings and curi- 
 ous statues ; in order that a people who were so 
 highly gratified with the success of the Roman 
 arms, might be sensible of its effects, and retain 
 illustrious monuments of their victories amongst 
 them. 
 
 Sicily would have been happy in being gov- 
 erned by the Romans, if they had always given 
 her such magistrates as Cicero, as well acquaint- 
 ed as he with the obligations of his function, 
 and like him intent upon the due discharge of 
 it. It is highly pleasing to hear him explain 
 himself upon the subject ; which he does in his 
 defence of Sicily against Verres. 
 
 After having invoked the gods as witnesses of 
 the sincerity of the sentiments he is going to 
 express, he says : " In alP the employments 
 with which the Roman people have honoured 
 me to this day, T have ever thought myself 
 obliged, by the most sacred ties of religion, 
 worthily to discharge the duties of them. When 
 I was made quaestor, I looked upon that dignity, 
 not as a gift conferred upon me, but as a deposit 
 confided to my vigilance and fidelity. When I 
 was afterwards sent to act in that office in Si- 
 cily, I thought all eyes were turned upon me, 
 and that my person and administration were in 
 a manner exhibited as a spectacle to the view of 
 
 1 Omnium nationum exterarum princeps Sicilia se ad 
 amicitiam fidemque populi R. applicuil : prima omnium, 
 id quod ornamentum imperii est, provincia est appellata: 
 prima docuit majores nostros quam prjeclarum asset, ex- 
 teris gentibus imperare — Itaque majoribus nostris in Afri- 
 cam ex hac provincia gradus imperii factus est. Neque 
 enim tarn facild opes Carthaginis tantje concidissent, nisi 
 illud, et rei frumeiitarias subsidium, et receptaculum clas- 
 sibus nostris pateret. Quare P. Africanus, Carthagine 
 deleta, Siculorum urbes signis monumentisque pulchcrri- 
 mis exornavit ; ut, quos victoria populi R. l;etari arbitra- 
 batur, apud eos monumenta victorite plurima coUocaret. 
 Cic. Verr. 3. n. 2, 3. 
 
 2 Odii immortales — Ita mihi meam voluntatem spem- 
 que reliquffi vitie vestra populique R. existimatio compro- 
 bet, ut ego quos adhuc mihi magistratus populus R. man- 
 davit, sic eos accepi, ut me omnium ofiiciorum obstringi 
 religione arbitrarer. Ita qusstor sum factus, ut mihi 
 honorem ilium non tarn datum quSm creditum ac com- 
 missura putarem. Sic obtifiui quasturam in provincia, 
 ut omnium oculos in me unum conjectos arbitrarer: ut 
 me qusesturamque meam quasi in aliquo orbis terr« thea- 
 tre versari existimarem ; ut omnia semper, qufe jucunda 
 videntur esse, non modd his extraordinariis cupiditatibus, 
 sed etiam ipsi naturae ac necessitati denegarem. Nunc 
 sum designatus aedilis — Ita mihi deos omnes propitios esse 
 velim, ut tametsi mihi jucundissimus est honos populi, 
 tamen nequaquam tantum capio voluptatis, quantum soli- 
 citudinis et Jabovis, ut hsec ipsa fedilitas, non quia necesse 
 fuit alicui candidato data, sed quia sic oiiortuerit rccte 
 collocata, et judicio populi digno in loco posita esse videj- 
 iur Cic. Verr. 7. n. 35 — 37. 
 
 all the world : and in this thought, I not only 
 denied myself all pleasures of an extraordinary 
 kind, but even those which are authorized'by 
 nature and necessity. 1 am now intended for 
 sedile. I call the gods to witness, that how 
 honourable soever this dignity seems to me, I 
 have too just a sense of its weight, not to have 
 more solicitude and disquiet, than joy and jdea- 
 sure, from it ; so much do I desire to make ii 
 appear, that it was not bestowed on me by 
 chance, or the necessity of being filled up, but 
 (•o5jfided deservedly by the choice and discern- 
 ment of my counti y." 
 
 All the Roman governors were far from be- 
 ing of this character ; and Sicily, above all othei 
 provinces, experienced, as Cicero some lines af- 
 ter reproaches Verres,^ that they were almost 
 all of them like so many tyrants, who believed 
 themselves attended hy the fasces and axes, and 
 invested with the authority of the Roman em- 
 pire, only to exercise in their province an open 
 robbery of the public with impunity, and to 
 break through all the barriers of justice and 
 shame in such a manner, that no man's estate, 
 life, house, nor even honour, were safe from 
 their violence. 
 
 Syracuse, from all we have seen of it, must 
 have appeared like a theatre, on which many 
 different and surprising scenes have been cx- 
 jhibited; or rather like a sea, sometimes calm 
 land untroubled, but oftener violently agitated 
 jby winds and storms, always ready to over- 
 j whelm it entirely. We have seen in no other 
 'republic such sudden, frequent, violent, and va- 
 Irious revolutions; sometimes enslaved by the 
 most cruel tyrants, at others under the govern- 
 'ment of the wisest kings; sometimes abandoned 
 Ito the capricious will of a populace, without ei- 
 [ther curb or restriction; sometimes perfectly 
 [docile and submissive to the authority of law. 
 land the empire of reason, it passed alternately 
 I from the most insupportable slavery to the mos< 
 grateful liberty, from a kind of convulsive and 
 1 frantic emotions, to a wise, peaceable, and re- 
 {gular conduct. The reader will easily call to 
 I mind, on the one side, Diony^sius the father and 
 ;son, Agathocles and Hieronymus, whose crud- 
 ities made them the object of the public hatred 
 land detestation; on the other, Gelon, Dion, 
 Tiraoleon, the two Hieros, ancient and mo- 
 dern, universally beloved and revered by the 
 people. 
 
 To what are such opposite extremes, and vi- 
 cissitudes so contrary, to be attributed ? Un- 
 doubtedly, the levity and inconstancy of the 
 Syracusans, which was their distinguishing 
 characteristic, had a great share in them : but 
 what, I am convinced, conduced the most to 
 them, was the very form of their government, 
 compounded of an aristocracy and a democracy ; 
 that is to say, divided between the senate or 
 elders, and the people. As there was no coun- 
 terpoise in Syracuse to balance those two bo- 
 dies, when authority inclined either to the one 
 side or the other, the government presently 
 changed either into a violent and cruel tyranny^ 
 or an unbridled liberty, without order or I'egu- 
 
 3 Nunquam tibi venit in mentem, non tibi idcirco fasces 
 et secures, et tantam imperii vim, tantamque ornamento- 
 rum omnium dignitatem datam ; ut carum rerum vi et 
 auctoritate omnia repagula juris, pudoris, et officii per- 
 fringeres ; ut omnium bona pra-dam tuam ducerps ; nul- 
 lius res tuta, nullius domus clausa, nullius vita septa 
 nuUius pudicitia munita, contra tuam cupiditatem et 
 audaciarii posset esse. Cic. Verr. n. 39. 
 
HISTORY OF SYRACUSE. 
 
 C91 
 
 lation. The sudden confusion, at &uch times, of 
 all orders of the state, made the way to sove- 
 reign power easy to the most ambitious of the 
 citizens : to attract the affection of their coun- 
 try, and soften the yoke to their fellow-citizens, 
 some exercised that power with lenity, wisdom, 
 equity, and affability; and others, by nature, 
 Jess virtuously inclined, carried it to the last 
 excess of the most absolute and cruel despotism, 
 under pretext of supporting themselves against 
 the attempts of their citizens, who, jealous of 
 their liberty, thought every means for the re- 
 covery of it legitimate and laudable. 
 
 There were, besides, other reasons that ren- 
 dered the government of Syracuse difficult, and 
 thereby made way for the frequent changes it 
 underwent. That city did not forget the signal 
 victories it had obtained against the formidable 
 power of Africa, and that it had carried its vic- 
 tories and the terror of its arms even to the 
 walls of Carthage; and that not once only, as 
 afterwards against the Athenians, but during 
 several ages. The high idea its fleets and nu- 
 merous troops suggested of its maritime power, 
 at the time of the irruption of the Persians into 
 Greece, occasioned its pretending to equal 
 Athens in that respect, or at least to divide the 
 empire of the sea with that state. 
 
 Besides which, riches, the natural effect of 
 commerce, had rendered the Syracusans proud, 
 haughty, and imperious, and at the same time 
 had plunged them into a sloth and luxury that 
 inspired them with a disgust for all fatigue and 
 application. They generally abandoned them- 
 selves blindly to their orators, who had acquired 
 an absolute ascendant over them. In order to 
 make them obey, it was necessary either to flat- 
 ter or reproach them. 
 
 They had naturally a fund of equity, huma- 
 nity, and good-nature; and yet, when influ- 
 enced by the seditious discoui'ses of the orators, 
 they would proceed to excessive violence and 
 cruelties, of which they immediately after re- 
 pented. 
 
 When they were left to themselves, their li- 
 
 berty, which at that time knew no bounds, soon 
 degenerated into caprice, fury, violence, and, J 
 might say, even frenzy. On the contrary, when 
 they v\^ere subjected to the yoke, they 'became 
 base, timorous, submissive, and grovelling, like 
 slaves. But as this condition was constrained, 
 and directly contrary to the character and dis- 
 position of the Greek nation, born and nurtured 
 in liberty, the sense of which was not wholly 
 extinguished in them, but merely lulled asleep, 
 they waked from time to time from their lethar- 
 gy, broke their chains, and made use of them, if 
 I may be admitted to use the expression, to beat 
 down and destroy the unjust masters who had 
 imposed them. 
 
 ^yith the slightest attention to the whole 
 series of the history of the Syracusans, it may 
 easily be perceived (as Galba afterwards said of 
 *h\l^omarjs), that "they were equally incapable 
 of bearing either entire liberty or entire servi- 
 tude. So that the ability and policy of those 
 who governed them, consisted in keeping the 
 people to a wise medium between those two ex- 
 tremes, by seeming to leave them an entire free- 
 dom in their resolutions, and reserving only to 
 themselves the care of explaining the utility, 
 and facilitating the execution, of good measures. 
 And in this the magistrates and kings we have 
 spoken of were wonderfully successful, under 
 whose government the Syracusans always en- 
 joyed peace and tranquillity, were obedient to 
 their princes, and perfectly submissive to the 
 laws. And this induces me to conclude, that 
 the revolutions of Syracuse were less the effect 
 ot the people's levity, than the fault of those 
 that governed them, who had not the art of 
 managing their passions, and engaging their I 
 affection, which is properly the science of kings ' 
 and of all who command others. 
 
 4 Imperaturus es hominibus, qui nec totam servitutem 
 pati^possunt, nec totam libertateni. 'TadL Mist^ L L 
 
THE 
 
 HTSTOEY OF PONTUS. 
 
 BOOK XXIII. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Mithridates, at twelve years of age, ascends the throne of 
 Pontus. He seizes Cappadocia and B.thynia, having 
 first expelled their kings. The Romans re-establish 
 them. He causes all the Romans and Italians m Asia 
 Minor to be put to the sword in one day. First vyar of 
 the Romans with Mithridates, who had made himself 
 master of Asia Minor and Greece, and had taken 
 Athens. Sylla is charged with this war. He besieges 
 and retakes Athens. He gains three great battles 
 HEainst the generals of Mithridates. He grants that 
 pTince peace in the fourth year of the war. Library of 
 Athens, in which were the works of Aristotle. Sylla 
 causes it to be carried to Rome. 
 
 MITH RI D ATE S, king of Fontus,' whose 
 history I am now beginning to relate, 
 and who rendered himself so famous by the war 
 he supported, during almost thirty years, against 
 
 1 Pontus was originally the northern part of Cappado. 
 docia, which, whilst a province of the Persian empire, was 
 divided into two satrapies ; the maritime part of which, 
 now called Pontus, was bestowed on Artabazanes, the bro- 
 tlier of Xerxes, as our author thinks, to console him for 
 the loss of the Persian diadem. It was bounded by Cap- 
 padocia on the south, by Colchos on the east, by the Halys 
 on the west, and the Euxine on the north The Boas, 
 Ansarus, or Acampsis— for this stream has all these appel- 
 lations—separated Pontus from Colchos. In the Journal 
 of Xenophon, however, Colchos extended as far we.^ as 
 three davs' journey west of f rapezus, or the modern Ire, 
 blsond : "thus including a considerable portion of what was 
 afterwards denominated Pontus. Nay, in that Journal 
 Paphlaeonia extended to the east of the Thermodon, even 
 as far east as Cotyora, within 90 geographical miles of 
 Trebisond ; so that the shore, or maritime coast of Pontur 
 
 was then confined to a narrow sj^ce occupied by the suc- 
 and Tibarenians. 
 
 cessive tribes of the Driiians, Mosyncecians, Chalybians, 
 
 The name of Pontus, as a distinct country and kingdom 
 from Paphlagonia and Colchos, does not seem to be recog- 
 nized till after the epoch of Alexander the Great. The 
 name is not mentioned in Herodotus's division of the Per- 
 sian satrapies ; for in that account Pontus partly belonged 
 to the nineteenth satrapy, composed of the Moschi and 
 Macrones, tiie Mardi, or perhaps Mare?, and Mosyncecians, 
 and to the third satrapy— nor does it a[.pear in Xenophon. 
 Bochart derives the name from the Phoenician word JJotno, 
 Figinfying a filbert nut ; and produces a number of ancient 
 authorities to prove that filberts abounded there; and 
 
 the Romans, was surnamed Eupator. He was 
 descended from a house which had given a long 
 succession of kings to the kingdom of Pontus. 
 The first, according to some historians, was 
 
 hence, as he imagines, the reason of the name, which the 
 Greeks corrupted to Pontus. The word JBotno, by the 
 transposing, changing, and adding of letters — a practice 
 quite eaiy and familiar to etymologists— he transforms to 
 HfivTaf, in the same manner that he might have derived , 
 it from a thousand other words, bearing perhaps a nearer j 
 similitude to it in sound, which, in many etymologies, | 
 seems to be his chief if not only rule. " The country," says . 
 he, " gave its name to the neighbouring sea, and in pro- I 
 cess of time the appellation which was peculiar to one, 
 became common to all seas " — Canaan, lib. i. cap. 10. p. | 
 422. Fol. Cadom. 1646. In this way, it seems, the Greek 
 word UovTBi, a sea, comes from the Phoenician Botno, a ! 
 filbert — a most absurd derivation. It is far more probable i 
 that the country was called Hovrog from the sea, which 
 washes its shore, than the sea from it. The Euxine sea | 
 was called, by way of eminence, Havrof, the 5tra, being the | 
 greatest inland sea then known ; whence not only the 
 tract called Pontus borrowed its name, but also the whole 
 country alongst its southern shore, as we are informed by 
 Strabo, lib. xii. p. 372. was formerly so called. The name, 
 in fact, plainly distinguished the maritime people from 
 those who dwelt in the Mediterranean, or great inland 
 tract of Cappadocia. 
 
 Pontus, as a separate political tract, extended from the 
 35th to the 41st degree of longitude, east of Green, 
 wich, and from the 40th to the 42d degree of north 
 latitude. 
 
 It must be remarked, that, from want of observations, 
 both of latitude and longitude, D'Anville, both in his 
 maps and in his Ancient Geography, has erred a full de. 
 gree, or 70 English miles, in the breadth of Asia Minor, 
 having represented it so much too narrow, or below the 
 truth. In his maps the promontory of Carambis or Ke- 
 rempe Bouroun, and the city of Sinope, have been placed 
 a degree too far south ; whereas Sinope, according to 
 Beauchamp, is in 4i°- 2'. north latitude, instead of 41". 4'., 
 as in DMnviUe. The eastern basin of the Euxine has 
 been represented also by him 100 geographical miles too 
 wide, between the mouth of the Haiys and the nearest 
 opposite coast, and the gulf of Samsoun has been made to 
 penetrate, inland, to below the 40th degree north latitude, 
 by a deep indentation of the coast ; whereas the reverse is 
 the case ; the coast all the way, from the mouth of the 
 Halys east to Trebisond, being almost uniformly straight, 
 without any deep indentings ; and the Gulf of Amisus, or 
 Samsoun, above-mentioned, has disappeared from modern 
 maps. In the maps of D'Anville, also, the narrowest i)art 
 
HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 G93 
 
 Artabazus, one of the seven princes that slew 
 the Magi, and set the crown of Persia upon the 
 head of Darius Hystaspes, who rewarded him 
 with the kingdom of Pontus. But, besides that 
 
 we do not find the name of Artabazus amongst 
 those seven Persians, many reasons induce us 
 to believe, that the prince of whom we speak 
 was the son of Darius, the same who is called 
 
 of the Euxine, between Carambis and the Krirnea is 30 
 geographical miles too wide, where the whole width is no 
 more tlian 80 such miles, as the high land of the Kri- 
 mean peninsula is visible from Carambis. D'Anville has 
 not only narrowed the Asiatic peninsula by a full degree 
 of latitude, and added 100 geographical miles to the width 
 of the eastern basin of the Euxine, but also added nigh 
 two degrees to the length of the sanie sea. These er- 
 rors, however, were more owing to the want of observa- 
 tions of longitude and latitude taken on the spot than to 
 him, who could only work from such materials as then 
 existed. The longitude of the mouth of tlie Phasis, the 
 * most eastern point of the Euxine shore, has not yet been 
 determined by astronomical observations ; the operations 
 I of science, in this quarter, being impeded by Turkish 
 i jealousy and barbarous ignorance, Trebisond being the 
 j most eastern point where such observations have been 
 
 taken, by Beauchamp and Kinnier. 
 ) It is matter of regret and astonishment, that, in the 
 present advanced state of geographical science, so little is 
 known of the interior geography of Asia Minor, and that, 
 till very lately, its true breadth was not known— a country 
 so familiar to every classical reader. It is surprising that 
 all the ancient geographers, who were certainly much 
 better acquainted with the detail of the geography of the 
 Asiatic peninsula than any of the moderns, were ignorant 
 of its true dimensions. Herodr.tus, the father of History, 
 narrows the isthmus of Asia Minor, between the gulfs of 
 Amisus (Samsoun) and Issus, to nearly one-half of its real 
 width. He says in Clio. 72, " that an active man could 
 not travel in less than five days over this space, and, in 
 Euterpe o-i, that a good traveller may pass in five days 
 from the mountains of Cilicia (Taurus) to Sinope (Si- 
 nub)." Now, in this statement Herodotus was utterly 
 mistaken, as the narrowest part of the isthmus, from 
 the innermost recess of the Issic gulf to the nearest shore 
 of the Euxine is 320 English miles in horizontal dis- 
 tance, which breadth would give the rate of 64 such miles 
 a-day, in direct distance; and certainly much more in 
 road distance, as the intervening space is very moun- 
 tainous; a rate of travelling which Herodotus could not 
 possibly have in contemplation. Less than half this space, 
 or 33 road miles, as Kennel well remarks, is an ample 
 space for a courier to traverse on foot for five successive 
 days, and this is the rate at which the Indian couriers 
 usually travel. — Memoir of a map of India, sect. vii. 
 Hence Herodotus could not suppose the breadth of the 
 isthmus of Asia Minor to exceed 160 British miles, or 
 one-half less than the truth. Eratosthenes estimated the 
 breadth of the isthmus at 3000 stadia, or 257 geographical 
 miles, according to Kennel's calculation of the stades, or 
 nigh 300 English miles, which is the justest measure the 
 ancients have left us, and which is not far within the truth 
 if taken in horizontal distance, but, if at road distance, 
 considerably less, as one-eighth must at least be added for 
 windings in a mountainons country. The laborious Pliny 
 allows only 200 Roman miles for the breadth of the isth- 
 mus, lib. vi. c. 2. which would make the distance, straight 
 across, only 160 geographical miles, and, if road distance, 
 much less. Ptolemy gives a breadth of nigh 6| degrees 
 in the space between the gulfs of Tarsus and Amisus, 
 but in his Tables, Amisus is placed 2". 40'. to the west of 
 Tarsus, when it is more than two degrees east of that 
 city. It may in general be observed, that Ptolemy has 
 made the peninsula of Asia Minor two degrees, or nigh 
 140 English miles, broader than it really is, and that all 
 the maps of that country, down to the days of D'An- 
 ville, have adopted this error of Ptolemy, and are little 
 else, in fact, but mere transcripts of the Egyptian geo- 
 grapher. D'Anville, as before remarked, made it a full 
 degree too narrow, or three degrees narrower than Pto- 
 lemy ; and it is onlv within these thirty years, that the 
 true breadth of the peninsula of Asia Minor has been 
 correctly ascertained, and the true magnitude of the 
 Euxine determined. It is truly surprising that the ac- 
 curate and judicious Strabo should have erred so much 
 in his estimate of the magnitude of that sea, which he 
 has made one-fourth more than the truth, and in the 
 breadth between the promontory of Carambis and the 
 ne.irest opposite shore, whic h he estimates at 214 geogra- 
 phical miles, or one-half more than the fact ; and what 
 increases the wonder that he could do so, is, that the high 
 land of the Krimea can be clearly discerned from that 
 cape, the distance being no more than 83 geographical 
 miles. 
 
 But, in addition to hi.s hereditary kingdom of Pontus, 
 Mithridates also possessed the whole maritime coast of 
 the Euxine, from the mouth of the Apsarus round about 
 to the Cimmerian Bosphorus, For this accession of do- 
 minion he was indebted to the Greeks, who, in the double 
 character of colonists and merchants, possessed the south- 
 ern coasts of the Taurica Khersonesus, or modern Kri- 
 rnea, even long previous to the time of Herodotus, and 
 had founded the cities of Kherson near the modern Se- 
 bastopol ; Theodosia, now Kaffa; Panticapeum, now Yeni- 
 kala; and several others. These adventurers had long 
 carried on a very extensive commerce with the Scythian 
 hordes of the north, and with the cities of Heraclea, Tre- 
 bisond, Sinope, and Byzantium, on the Asiatic shore of 
 the Euxine. In process of time these colonists were sub- 
 dued by their Scythian customers, and continued in that 
 .state till the time of -Mithridates, whom they invited to 
 take possession of their country. Already master of Pon- 
 tus and Colchis, and in close alliance with the Sarmat^, 
 Mithridates eagerly embraced an offer which promised him 
 such great resources in his designs against the Romans. 
 He therefore despatched a fleet to Kherson, and another | 
 to the Paulus Mseotis, or sea of AzofF, dispossessed Pari. , 
 sades, the Scythian monarch, of Bosphorus, drove the Scy. 
 thians out of the Krimea, and took possession of that 
 peninsula with its dependencies, consisting of the eastern 
 coast of the Paulus Magotis, from the mouth of the Don to 
 the Kooban, along with the island of Phanagoria, or the 
 modern Taman. From these conquests he is said to have 
 drawn an annual revenue of 720,000 bushels of wheat, and 
 200,000 ounces of silver. He was the founder of the city 
 of Eupatorium, the modern Koslof, and so called from 
 his own title of Eupator, the conqueror. A number of 
 silver coins with his effigies, have been lately discovered 
 in a tumulus, or earthen mound, near the isle of Taman. 
 His name is there engraved Mithradates, not Mithridates, 
 as commonly writen ; which proves the former to be the 
 correct orthography, Mithradates being the Persic Mithra- 
 dad, or the gift of Mithras, the sun, an evidence of his 
 Persian descent. Though Colclios, or Colchis, belonged 
 to this prince, he never allowed it the title of a separate 
 though dependent kingdom, and when the Colchians 
 presumed to request him to permit his own son to reign 
 over them, with the regal title, he bound the ambitious 
 youth in chains of gold, and delegated a servant in his 
 place. 
 
 By Ptolemy, Pontus is divided into Pontus Galaticus, (so 
 called because added to Galatia by the Romans,) Pontus 
 Polemoniacus, Pontus Cappadocius. Each of these was 
 again subdivided by the same geographer into maritime, 
 and Mediterranean, or inland. The first of these extended 
 from the Halys to the Thermodon ; the second, from the 
 Ihermodon to Cerasus; the third, from thence to the 
 mouth of the Apsarus. By Constantine it was divided 
 into two Strategiae, or provinces ; Helenopontus the west- 
 ern, and Pontus Polemoniacus the eastern. By the 
 Turks it is divided into the two pashalicks of Sivas and 
 Tarabozan. 
 
 The chief rivers are the Halys, Iris, Fatsa,and Apsarus. 
 The Halys, which separated Pontus from Paphlagonia, 
 falls into the Euxine, according to Beauchamp, in 41". 32'. 
 52". north latitude, and 36". 11'. 45". east longitude of 
 Greenwich, and is the largest and longest river of Asia 
 Minor. It is composed of two principal branches, one 
 from the east and another from the south, the former 
 rising to the north of Cabira, afterwards called Sebaste, 
 now Sivas, from the southern slope of the range of Pary- 
 adres, which separates Cappadocia from Pontus, the other 
 from the northern slope of mount Taurus. The Iris, now 
 called Jekil.lrmak, or the green river, by the Turks, is a 
 large stream, not much inferior to the Halys, and is com- 
 posed of three principal streams, the Scylax, the Iris pro. 
 perly so called, and the Lycus : this last is the largest and 
 longest branch of the three. The Lycus is composed of 
 two branches, the Ovadmish and the Kalket-Shai ; the 
 former from the south-east and the latter from the north.^ 
 east. The Ovadmish is the stream that waters the lofty 
 and romantic city of Karahissar, or the Black Castle, and 
 is joined at a considerable distance below that place by 
 the Kalket-Shai ; and the united stream, now called the 
 Carmili-Su, passes by Koylahissar, or the ancient Colonia, 
 and Niksar, the ancient Neo Csesarea, and joins the Iris 
 below Amasia, although, in the map of Kinnier, Niksar is 
 placed near the source of the Iris or Isher.Su, and not on 
 the Lycus, or Carmili-S'u. The Isher-Su, or Toczan river, 
 
HISTORY OF PONTUS, 
 
 Artabarzanes, who was competitor with Xer- 
 xes for the throne of Persia, and was made 
 king of Pontus either by his father or his bro- 
 thel', to console him for the preference given to 
 
 yasses north-west by Niksar, Comana Potitica, Tocat, and 
 
 Febastopolis, and meets the Scylax, or southern branch, a 
 liitle above the romantic city of Amasia, and the com- 
 bined stream enters the Euxine 70 British miles below 
 Amasia, and ten below Carshumba, the ancient Magno- 
 polis. At this piace the Jekil - Irmak is more than 200 
 yards wide, according to Kinnler, who crossed it on a 
 wooden bridge. The course of this river is erroneously 
 described by Sir Robert Kerr Porter in the second volume 
 of his travels, and as erroneously laid down in the map 
 prefixed to that volume, where it is drawn by Arrowsmitb 
 agreeably to his account. It is there identified with the 
 Thermodon of the ancients, and now called, according to 
 him, the river of Kersauuboor, or Terme-Irmak. His 
 Kersaunboor is not Keresoun, as if the Thermodon fell 
 into the eea at that place, but the Charshumba of Kinnier, 
 i two degrees west of Keresoun. The Ihermodon falls into 
 ' the sea at Terme, near the site of tne ancient Themiscyra, 
 ]5 road miles ea>tof("harshumba, and is a small stream of 
 60 yards broad, with a very sluggish current, and origi- 
 I uating in the Amazonian mountains, a low woody ridge, 
 ! running all the way east, parallel to the shore, and at 
 no great distance from it, from Amisus to Cerasus, or 
 I Keresoun. If Kerr Porter's delineation liad been true, 
 I the Lycus would neither have entered the sea at Char- 
 I ! ^htimb'a nor at Keresoun, but Unieh, as he has conducted 
 j , the stream straight north from Neo Csesarea, or Niksar, 
 i to the sea. The gulf of Charshur.iba, or Kersaunboor, 
 i forms the east side of the large bay of Samsoon, or Ami. 
 
 I =us; the head of which was anciently denominated Leuco. 
 I I Syrorum Aeon, or Creek of the VVhite Syrians, for so 
 I ; were the inhabitants of Pontus formerly called. As Kin. 
 i nier traversed the coast of Pontus to Trebisond, his ac 
 I rount is more worthy of credit than that of Kerr Porter, 
 I \ which, in this particular, is contradicted by the maps of a 
 i \ D'Anville and a Rennel. According to the map of Ren- 
 j 1 Del, the Lycus, or largest branch of the Lycus, has a west 
 I I and north-west course of 180 geographical, or more than 
 i 200 English, miles in direct distance, 
 i I Bey.Jiju ui..' Lycus, and running in a parallel line with its 
 i course, is an immense mass of mountains, which separate 
 ! the valley of the Lycus from that of the river Fatsa, or 
 I Vatisa-Soui of D'Anville, the Sidene of the ancients. This 
 Ctream rises in the great range of Paryadres, or the Aggia 
 Dagler, or Bitter mountains, which separates the sources 
 of the Lycus, Iris, Fatsa, and river of Gumish.kend 
 from those that fall into the Euphrates. The Fatsa has a 
 north-west course of 160 British miles to the Euxine, 
 : which it enters between the ancient cities of CEnoe and 
 j ■ Cotyora, now the modern Unieh and Orda. East of this 
 j 1 stream is the Lori-Su, or river of Gumish.kend now called 
 \ the Karshoot, entering the sea to the west of Trebisond, 
 I between the cities of Terebo'.i and Euloi. We are, how- 
 j ever, not quite certain that the Lori is the same with the 
 , Karshoot, as it may possibly he a tributary of the Fatsa, 
 ! or river of Sidene. It carinuc, however, be the river of 
 i Byaboot, or Baibourd, as represented in the map of Kerr 
 j Porter's Travels, prefixed to the second volume of that 
 work. 
 
 The last river of consequence is the Apsarus, variously 
 j denominated the Tehorah, the Boas, Acampsis, and the 
 j river of Byaboot, and Ispira. Though not of great magni. 
 tude at Byaboot, it becomes, by the accession of many 
 streams, one of the finest rivers in Armenia, separating is 
 from Colchis, and the district of Guriel from Pontus : iti 
 most eastern source is at the western base of the great 
 mountain Scydisses, or Paryadres, the loftiest range in 
 Armenia, 26 miles east of Byaboot, and after running a 
 north and north-west course of more than 220 British 
 miles, it enters the Euxine at Batoumi. It is also called 
 the Shorak, and anciently received the Greek appellation 
 I of Bathys, or the Deep river. Under the name of the 
 i Boas, Procopius, the friend and companion of Belisarius 
 j understood the Phasis, as was supposed by Straho, Ptole, 
 my, Dionysius, and other ancients, who derived the Phasis 
 I from the Moschick mountains in Armenia, and made it 
 j run from south to north, which led the learned Ha- 
 drian Reland into the mistake nf reckoning the Phasis 
 one of the rivers of tlie terrestrial paradi.-e, namely, the 
 I Fison ; whereas, the Phasis runs from east to west from 
 I the ridge of the Caucasus that separates its source from 
 
 that of the Kur, or Cyrus, in Iberia. 
 I If we except the maritime stripe, Pontus is generally a 
 i rugged and mountainous country. The easternmost range, 
 I lonominated the Colchian mountains by Xenoi/hon, and the 
 mciuntams of ftlesjidi by Arabian geographers, ciearlv uoint. 
 
 Xerxes. His posterity enjoyed that kingdom 
 during seventeen generations. jNJithridates Eu- 
 pator of whom we are treating in this place, 
 was the sixteenth from him. 
 
 ing out the Poutis Moschici of the ancients, extends 150 
 British miles, parallel to the sea coast, from the western an- 
 gle of a lateral branch of the Caucasus, running south from 
 the main ridge, and enclosing the western source of the Cy- 
 rus, or Kur, till it meets the range that separates the 
 sources of the river of Gumish-kend from those of the Ap- 
 sarus and the northern Euphrates. This ridge separates the 
 extensive valley watered by tlie Apsarus from the sea. 
 coast. This range is called Agatsbasliee by Hajy Khalifa, 
 or the wooded mountains. In a former note on the 
 marches of Xenophon, I had supposed the Aggia Dagler 
 and the Agatsbashee to be the s.ime range ; which is not the 
 case ; Aggia Dagler signifying the Bitter mountains, and ap- 
 plicable to the Payadres, at the source of the northern Eu- 
 phrates, whereas the Agatsbashee signifies the woody he;;d5 
 or Mountain of forest trees, as above stated from the Turk- j 
 ish geographer. Yet it is difficult t o conceive the justice or 
 propriety of that appellation ; for Tournefort, wlio crossed ; i 
 this range at the northern extremity, at the village of ; | 
 Gresi, where it is much lower than at the southern ex- , ; 
 tremity, found it perfectly bare of wood. Rennel there- ^ 
 fore imagined the appellation more properly to belong to ' 
 the range at the source of the Apsarus, or liead of the val- I 
 ley of Baiboot, or Byaboot. But herein he was mistaken ; 
 for Kinnier, who crossed it there or at the upper extre. , j 
 mity, found it equally bare of wood. I apprehend the 
 uppellation belongs to the valley, and not to the range ; 
 or, at most, to the western slope looking to the Euxine. 
 He remarks, that on the second day's march from Trebi- 
 sond, and at the distance of 33 computed miles, trees of 
 every kind disappeared; that for the first seven miles the 
 slopes (western j of the mountains were cultivated, but 
 that afterwards, as they ascended, the country became 
 more woody, and the size of the trees gradually increased 
 as they advanced. Firs and beeches were the most com- j 
 moo trees; the former below, the latter in more lofty ' 
 situaifons. Beyond the thirtieth mile they lost sight of ' 
 the beech groves, and only saw a few straggling sycamores ; ' 
 but these also disappeared ; and at three miles farther up 
 the snow lay four feet deep on the ground. Beyond the 
 summit of this first range of the Colchian mountains, and 
 which is called the Koat-Dagh by the Turks. Beyond 
 this to the south, the country is so elevated, and the climate 
 so severe, that the people are compelled to live under 
 ground ; fruits do not ripen, and the scanty crops of bar. 
 ley, on the steeps of the mountains, scarcely repay the 
 labours of the husbandman. The nature of the country, 
 in fact, is entirely changed, all verdure disappears, and, in- 
 stead of green fields, tine groves, and flowering shrubs, 
 nothing was to be seen, says Kinnier, (and this was the 
 8th of June,) but bleak and barren mountains tipped with 
 snow, intersected with deep glens and fearful precipices. 
 The villages were hid from ^ iew, the roofs of the cottages 
 being on a level with the ground and covered with earth, \ 
 so that the path frequently led over the tops of the houses, j 
 Beyond this is another steep range, called the Korash- i 
 Dagh, impracticable for horse, within five miles of Ge | 
 mish-kana. Between this range and that city, is a nar j 
 row, deep valley, watered by the Karshoot. 'i'he whole o« 
 this beautiful valley is one continued garden of fruit trees, 
 irrigated by canals drawn from the Karshoot, after cross, 
 ing which, on a stone bridge, the traveller enjoys a de- 
 lightful journey of four miles along its banks, unaer 
 the shade of walnut, plum, apple, almond, pear, and 
 quince trees. From Gemish-kana to Karahissar on 
 the Lycus, is a journey of three daj's across stupendous 
 mountains, only to be crossed in summer. Up the 
 Karshoot, for four miles farther, the road is still through 
 a grove of fruit.trees, which form a delightful contrast 
 to the bleak and rocky mountains that bound the val. 
 ley on either side. The road continues up the stream 
 to its source, twenty-four miles east south-east of Ge. 
 mish-kana. A mile above the source is a third range 
 of mountains, higher than the two preceding. A mile 
 beyond this is the south-west source of the Boas, or 
 Acampsis river, or the river of Byaboot. Beyond this 
 range the road leads over an elevated upland, or Orope- 
 dion, for 24 miles to Byaboot. Two lofty ranges run 
 parallel with the road the whole way ; that on the right 
 hand 20 miles ofi; which I take to be the ridge between 
 Gemish-kana and Karahissar, and tlie other on the left 10 
 miles distant. 
 
 At Byaboot the winter is so severe that all communica. 
 tion with the circumjacent villages is cut off for four 
 months annually, on account of the depth of the snows. 
 'J'here is no wood nearer than three days journey, and 
 
HISTORY OF rONTUS. 
 
 G95 
 
 A. M. 3880. 
 Ant. J. C. 124. 
 
 He was but twelve years 
 of age, when he began to 
 reign. His father, before 
 his death, had appointed him 
 
 his successor, and had given him his mother 
 for guardian, who was to govern jointly with 
 him. He began his reign by putting his mo- 
 ther and brother to death and the seguel cor- 
 
 co v-duno, baked in the sun and collected during summer, 
 is tl e only fuel the poor can afford to buy, Ihe appella- 
 tion, therefore, of Agatsbashee, or region of wood, cannot 
 a,)ply to the southern, or U[)per extremity of the valley of 
 Hyaboot, as Rennel imagined, seeing no wood is to be found 
 for iliree days' journey round Byaboot. For the whole 
 distance of 40 miles, east from that place to the luiphrates 
 iherc is not the least appearance of cultivation. Even at 
 Ashkela on the Euphrates, timber is so scarce that the 
 ?^atives are compelled to arch the roofs of their dwellings, 
 ■7hich exhibit a number of little domes, resembling lime- 
 
 sCilllS. 
 
 As the road taken by Kinnier from Trebisond to Er- 
 zerum, is by far the most difficult, over a bleak, barrei), 
 mountainous country, it appears to me, that the 10,000 
 Hreeks crossed the valley of Baibort, or that of the Ap- 
 sarus, at a point considerably to the north of Byaboot, and 
 I perhaps midway between it and Ispira, the ancient Hispi- 
 i ralis, whii;b is 28 hours distant from Byaboot , and tl.at 
 they came to Trebisond, not by the south-east, as Rennel 
 imagined, as in winter that direction of course must, in 
 tey opinion, have been impracticable, but from the north- 
 east, as Kinnier has represented it in his map. Ispira lies . 
 in the richest and warmest district in this part of Arme- 
 nia, and produces the most delicious fruits. 
 
 From Trebisond the range of the Colchian mountains is 
 continued, though under a different appellation, all the 
 way to the Halys, and is pierced by the Karshoot, the 
 river of Sidene, the Lycus, the Thermodon, the Iris, and 
 the Halys. 
 
 On the south Pontus is bounded by a large lofty range, 
 denominated Scydisses and Paryadres, which separates it 
 from Armenia, Armenia Minor, and the great inland 
 country of Cappadocia. This range is the western limit 
 of Armenia Major, in the valley of the upper Euphrates, 
 separating it from the valley of the Apsarus. It runs 
 north and north-east, round by the sources of the Karasu, 
 or northern Euphrates, till it joins the range that forms 
 clie western boundary of the upper valley of the Kur, or 
 district of Aghalziche, and which runs north to the main 
 range of the Caucasus. Two ranges run east from the 
 
 \ Scydisses through Armenirf; the soatiiern separating the 
 valley of the upper Araxes from that of the Harpasus, or 
 rix'er of Kars. This is called the Saganloo-Dagh, a very 
 lofty snow-clad range. The northern separates the valley 
 of the Harpasus from that of the Kur, and is called the 
 Tchilder-Dagh. The Scydisses is the most elevated range 
 of all those that run between the Euphrates and the 
 Black sea. It runs south-west from the source of the nor- 
 thern Euphrates, as far as the norihorn Taurus, at the 
 junction of thenorihern and eastern Euphrates, separating 
 Armenia Minor from Cappadocia and Pontus. Scydisses 
 and Paryadres are either different names of one and the 
 same range, or the former name is applied to the north- 
 east part and the latter to the soutli^wett part of the 
 range. It would seem, from .Strabo, that the range is sub- 
 divided into two great branches ; the one running north, 
 west by Karahissar, and the other running parallel with 
 the course of the Euphrates, till it meets the northern 
 Taurus, or Antitaurian range, and then running north- 
 west as far as the source of thenorihern Halys; for, ac. 
 cording to Strabo, the city of Cabira, now Suvas, was 
 foimded at its root, afterwards cabled Sebaste. In Kennel's 
 
 ] large map. No. 11, illustrating tne marches of the 10,000 
 Greeks, the Paryadres is represented as running north, 
 west from the Antitaurus, and Sivas is there placed in 
 the upper part of the valley formed by the converging and 
 final junction of tiie two ranges of the Paryadres and An- 
 titaurus. In this angle rises the northern Halys, to the 
 north-east of Sivas, 35 geographical, or 40 English miles, 
 in direct distance. 'J'his valley is apparently formed by 
 two paralK 1 ranges, the Paryadres on the north, and the 
 Antitaurus on the south, and their junction at the head. 
 Tlie Paryadres of course divides the valley of the eastern 
 HaJys from th.^t of the Iris, or Jekel-Irmak, and the 
 Antitaurus separates the same valley from that of the 
 Melas and its minor branches. The Antitaurus runs 
 through the middle of the country from n(jrth-east to 
 south-west, from above Malathya to the frontiers of Ca;;. 
 padocia and Cataonia, now the valley of Bostan. On th6 
 other hand, the Paryadres seems to run from the Scydis>eS 
 that forms the western froiitier of Armenia Major, in s 
 similar direction, forming a similar boundary on tht 
 north-west, between Armenia Minor (formerly a part o! 
 Cappadocia) a-nd Pontus Polemoniacus. 
 The dibtiict of Phaijaraea, according to StraJ^, was ths 
 
 1 Memnon in excerptis Pbotii, c xxxn. 
 
 part of Pontus Polemoniacus which lay next Armenia 
 Minor, comprehending the valleys watered by the Iris, j 
 the Lycus, and the river of Zela, having the range of j 
 Paryadres on the south-east, and those of Lithrus and | 
 Ophlimus on the north-west. Says Strabo, still describing i 
 Pontus, " The Tibareni and the Chalda-i, (Chalvbcs should i 
 be the true reading,) and the Sanni, formerly "called Ma- i 
 crones, and Armenia Minor, and the Appaitje, ^in some 
 measure connected with these places,) who were formerly 
 called CercitcB. Through these run the mountains Scy. 
 disses, very rugged, and conjoined with the Moschick i 
 mountains which are beyond Colchis, the whole of which . 
 range (nempe Scydisses) is possessed by the Heptacomita 
 (the people of the seven cantons) and the Paryadra, which 
 is stretched out to Armenia Mmor from the plains bor. 
 dering on Sidene and Themiscyra, and makes the eastern 
 side of Pontus." In another place of his geographical 
 work, Strabo says that " Armenia Minor is a very fertile 
 region, and always possessed by very powerful chiefs, in the 
 same manner as Sophena, who sometimes held friendly 
 intercourse with the other Armenians, and sometimes 
 kept aloof. These chiefs kept the Ch.ildaeans (Chalybians) ■ 
 and Tibarenians under subjection, so that their power ex- j 
 tended as far as Pharnacia (Keresoun) and Trapezus (Tre- 
 bisond). But Mithridates Eupator obtained the ascen- ! 
 dancy over all these chiefs, and subdued Colchis, and paid 
 such attention to the defence of all this region (Armenia 
 Minor) that he built 85 castles in it, to which he entrusted 
 the greatest part of his treasures. The most famous of 
 these were Hydara and Bosgoedoriza, and Hynora, a place 
 situated on the confines of Armenia Major. This last 
 place is called Synoria by Theophanes; for the whole 
 mountain Paryadres is full of waters and wood?, and se- 
 cured with rugged valleys and precipices, in which he se- 
 cured the greatest parfrf his wealth, and into these moun- 
 tainous fortresses, the confines of the kingdom of Pontus, 
 he at length fled frotn the pursuit of Pompey, occupying 
 in Acilisene, near Dastira, a certain mountain abounding 
 in springs, near which ran the Euphrates, which separates 
 Acilisene from Armenia Minor, and lingered so long 
 there, until at length, on acc unt of the rigorous blockade, 
 he was compelled to fly into the kingdom of Bosphorus. 
 Pompey built a city about this place, and in the Lesser 
 Armenia, which still stands and is well inhabited." The 
 city here mentioned, was called "Nicopolis, or the city of 
 victory ; and it is not true that Mithridates fled from "this 
 to the Cimmenan Bosphorus, his flight was directed to the 
 Greater Armenia Again, says Strabo, " In the vicinity 
 of Pharnacia are the regions of Sidene and Themiscyra. 
 Beyond this ia the region of Phanaraea, which contains 
 the best part of Pontus; for it is thickly planted with 
 vines and olives, and excels in other productions. On the 
 eastern side it spreads alongst the Paryadres, running 
 parallel with itself in length, and on the west Lithrus and 
 Ophlimus. About the Lesser Armenia, immediately be. 
 hind the Antitaurus, (the northern Taurus,) a certain 
 mountain range extended, vast and very nigged, or brokeu 
 into many clefts, part of which they denominate Polyar- 
 rhus, part the Moschick mountains, part by other names." 
 It is clear to me, that by this Strabo intends the range 
 running parallel with the western shore of the Euphrates, 
 from Kebban upwards, as he joins it with the Moschick 
 mountains; and which is just the Scydisses continued 
 north-east from the source of the Karasu, south. west to 
 its junction with the Morad, or eastern Frat, under an- 
 other name. For the sake of clearness and distinction, it 
 should be calico Paryadres, or the Great mountain ; a* 
 the Taurus, to which it runs south-west, crosses the Eu- 
 phrates, and runs oast through Armenia under different 
 appellations, separating the valley of the Morad from that 
 of the Tigris and the great valley of Piarbekir. I take 
 Paryadres to be either a Zendic appellation, bestowed on 
 it by the Persians when they became possessed of Cappa. 
 docia and Pontus, as a great mountain. range separatinf. 
 Media from Persia is called Paraetacene, or that it wae 
 ori{.'inally a Sanscrit appellation, imported by the Greek 
 followers of Alexander from India, at a time when that 
 classical language was vernacular in India, and corres- 
 ponding to the Sanscrit Parbat, Parvat, or Pariyat; 
 name applied to the Great Himalaya, or the region of 
 snow. 
 
 The inhabitants of Pontus were divided into the vari- 
 ous trxbes of Tibarenians, Mosyncecians, Genetc, Chaly- 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 PONTUS. 
 
 responded but too well with such a beginning. 
 Nothing is said of the first years of his reign,' 
 except that one of the Roman generals, whom 
 he had corrupted with money, having surren- 
 
 1 Appian. in Mithrid. 177, 178. 
 
 bians, Colchians, Lazians, Moschi, Drilas, and Sanni. 
 The MosyncBCians were the most barbarous i)eoi)le on the 
 whole coast, and gave the Greeks under Xenophon a vast of 
 trouble. They are described, in the Anabasis, as the far- 
 thest removed from civilization of any tribe they had en- 
 countered in the whole of their march. Their country is 
 described there as a succession of very deep hollow val- 
 leys, with fortified posts on the intervening ridges. — 
 They were called Mosynoecians because they lodged on 
 trees or dwelt in wooden towers, the highest of which was 
 the hatiitation of their chief, a miserable prince, who was 
 I obliged to determine all their difierences in the capacity of 
 I a judge, and, if he happened to pass a wrong sentence, 
 I they imprisoned him that very day, and left him destitute 
 ' of all food, and condemned him to die of hunger. Their 
 1 king was elective, and they kept him always in chains and 
 i under a strong guard. This rude tribe, consequently, 
 I knew nothing of the doctrine of passive obedience and 
 ] non-resistance, of divine, hereditary, indefeasible succes- 
 sion, nor of the right divine of kings to rule wrong. They 
 lived on mast and the flesh of wild beasts, laid ambu.*ihes 
 for travellers, and treated strangers with savage rudeness. 
 The Greeks under Xenophon beheld the children of the 
 wealthier sort, white and fair, and so fattened with boiled 
 chesnuts that they were nearly as thick as long. They 
 are described by Apollonius Khodius, in his Argonautics, 
 lib. ii. v. 1020, and Pomponius Mela, and Xenophon, as a 
 1 lazy, libidinous race, for which Apollonius compares them 
 I to hogs ; but we shall not stain our page with the particu- 
 I lars ; but they seem to have, in this latter respect, much 
 j resembled the wild Irish of Strabo's time and the Britons 
 of Julius Cajsar. It must be remarked, however, that 
 this is applicable to those savage tribes who dwelt on 
 the mountains behind Cerasus, and not to the friendly 
 Mosynoecians, who inhabited the shore and were in some 
 measure civilized by commerce. 
 
 The Tibarenians dwelt farthest west, about the Tlier- 
 modon, east of these the Chalybians, then the Mosynoe- 
 cians above described, then the Colchians, (the Drila?, or 
 Drillians, afterwards called Sanni, or Tzani,) and the 
 Macrones who inhabited the valley of the Apsarus. The 
 Lazi inhabited the northern skirt of Colchis in the days of 
 Pliny, Arrian, and Ptolemy, but, in the age of Justinian, 
 they spread over the whole coast, as far south as Trcbi- 
 j soud, and the name of Colchis was lost in that of Lazica. 
 j At present they dwell alongst the maritime coast towards 
 Trebisond, and are a rude, sea-faring people, with a pecu- 
 I liar language, according to Chardin and Peyssonnel. The 
 name Chalybians, though sometimes appropriated to a 
 particular tribe, seems to have been generic, and applied 
 to the whole of the mountain tribes of Pontus, Cappado- 
 cia, and western Armenia, as the whole tract to the west 
 of the Euphrates abounded in iron ore. They were there- 
 fore celebrated by tlie ancients for their extraordinary 
 ekill in working these ores and manufacturing of steel 
 arrfiour. 
 
 Amisus, the ancient capital and favourite residence of 
 Mithridates, and afterwards of his conqueror Pompey, 
 who rebuilt it, and from whom it was called Pompeiopolis, 
 is now reduced to a small village of 2000 inhabitants. 
 Amasia, the birth place of Strabo, is situated on both 
 ha!}ks of the Iris, in a mountainous and woody country. 
 The site is romantic, and the elevations forming the valley 
 are at least 2500 feet above the Iris. On one of these moun. 
 tains stands the ancient castle, and the rock is famous for 
 some extraordinary sculptures and excavations, supposed 
 to be the tombs of the ancient kings of Pontus. 'I'he 
 waters of the Iris are here raised by large wheels for the 
 use of the inhabitants, v/ho are comi)uted at 35,000 ; (com- 
 puted, I say ; for the population of no Turkish town is 
 known, or can be so in any other way, by European tra- 
 vellers). It is the property of a sultana, and governed by 
 a Woiwode. A great quantity of most excellent silk is 
 produced in the city and environs. ^ 
 
 Eighteen hours' journey to the iouth-east of Amasia is 
 the ancient Berisa, now Tocat. The road is over a 
 mountainous region covered with firs and pines. To- 
 cat is situated in a deep valley watered by the Iris, 
 siui is surroiuided with orchards and vint yards. The city 
 contains a computed population of 60,000 souls. Tlie 
 houses are generally two stories high, and each has a 
 fountain of pure and salubrious water, and the streets are 
 
 dered, and put him into possession of Phrygra, 
 it was soon after taken from him by the Ro- 
 mans, which gave birth to his enmity against 
 them. 
 
 welkpaved — a circumstance rare in Asiatic Tiirkey. It is 
 one of the largest and most commercial cities in the inte- 
 rior of Asia Minor. The trade is principally silk, (of which 
 a great many different fabrics are made ;) blue morocco 
 and copper utensils. Printed calicoes are brought here in 
 great quantities by the caravans from Bassora. Copper is 
 abundant in thevicinity— all the mountains in the vicinity 
 of the Black sea abound in excellent copper. The chief 
 mines are those of Gemish-kana before-mentioned, Tocat, 
 and Castamona. Tocat belongs to a sultana of the Oth- 
 man family, and is governed by a Woiwode. To the south- 
 east of Tocat, on the same stream, is Almoush, the ancient 
 Comana Pontica. To the west is the ancient Zela on the 
 Scylax, where Cssar obtained his celebrated victory over 
 Pharnaces — a victory so rapid and complete, that ha 
 adopted the following expressive and sententious phrase, 
 Veni, vidi, vici." 
 
 Nine hours north-west of Amasia is the modern Mar- 
 zawan, the ancient Phazcmon, capital of the district ot | 
 Phazemonitis. It is still a large city, surrounded by cul- 
 tivated plains, and in the vicinity is a silver mine. West 
 of this 14 hours' journey, is Osmanjik, the ancient Pimo- 
 lis, on the banks of a stream running west to the Halys, 
 The intervening space is rocky, mountainous, and woody ; 
 the road leading over many steep precipices and romantic 
 defiles. It has an old castle on an insulated rock, with a 
 fine bridge over the river, built by Bayazid II. The an- 
 cient Sebastcpolis exists still under the name of Turcat, 
 north of Zela and north-west of Tocat, and on the same 
 river. On the Lycus, according to Pliny and Kennel, but 
 on the Iris, according to Kinnier, is Niksar, the ancient 
 ISeo Caesarea. In this Kinnier is erroneous, as a range of 
 mountains must be crossed from Niksar to the Iris, the 
 descent of which occupies 3| hours, and which separates 
 the valley of the Iris from that of tiie Lycus. D' An ville also 
 places Niksar on the Lycus, but he makes that .stream the 
 river of Thermodon, which is erroneous, it being the largest 
 branch of the Iris ; and is composed of the Kara-Shai, or 
 river of Karahissar, and the Kalket-Shai, both uniting at 
 Kouleyhissar, or the ancient Colonia, where the confluent 
 stream is called the Carmili-Irmak. The range skirting 
 the Kara-Shai is called by the Turks, Shuh Khanah Da- 
 gler, being a branch of Payadres. An immense chain of 
 hiils running south, and which gives birth to the Kalket- i 
 Shai, is called Moussalim Ovidam, and is another branch 
 of the Paryadres. Tne range to the south-west of Tocat is 
 called Ildiz Dagler, separating the valley of Tocat from ; 
 that of the Scylax river, and is also a branch of the Parya. i 
 dres, running north-west of the source of the eastern ! 
 Halys. 
 
 The city of Karahissar is situated on the western ex- 
 tremity of a lofty rock, or rather range of mountains. The 
 elevation of the town is more than four hours' descent 1 
 from it to the plain. Sivas, anciently Cabira, and subse. 
 quently Sebaste, and then Diopolis, is 55 geograpliical 
 miles south-east of Tocat, in direct distance, according to 
 Kennel, and only 45 British according to Kinnier and 
 D'Anville. As Kinnier travelled from Sivas to Tocat, 
 his position should be more accurate ; yet he allows 18 
 hours for the intervening space, which, at the rate of S| 
 British miles per hour, should give a road distance of fiV 
 British miles, or one-half more than the direct distance in 
 his map, which seems too much. Yet it must be remem. 
 bered, that the road leads over the great range of Parya- 
 dres, which may account for the excess of the road distance 
 over the horizontal. Strabo jilaces it 150 stadia to the 
 south of Paryadres. It is a dirty, ill-built place, according 
 to Kinnier. It has however a rarity in this part of the 
 world— a town clock. This city and that of Boli, are the I 
 only places in Asiatic Turkey where such a phenomenon | 
 is to be seen. Jt is tlie capital of a large Pashalick. The j 
 inhabitants are a rude and coarse people, and great [ 
 breeders of horses. 
 
 The ancient Tiiemiscvra is now reduced to a miserable 
 village of 80 or 90 log-houses. The road along the shore 
 fi-om Charshumba to this place, is a perfect flat, full ol 
 swamjis and morasses, but abounding in fine timber, and 
 a vast brood of mares are fed here. Unieh, the ancient 
 
 tEnoo is still a largo and wealthy place, romantically situ- 
 
 ated on the sea-shore, and Imbosomed in gardens of fruit. 
 
 trees. It is 36 road miles east of Terme, or Themis. 
 
 cyra 
 
 Ontu, the ancient Cotyora, where the march of tlu> 
 10,000 Greeks terminated, is nov,' a small fishing village, 
 instead of a maritime city, as in the days of Xenophon. 
 I Kinnior remarks that it has the finest i>ay he had seen o»> 
 
HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 A. M. 3913. 
 Ant. J. C. 91. 
 
 Ariai-athes, king of Cap- 
 padocia, being dead, Mith- 
 ri dates caused the two sons 
 he had left behind him to be 
 
 the coast of the Black Sea. According to the Periplus of 
 Arrian, Cotyora was feituated 180 stades east of Cape 
 Jasonaum, now Yassoiin, and 330 stades west of Cerasus. 
 Kinnier makes it in his Journey 18 British road miles 
 east of the former, and 3i west of the latter : which 
 would give 10 stades to the mile. Keresoun was. the place 
 where Mithridates ordered his wives and sisters to be 
 poisoned, after his defeat at Cabira, lest they should fall 
 into the hands of the Romans. It was also called Phar- 
 nacia, and is placed by Strabo at V260 stadia east of Ami- 
 sus. It is still a considerable place, containing 700 ruinous 
 houses, 500 of which are inhabited by Turks, 150 by 
 Greeks, and SO by Armenians— the only industrious peo- 
 ple In the place. As the mountains approach close to the 
 city, there is little or no arable land. 
 
 Tlie Mosynceci still exist as in the days of Xenophon ; 
 for the natives still dwell in wooden towers. The cherries 
 of Cerasus are still famous ; for the whole road of 34 miles, 
 from Ordu to Keresoun, is on both sides studded with fine 
 timber, flowers, and groves of cherry-trees ; and the boiled 
 chesnuts, mentioned by Xenophon as the food of the 
 Mosynoecians, are commonly used still in Asia Mnior, in 
 place of bread, by the modern inhabitants. Kinnier men- 
 tions his ride as quite enchanting, from tlie scenery, the 
 song of the nightingale, and the pipe of the shepherd, in- 
 termingled with the hollow sound of the surf that beat the 
 shore, and the mountains, which, rising in high perpen- 
 dicular cliffs, or small conical hills, are embellished with 
 the noblest trees, under whose thick foliage are seen the 
 wooden towers of the natives. Vines, yielding prodigious 
 quantities of fruit, were entwined round the stocks and 
 branches of the trees, and pears are here so cheap as to be 
 sold for a couple of paras an oke, or 2| lbs. Indeed, the 
 wl-.ole country from Cape Yassoun to Keresoun, presents 
 the same delightful appearance. On the land side are 
 tremendous mountains, intersected with deep gulfs and 
 narrow valleys, covered with the noblest beeches, except 
 at certain vacant spaces, where the eye is attracted by the 
 luxuriance of the verdure, the beauty of the numberless 
 floweis covering the surface of the ground, and by the 
 wooden cottages of the natives, surrounded with groves of 
 cherry-trees and perched above the steepest declivities. 
 " Here in short," says Kinnier, « we had an opportunity 
 of contemplating nature in all her grandeur ; and, while 
 we lingered on the spot, could not avoid again expressing 
 our regret that so fair a region should be subject to the 
 misrule of the most indolent of mankind. The oak, the 
 elm, the walnut, the cherry, the pear, the plumb, the 
 chesnut, the hazel, the alder, and the laurel, grow in the 
 woods ; but the most common tree is the beech, of the 
 noblest growth 1 remember ever to have seen. At five 
 
 put to death, though their mother l.aodice was 
 his own sister, and placed one of his own sons, 
 at that time very young, upon the throne, giv- 
 ing him the nam'e of Ariarathes, and appointmg j 
 Gordius his guardian and regent. Nicomedes, j 
 king of Bithynia, who was apprehensive that j 
 this increase of power would put Mithridates 
 into a condition to possess himself also of his ^ 
 dominions in time, thought proper to set up a ; 
 certain young man (who seemed very tit for 
 acting such a part) as a third son of Ariarathes. ! 
 He engaged Laodice, whom he had espoused ; 
 after the death of her first husband, to acknow- i 
 ledge him as such, and sent her to Roine, to | 
 assist and support by her presence the claim of ; 
 this pretended son, whom she carried thither j 
 along with her. The cause being brought be- 
 fore the, senate, both parties were condemned ; 
 and a decree passed, by which the Cappadocians \ 
 were declared free. But they said they could 
 not be without a king. The senate permitted 
 them to choose whom they thought fit. They 
 
 account of the commerce of the Black sea, torn. ii. p. 72, 
 assigns 100,000 persons to it— a prodigious difference— , 
 whilst in Maltebrune its population is estimated at 30,' '00, | 
 apparently from the manuscript notes of M. Fourcade. j 
 Such variations show the utter absurdity of such arbitrary j 
 estimates as we are favoured with by travellers respecting [ 
 the population of Turkish cities. The same Feyssonnel as- | 
 signs a population of 60,000 souls to Sinope, although it is j 
 reduced to 5000 souls by other travellers. Though Gibbon ! 
 (Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. viii. p. 259, i 
 260, note,) seems to doubt the truth of Peyssonnel's state- ! 
 merit, yet he qualifies it by remarking, that it is by trading j 
 with a people that we become acquainted with their wealth i 
 and numbers. The commerce of Trebisond is very con- I 
 siderable ; and the principal exports are silks and cottons, | 
 manufactured by the inhabitants, fruits and wines : theim- i 
 ports are sugar, coffee, and woollens from Constantinople, i 
 and grain, salt, and iron from the Crimea and Mingrelia. \ 
 
 The country about Trebisond is in an improved state of 
 cultivation ; to the east the mountains are less elevated I 
 than those to the west, which to me is an additional proof 
 that the Greeks under Xenophon came to this place from , 
 the north-east, and not from the south-east as Kennel has t 
 laboured to prove. The line of coast runs nearly due east, | 
 although, indeed, a distant cape bears east north-east. | 
 Its commerce and internal tranquillity, however, are, as j 
 we are informed by the Baron de Tott, torn. iii. p. 16, 17. 
 perpetually disturbed by the factious quarrels of two odas \ 
 
 a p-rove of cherry-trees, the fruit, to our sorrow, was not 
 quite ripe ; but we consoled ourselves by picking the wild 
 strawberries which grew in heaps around us." From 
 Keresoun to Trebisond, Kinnier was compelled to go by 
 sea (a distance of 107 British miles,) as horses were not 
 to be got, and the Turkish Aga resolutely declared that 
 the roads were perfectly impassable ; so that we are igno- 
 rant of the face and quality of the intervening space, but 
 only that it is very mountainous. 
 
 Trebisond, the ancient Trapesus, is still a considerable 
 place; tlie streets narrow and dirty, the houses mostly 
 built of stone and lime, roofed with small red tiles, and, 
 like the common Turkish dwellings, mean without and 
 comfortless within. It has 6 gates, 18 large mosques, 8 
 khans, 5 baths, and 10 small Greek churches. The name 
 of the city is derived from its resemblance to the geome- 
 trical figure of that denomination. It was a colony from 
 Sinope, according to the Grecian historian, well inhabiti d, 
 and subsisted as a free and independent city till it fell 
 under the power of the ancestors of Mithridates, and 
 when conquered by the Romans, and included in their 
 empire, became the capital of the Cappadocian Pontus. 
 "When Constantinoole was captured by the Latins in 1203, 
 one of the Commui", then the reigning family, established 
 an empire here which extended from the mouth of the 
 Halys to that of the Phasis. Ten princes of this family 
 successively reigned here, until the last was expelled by 
 Mohammed the Great, after a siege of thirty days. Ac- 
 cording to Kinnier its population is only 15,000 souls ; a 
 heterogeneous race of Turks, Jews, Greeks, Armenians, 
 Georgians, Mingrelians, Circassians, and Tartars. Al- 
 though Tournefort, the French botanist, speaks of Trebi- 
 sond as badly peopled, and Kinnier states the number ^ 
 mentioned above, yet Peyssonnel, the French consul, in his , soun.— ii<x. 
 
 enrolled. _ 
 
 for, says he, « the Pashahc of Erzerum extends from the 
 frontiers of Persia and Georgia, over the Xesg« and Mingre. 
 lia, to the frontier of the Russian territory." Now, those 
 called Lesgians have no political or geographical connec- 
 tion with Mingrelia or Colchis. If they be the descendants 
 of the ancient Lesgae, they inhabited the country beyond 
 the Alazonius and the high mountains above the Albani ; 
 in other words, the south-east range of Caucasus, where 
 they still dwell, on the west of the Caspian, and not on 
 the eastern sliore of the Black Sea, As these Lesgse are 
 connected in Kinnier's account with Mingrelia, it is per- 
 fectly plain they are the Lazi of De Tott, and the descen. 
 dants of the ancient Lazians, who in the days of Justinian 
 inhabited the coast of the Euxine, from Dioscurias south 
 to the vicinity of Trebisond, and from whom the ancient 
 Colchos obtained the name of Lazica. 
 
 Trebisond is governed by a mutesellim, as the Pasha 
 resides at Phash, five days' journey distant, at the mouth 
 of the Phasis. The most curious edifice in the city is a 
 huge Bezistein, a square structure, with two small win- 
 dows on each face, and probably erected by the Genoese 
 as a powder magazine. A Turkish palace, since destroyed 
 by fire, seems to have been erected on the foundations ot 
 the old Comnenian palace, as the ruins are extensive, and 
 the situation the finest as well as most convenient in 
 Trebisond. The ruins of the ancient Polemonium, the 
 capital of "Pontus Polemoniacus, lie to the east of the vil. 
 lage of Fhatsa two miles. These which (with the excep. 
 tion of one arched building) chiefly consist of scattered 
 heaps of rubbish, extend along the sea-shore and the 
 banks of the river of Sidene, (which here enters the sea, 
 and has been described above,) to the west of Cape Yas- 
 
HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 11 
 
 !| 698 
 
 ! electad Ariobarzanes, a nobleman of their na- 
 : tion, Sylla, upon his quitting the office of prse- 
 ■ tor, was charged with the commission of estab- 
 lishing him upon the throne. That was the 
 pretext assigned for this expedition; but the real 
 motive of it was, to check the enterprises of 
 i Mithridates, whose power daily augmenting, 
 ; gave umbrage to the Romans. Sylla executed 
 his commission the follow- 
 A. M. 391 4-. ing year ; and after having 
 Ant. J. C. 90. defeated a great number of 
 Cappadocians, and a much 
 greater of Armenians, who came to their aid, 
 he expelled Gordius, with the pretended Aria- 
 rathes, and set Ariobarzanes in his place. 
 
 Whilst Sylla was encamped upon the banks 
 of the Euphrates, a Parthian, named Orobasus, 
 ; arrived at his camp, deputed from king Arsaces,' 
 to demand the alliance and amity of the Ro- 
 I mans. Sj^lla, when he received him at his 
 j audience, caused three seats to be placed in bis 
 I tent, one for Ariobarzanes, who was present, 
 ! another for Orobasus, and that in the midst for 
 i himself. The Parthian king afterwards, offend- 
 ! ed at his deputy for having acquiesced in this 
 I instance of Roman pride, caused him to be pat 
 i to death. This is the first time the Parthians 
 i had any intercourse with the Romans, 
 j Mithridates did not dare at that time to op- 
 ; pose the establishment of Ariobarzanes ; but 
 dissembling the mortification that conduct of 
 the Romans gave him, he resolved to take an 
 I opportunity of being revenged upon them-. In 
 the mean while he engaged in cultivating power- 
 ful alliances for the augmentation of his strength ; 
 : and began with Tigranes, king of Armenia, a 
 very powei-ful prince. Armenia* had at first 
 i appertained to the Persians; it came under the 
 iNIacedonians afterwards ; and upon the death 
 I of Alexander made part of the kingdom of Syria. 
 I Under Antiochus the Great, two of his gene- 
 rals, Artaxius and Zadriadres, with that prince's 
 i permission, established themselves in this pro- 
 vince, of which it is probable they were before 
 governors. After the defeat of Artiochus, they 
 ' adhered to the Romans, who acknowledged them 
 I as kings. They had divided Armenia into two 
 parts. Tigi-ane'5, of whom we now speak, was 
 j descended from Artaxius. He possessed him- 
 I self of all Armenia, subjected several neigh- 
 ' bouring countries by his arms, and thereby 
 I formed a very powerful kingdom. P.Iithridates 
 I gave him his daugiiter Cleopatra in marriage, 
 and engaged h'm to enter so far into his projects 
 I against the pLomans, that they agreed Mithri- 
 dates should have the cities and countries they 
 j should conquer for his share, and Tigranes the 
 i people, with all the effects capable of being car- 
 j ried away. 
 
 ' ' The first enterprise and 
 
 ' A. M. 3915. act of hostility was commit- 
 Ant. J. C. 89. ted by Tigranes, who de- 
 prived Ariobarzanes of Cap- 
 padocia, -of which the Romans had put him into 
 possession, and re-established Ariarathes, the 
 ' son of Mithridates, in it. Nicomcdes, king of 
 ! Bitliynia, happening to die about this time, his 
 ; i^ldest son, called also Nicomedes, ought natu- 
 ) rally to have succeeded him, and was accord- 
 I ' ingly proclaimed king. But Mithridates set up 
 I bis younger brother Socrates against him, who 
 I deprived him of the throne by force of arms. 
 
 ! 1 This was Mithridates 1 1, 
 
 j 2 Strab. 1. xi, p. 531, 532. 
 
 The two dethroned kings went to Rome, t<. 
 implore aid of the senate, who decreed their re- 
 establishment, and sent Manius Aquilius and 
 M. Altinius to put that decree in execution. 
 
 They Avere both reinstated. The Romans 
 advised them to make irruptions into the lands 
 of Mithi'idates, promising them their support ; 
 but neither the one nor the other dared to at- 
 tack so powerful a prince so near home. At 
 length, however, Kicomedes, urged both by the 
 ambassadors, to whom he had promised gTeat 
 sums for his re-establishment, and by his cre- 
 ditors, Roman citizens settled in Asia, who had 
 lent him very considerable sums for the same 
 pui-pose, could no longer resist their solicita- 
 tions. He made incursions upon the lands of 
 Mithridates, ravaged all the flat country as far 
 as the city Amastris, and returned home laden 
 with booty, which he applied in discharging 
 part of his debts. 
 
 Mithridates was not ignorant by whose ad- 
 vice Nicomedes had committed this irruption. 
 He might easily have repulsed him, as he had a 1 
 great number of good troops on foot ; but he did j 
 not take the field. He was glad to throw the j 
 blame on the side of the Romans, and to have 
 a just cause for declaring war against them. 
 He began by making remonstrances to their 
 generals and ambassadors. Pelopidas was at 
 the head of this embassy. He complained of ; 
 the various contraventions of the Romans to the | 
 treaty of alliance subsisting between them and I i 
 Mithridates, and in particular of the protection : : 
 granted by them to Nicomedes, his declared j 
 enemy. The ambassadors of the latter replied, ' 
 and made complaints on their side against Mithl : 
 ridates. The Romans, who were unwilling to i 
 declare themselves openly at present, gave the [ 
 man answer in loose and general terms ; that i 
 the Roman people had no intention that Mith- 
 ridates and Nicomedes should injure each other. 
 
 Mithridates, who was not satisfied with this 
 answer, made his troops march immediately into 
 Cappadocia, expelled Ariobarzanes again, and 
 set his son Ariarathes upon the throne, as he 
 had done before. At the same time, he sent 
 his ambassador to the Roman generals to make 
 his apology, and to renew his complaints against 
 them. Pelopidas declared to them, that his 
 master was contented the Roman people should | 
 be umpire in the affair; and added, that he 
 had already sent his ambassadors to Rome. He 
 exhorted them not to undertake any thing, till 
 they had received the senate's ordeVs, nor en- 
 gage rashly in a war that might be attended 
 with fatal consequences. For the rest, he gave '. 
 them to understand, that Mithridates, in case j 
 justice were i-efased him, was in a condition to 
 procure it for himself. The Romans, highly 
 offended at so hauglity a declaration, made an- 
 swer, that Mithridates was immediately to with- 
 draw his troops from Cappadocia, and not to 
 continue to disturb Nicomedes or Ariobarzanes. 
 They ordered Pelopidas to quit the camp that 
 moment, and not return, unless his master 
 obeyed. Tlie other ambassadors were no better 
 received at Rome, 
 
 The rupture was then inevitable, and the 
 Roman generals did not wait till the orders of 
 the senate and people arrived; which as what 
 Mithridates wished. The design he bad long 
 formed of declaring war against the Romans, 
 had occasioned his having made many alliances, 
 and engaged many nations in his interest. 
 Amongst his troops were reckoned twenty-two 
 nations, or as many diflFerent languages, all 
 
HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 C99 
 
 which Mithridates himself spoke with facility. 
 His army consisted of 250,000 foot and 40,000 
 horse, without including 130 armed chariots 
 and a fleet of 400 ships. 
 
 Before he proceeded to action,^ he thought it 
 necessary to prepare his troops for it, and made 
 them a long discourse to animate them against 
 the Romans.* He represented to them, " That 
 the matter now in hand was not to examine 
 whether war or peace were to be prefen-ed ; that 
 the Romans, by attacking the first, had left 
 them no room for deliberation : that their busi- 
 ness was to fight and conquer: that he assured 
 himself of success, if the troops persisted to act 
 with the same valour they had already shown 
 upon so many occasions, and very lately against 
 the same enemies, whom they had put to flight 
 and cut to pieces in Bithynia and Cappadocia : 
 that there could not be a more favourable op- 
 portunity than the present, when the Marsi 
 infested and ravaged the very heart of Italy; 
 when Rome was torn in pieces by civil wars, 
 and an innumei'able army of the Cimbri from 
 Germany overran all Italy : that the time was 
 come for humbling those proud republicans, 
 who were hostile to the royal dignity, and had 
 sworn to pull down all the thrones of the uni- 
 verse. Then as to what remained,* the war 
 his soldiers were now entering upon was highly 
 different from that they had sustained with so 
 much valour in the horrid deserts and frozen 
 regions of Scythia : that he should lead them 
 into the most fruitful and temperate country of 
 the world, abounding with rich and opulent 
 cities, which seemed to offer themselves an easy 
 prey : that Asia, abandoned to be devoured by 
 the insatiable avarice of the proconsuls, the in- 
 exorable cruelty of tax-gatherers, and the fla- 
 grant injustice of corrupt judges, held the name 
 of Roman in abhorrence, and impatiently ex- 
 pected them as her deliverers : that they followed 
 him, not so much to a war, as to assui-ed victory 
 and certain spoils." The army answered this 
 discourse with universal shouts of joy, and re- 
 iterated protestations of service and fidelity. 
 
 The Romans had formed three armies out of 
 their troops in the several parts of Asia Minor. 
 The first was commanded by L. Cassius, who 
 had the government of the province of Per- 
 gamus; the second, by Manius Aquilius; the 
 third, by Q. Oppius, proconsul, in his province 
 of Pamphylia. Each of them had forty thou- 
 sand men, including the cavalry. Besides these 
 troops, Nicomedes had fifty thousand foot and 
 six thousand horse. They began the war, as I 
 have already observed, without waiting for or- 
 
 3 Justin. 1. xxxviii. c. 3—7. 
 
 4 1 have abridged this di>course extremely, which Jus- 
 tin repeats at length, as it stood in Trogus Fonipeius, of 
 whom he is only tfie epitomiser. The discourse is a speci- 
 men of that excellent historian's style, and ought to make 
 us very much regret the loss of his writings. 
 
 5 " Nunc se diversam belli conditionem ingredi. Nam 
 Tjeque ccelo Asiae esse temperatius aliud, nec solo fertilius, 
 nec urbium multitudine amcenius ; magnamque temporis 
 partem, non ut militiam, sed ut festum diem, acturos, 
 bello dubium facili magis an uberi — tantumque se avida 
 expectat Asia, ut etiam vocibus vocet : ade5 illis odium 
 Romanorum incussit rapacitas proconsulum, sectio publi- 
 
 canorum, calumnias litium." Justin. Sectio publica. 
 
 novum in this passage properly signifies, the forcible 
 sale of the goods of those who for default of the payment 
 of taxes and imposts had their estates and effects seized 
 on and sold by the publicans. CalumnicB litium are tiie 
 unjust quirks and chicanery, wliich served as pretexts for 
 depriving the rich of their estates, either upon account of 
 ti^xes, or under some other colour. 
 
 ders from Rome, and carried it on with so 
 much negligence and so little judgment, that 
 they were all three defeated on diflerent occa- ' 
 sions, and their armies ruined. Aquilius and 
 Oppius themselves were taken prisoners, and , 
 treated with all kinds of insults. Mithridates, | 
 considering Aquilius as the principal author of j 
 the war, treated him with the highest indignl- j 
 ties. He made him pass in review before the 
 troops, and presented him as a sight to the peo- 
 ple, mounted on an ass, obliging him to cry out 
 with a loud voice, that he was Manius Aquilius. 
 At other times he obliged him to walk on foot 
 with his hands fastened by a chain to a horse, 
 that drew him along. At last he caused mol- 
 ten lead to be poured down his throat, and put 
 him to death with the most exquisite torments. 
 The people of Mitylene had treacherously de- 
 livered him up to Mithridates at a time when 
 he was sick, and had retired to their city for 
 the recovery of his health. 
 
 Mithridates,® who was desirous of gaining 
 the people's hearts by his reputation for cle- 
 mency, sent home all the Greeks he had taken 
 prisoners, and supplied them with provisions 
 for their journey. That instance of his good- 
 ness and lenity opened the gates of all the cities 
 to him. The people came out to meet him 
 every where with acclamations of joy. They 
 gave him excessive praises, called him the pre- 
 server, the father of the people, the deliverer of 
 Asia, and applied to him all the other names by 
 which Bacchus was denominated, to which he 
 had a just title, for he passed for the prince of 
 his time'' who could drink most without being 
 disordered ; a quality he valued himself upon, 
 and thought much to his honour. 
 
 The fruits of these his first victories were, the 
 conquest of all Bithynia, from which Nicome- 
 des was driven ; of Phrygia and Mysia, lately 
 made Roman provinces ; of Lycia, Pamphylia, 
 Paphlagonia, and several other countries. 
 
 Having found at Stratonice a young maid of 
 exquisite beauty, named Monima, he took her 
 along with him in his train. 
 
 Mithridates,^ considering 
 
 A. M. 3916. that the Romans, and all the 
 Ant. J. C. 88. Italians in general, who were 
 at that time in Asia Minor 
 upon difl"erent affairs, carried on secret intrigues 
 much to the prejudice of his interests, sent pri- 
 vate orders from Ephesus, where he then was, 
 to the governors of the provinces, and magis- 
 trates of the cities of Asia Minor, to massacre 
 them all upon a day fixed.** The women, chil- 
 dren, and domestics, were included in this pro- 
 scription. To these orders was annexed a pro- 
 hibition to ^ive interment to those who should 
 be killed. fheir estates and effects were to be 
 confiscated for the use of the king and the mur- 
 derers. A severe fine was laid upon such as 
 should conceal the living, or bury the dead; and 
 a reward appointed for whoever discovered those 
 who were hid. Liberty was given to the slaves 
 who killed their masters ; and debtors forgiven 
 half their debts, for killing their creditors. The 
 repetition only of this dreadful order is enough 
 to make one shudder with horror. What then 
 
 6 Diod. in Excerpt. Vales, p. 401. Athen. 1. v. p. 213. 
 Cic. Orat. pro riacc, n. 60. 
 
 7 Plut. Sympos. 1. i. p. 624. 
 
 8 Appian. p. 185. Cic in Orat. pro lege Manil. n. 7. 
 
 9 Is uno die tola Asia, tot in civitatibus, uno nuntio, 
 atque una littrarum significatione, cives Romanos necan- 
 dos trucidandosque denotavit. dc. 
 
700 
 
 HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 must have been the desolation in all those pro- 
 vinces when it was put in execution ! Fourscore 
 thousand Romans or Italians Avcre butchered 
 in consequence of it. Some make the slain 
 amount to almost twice that number. 
 
 Being informed that there Avas a great trea- 
 sure at Cos,' he sent people thither to seize it. 
 Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, had deposited it 
 there, when she undertook the war in Phcenicia 
 against her son Lathyrus. Besides this treasure, 
 they found eight hundred talents (eight hundred 
 thousand crowns), which the Jews in Asia 
 Minor had deposited there when they saw the 
 war ready to break out. 
 
 All those who had found means to escape this 
 general slaughter in Asia, had taken refuge in 
 Rhodes,^ which received them with joy, and 
 afforded them a secure retreat. Mithridates laid 
 siege to that city ineffectually, which he was 
 soon obliged to raise, after having been in danger 
 of being taken himself in a sea-fight, wherein 
 he lost many of his ships. 
 
 When he had made himself master of Asia 
 Minor, Mithridates sent Archelaus, one of his 
 1 generals, with an army of a hundred and twenty 
 thousand men into Greece. That general took 
 Athens, and chose it for his residence, giving 
 all orders from thence in regard to the M^ar on 
 that side. During his stay there, he engaged 
 most of the cities and states of Greece in the in- 
 terests of his master. He reduced Delos by 
 force, which had revolted from the Athenians, 
 and re-instated them in the possession of it. He 
 sent them the sacred treasure, kept in that island 
 by Aristion, to whom he gave two thousand men 
 as a guard for the money. Aristion was an 
 Athenian philosopher, of the sect of Epicurus. 
 He employed the two thousand men under his 
 command to secure to himself the supreme au- 
 thority at Athens, where he exercised a most 
 cruel tyranny, putting many of the citizens to 
 death, and sending many to Mithridates, upon 
 pretence that they were of the Roman faction. 
 
 Such was the state of af- 
 
 A. M. 3917. fairs when Sylla was charged 
 Ant. J. C. &7. with the war against Mithri- 
 dates. He set out immediate- 
 ly for Greece, with five legions, and some cohorts 
 and cavalry. Mithridates was at that time at 
 Pergamus, where he distributed riches, govern - 
 ments, and other rewards, to his friends. 
 
 Upon Sylla's arrival, all the cities opened 
 their gates to him, except Athens, which, sub- 
 jected to the tyrant Aristion's yoke, was obliged 
 unwillingly to oppose him. The Roman general, 
 having entered Attica, divided his troops into 
 two bodies, the one of which he sent to besiege 
 Aristion in the city of Athens, and with the 
 other he marched in person to the port Piraeeus, 
 which was a kind of second city, where Archelaus 
 had shut himself up, relying upon the sti'ength 
 of the place, the walls being almost sixty feet 
 high, and entirely of hewn stone. The work 
 was indeed very strong, and had been raised by 
 the order of Pericles in the Peloponnesian war, 
 when, the hopes of victory depending solely upon 
 this port, he had fortified it to the utmost of his 
 power. 
 
 The height of the walls did not amaze Sylla, 
 He employed all sorts of engines in battering 
 
 1 Appian. p. 186. Joseph. Antiq. 1. xiv. c. 12. 
 2 Appian p. 186— 1S8. Diod. in Excj-rpt. p. 402. 
 S Pint, in SvUa, p. 458—461. Appian. in Mithrid. p. 
 188—197. 
 
 them, and made continual assaults. If he would 
 have waited a little, he might have taken the 
 higher city without striking a blow, which was 
 reduced by famine to the last extremity. But, 
 being in haste to return to Rome, and appre- 
 hending the changes that might happen there in 
 his absence, he spared neither danger, attacks, 
 nor expense, in order to hasten the conclusion 
 of that war. Without enumerating the rest of 
 the warlike stores and equipage, twenty thou- 
 sand mules were perpetually employed in work- 
 ing the machines only. Wood happened to fall 
 short, from the groat consumption made of it in 
 the machines, which were often either broken 
 and spoiled by the vast weight they carried, or 
 burnt by the enemy, he did not spare the sacred 
 groves. He cut down the beautiful avenues of 
 the Academy and Lycseum, which were the 
 finest walks in the suburbs, and planted with 
 the finest trees ; and caused the high walls that 
 joined the port to the city to be demolished, in 
 order to make use of the ruins in erecting bis 
 works, and carrying on his approaches. 
 
 As he had occasion for abundance of money 
 in this war, and endeavoured to attach the sol- 
 diers to his interests and to animate them by 
 great rewards, he had recourse to the inviolable 
 treasures of the temples, and caused the finest 
 and most precious gifts, consecrated at Epidaurus 
 and Olympia, to be brought from thence. He 
 wrote to the Amphictyons assembled at Delphi, 
 " That they would act wisely in sending him 
 the treasures of the god, because they would be 
 more secure in his hands ; and that if he should 
 be obliged to make use of them, he would return 
 the value after the war." At the same time he 
 sent one of his friends, named Caphis, a native 
 of Phocis, to Delphi, to receive all those treasures 
 by weight. 
 
 When Caphis arrived at Delphi, he was afraid, 
 through reverence for the god, to meddle with 
 the consecrated gifts, and bewailed with tears, 
 in the presence of the Amphictyons, the neces- 
 sity imposed upon him. Upon which, some 
 person there having said, that he heard the 
 sound of Apollo's lyre from the inside of the 
 sanctuary, Caphis, whether he really believed it, 
 or was willing to take advantage of that occasion 
 to strike Sylla with a religious awe, wi'ote him 
 an account of what had happened. Sylla, de- 
 riding his simplicity, replied, " That he was 
 surprised he should not comprehend, that 
 singing was a sign of joy, and by no means of 
 anger and resentment; and, therefore, he had no- 
 thing to do but to take the treasures boldly, and 
 be assured that the god saw him do so with 
 pleasure, and gave them to him himself." 
 
 Plutarch, on this occasion, notices the differ- 
 ence between the ancient Roman generals, and 
 those of the times we now speak of. The for- 
 mer, whom merit alone had raised to oflSce, and 
 who had no other views from their employments 
 but the public good, knew how to make the 
 soldiers respect and obey them, without descend- 
 ing to use low and unworthy methods for that 
 purpose. They commanded troops that were 
 steady, disciplined, and well inured to execute 
 the orders of their generals without reply or de- 
 lay. Truly kings, says Plutarch,* in the gran- 
 deur and nobility of their sentiments, but simple 
 and modest private persons in their train and 
 
HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 701 
 
 equipage, they put the state to no other expense 
 in the discharge of their offices than what was 
 reasonable and necessary, conceiving it more 
 shameful in a captain to flatter his soldiers, 
 than to fear his enemies. Things were much 
 changed in the times we now speak of. The 
 Roman generals, abandoned to insatiable ambi- 
 tion and luxury, were obliged to make them- 
 selves slaves to their soldiers, and to buy their 
 services by gifts proportioned to their avidity, 
 and often by the toleration and impunity of the 
 j greatest crimes. 
 
 j Sylla, in consequence, was perpetually in ex- 
 treme want of money to satisfy his troops, and 
 j then more than ever for carrying on the siege in 
 I which he had engaged, the success of which 
 i seemed to him of the highest importance, both 
 I with respect to his honour and even his safety, 
 i He was desirous of depriving Mithridates of the 
 ; only city he had left in Greece, and which, by 
 • preventing the Romans from passing into Asia, 
 i would destroy all hopes of conquering that 
 j prince, and oblige Sylla to return shamefully 
 into Italy, where he would have found more 
 1 terrible enemies in Marius and his faction. He 
 j was besides sensibly galled by the keen raillery 
 whicli Aristion vented every day against him 
 j and his wife Metella. 
 
 j It is not easy to say whether the attack or 
 I defence were conducted with most vigour ; for 
 j both sides behaved with incredible courage and 
 I resolution. The sallies were frequent, and at- 
 I tended with almost battles in form, in which 
 j the slaughter was great, and the loss generally 
 ; not very unequal. The besieged would not have 
 I been in a condition to have made so vigorous a 
 defence, if they had not received several consi- 
 derable reinforcements by sea. 
 
 What did them most damage was the secret 
 treachery of two Athenian slaves who were in 
 the Pirseeus. Those slaves, whether out of 
 affection to the Roman interest, or desirous of 
 providing for their own safety in case the place 
 was taken, wrote upon leaden balls all that was 
 going forward within, and threw them from 
 slings to the Romans. So that how prudent 
 soever the measures were which Archelaus, 
 took, who defended the Pireeeus, whilst Aristion 
 commanded in the city, none of them succeeded. 
 He resolved to make a general sally ; the trai- 
 tors slung a leaden ball with this intelligence 
 upon it : " To-morrow, at such an hour, the 
 foot will attack your works, and the horse your 
 camp." Sylla laid ambushes, and repulsed the 
 besieged with loss. A convoy of provisions was 
 in the night to have been thrown into the city, 
 which was in want of every thing. Upon ad- 
 vice of the same kind the convoy was inter- 
 cepted. 
 
 Notwithstanding all these disappointments, 
 the Athenians defended themselves like lions. 
 They found means either to burn most of the 
 machines erected against the wall, or by under- 
 mining them to throw them down and break 
 them to pieces. 
 
 The Romans, on their side, behaved with no 
 less vigour. By the help of mines also they 
 made a way to the bottom of the walls, under 
 which they hollowed the ground ; and, having 
 propped the foundation with beams of wood, 
 they afterwards set fire to the props with a great 
 quantity of pitch, sulphur, and tow. When 
 those beams were burnt, part of the wall fell 
 down with a horrible noise, and a large breach 
 was opened, through which the Romans advan- 
 ced to the assault. The battle continnf^d agi'eat 
 
 while with equal ardour on both sides, but the 
 Romans were at length obliged to retire. The 
 next day they renewed the attack. The besieged 
 had built a new wall during the night in the form 
 of a crescent, in the place of the other, which had 
 fallen, and the Romans found it impossible to 
 force it. 
 
 Sylla, di-^couraged by so obstinate a defence, 
 resolved to attack the Pirseeus no longer, and 
 confined himself to reduce the place by famine. 
 The city, on the other side, was at the last ex- 
 tremity. A bushel of barley had been sold in it 
 for a thousand drachmas (about five-and-twenty 
 pounds sterling). The inhabitants did not only 
 eat the grass and roots which they found about 
 the citadel, but the flesh of horses, and the 
 leather of their shoes, which they boiled soft. 
 In the midst of the public misery, the tyrant 
 passed his days and nights in revelling. The 
 senators and priests went to throw themselves 
 at his feet, conjuring him to have pity on the 
 city, and to obtain a capitulation from Sylla: he 
 dispersed them with a shower of arrows, and in 
 that manner drove them from his presence. 
 
 He did not demand a cessation of arms, nor 
 send deputies to Sylla, till reduced to the last 
 extremity. As those deputies made no proposals, 
 and asked nothing of him to the purpose, but ran 
 on in praising and extolling Theseus, Eumolpus, 
 and the exploits of the Athenians against the 
 Medes, Sylla was tired with their discourse, and 
 intei'rupted them, by saying, " Gentlemen ora- 
 tors, you may go back again, and keep youi 
 rhetorical flourishes for yourselves. For my 
 part, 1 was not sent to Athens to be informed 
 of your ancient prowess, but to chastise your 
 modern revolt." 
 
 During this audience, some spies, having en- 
 tered the city, overheard by chance some old 
 men talking in the Ceramicus,^ and blaming the 
 tyrant exceedingly for not guarding a certain 
 part of the wall, ' that was the only place by 
 which the enemy might easily take the city by 
 escalade. At their return into the camp they 
 related what they had heard to Sylla. The par- 
 ley had been to no purpose. Sylla did not ne- 
 glect the intelligence given him. The next 
 night he went in person to take a view of the 
 place, and finding the wall actually accessible, 
 he ordered ladders to be raised against it, began 
 the attack there, and, having made himself 
 master of the wall after a weak resistance, en- 
 j tered the city. He would not suffer it to be set 
 on fire, but abandoned it to be plundered by the 
 I soldiers, who in several houses found human 
 j flesh, which had been dressed to be eaten. A 
 j dreadful slaughter ensued. The next day all 
 I the slaves were sold by auction, and liberty waa 
 granted to the citizens who had escaped the 
 swords of the soldiers, who were very few in 
 ! number. He besieged the citadel the same day, 
 where Aristion, and those who had taken refuge 
 I there, were soon so much reduced by famine, 
 I that they were forced to surrender themselves. 
 I The tyrant, his guards, and all who had been 
 ' in any office under him, were put to death. 
 
 Some few days after, Sylla made himselt 
 master of the Pirseeus, and burnt all its fortifi- 
 cations, especially the arsenal, which had been 
 built by Philo, the celebrated architect, and was 
 a wonderful fabric. Archelaus, by the help of 
 his fleet, had retired to Munychia, another port 
 of Attica. 
 
 5 A public square at Athens. 
 
702 
 
 HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 I This year, upon which we 
 
 I A. M. 3918. are now entering, was fatal 
 i Ant. J. C. 86. to the arms of JMithridates.^ 
 j _ Taxiles, one of his generals, 
 
 ! arrived in Greece from Thrace and Macedonia, 
 with an army of a hundred thousand foot and 
 ten thousand horse, with fourscore and ten cha- 
 riots armed with scythes. Arcl^laus, that gene- 
 ral's brother, was at that time in the port of 
 3Iunychia, and would neither remove from the 
 sea, nor come to a battle with the Romans ; but 
 he endeavoured to protract the war, and cut off 
 their provisions. This was very prudent con- 
 duct, for Sylla began to be in want of them ; so 
 that famine obliged him to quit Attica, and to 
 enter the fruitful plains of Bojotia, where Hor- 
 tensius joined him. Their troops being united, 
 they took possession of a fertile eminence in the 
 midst of the plains of Elatea, at the foot of 
 which ran a rivulet. When they had formed 
 their camp, the enemies could disco /er at one 
 view their small number, which amounted to 
 only fifteen thousand foot and fifteen hundred 
 horse, _ This induced Archelaus's generals to 
 press him in the warmest manner to proceed to 
 action. They did not obtain his consent with- 
 out great difficulty. They immediately began 
 to move, and covered the whole plain with 
 
 was very formidable. The noise and cries of 
 so many nations, and so many thousands of men 
 preparing for battle, the pomp and magnificence 
 of their array, were truly terrible. The bright- 
 ness of their arms, magnificently adorned with I hand 
 gold and silver, and the lively colours of the 
 Median and Scythian coats of ai'ms, mingled 
 with the glitter of brass and steel, darted forth 
 as it were flashes of lightning, which, whilst it 
 dazzled the sight, filled the soul with terror. 
 
 The Romans, seized with dread, kept close 
 within their intrenchments, Sylla not being 
 ^ able by his discourse and remonstrances to re- 
 I move their fear, and not being willing to force 
 them to fight in their present state of discou- 
 ragement, was obliged to lie still, and suffer, 
 though with great impatience, the bravadoes 
 and insulting derision of the barbarians. They 
 conceived so great a contempt for him in con- 
 sequence, that they neglected to observe any 
 discipline. Few of them kept within their in- 
 trenchments ; the rest, for the sake of plunder, 
 i dispersed in great troops, and straggled to a 
 considerable distance, even several days' journey, 
 from the camp. They plundered and ruined 
 I some cities in the neighbourhood. 
 I Sylla was in the utmost despair when he saw 
 the cities of the allies destroyed before his eyes, 
 I for want of power to make his army fight. He 
 at last thought of a stratagem, which was to 
 i give the troops no repose, and to keep them in- 
 ! cessantly at work in turning the Cephisus, a 
 little river which was near the camp, and in 
 digging deep and large trenches, under pretence 
 of their better security, but in fact, that by be- 
 ing tired of such great fatigues, they might pre- 
 fer the hazard of a battle to the continuance of 
 their labour. His stratagem was successful. 
 After having worked without intermission three 
 days, as Sylla, according to custom, was taking 
 a view of their progress, they cried out to hirn 
 with one voice, to lead them against the enemy. 
 
 1 Piut. m Sylla, 
 
 p. 461—466. Appicn. p. 196—203. 
 
 Sylla suffered himself to be exceedingly en- 
 treated, and did not comply for some time; but 
 when he saw their ardour increase from his 
 opposition, he made them stand to tlieir arms, 
 and marched against the enemy. 
 
 The battle was fought near Chjeronea. The 
 enemy had possessed themselves, with a great 
 
 n^^^'i^u^PP^' ^ ''"T advantageous post, 
 called Thurium: it was the ridge of a steep 
 mountain, which extended itself upon the iJt 
 flank of the Romans, and was well calculated 
 to check their motions. Two men of Chseronea 
 came to SyDa, and promised him to drive the 
 enemy from this post, if he would give them a i 
 small number of chosen troops, which he did. i 
 In the mean time he drew up his army in bat- i 
 tie, divided his horse between the two wings 
 taking the right himself, and giving the left to 
 iMurena. Galba and Hortensius formed a se- ' 
 cond line. Hortensius, on the left, supported 
 Murena, whilst Galba on the right did the same 
 tor bylla. Ihe barbarians had already be<run 
 to extend their horse and light-armed foot in a 
 large compass, with design to surround the se- 
 cond line, and charge it in the rear. 
 
 At that instant the two men of Chseronea, 
 having gained the top of Thurium with their 
 troop, without being perceived bv the 
 . , showed themselves on a sudden. ' The 
 barbarians, surprised and terrified, immediately 
 took to flight. Pressing against each other upoia 
 the declivity of the mountain, they ran precioi- 
 tately down before the enemy, who charged and 
 closely pursued them down the hill sword in 
 hand , so that about three thousand men were 
 killed upon the mountain. Of those who es- 
 caped, some fell into the hands of Murena, who 
 had just before formed in order of battle. Hav- 
 ing marched against them, he intercepted and 
 made a great slaughter of them : the rest, who 
 endeavoured to regain their camp, fell in upon 1 
 the mam body of their troops with so much I 
 precipitation, that they threw the whole army j 
 into terror and confusion, and made their gene- 
 rals lose much time in restoring order, which ! 
 was one of the principal causes of their defeat. | 
 Sylla, taking advantage of this disorder, i 
 marched against them with so much vigourj ! 
 and charged over the space between the two ar- 
 mies with such rapidity, that he prevented the 
 effect of their chariots armed with scythes. The 
 force of these chariots depended upon the length 
 of their course, which gave impetuosity and 
 violence to their motion ; instead of which, a 
 short space, that did not leave room for their 
 ^reer, rendered them useless and ineffectual. 
 This the barbarians experienced at this time. 
 The first chariots came on so slowly, and with 
 so little efiTect, that the Romans, easily pushing 
 them back, with great noise and loud laughter 
 called for more, as was customary at Rome in 
 the chariot-races of the Circus. 
 
 After those chariots were removed, the two 
 main bodies came to blows. The barbarians 
 presented their long pikes, and kept close order 
 with their bucklers joined, so that they could 
 not be broken ; and the Romans threw down 
 their javelins, and with sword in hand thrust 
 aside the enemy's pikes, in order to join and 
 charge them with great fury. What increased 
 their animosity, was the sight of fifteen thou- i 
 sand slaves, whom the king's generals had spi- ' 
 rited from them by the promise of their liberty, 
 and posted them amongst the heavy-armed foot. 
 Those slaves had so much resolution and bra- i 
 very, that they sustained the shock of the Ro- i 
 
HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 03 
 
 an foot without giving way. Their battalions self. For this reason he began without delav 
 
 r^T.n A.,^^. II „1 J ..U. T5 „ U 'I'l 1 • . 1 -I . " 
 
 were so deep and so well closed, that the llo 
 mans could neither break nor move them, till 
 the light-armed foot of the second line had put 
 them into disorder by the discharge of their ar- 
 rows, and a shower of stones from their slings, 
 which forced them to give ground. 
 
 Archelaus having made his right wing ad- 
 vance to surround the left of the Romans, llor- 
 tensius led on the troops under his command to 
 take him in flank; which Archelaus seeing, he 
 ordered two thousand horse quickly to wheel 
 about. Hortensius, upon the point of being 
 overpowered by that great body of horse, re- 
 tired by degrees towards the mountains, per- 
 ceiving himself too far from the main body, and 
 upon the point of being surrounded by the ene- 
 my. Sylla, with great part of his right wing, 
 which had not yet been engaged, marched to his 
 relief. From the dust raised by those troops, 
 Archelaus judged what was going forvrard, and 
 leaving Hortensius, he turned about towards 
 the place Sylla had quitted, in hopes he should 
 tind no difficulty in defeating the right wing, 
 which would now be without its general. 
 
 Taxiles, at the same time, led on his foot,^ 
 arrned with brazen shields, against Murena : 
 whilst each side raised great shouts, which made 
 the neighbouring hiils resound. Sylla halted at 
 the noise, not knowing well to vvhich side he 
 should first hasten. At length he thought it 
 most expedient to return to his former post and 
 support his right wing. He, therefore, sent 
 i Hortensius to assist Murena with four cohorts, 
 : and taking the fifth with him, he flew to his 
 '• fight wing, which he found engaged in battle 
 ( with Archelaus, neither side liavins the advan 
 
 tage. But, as soon as he appeared, that wing 
 taking new courage from the presence of their 
 general, opened their way through the troops 
 of Archelaus, put them to flight, and pursued 
 them vigorously for a considerable time. 
 
 After this great success, without losing a mo- 
 ment, he marched to the aid of Murena. Find- 
 ing him also victorious, and that he had defeated 
 Taxiles, he joined him in the pursuit of the 
 vanquished. A great number of the barbarians 
 were killed on the plain, and a much greater 
 cut to pieces in endeavouring to gain their 
 camp ; so that, of so many thousand men, only 
 ten thousand escaped, who fled to the city of 
 Chalcis. Sylla wrote in his memoirs, that only 
 fourteen of his men were missing, and that two 
 of them retui-ned the same evening. 
 
 To celebrate so great a vic- 
 A. M. 3919. tory, he gave music-games 
 j Ant. J. C. 85. at Thebes, and caused judges 
 to come from the neighbour- 
 ing Grecian cities to distribute the prizes; for 
 t he had an implacable aversion for the Thebans. 
 ! He even deprived them of half their territory, 
 i which he consecrated to Apollo Pythius and 
 I Jupiter Olympius; and decreed, that the money 
 ! he had taken out of the temples of those gods 
 should be repaid out of their revenues. 
 
 his march to 'i'hessaly, as with design to meet 
 him. But being arrived at the city of Meli- 
 tea,^ news came to him from all sides, that all 
 the places he had left in hisi'ear were plundered 
 by another of the king's armies, stronger and 
 more numerous than the first. For Dorylaus 
 had arrived at Chalcis with a great fleet, on 
 boai-d of which were fourscore thousand men, 
 the best equipped, the most warlike and disci- 
 plined, of all Mithridates's troops, and had 
 thrown himself into Boeotia, and possessed him- 
 self of the whole country, in order to bring 
 Sylla to a battle. Archelaus would have dis- 
 suaded him from that design, by giving him an 
 exact account of the battle he had so lately lost ; 
 but his counsel and remonstrances had no effect. 
 He soon discovered that the advice that had 
 been given him was highly reasonable and judi- 
 cious. 
 
 He chose the plain of Orchomenus for the 
 field of battle. Sylla caused ditches to be dug 
 on each side of the plain, to deprive the enemy 
 of the advantage of an open country, in which 
 their cavalry could act, and to remove them to- 
 wards the marshes. The barbarians fell furi- 
 ously on the workmen, dispersed them, and put 
 to flight the troops that supported them. Sylla 
 seeing his army flying in this manner, quitted 
 his horse immediately, and, seizing one of his 
 ensigns, he pushed forwards towards the enemy 
 through those that fled, crying to them, " For 
 me, Romans, I ihink it glorious to die here. 
 But for you, when j'ou shall be asked where 
 you abandoned your general, remember to say 
 it was at Orchomenus." They could not en- 
 dure those reproaches, and returned to the 
 charge with such fury, that they made Arche- 
 laus's troops turn their backs. The barbarians 
 came on again in better order than before, and 
 were again repulsed with greater loss. 
 
 The next day, at sunrise, Sylla led back his 
 troops towards the enemy's camp, to continue 
 his trenches ; and falling upon those who were 
 detached to skirmish and drive away the work- 
 men, he charged them so rudely that he put 
 them to flight. These runaways threw the 
 troops who had continued in the camp into 
 such terror, that they were afraid to stay to 
 defend it. Sylla entered it pell-mell with those 
 who fled, and made himself master of it. The 
 marshes, in a moment, were dyed with blood, 
 and the lake filled with dead bodies. The ene- 
 mies, in different attacks, lost the greatest part 
 of their troops. Archelaus continued a great 
 while hid in the marshes, and escaped at last 
 to Chalcis. 
 
 The news of all these defeats threw Mithri- 
 dates into great consternation. However, as 
 that prince was by nature fruitful in resources, 
 he did not lose courage, and applied himself to 
 repair his losses by making new levies. But, 
 from the fear that his ill success might give 
 birth to some revolt or conspiracy against hia 
 person, as had already happened, he took the 
 
 Ihese games were no sooner over, than he I bloody precaution of putting all he suspected to 
 
 received advice, that L. Valerius Flaccus, of 
 the adverse party (for at this time the divisions 
 between Marius and Sylla were at the highest), 
 had been elected consul, and had already crossed 
 the Ionian sea with an army, in appearance 
 against Mithridates, but in reality against him- 
 
 2 XatX^acfT/Ss? 
 
 death, without sparing even his best friends. 
 
 He was not more successful in Asia* himself, 
 than his generals had been in Greece. Fimbria, 
 who commanded a Roman army there, beat the 
 remainder of his best troops. lie pursued the 
 
 3 In Thessalv. 
 4 Plut. in Sylla, p. 466—468. 'id. in Lucul, p. m 
 Appian, p. i04 — 210. 
 
704- HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 j van4iuished as far as the gates of Pergamus, 
 I where Mi thridates resided, and obliged him to 
 quit that place himself, and retire to Pitaiie, a 
 I maritime place in the Troad. Fimbria pursued 
 him thither, and invested him by land. But, as 
 he had no fleet to do the same by sea, he sent to 
 LucuUus, who was cruizing in the neighbouring 
 seas with the Roman fleet, and represented to 
 'him that he might acquire immortal glory by 
 ! seizing the person of Mithridates, who could not 
 'escape him, and by putting an end to so im- 
 portant a war. Fimbria and Lucullus were of 
 j two different factions. The latter would not 
 be concerned in the affairs of the other ; so that 
 Mithridates escaped by sea to Mitylene, and ex- 
 tricated himself out of the hands of the Romans. 
 This fault cost them very dear, and is not un- 
 usual in states where misunderstandings subsist 
 between the ministers and generals of thearmy, 
 which make them neglect the public good, lest 
 they should contribute to the glory of their 
 rivals. 
 
 Lucullus afterwards twice defeated Mithri- 
 dates's fleet, and gained two great victories over 
 him. This happy success was the more sur- 
 prising, as it was not expected that Lucullus 
 would distinguish himself by military exploits. 
 He had passed his youth in the studies of the 
 bar ; and during his being quaestor in Asia, the 
 province had always enjoyed peace. But so 
 happy a genius as his did not want to be taught 
 j by experience, which is not to be acquired by 
 i lessons, and is generally the growth of many 
 years. He supplied that defect in some measure, 
 ; by employing the whole time of his journeys, by 
 land and sea, partly in asking questions of per- 
 sons experienced in the art of war, and partly in 
 instructing himself by the reading of history. 
 So that he arrived in Asia a complete general, 
 though he had left Rome with only a moderate 
 knowledge in the art of war.^ Let our young 
 warriors consider this with due attention, and 
 observe in what manner great men are formed. 
 
 Whilst Sylla was very successful in Greece, 
 the faction that opposed him, and at that time 
 engrossed all power at Rome, had declared him 
 an enemy of the commonwealth. Cinna and 
 Carbo treated the most worthy and most consi- 
 derable persons with every kind of cruelty and 
 injustice. Most of these, to avoid this insup- 
 portable tyranny, had chosen to retire to Sylla's 
 camp, as to a port of safety ; so that in a small 
 time Sylla had a little senate about him. His 
 wife Metella, having escaped with great difficul- 
 ty with her children, brought him an account 
 that his enemies had burnt his house and ra- 
 vaged his lands, and begged him to depart im- 
 mediately to the relief of those who remained in 
 Rome, and were upon the point of being made 
 victims of the same fury. 
 
 Sylla was in the greatest perplexity. On the 
 one side, the miserable condition to which his 
 country was reduced, inclined him to march 
 
 1 Ad Mithridaticum bellum missus 3 senatu, non itiodb 
 opinioncm vicit omnium quae de virtute ejus erat, sed 
 etiam gloriam superiorum Idque e5 fuit rairabilius, qu6d 
 ab 60 laus imperatoria non expectabatur, qui adolescen- 
 tiam in forensi opera, qujesturEe diuturnum tempus, Mu- 
 rena bellum in Ponto gerente, in Asia pace consumpserat. 
 Sed incredibilis qua2dam ingenii magnitudo non desidera- 
 vit indocilem usiis disciplinam. Itaque cClm totum iteret 
 navigationem consumpsisset, partim in percontando a 
 peritis, partim in rebus gcstis legendis ; in Asiam factus 
 imperator venit, cilm esset Roma profectus rei militaris 
 rudis. Cic. Acad. Qucsst. 1. vi. n. 2. 
 
 directly to its I'elief ; on the other, he could not 
 resolve to leave imperfect so great and important 
 an affair as the war with Mithridates. Whilst 
 he was under this cruel embarrassment, a mer- 
 chant came to him to treat with him in secret 
 from the general Archelaus, and to make him 
 some proposals of an accommodation. He was 
 so exceedingly rejoiced when this man had ex- 
 plained his commission, that he made all pos- 
 sible haste to have a conference with that ge- 
 neral. 
 
 They had an interview upon the sea-coast, 
 near the little city of Delium. Archelaus, who 
 was not ignorant how important it was to Sylla 
 to have it in his power to repass into Italy, pro- 
 posed to him the uniting his interests with those 
 of Mithridates ; and added, that his master 
 would supply him with money, troops, and 
 ships, to maintain a war against the faction of 
 Cinna and Marius. 
 
 Sylla, without seeming offended at first with 
 such proposals, exhorted him on his side to 
 withdraw himself from the slavery in which he 
 lived, under an imperious and cruel prince. He 
 added, that he might take upon him the title of 
 king in. his government ; and offered to have him 
 declared the ally and friend of the Roman peo- 
 ple, if he would deliver up to him Mithridates's 
 fleet under his command. Archelaus rejected 
 such a proposal with indignation, and even ex- 
 pressed to the Roman general, how much he 
 thought himself affronted by the supposition of 
 his being capable of such treachery. Upon 
 which Sylla, assuming the air of grandeur and 
 dignity so natural to the Romans, said to him : 
 " If, being only a slave, and at best but an offi- 
 cer of a barbarian king, you look upon it as base 
 to quit the service of your master, how dared i 
 you to propose the abandoning the interests of | 
 the republic to such a Roman as myself? Do 
 you imagine our condition, and the state of 
 affairs between us, to be equal ? Have you for- ; 
 gotten my victories? Do you not remember, that , 
 you are the same Archelaus whom 1 have de- j 
 feated in two battles, and forced in the last to \ 
 hide himself in the marshes of Orchomenus?" 
 
 Archelaus, confounded by so haughty an an- ' 
 swer, sustained himself no longer in the sequel 
 of the negotiation. Sylla got the ascendant en- j 
 tirely, and dictating the law as victor, proposed I 
 the following conditions: " That Mithridates ! 
 should renounce Asia and Paphlagonia ; that he \ 
 should restore Bithynia to Nicomedes, and Cap- 
 padocia to Ai'iobarzanes ; that he should pay ! 
 the Romans two thousand talents (about three ^ 
 hundred thousand pounds sterling) for the ex- I 
 penses of the war, and deliver up to them seven- j 
 ty armed galleys, with their whole equipment ; 
 and that Sylla, on his side, should secure to 
 Mithridates the rest of his dominions, and cause 
 him to be declared the friend and ally of the 
 Roman people." Archelaus seemed to approve 
 these conditions, and despatched a courier im- 
 mediately to communicate them to Mithridates. 
 Sylla set out for the Hellespont, carrying Ar- 
 chelaus with him, whom he treated with great 
 honours. 
 
 He received Mithridates's ambassadors at La- 
 rissa, who came to declare to him that their 
 master accepted and ratified all the other articles, 
 but that he desired he would not deprive him of i 
 Paphlagonia ; and that as to the seventy galleys, [ 
 he could by no means comply with that article. 
 Sylla, offended at this refusal, answered them in 
 an angry tone : " What say you? would Mithri- i 
 dates keep possession of Paphlagonia, and does 
 
HISTORY OF.PONTUS. 
 
 705 
 
 bii refuse me the galleys I demanded ? I expect- 
 f^ff to have seen him return me thanks upon his 
 knees, if I should have only Iseft the hand with 
 which he butchered a hundred thousand Ro- 
 mans. He will change his note when I go over 
 to Asia, though at present, in the midst of his 
 court at Pergamus, he meditates plans for a war 
 he never saw," Such was the lofty style of 
 Sylla, who gave Mithridates to understand, at 
 the same time, that he would not talk such lan- 
 guage had he been present at the past battles. 
 
 The ambassadors, terrified with this answer, 
 made no repij'. Archelaus endeavoured to soften 
 Sylla, and promised him that he would induce 
 Mithridates to consent to all the articles. He 
 set out for that purpose, and Sylla, after having 
 iaid waste the country, returned into Macedonia. 
 
 Archelaus, upon his re- 
 A. M. S920. turn, joined him at the city 
 Ant. J. C. 84.. of Philippi, and informed 
 him that Mithridates would 
 accept the proposed conditions; but that he ex- 
 ceedingly desired to have a conference with him. 
 What made him earnest for this interview was 
 his fear of Fimbria, who having killed Flaccus, 
 of whom mention has been made before, and put 
 himself at the head of that consul's armj"-, was 
 advancing by great marches against Mithridates ; 
 and this it was which determined that prince to 
 make peace with Sylla. They had an interview 
 at Dardania, a city of the Troad, Mithridates 
 had with him 200 galleys, 20,000 foot, 6000 
 horse, and a great number of chariots armed 
 with scythes ; and Sylla had only four cohorts 
 and 200 horse in his company. When Mithri- 
 dates advanced to meet him, and offered him his 
 hand, Sylla asked him whether he accepted the 
 proposed conditions? As the king kept silence, 
 Sylla continued, " Do you not know, Mithri- 
 dates, that it is for suppliants to speak, and for 
 the victorious to hear and be silent ?" Upon this 
 Mithridates began a long apology, endeavouring 
 to ascribe the cause of the war, partly to the 
 gods, and partly to the Romans. Sylla inter- 
 rupted him, and after having made a long detail 
 of the violences and inhumanities he had com- 
 mitted, he demanded of him a second time, whe- 
 ther he would ratify the conditions which Ar- 
 chelaus had laid before him? ]VIithridates, sur- 
 prised at the haughtiness and pride of the Roman 
 general, having answered in the affirmative, 
 Sylla then received his embraces, and afterwards 
 presenting the kings Ariobarzanes and Nicome- 
 des to him, he reconciled them to each other. 
 Mithridates, after the delivery of the seventy 
 galleys, entirely equipped, and 500 archers, re- 
 embarked. 
 
 Sylla saw plainly, that this treaty of peace 
 was highly disagreeable to his troops. They 
 could not bear that a prince, who of all kings 
 was the most mortal enemy to Rome, and who 
 ! in one day had caused 100,000 Roman citizens, 
 dispersed in Asia, to be put to the sword, should 
 be treated with so much favour, and even honour, 
 and declared the friend and ally of the Romans, 
 I whilst almost still reeking with their blood, 
 ! Sylla, to justify his conduct, gave them to un- 
 : derstand, that if he had rejected his proposals of 
 peace, Mithridates, on his refusal, would not 
 ; have failed to treat with Fimbria ; and that if 
 fhose two enemies had'jouied their forces, they 
 j would have obliged him either to abandon his 
 j conquests, or hazard a battle against troops 
 j superior in number, under the command of two 
 great captains, who in one day might have de- 
 prived him of the fruit of all his victories- 
 
 2^ Vix quidquam in SyUee operibus clariu? duxerim 
 quam quod, cClm per triennium Cinnanae MarianEequc 
 partes Italiam obsiderent, neque illaturum se bellum iij 
 dissimulavit, nec quod erat in manibus omisit : exi^tinia- 
 vitque ante frangeridum hostem, quam ulcisccndum ci 
 vera ; repulscque externo metu, ubi quod alienum esset 
 ^»c^s*^et^«uperaret quod erat domesticum. Fell. Fatcrc 
 
 3 About 3,COO,00C/. sterling. 4 About two shillings 
 
 5 About five-and-twenty shillings. 
 R Plut in Syll. p. 468. Strab. 1. xiiL p. m. Athen. 1. 
 vii. p. 214. Li.ert. in Thecph. 
 
 2 Y 
 
 Thus ended the first war with Mithiidates, 
 which had lasted four years, and in which Sylla 
 had destroyed more than 160,000 of the enemy ; 
 recovered Greece, Macedonia, Ionia, Asia, and 
 many other provinces, of which Mithridates had 
 possessed himself ; and having deprived him of 
 a great part of his fleet, compelled him to confine 
 himself within the bounds of his hereditary do- 
 minions. But what has been most admired in 
 Sylla is,=^ that during three years, whilst the 
 factions of Marius and Cinna had enslaved 
 Italy, he did not dissemble his intending to turn 
 his arms against them ; and yet did not discon- | 
 tinue the war he had begun, convinced that it i 
 was necessary to conquer the foreign enemy, { 
 before he i-educed and punished those at home, I 
 He has been also highly praised for his constancy 
 in not hearkening to any proposals from Mithri- 
 dates, who offered him considerable aid against 
 his enemies, till that prince had accepted the 
 conditions of peace he prescribed him. 
 
 Some days after, Sylla began his march against 
 Fimbria, who was encamped under the walls of 
 Thyatira, in Lydia ; and, having marked out a 
 camp near his, he began his entrenchments. 
 Fimbria's soldiers coming out unarmed, ran to 
 salute and embrace those of Sylla, and assisted 
 them with great pleasure in forming their lines. 
 Fimbria, seeing this change in his troops, and 
 fearing Sylla as an irreconcileable enemy, from 
 whom he could expect no mercy, after* having 
 attempted in vain to get him assassinated, killed 
 himself. 
 
 Sylla condemned Asia in general to pay 
 20,000 talents,^ and, besides that fine, rifled in- 
 dividuals exceedingly, by abandoning their 
 houses to the insolence and rapaciousness of his 
 troops, whom he quartered upon them, and 
 who lived at discretion as in conquered cities. 
 For he gave orders, that every host should pay 
 each soldier quartered on him four drachmas* a 
 day, and entertain at table himself, and as many 
 of his friends as he should think fit to invite ; 
 that each captain should have fifty drachmas,^ 
 and, besides that, a robe to wear in the house, 
 and another when he went abroad. 
 
 After having thus punished Asia,® he set out 
 from Ephesus with all his ships, and arrived 
 the third day at the Pireeeus. Having been 
 initiated in the great mysteries, he took for his 
 own use the library of Apellicon, in which were 
 the works of Aristotle. That philosopher, at 
 his death, had left his writings to Theophrastus, 
 one of his most illustrious disciples. The latter 
 had transferred them to Neleus of Scepsis, a city 
 in the neighbourhood of Pergamus in Asia ; 
 after whose death those works fell into the 
 hands of his heirs, ignorant persons, who kept 
 them shut up in a chest. When the kings of 
 Pe rgamus began to collect industriously all sorts 
 of books for their library, as the city of Scepsis 
 was dependant upon them, those heirs, appre- 
 hending these works would be taken fi'om them. 
 
'OG 
 
 HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 thought proper to hide them in a vault under- 
 ground, where they remained almost a hundred 
 and thirty years ; till the heirs of Neleus's I 
 family, who after several generations were i 
 fallen into extreme poverty, brought them out j 
 to sell to Apellicon, a rich Athenian, who ! 
 sought every where after the most curious books i 
 for his library. As they were very much da- | 
 maged by the length of time, and the damp 
 place where they had lain, Apellicon had copies 
 immediately taken of them, in vi'hich there 
 were many chasms ; because the originals were 
 either rotted in manj'^ places, or worm-eaten 
 and obliterated. These blanks, words, and let- 
 ters, were filled up as well as they could be by 
 conjecture, and that in some places with suffi- 
 cient want of judgment. From hence arose the 
 many difficulties in those works which have 
 ever since exercised the learned world. Apel- 
 licon being dead some short time before Sylla's 
 arrival at Athens, he seized upon his library, 
 and with these works of Aristotle, which he 
 found in it, enriched his own at Rome. A 
 famous grammarian of those times, named 
 Tyrannion, who lived then at Rome, having a 
 great desire for these works of Aristotle, ob- 
 tained permission from Sylla's librarian to take 
 a copy of them. That copy was communicated 
 to Andronicus the Rhodian, who afterwards 
 imparted it to the public, and to him the world 
 is obliged for the works of that great philoso- 
 pher. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 Second war against Mithridates, under Murena, of only 
 three years' duration. Mithridates prepares to renew 
 the w ar. He concludes a treaty with Sertorius. Third 
 war with Mithridates. Lucullus the consul sent against 
 him He obliges him to raise the siege of Cyzicum, and 
 defeats his troops. He gains a complete victory over 
 him, and reduces him to fly into Poiitus. Tragical end 
 of the sisters and wives of Mithridates, He endeavours 
 to retire to Tigranes, his son-in-law. l.ucuUus regu- 
 lates the affairs of Asia. 
 
 A. M. S921. 
 Ant. J. C. 83. 
 
 Sylla,' on setting out for 
 Rome, had left the govern- 
 ment of Asia to Murena, 
 with the two legions that 
 had served undei Fimbria, to keep the province 
 in obedience. This Murena is the father of 
 him for whom Cicero made the fine oration 
 which bears his name. His son at this time 
 made his first campaigns under him. 
 
 After Sylla's departure, Mithridates being 
 returned into Pontus, turned his arms against 
 the people of Cholcis and the Bosphorus, who 
 had revolted against him. They first demanded 
 his son Mithridates for their king, and having 
 obtained him, immediately returned to their 
 duty. The king, imagining this conduct was I 
 the result of his son's intrigues, took umbrage j 
 at it ; and having caused him to come to him, | 
 he ordered him to be bound with chains of gold, 
 and soon after put him to death. That son had 
 done him great services in the war against 
 Fimbria. We see here a new instance of the 
 jealousy which the excessive love of power is 
 apt to excite, and to what a height the prince, 
 who abandons himself to it, is capable of carry- 
 ing his suspicions against his own blood ; always 
 ready to proceed to the most fatal extremities, 
 and to sacrifice whatever is dearest to him to 
 
 1 Appian. p 21^^216. 
 
 the slightest distrust. As*for the inhabitants of 
 the Bosphorus, he prepared a great fleet and a 
 numerous army, which gave reason to believe 
 his designs were against the Romans. And, in 
 fact, he had not restored all Cappadociato Ario- 
 barzanes, but reserved part of it in his own 
 hands ; and he began to suspect Archelaus, as 
 having engaged him in a peace equally shameful 
 and disadvantageous. 
 
 When Archelaus perceived it, well knowing 
 the master he had to deal with, he took refuge 
 with Murena, and solicited him warmly to 
 turn his arms against Mithridates. Murena, 
 who passionately desired to obtain the honour 
 of a triumph, sufi'ered himself to be easily per- 
 suaded. He made an irruption into Cappado- 
 cia, and made himself master of Comana, the 
 most powerful city of that kingdom. Mithri- 
 dates sent ambassadors to him, to complain of 
 his violating the treaty the Romans had made 
 with him. Murena replied, that he knew of 
 no treaty made with their master. There was 
 in reality nothing reduced to writing on Sylla's 
 part, the whole having passed by verbal agree- 
 ment. Inconsequence, he continued to ravage 
 his country, and took up his winter-quarters in 
 it. Mithridates sent ambassadors to Rome, to 
 make his complaints to Sylla and the senate. 
 
 There came a commis- 
 A. M. 3922. si oner from Rome, but with- 
 Ant. J. C. 82. out a decree of the senate, 
 who publicly ordered Mu- 
 rena not to molest the king of Pontus. ^ But, 
 as they conferred together in private, this was 
 looked" upon as a mere collusion ; and indeed 
 Murena persisted in ravaging his country. 
 Mithridates therefore took the field, and, hav- 
 ing passed the river Halys, gave Murena battle, 
 defeated him, and obliged him to retire into 
 Phrygia with very great loss. 
 
 Sylla, who had been ap- 
 A. M. 3923. pointed dictator, not being 
 Ant. J. C, 81. able to suffer any longer that 
 Mithridates, contrary to the 
 treaty he had granted him, should be molested, 
 sent Gabinius to Murena to order him in ear- 
 nest to desist from making war with that prince, 
 and to reconcile him with Ariobarzanes. He 
 obeyed. Mithridates having put one of his 
 sons, only four years old, into the hands of 
 Ariobarzanes, as a hostage, under that pretext 
 retained the cities in which he had gaiTisons, 
 promising no doubt to restore them in time. 
 He then gave a gi-eat feast, in which he pi'O- 
 mised prizes for such as should excel the rest 
 in drinking, eating, singing, and rallying: fit 
 objects of emulation ! Gabinius was the only 
 one who did not think proper to enter these 
 lists. Thus ended the second war with Mith- 
 ridates, which lasted only three years. Murena, 
 at his return to Rome, "received the honour of 
 a triumph, to which he had no great claim. 
 
 Mithridates at length re- 
 A. M. 3926. stored Cappadocia to Ario- 
 Ant. J. C. 78. barzanes, being compelled so 
 to do by Sylla, Avho died the 
 same year. But he contrived a stratagem to 
 deprive him entirely of it. 1 igranes had lately 
 built a great city in Armenia, which, from his 
 own name, he' called Tigranocerta. Mithri- 
 dates persuaded his son-in-law to conquer Cap- 
 padocia, and to transport the inhabitants into 
 the new city and the other parts of his domi- 
 nions, that were not well peopled. He did so, 
 and took awav three hundred thousand souls. 
 From thenceforth, wherever he caried his vio- 
 
f, 
 
 HISTORY OF PONTUS. 707 
 
 torious arms, he acted in the same manner for 
 the better peopling of his own dominions. 
 
 The extraordinary repu- 
 A. M. 3928. tation of Sertorius,^ who was 
 Ant. J. C. 76. giving the Romans terrible 
 employment in Spain, made 
 Mithridates conceive the thought of sending an 
 embassy to him, in order to engage him to join 
 forces against the common enemy. The flat- 
 
 I terers, who compared him to Pyrrhus, and Ser- 
 
 [ torius to Hannibal, insinuated, that the Ro- 
 mans, attacked at the same time on diifferent 
 sides, would never be able to oppose two such 
 fiu-midable powers, when the most able and ex- 
 perienced of generals should act in concert with 
 the greatest of kings. He therefore sent am- 
 bassadors to Spain, with letters and instructions 
 for treating with Sertorius ; to whom they of- 
 fered, in his name, a fleet and money to carry 
 
 1 on the war, upon condition that he would suffer 
 that prince to recover the provinces of Asia, 
 which the necessity of his affairs had reduced 
 him to abandon by the treaty he had made with 
 
 i Sylla. 
 
 i As soon as those ambassadors arrived in 
 
 I Spain, and had opened their commission to Ser- 
 torius, he assembled his council, which he called 
 the senate. They were unanimously of opinion, 
 that he should accept that prince's offers with 
 joy ; and the rather, because so immediate and 
 effective an aid, as the offered fleet a^id money, 
 
 I would cost him only a vain consent to an enter- 
 prise which it did not in any manner depend 
 
 I upon him to prevent. But Sertorius, with a 
 truly Roman greatness of soul, protested, that 
 he would never consent to any treaty injurious 
 to the glory or interests of his country; and 
 that he would not even desire a victory over his 
 own enemies, that was not acquired by just and 
 honourable methods. And, having made Mith- 
 ridates's ambassadors come into the assembly, 
 he declared to them, that he would suffer his 
 master to keep Bithynia and Cappadocia, which 
 were accustomed to be governed by kings, and 
 to vi'hich the Romans could have no just pre- 
 tensions ; but he would never consent that he 
 should set his foot in Asia Minor, which apper- 
 tained to the republic, and which he had re- 
 nounced by a solemn treaty. 
 
 When this answer was related to Mithri- 
 dates, it struck him with amazement; and he 
 is affirmed to have said to his friends, " What 
 orders may we not expect from Sertorius, when 
 he shall sit in the senate in the midst of Rome; 
 who, even now, confined upon the coast of the 
 
 I Atlantic ocean, dictates bounds to our domi- 
 nions, and declares war against us, if we under- 
 take any thing against Asia ?" A treaty was 
 however concluded, and sworn between them, 
 to this effect : That Mithridates should have 
 
 j Bithynia and Cappadocia; that Sertorius should 
 send him troops for that purpose, and one of 
 his captains to command them ; and that Mith- 
 ridates, on his side, should pay Sertorius three 
 thousand talents ^ down, and' give him fortv 
 
 '. galleys. 
 
 i The captain sent by Sertorius into Asia, was 
 one of those banished senators of Rome, who 
 had taken refuge with him, named Marcus Ma- 
 rius, to whom Mithridates paid great honours. 
 For, when Marius entered the cities, preceded 
 I'y the fasces and axes, Mithridates followed 
 
 2 Appian. p. 21 fi, 217. Pint, in Sertor. p. 580, 581. 
 S About four hundred and fiuy thousand pounds. 
 
 him, well satisfied with the second place, and 
 with only making the figure of a powerful, but 
 inferior, ally in this proconsul's company. Such 
 was at that time the Roman greatness, that the 
 name alone of that potent republic obscured the 
 splendour and power of the greatest kings. 
 Mithridates, however, found his interest in this 
 conduct. Marius, as if he had been authorized 
 by the Roman people and senate, discharged 
 most of the cities from paying the exorbitant 
 taxes which Sylla had imposed on them ; ex- 
 pressly declaring, that it was from Sertorius 
 they received that favour, and to him they were 
 indebted for it. So moderate and politic a con- 
 duct opened the gates of the cities to him with- 
 out the help of arms, and the name alone of 
 Sertorius made more conquests than all the for- 
 ces of Mithridates. 
 
 Nicomedes, king of Bithy- 
 A. M. 89-29. nia,* died this year, and made 
 Ant. J. C. 75. the Roman people his heirs. 
 
 Plis country became thereby, 
 as 1 have observed elsewhere, a province of the | 
 Roman empire. Mithridates immediately formed 
 a resolution to renew the war against them upon I 
 this occasion, and employed the greatest part oi i 
 the year in making the necessary pi-eparations 1 
 for carrying it on with vigour. He believed, ! 
 that, after the death of Sylla, and during the 
 troubles with which the republic was agitated, 
 the conjuncture was favourable for re-entering 
 upon the conquests he had given up. 
 
 Instructed by his misfortunes and experience,* 
 he banished from his army all armour adorned 
 with gold and jewels, which he began to con- 
 sider as the allurement of the victor, and not i 
 as the strength of those who wore them. He 
 caused swords to be forged after the Roman { 
 fashion, with solid and weighty bucklers; he [ 
 collected horses, rather well made and trained | 
 than magnificently adorned ; assembled a hun- ( 
 dred and twenty thousand foot, armed and dis- 
 ciplined like the Roman infantry, and sixteen 
 thousand horse well equipped for service, besides 
 a hundred chariots armed with long scythes, | 
 and drawn by four horses. He also fitted out ! 
 a considerable number of galleys, which glittered 
 no longer, as before, with gilt flags, but were i 
 filled with all sorts of arms, offensive and de- ; 
 fensive ; and provided immense sums of money 
 for the pay and subsistence of the troops. 
 
 Mithridates had begun by seizing Paphlago- 
 nia and Bithynia. The province of Asia, which 
 found itself exhausted by the exactions of the 
 Roman tax-gatherers and usurers, to deliver 
 themselves from their oppression, declared a 
 second time for him. Such was the cause of 
 the third Mithridatic war, which subsisted al- 
 most twelve years. 
 
 The two consuls, Lucul- 
 A. M. S930. lus and Cotta, were sent 
 Ant. J. C. 74. against him, each of them 
 with an army under him. 
 Lucullus had Asia, Cilicia, and Cappadocia, 
 for his province ; the other, Bithynia and Pro- 
 pontis. 
 
 Whilst Lucullus was employed in repressing 
 the rapaciousness and violence of the tax-gather- 
 ers and usurers, and in reconciling the people of 
 the countries through which he passed, by giv- 
 ing them good hopes for the time to come; 
 Cotta, who was already arrived, thought he had 
 
 4 Appian. de Belle Mithrid. p. 175. 
 5 Plut. in Luc-ul. p. 496. 
 
708 HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 a favourable opportunity, in the absence of his 
 colleague, to signalize hinaself by some great ex- 
 ploit. He therefore prepared to give Mithri- 
 dates battle. The more he was told that Lu- 
 cuUus was approaching, that he was already in 
 Phrygia, and would soon arrive, the greater 
 haste he made to fight, believing himself already 
 assured of a triumph, and desirous of preventing 
 ! his colleague from having any share in it. But 
 he was beaten by sea and land. In the naval 
 battle he lost sixty of his ships, with their whole 
 : complements : and in that by land he had four 
 thousand of his best troops killed, and was 
 obliged to shut himself up in the city of Chal- 
 j cedon, with no hope of any other relief than 
 I what his colleague should think fit to give him. 
 I All the officers of his army, enraged at Cotta's 
 j rash and presumptuous conduct, endeavoured to 
 persuade LucuUus to enter Pontus, which Mith- 
 ridates had left without troops, and where he 
 I might assure himself of finding the people in- 
 j clined to revolt. He answered generously, that 
 I he would always esteem it more glorious to 
 j preserve a Roman citizen than to possess him- 
 I self of the whole dominions of an enemy; and 
 j without resentment against his colleague, he 
 I inarched to assist him with all the success he 
 I could have hoped. This was the first action 
 j by which he distinguished himself, and which 
 j ought to do him more honour than all his most 
 splendid victories. 
 
 Mithridates,' encouraged 
 A. M. 3931. by the double advantage he 
 Ant. J. C. 73. had gained, undertook the 
 siege of Cyzicum, a city of 
 i the Propontis, which strenuously supported the 
 1 Roman party in this war. In making himself 
 I master of this place, he would have opened him- 
 ! self a passage from Bithynia into Asia Minor, 
 j which would have been very advantageous to 
 1 him, by giving him an opportunity of carrying 
 j the war thither with all possible ease and se- 
 curity. It was for this reason he desired to 
 take it. In order to succeed, he invested it by 
 j land with three hundred thousand men, divided 
 ] into ten camps ; and by sea with four hundred 
 ships. Lucullus soon followed him thither ; 
 and began by seizing a post upon an eminence 
 which was uf the highest importance to him, 
 because it facilitated his receiving convoys, and 
 gave him the means of cutting off the enemy's 
 provisions. He had only thirty thousand foot, 
 and two thousand five hundred horse. The 
 superiority of the enemy in number, far from 
 dismaying, encouraged him ; for he was con- 
 vinced, that so innumerable a multitude would 
 soon be in want of provisions. Hence, in ha- 
 ranguing his troops, he promised them in a few 
 days a victory that would not cost them a single 
 drop of blood. It was in this that he placed 
 his glory; for the lives of the soldiers were dear 
 to him. 
 
 The siege was long, and carried on with ex- 
 treme vigour. Mithridates battered the place 
 on all sides with innumerable machines. The 
 defence was no less vigorous. The besieged did 
 prodigies of valour, and employed all means 
 that the most industrious capacity could invent, 
 to repulse the enemy's attacks, either by burn- 
 ing their machines, or rendering them useleys 
 by a thousand different obstacles which they 
 opposed to them. What inspired them with so 
 
 1 Plut. in Lucul. p. 497—499. Appian. p. 219—222. 
 
 much courage was their exceeding confidence in 
 Lucullus, who had let them know, that, if they j 
 continued to defend themselves with the same | 
 valour, they might assure themselves that the ! 
 place would not be taken. | 
 
 Lucullus was indeed so well posted, that, j 
 without coming to a general action, which he \ 
 always carefully avoided, he made JVlithridates's ; 
 army suffer extremely, by intercepting his con- | 
 voys, charging his foraging parties with advan- ; 
 tage, and beating the detachments he sent out 
 from time to time. In a word, he knew so 
 well how to improve all occasions that offered, i 
 he weakened the army of the besiegers so much, ; 
 and used such address in cutting off their pro- j 
 visions, having shut up all avenues by which j 
 they might be supplied, that he reduced them j 
 to extreme famine. The soldiers could find no \ 
 other food but the herbage, and some went so I 
 far as to support themselves upon human flesh. I 
 Mithridates,'-^ who passed for ! 
 
 A. M. 3932. the most artful captain of 
 Ant. J. C. 72. his times, in despair that a 
 general, who could not yet 
 have had much experience, should so often have 
 deceived him by false marches and feigned 
 movements, and had defeated him without 
 drawing his sword, was at length obliged to 
 raise the siege shamefully, after having spent 
 almost two years before the place, _ He fled by 
 sea, and his lieutenants retired with his army 
 by land to Nicomedia. Lucullus pursued them ; 
 and, having come up with them near the Gra- 
 nicus, he killed twenty thousand of them upon 
 the spot, and took an infinite number of pri- 
 soners. It is said, that in this war there 
 perished almost three hundred thousand men, 
 either soldiers and servants, or other followers ! 
 of the army. ! 
 
 After this new success, Lucullus returned to | 
 Cyzicum, entered the city, and after having en- j 
 joyed for some days the pleasure of having pre- 
 served it, and the honours which he derived 
 from that success, he made a rapid march along 
 the coasts of the Hellespont, to collect ships and 
 form a fleet. 
 
 Mithridates, after having raised the siege of 
 Cyzicum, repaired to Nicomedia, from whence t 
 he passed by sea into Pontus. He left part of | 
 his fleet, and ten thousand of his best troops, in j 
 the Hellespont, under three of his most able 
 generals. Lucullus, with the Roman fleet, beat 
 them twice ;^ the first time at Tenedos, and the 
 other at Lemnos, when the enemy thought of 
 nothing less than making sail for Italy, and of 
 alarming and plundering the coasts of Rome it- 
 self. He killed almost all their men in these 
 two engagements : and in the last took their 
 three generals, one of whom was M. Marius, | 
 the Roman senator whom Sertorius had sent 
 
 2 Cum totius impetus belli ad Cyzicenorum moenia con- 
 stitisset, eamque urbem sibi Mithridates Asiee januam fore 
 putavisset, qua effracta et revuba tota pateret provincia ; 
 perfecta ab Lucullo hsc sunt omnia, ut urbs fidelissimo- 
 rum sociorum defenderetur, ut omnes copias regis diu- 
 turnitate obsidionis consumerentur. Cic. in Orat. pro 
 Mur. n. 33. 
 
 3 Ab eodem imperatore clas^em magnam et ornatam, 
 quae ducibus Sertorianis ad Italiam studio inflammato 
 raperetur, superatara esse atque depressam. Cic. pro lege 
 Manil. n. 21. ^ , ^ . 
 
 Quid ? illam pugnam navalem ad Tenedum, cum tantc 
 concursu, acerrimis ducibus, hostium classis Itaham spe 
 atque animis inflata peteret, mediocri certiimnie et parva 
 dimicatione commissam arbitraris ? Cic. pro Murana, 
 n. 33. 
 
HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 709 
 
 from Spain to the aid of Mithridates. Lucullua 
 ordfired him to be put to death, because it was 
 not consistent with the Roman dignity that a 
 senator ot" Rome should be led in triumph. One 
 of the two others poisoned himself, and the third 
 was reserved for the triumph. After having 
 cleared the coasts by these two victories, Lucul- 
 ius turned his arms towards the continent ; re- 
 duced Bithynia first, then Paphlagonia; marched 
 afterwards into Pontus, and carried the war 
 into the heart of Mithridates's dominions. 
 
 He suffered at first so greatly from a want of 
 pi'o visions in this expedition, that he was obliged 
 to make thirty thousand Galatians follow the 
 army, each with a quantity of wheat upon his 
 shoulders. But upon his advancing into the 
 country, and subjecting the cities and provinces, 
 he found such abundance of all things that an 
 ox sold for only one drachmas,^ and a slave for 
 no more than four. 
 
 Mithridates had suffered almost as much by 
 a tempest, in his passage on the Euxine Sea, as 
 in the campaign wherein he had been treated so 
 roughly. He lost in it almost all the remainder 
 of his fleet and the troops he had brought thither 
 for the defence of his ancient dominions. When 
 Lucullus arrived, he was making new levies 
 with the utmost expedition, to defend himself 
 against that invasion which he had clearly fore- 
 seen. 
 
 Lucullus, upon arriving in Pontus, without 
 loss of time besieged Amisus and Eupatoria, 
 two of the principal cities in the country, very 
 near each other. 
 
 The latter, which had been very lately built, 
 was called Eupatoria, from the surname of Eu- 
 pator, given to Mithridates ; this place was his 
 usual residence, and be had designed to make it 
 the capital of his dominions. Not content with 
 these two sieges at once, Lucullus sent a detach- 
 ment of his army to form that of Themiscyra, 
 upon the river Thermodon, which place was 
 not less considerable than the two others. 
 
 The officers of Lucullus's army complained, 
 that their general amused himself too long in 
 sieges which were not worth his trouble, and 
 that in the mean time he gave Mithridates op 
 portunity to augment his army and gathej 
 strength. To which he answered in his justifi 
 cation : " That is directly what I want ; I act 
 designedly thus, that our enemy may take new' 
 courage, and assemble so numerous an army as 
 may embolden him to wait for us in the field 
 and fly no longer before us. Do you not ob-, 
 serve, that he has behind him immense wilder- 
 nesses, and infinite deserts, in which it will be 
 impossible for us either to pursue or come up 
 with him ? Armenia is but a few days' march 
 from these deserts. There Tigranes keeps his 
 court, that king of kings, whose power is so 
 great that he subdues the Parthians, transports 
 whole cities of Greeks into the heart of Media, 
 hds made himself master of Syria and Palestine, 
 exterminated the kings descended from Seleu- 
 cus, and carried their wives and daughters into 
 captivity. This powerful prince is the ally and 
 son-in-law of Mithridates. Do you think, when 
 he has him in his palace as a suppliant, that he 
 will abandon him, and not make war against 
 us? Hence in hastening to drive away Mithri- 
 dates, we shall be in great danger of drawing 
 Tigranes upon our hands, who has long sought 
 
 pretexts for declaring against us, and who can 
 never find one more specious, legitimate, and 
 honourable, than that of assisting his father-in- 
 law, and a king reduced to the last extremity. 
 Why, therefore, should we serve Mithridates 
 against ourselves ; or show him to whom he 
 should have recourse for the means of support- 
 ing the war with us, by pushing him, against 
 his will, and at <a time perhaps when he lool«i 
 upon such a step as unworthy his valour and 
 greatness, into the arms and protection of Ti- 
 granes ? Is it not infinitely better, by giving 
 him time to take courage and strengthen him- 
 self with his own forces, to have only upon our 
 hands the troops of Colchis, the Tibarenians, 
 and Cappadocians, whom we have so often de- 
 feated, than to expose ourselves to have the ad- 
 ditional force of the Armenians and Medes to 
 contend with ?" 
 
 Whilst the Romans at- 
 A. M. 3933. tacked the three places we 
 Ant. J. C. 71. have mentioned, Mithrida- 
 tes, who had already formed 
 a new army, took the field very early in the 
 spring. Lucullus left the command of the 
 sieges of Amisus and Eupatoria to Murena, the 
 son of him whom we have spoken of before, 
 whom Cicero represents in a very favourable 
 light : " He went into Asia,^ a province abound- 
 ing with riches and pleasures, where he left 
 behind him no traces either of avarice or lux- 
 ury. He behaved in such a manner in this 
 important war, that he did many great actions 
 without the general, the general none without 
 him." Lucullus marched against Mithridates, 
 who lay encamped in the plains of Cabirse. The 
 latter had the advantage in two actions, but was 
 entirely defeated in the third, and obliged to 
 fly, without either servant or equery to attend 
 him, or a single horse of his stable. It was not 
 till after some time, that one of his eunuchs, 
 seeing him on foot in the midst of the flying 
 crowd, got olf his horse and gave it him. The 
 Romans were so near him, that they almost had 
 him in their hands ; and it was owing entirely 
 to themselves that they did not take him. The 
 avarice alone of the soldiers lost them a prey, 
 which they had pursued so long, through so 
 many toils, dangers, and battles, and deprived 
 Lucullus of the sole reward of all his victories. 
 Mithridates, says Cicero,*' artfully imitated the 
 manner in which Medea, in the same kingdom 
 of Pontus, formerly escaped the pursuit of her 
 father. That princess is said to have cut in 
 pieces the body of Absyrtus, her brother, and 
 to have scattered his limbs in the places through 
 which her father pursued her ; in order that his 
 care in taking up those dispersed members, and 
 the grief so sad a spectacle would give him, 
 
 5 Asiam istam refertam et eandem delicatam, sic obut 
 ut in ea neque avaritiiB, neque luxurite vestigium reli 
 querit. Maximo in bello sic est versatus, ut hie multas 
 res et magnas sine imperatore gesseiit, nuUam sine hoc 
 iraperator. Cic.pro Murtena. n. 20. 
 
 6 Ex suo regno sic Mithridates profugit, ut ex eodem 
 Ponto Medea ilia quonriam profugisse dicitur : quam pra. 
 dicant, in fuga, fratris sui membra in iis locis, qua se pa- 
 rens persequeretur, disSpavisse, ut eorum collectio dis. 
 persa, mceiorque patrius, celeritatem persequendi retar- 
 daret. Sic Mithridates fugiens maximam vim auri atque 
 argenti, pulcherrimarumque rerum omnium, quas et ^ 
 majoribus acceperat, et ipse bello superiore ex tota Asia 
 direptas in suum rtgnum congesserat in Ponto, omnein 
 reliquit. Hffic dum nostri colligunt omnia diligentius, 
 rex ipse e manibus effngit. Ita ilium in persequendi stu- 
 dio moeror, nos laetitia retardavit. Cic. de leg. Manu. 
 
 4 Seven-pence. 
 
710 
 
 HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 might stop the rapidity of his pursuit. Mithri- I 
 dates, in like manner, as he fled, left upon the 
 way a great quantity of gold, silver, and pre- 
 cious effects, which had either descended to him 
 ft'om his ancestors, or had heen amassed by him- 
 self in preceding wars ; and whilst the soldiers 
 employed themselves in gathering those trea- 
 sures, the king escaped their hands. So that 
 the father of Medea was stopped in his pursuit 
 by sorrow, but the Romans by joy. 
 
 After this defeat of the enemy,* Lucullus took 
 the city of Cabirae, with several other places 
 and castles, in which he found great riches. He 
 ound also the prisons full of Greeks and princes 
 nearly related to the king, who were confined 
 in them. As those unhappy persons had long 
 given themselves over for dead, the liberty they 
 j received from Lucullus, seemed Jess a deliver- 
 ! ance than a new life to them. In one of those 
 j castles, a sister of the king's, named Nyssa, was 
 ! also taken, which was to her a great instance of 
 good fortune. For the other sisters of that 
 ] prince, with his wives, who had been sent far- 
 ; ther from the danger, and who believed them- 
 1 selves in safety and repose, all died miserably, 
 I Mithridates on his flight having sent them or- 
 i ders to die by Bacchidas the eunuch. 
 I Among the other sisters of the king were 
 j Koxana and Statira, both unmarried, and about 
 1 forty years of age, with two of his wives, Bere- 
 { nice and Monima, both of Ionia. All Greece 
 ' spoke much of the latter, whom they admired 
 ! more for her prudence than her beauty, though 
 , exquisite. The king having fallen desperately 
 • in love with her, had forgotten nothing that 
 might incline her to favour his passion : he sent 
 ; her at once 15,000 pieces of gold. She was al- 
 I ways averse to him, and refused his pi-esents, 
 j till he gave her the quality of wife and queen, 
 j and sent her the royal tiara, or diadem, an es- 
 I sential ceremony in the marriage of the kings of 
 1 those nations. Nor did she then comply with- 
 out extreme regret, and in compliance with the 
 j wishes of her family, who were dazzled with 
 I the splendour of a crown and the power of 
 I Mithridates, who was at that time victorious, 
 1 and at the height of his glory. From the time 
 I of her marriage to the instant of which we are 
 i now speaking, that unfortunate princess had 
 j passed her life in continual sadness and afl[iic- 
 j tion, lamenting her fatal beauty, which instead 
 of a husband had given her a master, and in- 
 stead of procuring her an honourable abode and 
 the endearments of conjugal society, had con- 
 fined her in a close prison, under a guard of 
 barbarians ; where, far removed from the de- 
 lightful regions of Greece, she had only enjoyed 
 a dream of the happiness with which she had 
 been flattered, and had really lost that solid and 
 essential good she possessed in her own beloved 
 country. 
 
 When Bacchidas arrived, and had signified to 
 the princesses the order of Mithridates, which 
 favoured them no farther than to leave them at 
 liberty to choose the kind of death they should 
 think most gentle and immediate, Monima, 
 taking the diadem from her head, tied it round 
 her neck, and hung herself up by it. But that 
 wreath not being strong enough," and breaking, 
 she cried out, " Ah, fatal trifle, you might at 
 least do me this mournful office !" Then, throw- 
 ing it away with indignation, she presented her 
 
 i throat to Bacchidas. 
 
 I As for Berenice, she took a cup of poison ; 
 
 , and as she was going to drink it, her mother, 
 
 j who was present, desired to share it with her. I 
 
 They accordingly di-auk both together. ITie 
 half of that poison sufficed to carry off the mo- i 
 ther, worn out and feeble with age ; but was I 
 not enough to surmount the strength and youth | 
 of Berenice. That princess struggled long with ■ j 
 death in the most violent agonies, till Bacchi- I 
 das, tired with waiting the effects of the poison, i 
 ordered her to be strangled. j 
 
 Of the two sisters, Roxana is said to have | 
 swallowed poison, venting a thousand reproaches ■ 
 and imprecations against Mithridates. Statira, j 
 on the contrary, was pleased with her brother, ! 
 and thanked him, for that, being in so great j 
 danger for his own person, he had not forgotten ! 
 them, and had taken care to supply them with 
 the means of dying free, and of withdrawing 
 from the indignities their enemies might else 
 have made them suffer. 
 
 Their deaths extremely afflicted Lucullus, • 
 who was of a gentle and humane disposition, i 
 He continued his march in pursuit of ^Nlithii j 
 dates; but having received advice that he was . 
 four days' journey before him, and had taken , 
 the road to Armenia, to retire to his son-in-law \ 
 Tigi-anes, he returned directly; and, after hav- , 
 ing subjected some of the nations, and taken I 
 some cities in the neighbourhood, he sent Appius ! 
 Clodius to Tigranes, to demand Mithridates of j 
 him ; and in the mean time returned against | 
 Amisus, which place was not yet taken. Cal- 
 limachus, who commanded ■ 
 
 A. M. S934. in it, and was the most able ' 
 Ant. J. C. 70. engineer of his times, had j 
 alone prolonged the siege, i 
 When he saw that he could hold out no longer, f 
 he set fire to the city, and escaped in a ship that ' 
 waited for him. Lucullus did his utmost to . 
 extinguish the flames, but in vain ; and to in- ' 
 crease his concern, saw himself obliged to aban- ' 
 don the city to be plundered by the soldiers, | 
 from whom the place had as much to fear as ! 
 from the flames themselves. His troops were • 
 insatiable for booty, and he not capable of re- | 
 straining them. A shower of rain, which then 
 happened to fall, preserved a great number of 
 buildings ; and Lucullus, before his departure, 
 caused those which had been burnt to be re- 
 built. This city was an ancient colony of the 
 Athenians. Such of the Athenians,* during i 
 Aristion's being master of Athens, as desired to j 
 fly from his tyranny, had retired thither, and 
 enjoyed there the same rights and privileges 
 with the natives. 
 
 Lucullus, when he left Amisus, directed his 
 march towards the cities of Asia, whom the 
 avarice and cruelty of the usurers and tax- 
 gatherers held under the most dreadful oppres- 
 sion ; insomuch that those poor people were 
 obliged to sell their children of both sexes, and 
 even set up to auction the paintings and statues , 
 consecrated to the gods. And, when these 
 would not suffice to pay the duties, taxes, and 
 interest of their arrears, they were given up 
 without mercy to their creditors, and often ex- 
 posed to such barbarous tortures, that slavery, ■ 
 in comparison with their miseries, seemed a ' 
 kind of redress and tranquillity to them. j 
 
 These immense debts of the province arose i 
 from the fine of 20,000 talents ' which Sylla had ! 
 imposed on it. They had already paid the sura | 
 twice over : but those insatiable usurers, by j 
 heaping interest upon interest, had run it up to j 
 
 i 1 About three millions sterling. 
 
HISTORY OF rONTUS. 
 
 711 
 
 120,000 talents \^ so that they still owed triple 
 the sums they had alrearly paid. 
 
 Tacitus-* had reason to say, that usury was 
 one of the most ancient evils of the Roman 
 commonwealth, and the most frequent cause of 
 sedition ; but at the time we now speak of, it 
 was carried to an excess not easy to be credited. 
 
 The interest of money amongst the Romans 
 was paid every month, "and was one p'^'^ cent. ; 
 hence it was called iLSura cenlesima, or unciarinm 
 J'cemis ; because in reckoning the twelve months, 
 twelve per cent, was paid : Uncia is the twelfth 
 I)art of a whole. 
 
 The* law of the twelve tables^ prohibited the 
 raising interest to above twelve per cent. This 
 law was revived by the two tribunes of the peo- 
 ple, in the 396th year of Rome. 
 
 Ten years after,** interest was reduced to halt 
 that sum, in the 406th year of Rome ; semun- 
 ciarium fcenus. 
 
 At length, in the 411th year of Rome,' all 
 interest was prohibited by decree : Ne Jcsnerari 
 licerat. 
 
 All these decrees were ineffectual. Avarice 
 was always too strong for the laws,** and what- 
 ever regulations were made to suppress it, either 
 in the time of the republic or under the empe- 
 rors, it always found means to elude them. Nor 
 has it paid more regard to the laws of the 
 church, which has never entered into any com- 
 position on this point, and severely condemns 
 all usury, even the most moderate ; because, 
 God having forbidden any, she never believed 
 she had a right to permit it in the least. It is 
 remarkable, that usury has always occasioned 
 the ruin of the states where it has been tole- 
 rated ; and it v^as this disorder which contri- 
 buted very much to subvert the constitution of 
 the Roman commonwealth, and gave birth to 
 the greatest calamities in all the provinces of 
 that empire. 
 
 Lucullus, at this time, exerted himself in 
 procuring for the provinces of Asia^ some re- 
 
 laxation ; which he could only ettect by putting 
 a stop to the injustice and cruelty ot the usurers 
 and tax-gatherers. The latter, finding them- 
 selves deprived by Lucullus of the immense gain 
 
 2 About eigtiteen millions sterling. 
 3 San& vetus urbi toenere malum et seditionum dis. 
 cordiarumque creberrima causa. Tacit. Annul. 1. vi. 
 c 16 
 
 * 4 Tacit. Annal. 1. vi. c. 16. Liv. 1. vii. n. 16. 
 
 5 Mequis unciario foenere amplius exerceto. 
 6 Liv. 1. vii. n. 27. 7 Ib'd. n. 42. 
 
 8 Multis plobiscitis obviam itum fraudibus : quee toties 
 repressze niiras per artes rursum oriebantur. Tacit. 1. vi. 
 c 16. 
 
 9 The Asia here mentioned is not to be confounded 
 with Asia Minor, or the peninsula so called, taken at 
 large (a space equal in amplitude to more than '2W,WU 
 British square miles,) but with the Prtetorian Asia, or the 
 Perffamenian kingdom, and such additions as had been 
 made to it in the partition of the Syrian dommions con- 
 sequent on the defeat of Antiochus, and which was left 
 as a legacy to the Komans by the last of the Attalian line. 
 This portion comprehended Mysia, Lydia, Caria, Ionia, 
 Phrygia, or the south-west part of the Asiatic peninsula. 
 It was this Asia which had revolted from the Roman yoke 
 and embraced the cause of Mithridates, and whose in- 
 habitants (at least those of the principal cities) had, at his 
 request, murdered above 150,000 Roman citizens. 
 
 If it be considered that the cities of this Asia had con- 
 tributed so largely to the expenses of the war as enabled 
 Mithridates to continue the contest for five years, without 
 taxing his own hereditary subjects— that it had for a con. 
 siderable time been the theatre of the contending armies, 
 and that Sylla himself returned to Rome loaded with im- 
 mense plunder from this very province, it need occasion 
 no surprise if these Asiatics found it difficult to pay the 
 fine of 5iO,()00 talents, or 3,887,500/, or little short of four 
 millions sterling-an enormous sum to be levied on a 
 country wasted and exhausted by war. In addition to 
 this, they had to maintain a Roman army with pay, pro- 
 visions, and free quarters, for an indefinite time. Ihe 
 
 fine was to he paid in one year. But the pay and mau.te- 
 nance of a Roman army, in additi<m to the plunder car. 
 tied by Sylla to Rome, rendered it impracticable for the 
 Asiatics to pay such a sum within the time specified with- 
 out borrowing. This money could not be borrowed but 
 from Roman usurers, who of course took advantage of 
 their distress, and lent them money at extravagant interest 
 and thereby plunged them deeper in misery. Ihe legal 
 interest of money at Home was 12 percent., as fixed by 
 the laws of the twelve tables. It is true, indeed, it was 
 reduced to 6 per cent , as our author states, at the pe"od 
 stated above, ^nd at length totally abolished in the 411th 
 year of the citv. Still, however, 12 per cent, was the 
 usual, if not the legal, interest of money till the end of 
 the rei)ublic and commencement of the emperors. 
 
 No law could elude the arts of the usurer. The avarice 
 of the lender, and the distress of the borrower, would 
 easily suggest contrivances sufficient to baffle any statute. 
 Sometimes 24 per cent, were exacted from the unfortu- 
 nate debtor, and even 48 per cent., as we are informed by 
 Cicero in his Oration against Verres. Horace mentions 
 a usurer who demanded (50 per cent. Sat. lib. i. 2, 14. 
 
 At the rate of 12 per cent, the interest in 100 months, : 
 or 5 years, was equal to the sum borrowed. Supposing ] 
 the interest, added to the capital, doubled the original sum | 
 at the end of 5 years, and this to bear interest, then at the 
 end of the first 5 years the original sum would be increased 
 to 411 000 talents. In other 3 years it would be double, oi 
 80 000 talents, and in 5 years more 160/)00 talents. Near 
 twenty years had elapsed since the aate of the fine, 
 and in that time the oppressed Asiatics had paid the 
 sum twice over, or 7,7775,000/. sterhng ; and still had 
 120,000 talents, or 23,.'i25,000/. sterling to pay; amount- 
 ing in whole, to more than thirty milhons sterling, 
 from a province that did not contain one-fourth of the 
 peninsula of Asia Minor. Such a sum as the preceding, 
 was hitherto unparalleled in the annals of extortion, and 
 showed that the little finger of Roman usurers was heavier 
 than the loins of kings. 
 
 Our author seems to condemn all usury whatever, even 
 the most simple interest ; wherein he follows the opinions 
 of the Fathers of the church, who were unanimous in 
 condemning it— as Cyprian, Lactantius, Basil, Chrysos. 
 torn, Gregory Nyssen, Ambrose, Jerome, Augustin, and 
 a host of councils and casuists. See Barbeyrai s Morality 
 of the Fathers, and Gerard Noodt, an eminent Dutch 
 lawyer, in his three books De foenere et Usuris, who has 
 examined and confuted the frivolous arguments of John 
 Chrysostom, lib. i. c. 7, p. 188. against the lawfulness of 
 taking interest for money in loan. It is unaccountable 
 how 111 the Fathers and councils should have condemned 
 the practice of taking interest for money, even at the 
 most moderate rate. Our author affirms that all usury, 
 of any kind, was forbidden by God in the Mosaic law. 
 But this is not absolutely true; for, although the Israelites 
 were forbidden to lend on interest to eac h other, yet they 
 were allowed to lend on usury to Gentiles and strangers. 
 That the species of usury, denominated pawn-broking, was 
 st-ictlv forbidden by Moses, is true, as taking things m 
 pledge from the indigent of which they stood daily in 
 need. But there is surely a difference between this and 
 taking moderate interest for money borrowed. Cornmon 
 cense and equity will say, that if the borrower reap advan. 
 age by the money of the lender, that the latter fias a 
 
 claim upon the former for the use of his "noney. It 
 not reasonable that the borrower should reap all the ad. 
 vantage and the lender none. It is not fair to argue from 
 ^he abuse of usury against usury absolutely. It proves too 
 much, and therefore proves nothing. . . ^ .eh,, 
 A man has as good a right to require interest for h. 
 money from the borrower, as the merchant has to seek profit 
 on the articles of his merchandise. Shall he risk his rnoney 
 without the pro.spectof advantage? 1 he laws of Moses 
 were adapted to a state of society to whuh the world has 
 «een no parallel— a theocratical repuhhc-a rei)ublic m 
 wh ch air commercial intercourse with the surrounding 
 Stes was strictly prohibited_a community who were to 
 subsist Tolely by agriculture and pasturage, and in a state 
 of politiS Jeclusion from their idolatrous neighbours It 
 might as well be argued that we should have a jubilee 
 evlry fiftieth year, because it was so ordained m the insti. 
 tutes of Moses, as that we should not take interest for 
 T^oney because it was forbidaen by the same legislator. 
 If a law were to pass the legislature in our country, pro- 
 hibiting all usury, even the most moderate interest, it 
 would annihilate all our banking establishments, our com- 
 
712 
 
 HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 they made, raised a great outcry, as if they had gave them a very extensive and almost un 
 been excessively injured; and by the force of bounded inflnpn./ T^.,. T .,..,11?° .7!?^\,"„7 
 
 rt gieai uuicry, as ir iney naa 
 
 been excessively injured; and by the force of 
 money animated many orators against him ; 
 particularly confiding in having most of those 
 who governed the republic in their debt, which 
 
 merce, and our manufactures, and even our agriculture. 
 Such a measure virould be ruinous in the utmost de. 
 gree— an act of political insanity ; and it is truly sur. 
 prising, that, in the eighteenth century, and in so en. 
 lightened a country as France, our author should have 
 advocated so absurd a doctrine— that to take interest for 
 money is a sin— that it is unlawful for the lender to re- 
 ceive any benefit from the loan of his monied property. 
 On this hypothesis, the whole benefit would be on the 
 side of the borrower, instead of being mutual. Indeed, 
 on this principle, money never would be lent but from 
 motives of pure benevolence— to relieve want, or 
 mitigate distress— i)rinclp1es which very seldom actuate 
 human conduct. On this principle, all transactions of 
 buying and selling should be done in ready money, or im- 
 j mediate barter ; credit should be abolished ; for, if it be 
 I sinful for the lender to require interest from the bor- 
 - rower, it is equally so for the seller on credit to exact in- 
 I terest for the credit of his goods. In both cases- interest 
 is required and obtained, with this mere difference, that in 
 ! the one case the borrower agrees to give so much interest, 
 j and in the other, the purchaser has to give a higher price 
 I for his goods— a price proportioned to the duration of the 
 i credit and degree of risk. In both cases the borrower and 
 ! the buyer have an end in view, an advantage to be ob- 
 tained; the one would not borrow, nor the other buy, 
 without such a stimulus ; and if mutual benefit be the 
 object of the buyer and the seller, so is it in the case of 
 
 bounded influence. But Lucullus despised their 
 clamours with a constancy the more admirable 
 from its being very uncommon. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 Lucullus causes war to be declared witli Tigranes, and 
 marches against him. Vanity and ridiculous self.suth- 
 ciency of that prince. He loses a great battle. Lucullus 
 takes Tigranocerta, the capital of Armenia, He gain= 
 
 Ij-^Ztr'^^V ?'"^'' forces of Tigranes and 
 
 Mithndates, Mutiny and revolt in the army of Lu- 
 
 Tigranes,' to whom Lu- 
 A. M. 3934.. cull us had sent an ambas- 
 Ant. J. C. 70. sador, though of no greafi 
 , . . power in the beginning of 
 
 his reign, had enlarged it so much by a series oi 
 successes, of which there are few examples, that 
 he was commonly surnamed king of kings. 
 After having overthrown and almost ruined the 
 family of the kings, successors of the great Se- 
 leucus ; after having very often humbled the 
 pride of the Parthians, transported whole cities 
 of Orreeks into Media, conquered all Syria and 
 Palestine, and given laws to the Arabians called 
 hcenites ; he reigned with an authority respect- 
 ed by all the princes of Asia. The people paid 
 
 , r. L ™ honours after the manner of the East, even 
 
 the borrower and the lender. If the one runs a degree of , to adoration. His pride was inflamed and sun 
 hazard in crediting his goods, so does the other in crediting Dorted hv th^ irv.r>.or. • t anU sup- 
 
 his money; and the lender is therefore entitled, in equii? oy.tiie immense riches he possessed, by 
 
 and justice, to have security for his money, and profit for r"^ excessive and continual praises of his flat- 
 the use of it, from the borrower. The laws of Moses were terers, and by a prosperity that had never known 
 not at all suited to a commercial or manufacturing state any interruption, 
 of society, and the cases of usury stated by him as unlaw- ' " ^ 
 ful, belong solely to those of poverty and distress, and to 
 the taking of pledges. 
 
 The Mosaic law solely respects such Israelites as had 
 fallen into poverty or decay. The wealthy Israelite was for. 
 bidden to take usury, or the interest of money, from such a 
 distressed brother. It was such a poor and distressed bro- 
 ther as was wholly unable to pay interest for money ; one 
 who was an object of compassion and charity. Such a one 
 was ordained to be relieved by his wealthier neighbour, 
 even with money, if that were needful ; but no interest 
 was to be exacted ; and if a pledge were required of such 
 things as the poor Israelite stood in daily need, these were 
 to be restored to him at sunset. Now, such a law as this 
 was limited in its object ; had no relation whatever to 
 such money as mighi be borrowed for the purposes of 
 trade and commerce ; for trading with it to gain more 
 nioney by it ; never contemplated it as borrowed stock 
 for commercial purposes, or employed in any shape 
 
 Appius Clodius was introduced to an audi- 
 ence of this prince, who appeared with all the 
 splendour he could display, in order to give the 
 ambassador a higher idea of the royal dienitv • 
 
 Such a law, therefore, was limited both in the object 
 and the operation. It is, therefore, not true as Rollin 
 says, that God absolutely prohibited usury, or that 
 interest, however moderate, was not to be taken for 
 money, for whatever purpose such money might be 
 borrowed or used. It was very puerile for our author to 
 quot(; the Fathers of the church in support of his position. 
 These narrow-minded, superstitious ecclesiastics, were 
 indeed continually endeavouring to have human society 
 modelled after the pattern of the Mosaic polity, but 
 their crude conceptions produced only a strange medley 
 of Judaism, Gentilism, and Christianity. The common 
 sense of mankind, however, in this point was too 
 powerful for the church. The sense of mutual bene- 
 fit, (which had resisted the laws of the Roman repub. 
 lie, which had abolished all usury,) resisted with equal 
 firmness and success, the arguments and prejudices of the 
 Fathers and councils, both of the east and of the west, and 
 the rate of interest was fixed (and therefore usury al. 
 lowed) by statute, in the sixth century, by the sage Justi- 
 nian, that orthodox pattern of churchmen and lawyers. 
 Persons of illustrious rank were confined to the moderate 
 interest of 4 per cent. ; six was pronounced to be the or- 
 dinary and legal standard of interest; eight was allowed 
 for the convenience of merchants and manufacturers; 
 twelve was granted to nautical insurance; which the 
 wiser ancients had declined to define. With this last in- 
 stance excepted, the practice of exorbitant usury was 
 severely restrained. It must be remarked, that after the 
 ileath of Antony and Cleopatra, the rate of interest, which I 
 riad commonly been 12 per cent 
 
 who, on his side, uniting the haughtiness of his 
 natural disposition with that which particularly 
 characterized his republic, perfectly supported 
 the dignity of a Roman ambassador. 
 
 After having explained, in few words, the 
 subjects of complaint, which the Romans had 
 against Mithridates, and that prince's breach of I 
 taith in breaking the peace, without so much as 
 attempting to give any reason or colour for it 
 he told Tigranes, that he came to demand his 
 
 , . , , - , , ''eing delivered up to him, as due by every sort 
 
 increase the stock of one who had stock already. I of title to Lucullus's triumnh • that hp dji^ r,/.. 
 
 h a thPr.fn.. ... .^..H .... believe, as a friend to the Romans, which he I 
 
 had been till then, that he would make any i 
 difficulty in giving up Mithridates; and that, ! 
 in case of his refusal, he was instructed to de- 
 clare war against him. i 
 
 That prince, who had never been contra- 
 dicted, and Avho knew no other law nor rule 
 than his own will and pleasure, was extremely 
 off-ended at this Roman freedom. But he was 
 much more so with Lucullus's letter, when it 
 was delivered to him. The title of king only, 
 which It gave him, did not satisfy him. H« 
 had assumed that of kim; of kings, of which he 
 was very fond, and had carried his pride in that 
 respect so far, as to cause himself to be served 
 by crowned heads. He never appeared in pub- 
 lic without having four kings attending him • 
 two on foot on each side of his horse, when he 
 
 fell to 4 per cent —a I Appian. in Mithrid. 
 
 proof that the rate of interest is regulated by the state of 
 the monied market ; high when money is scarce, low 
 
 when it IS plenty Ed. 
 
 1 Plut. ■ - 
 
 in Lucul. p. .504— .512. Memn. c. xlviii- 
 
 p. 22s— 232. 
 
 -Ivii. 
 
HISTORY OF PONTU.S. 
 
 713 
 
 went abroad; at table, in his chamber; in 
 short, every where, he had always some of them 
 to do the lowest offices for him ; but especially 
 when he gave audience to ambassadors. For, 
 at that time, to give strangers a greater idea of 
 his glory and power, he made them all stand in 
 two ranks, on each side of his throne, where 
 they appeared in the habit and posture of com- 
 mon slaves. A pride so full of absurdity of- 
 fends all the world. One more refined shocks 
 less, though much the same at bottom. 
 
 It is not surprising that a prince of this cha- 
 racter should bear with impatience the manner 
 in which Clodius spoke to him. It was the 
 first free and sincere speech he had heard during 
 the five-and-twenty years he had governed his 
 subjects, or rather tyrannized over them with 
 excessive insolence. He answered, that Mithri- 
 dates was the father of Cleopatra, his wife ; 
 that the union between them was of too strict 
 a nature to admit his delivering him up for the 
 triumph of Lucullus ; and that if the Romans 
 were unjust enough to make war against him, 
 he knew how to defend himself, and to make 
 them repent it. To express bis resentment, he 
 directed his answer only to Lucullus, without 
 adding the usual title of Imperator, or any other 
 j commonly given to the Roman generals, 
 j Lucullus, when Clodius reported the result 
 ; of his commission, and that war had been de- 
 ; clared against Tigranes, returned with the vit- 
 most diligence into Pontus to begin it. The 
 enterprise seemed rash, and the terrible power 
 of the king astonished all those who relied less 
 upon the valour of the troops and the conduct 
 of the general, than upon a multitude of soldiers. 
 After having made himself master of Sinope, 
 he gave that place its liberty, as he did also to 
 Amisus, and made them both free and inde- 
 pendent cities. Cotta^ did not treat Heraclsea, 
 which he took after a long siege by treachery, 
 in the same manner. He enriched himself out 
 I of its spoils, treated the inhabitants with exces- 
 ■j sive cruelty, and burnt almost the whole city. 
 I On his return to Rome, he was at first well 
 j received by the senate, and honoured with the 
 surname of Ponticus, upon account af taking 
 that place. But soon after, when the Hera- 
 cleans had laid their complaints before the se- 
 nate, and represented in a manner capable of 
 moving the hardest hearts, the miseries Cotta's 
 avarice and cruelty had made them suffer, the 
 senate contented themselves with depriving him 
 of the latus clavus, which was the robe worn 
 by the senatoi's ; a punishment in no wise pro- 
 portioned to the flagrant excess proved upon 
 him. 
 
 Lucullus left Sornatius, one of his generals, 
 in Pontus, with 6000 men, and marched with 
 the rest, which amounted only to 12,000 foot 
 and 3000 horse, through Cappadocia, to the 
 Euphrates. He passed that river in the midst 
 of winter, and afterwards the Tigris, and came 
 before Tigranocerta, which was at some small 
 distance, to attack Tigranes in his capital, where 
 he had lately arrived from Syria. Nobody 
 dared speak to that prince of Lucullus and his 
 march, after his cruel treatment of the person 
 who brought him the first news of it, whom he 
 put to death in reward for so important a ser- 
 vice. He listened to nothing but the discourses 
 of flatterers, who told him Lucullus must be a 
 
 2 Memn. c. li — Ixi. 
 
 gieat captain if he only dared vvait for him at 
 Ephesus, and did not betake himself to flight 
 and abandon Asia, when he should see the 
 many thousands of which his army was com- 
 posed. So true it is, says Plutarch, that as all 
 constitutions are not capable of beaiing much 
 wine, all minds are not strong enough to bear 
 great prosperity without loss of reason and in- 
 fatuation. 
 
 Tigranes at first had not designed so much as 
 to see or speak to Mithridates, though his fa- 
 ther-in-law, but treated him with the utmost 
 contempt and arrogance, kept him at a distance, [ 
 and placed a guard over him as a prisoner ot 
 state, in marshy unwholesome places. But af- 
 ter Clodius's embassy, he had 
 A. M. 3935. ordered him to be brought to 
 Ant. J. C. 69. court with all possible hon- 
 ours and marks of respect. 
 In a private conversation which they had to- 
 gether without witnesses, they cured themselves ; 
 of their mutual suspicions, to the great misfor- ! 
 tune of their friends, upon whom they cast all 
 the blame. 
 
 Jn the number of those unfortunate persona 
 was Meti'odotus, of the city of Scepsis, a man 
 of extraordinary merit, who had so much in- 
 fluence with Mithridates, that he was called the 
 king's father. That prince had sent him on an 
 embassy to Tigranes, to desire aid against the 
 Romans. When he had explained the occasion 
 of his journey, Tigranes asked him ; " And 
 you, Metrodotus, what would you advise me to 
 do, with respect to your master's demands?" 
 Upon which Metrodotus replied, out of an ex- 
 cess of ill-timed sincerity, " As an ambassador, 
 I advise you to do what Mithridates demands 
 of you ; but as your counsel, not to do it." This 
 was a criminal prevarication, and a kind of trea- 
 son. It cost him his life, when Mithridates 
 had been apprized of it by Tigranes. 
 
 Lucullus was continually advancing against 
 that prince, and was already in a manner at the 
 gates of his palace, without his either knowing 
 or believing any thing of the matter, so much 
 was he blinded by his presumption, Mithrobar- 
 zanes, one of his favourites, ventured to carry 
 him that news. The reward he had for it was 
 to be charged with a commission, to go imme- | 
 diately with some troops and bring Lucullus 
 prisoner ; as if the matter had been only to ar- 
 rest one of the king's subjects. The favourite, 
 with the greatest part of the troops given him, 
 lost their lives, in endeavouring to execute that 
 dangerous commission. 
 
 This ill success opened the eyes of Tigranes, 
 and made him recover from his infatuation. 
 Mithridates had been sent back into Pontus 
 with 10,000 horse to raise troops there, and to 
 return and join Tigranes, in case Lucullus en- 
 tered Armenia. For himself, he had chosen to 
 continue at Tigranocerta, in order to give the 
 necessary orders for raising troops throughout 
 his whole dominions. After this check, he be- 
 gan to be afraid of Lucullus, quitted Tigrano- 
 certa, retired to mount Taurus, and gave or- 
 ders to all his troops to repair thither to him. 
 
 Lucullus marched directly to Tigranocerta,^ 
 
 3 Tigranocerta corresponds, in the opinion of D'An- 
 ville and Rennel, to the modern Sered or Sert, or Cert. 
 As Tigranocerta signified the city or fortified inciosure of 
 Tigranes, so the modern appellation of Sert, is clearly the 
 ancient Certa, or fortified city. Not long after its capture 
 by Lucullus, it lost the appellation of llgranocerta, but 
 
HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 took up his quarters around the place, and 
 formed the siege of it. This city was full oi 
 hJ] sorts of riches ; the inhabitants of all orders 
 and conditions having emulated each other in 
 
 still retained tnat of Certa ; and in the days of Domitiu? 
 Corbulo, was esteemed tlie capital of Gordyene, tlie an. 
 cient Carducliia. Sered, therefore, both from its name 
 and position, as well as from the traditions of its inhabi- 
 tants, represents the ancient Tigranocerta. The casaban, 
 or village of Sered, is situated in a small plain surrounded 
 on all sides by lofty mountains, and at two miles dis- 
 tance to the north of the modern Khaboor, the Cen. 
 trites of Xenophon, and the Nicephorius, or river 
 of victory, of Tacitus ; who says that this river, with a 
 current sufficiently broad, washed a considerable part 
 of the walls of Tigranocerto. — Ann. lib. xv. c. 4. 
 'J'lie Khaboor is formed in its vicinity by the junction 
 of the two streams which flow through the city of Retlis. 
 Of these, the one rises from the mountains of Hatarash, 
 f'jur miles north of that city, and the other rises to the 
 west of the same |)lace. Tigranocerta must anciently have 
 been extensive, as the Aga of Sert told Kinnier that its 
 ruins could be traced, in one direction, to the village of 
 Wamoor, four miles distant, and to the banks of the Kha- 
 boor, two miles west ; and talked much about the antiquity 
 ] of his town, saying that it was once the most famous city 
 in the world. It lay 42 English miles south of the modern 
 Betlis, in direct distance, according to Kinnier's map, al- 
 though the road distance is 5-i such miles ; W British nnles 
 south of Jezeerah ul Omar, the ancient Bez:;bde, or 16 
 hours' journey ; 100 British miles north-east of Nisibis, 
 and 105 Briti.sh miles cast of Diyarbekir. the ancient 
 I Amida, and 75 British miles north-west of Zaco, the SjC- 
 copodes of Sirabo, and 140 British miles north-west of 
 Mosul, and 50 British miles south-west of the Lake of 
 Van : all these in direct distance. The province of Car- 
 duchia, or Gordyene, in the days of Xenophon, was, 
 as observed in a former note, neither a province of As- 
 syria nor Armenia, but independent of both. Its connec- 
 tion with Armenia, as a distinct province, may be dated 
 from the days of Tigranes. 
 
 This province had Zabdicene on the south, Adiabene 
 on the south-east, Moxoene, or Moosh, on the north -west, 
 and Arzanene on the west, whilst the mountains of the 
 Hatarash formed its north and north-eastern frontier. 
 D'Anville, in his Ancient Geography, vol. i. p. 369, says 
 that Tigranocerta could not be far removed from the 
 Tigris, since its distance from Nisibis in Mesopotamia was 
 only 37 miles ; and in his map, the Tigris runs about mid- 
 way between Nisibis and Sered, whilst Rennel makes it 
 but a few miles north of the same stream. But in this 
 D'Anville is mistaken ; as Nisibis is more than thrice 
 that distance south-west, whilst the Tigris flows near 40 
 miles ill direct distance south of Sered. Besides this, two 
 successive ranges of mountains, and two rivers, intervene 
 between the Tigris and Sered. These rivers are the Hazer 
 Su, or Susan branch of the Tigris, and Khaboor, which 
 run parallel courses to each other, in a south-east direction, 
 and are separated by an intervening range, whilst another 
 separates the course of the Hazer Su from the course of 
 the I'igris. Even Ptolemy himself places Tigranocerta 
 more thstn a degree to the east and two degrees to the 
 north of Nisibis. 
 
 Corduene, or Gordyene, is just a country of mountains 
 and narrow valleys, with steep defiles and numerous 
 ridges, which in every direction intersect the country. It 
 may be said that from Jezeerah ul Omar to the summit of 
 the Nimrood Dagh, which forms the southern boundary 
 of the valley of the Morad Shai, or eastern Euphrates 
 and the high upland of central Armenia, is a continued 
 succession of ranges, each rising from a higher base than 
 the other for more than 1"0 British miles of horizontal 
 distance. The summit of the Nimrood Dagh, the ancient 
 Niphates, separates all the streams that flow south to the 
 Tigris from those that run north to the Morad Shai, or 
 eastern Euphrates, but the descent is much longer and 
 greater to the south than to the north, and the bed of the 
 Morad is prodigiously elevated above that of the Tigris. 
 In travelling south from Betlis to Sered, Kinnier entered 
 a valley (on the 7th of July) watered by the principal 
 branch of the Khaboor, narrow, deep, and bounded on 
 each side by a stupendous range of mountains, composed 
 of quartz and clink stone, rising almost perpendicularly, 
 having their summits white with snow, and their sides 
 clothed with oaks. The whole intervening ranges between 
 the Tigris and the elevated plateau of Armenia, are so 
 covered with woods of that description, u]) to tlie lower 
 limit of perpetual congelation, tli.it they are denominated 
 Che Daroo mountains, or mountains of oak trees. The 
 appellation of Daroo, bears a striking similitude to the 
 
 contributing to its embellishment and magniii- 
 cence, in order to make their court to the king : 
 for this reason Lucullus pressed the siege with 
 the utmost vigour; believing that Tigranes 
 
 Greek A^v;, an oak j whence the appellation of Druids, 
 or worshippers of the oak tree, has arisen. Sered contains 
 o small mosques, a college, ana Armenian church, with 
 SOOO inhabitants, composed of Mohammedans and Chris, 
 tians of the Armenian and Nestorian persuasions. The 
 houses are built of stone and mortar, and white-washed 
 with lime. Each house is a castle consisting of a square 
 tower, with loop-holes on its top, and surrounded with a 
 wall sufBcient to defend the possessor from the attacks of 
 cavalry or musket shot. The apartments are arched, and 
 the houses have each a hall, open at one end, for the re- 
 ception of visitors, and a flat roof, where the inhabitants 
 sleep in summer. There are no remarkable monu. 
 ments, nor can such be expected in a country where 
 the buildings are so seldom composed of durable mate, 
 rials, A number of cisterns are hewn out of the rock 
 under ground, and intended, not like those in Syria or 
 Arabia, as receptacles for rain, but for spring water, which 
 is delightfully cool even at the hottest hour of the day. 
 The vicinity is in an improved state of culture, but the 
 produce of the soil belongs to the Aga, or chief of Sered, 
 and is retailed by him to his followers, whose labour he 
 commands, and who look up to him for support and pro. 
 tcction. Koordistan is full of such chiefs who are in every 
 sense of the word powerful feudal lords, just as our no- 
 bility were some centuries ago. These chiefs are regarded 
 with the greatest deference by their vassals, whom they 
 treat with great kindness and familiarity, but tlieir word 
 is a law ; they have the power of life and death ; preserve 
 a great deal of state, seldom moving from their seats with- 
 out a dozen attendants ; and their favourite topic of con. i 
 versation is the antiquity of their famihes and their long- | 
 established independence, which they boast of having 
 maintained since the days of Noah, their grand patriarch. 
 A country like Corduene can never be completely sub- 
 dued, being so intersected with narrow defiles, difficult 
 passes, and inaccessible mountains, to which the natives 
 can at any time fly for shelter, without the danger of our- | . 
 suit. They can subsist here for months on the milk of 
 their goats and bread made from acorns, whilst the seve. 
 rity of the winter season, combined with the scarcity cf 
 forage and subsistence, must compel an army to retire or 
 divide itself, incurring, in either case, the risk of destruc. 
 tion. The castle of tiered, where the chief resides, is a 
 large fortified building, surrounded by a moat, and no one { 
 is admitted within the walls until his arms are taken from 
 him. 
 
 In Kennel's map, 1 igranocerta is placed in the great 
 valley of Diyarbekir, to the west of the great range which 
 separates that valley from Corduene and the plain of Sert ; 
 so that, in his opinion, Tigranocerta, or Sered, did not lie 
 in the mountainous country of the Carduchi, but west of it ; 
 and the river of Betlis, or 'the Khaboor, is not the river of 
 Sered, which he makes the Nicephorius, and different from 
 the Khaboor, or Centrites, and which he represents as I 
 piercing the great range, after coming south-west from Bet- 
 lis, which separates Corduene, or Carduchia, from the valley 
 of Diyarbelcir, at the town of Ka^a Zerke, a stage in his map 
 to the east of Sered, or Sert, and at the western foot of the 
 Carduchian mountains, and after running ten miles south, 
 is joined by the river of Sered, or the Nicephorius, 20 miles 
 south-east of Sered. Now, all this is contrary to fact ; 
 Sered, or '1 igranocerta, does not lie m the valley of Diyar- 
 bekir, but in Corduene, and is expressly called in Tacitus's 
 Annals the capital of Gordyene; and all know, who know 
 any thing of classical geography, that Gordyene was never 
 included in the valley of Diyarbekir, but lay east of it; 
 and we have the authority of Kinnier, who travelled west 
 from Sert to the junction of the Tigris and Nymphseus, 
 in that valley, that he did not enter it till at the distance 
 of 35 miles west of Sered. 
 
 Kinnier expressly says that Sered is but two miles dis- 
 tance from the river of Beths to the east ; that two rivers 
 run through Betlis; and that their junction forms the 
 Khaboor, or Centrites; and that both are identical with 
 the Nicephorius, or river of victory, liecause on its bank? 
 Lucullus defeated the huge army of Tigranes. It runs 
 first to the west of Sert, and then'to the south and south, 
 east of it. Rennel produces the circumstance of Lucullus 
 passing the Nicephorius to attack the army of Tigranes, as 
 a proof that the Nicephorius could not be the Centrites, 
 Khaboor, or river of Betlis. " 't he river of Betlis," says 
 he, " certainly passes at one caravan journey eastward ot 
 Sort; having then freed itself from iho Carduchian 
 mountains ; and proceeding still more to the west, or 
 60iith-west, advances to the neighbourhood of Surt. and 
 
HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 would never suffer it to be taken, and that he 
 would come on in a transport of fury to offer 
 him battle, and oblige him to raise the siege. 
 And he was not mistaken in his conjecture. 
 
 M itnridates sent every day couriers to Tigranes, 
 and wrote him letters, in the strongest terms, 
 to advise him not to hazard a battle, and to 
 make use of his cavalry alone in cuttmg off l.u- 
 
 is there joined by a smaller river, which may possibly be 
 that of Tigranocerta ; as the Nicephorius seems to have 
 been too easilv forded by the army of Luculius, to answer 
 to the Centrites."— Uetreat of the Ten Thousand, p. 202. 
 
 To this it may be replied, that all the rivers ot the east 
 vary 6o much in size at different times of the year, as 
 greatly to deceive those who are not aware ot that circum- 
 stance. The narrative of Lucullus's crossing the river, 
 does not affirm that the river which separated the two ar- 
 mies was generally fordable, but only at a particular place. 
 The Armenian camp was on the ea^t side of the river, and 
 the river ran in such a manner that it turned off short to the 
 lefi towards the westward, where it was easily fordabla 
 Luculius, in order to lead his array to this lord, inclined 
 also to the left, towards the lower part of the river, has- 
 tening his march. Had the Nicephorius been in general 
 easily passable for foot soldiers, Luculius would not have 
 marched lower down the stream in order to find a ford. 
 It must also be remembered, that tliis passage was effected 
 on the 6th of October, when the river is at the lowest, 
 whereas the 'I'en Thousand crossed it on the 5?8th of 
 November, or 53 days later. 
 
 That the Centrites, or Nicephorius, would be at its low- 
 est when Luculius crossed it, is plain from the date of the 
 rise of the Tigris, which does not commence (as shown in 
 a former note, vol. i. p. 459) till the 19th of October. 
 From the 30th of September to tliat date, or twenty days, 
 the Tigris is at its minimum, or lowest state. Now, as 
 the Nicephorius, or Centrites, is one of those streams that 
 contribute to swell the volume of the Tigris, it is clear 
 that at this season it would be at its lowest slate, as we 
 cannot suppose the date of its beginning to rise to precede 
 that of the Tigris at Bagdad above a week. When the 
 Ten Thousand crossed it, it would of course be much 
 larger than at the time Luculius crossed it, as 47 days 
 would have elapsed after the date of the rise of the Cen- 
 trites ; supposing it to begin to increase on the I'ith of 
 October, or a full week after the date of its passage by the 
 Roman army. Rennel's argument, therefore, against the 
 identity of the Nicephorius and Centrites, or river of 
 Betlis, drawn from its easy passage by Luculius, falls to 
 the ground if the above lacts be considered. What is 
 worst of all against Rennel, is his making the Ten Thou- 
 sand Greeks cross the Centrites, not in the vicinity of 
 Sert, or Sered, but at a point on that stream, within 20 
 miles of Betlis, or below that city, or three stages nearly 
 of the road from Sert to Betlis; which latter he has 
 drawn in his map 4 stages, or 64 geographical miles, or 74 
 English miles direct distance from the former. If they 
 had really crossed it at that point, the river could not 
 have been 200 feet broad, and so deep as to be nearly un. 
 fordable. The river rises but a few miles north of Betlis 
 itself, and could not of course but be still a small stream 
 at the point where Rennel has fixed the passage. He has 
 prodigiously overrated the distance between Sert and 
 Betlis— an error which has arisen from computing the 
 length of caravan journeys at 16 geographical miles each, 
 in direct distance. This may do very well for routes 
 across the Arabian desert on the backs of camels, but to 
 apply this standard to routes across mountains, and moun- 
 tains such as those between Sert and Betlis, is monstrous 
 Bv Kinnier, who travelled the whole way on horseback, 
 the road distance is estimated at .64 miles, and the direct 
 distance at 42 miles ; so that one in three was allowed for 
 windings. He accomplished the distance in three days, 
 or 14 English miles daily, in direct distance. If the same 
 allowance were to be made for Rennel's caravan stages 
 between the two places, at the rate of 16 geographical 
 miles daily, in direct distance, on sufch a mountainous sur- 
 face, it would swell the road distance to 100 British miles, 
 or 25 road miles daily ; a rate impossible for loaded cara- 
 vans. The whole road from Sert to Betlis, is through 
 valleys and over mountain-ridges, the descent of one of 
 which Kinnier computed at three miles, and the road one 
 of the worst he had ever seen, and to accompli-^^h which 
 they were compelled to dismount, as no horse could keep 
 I its feet. Another range cost him three hours to ascend, 
 and when arrived at the summit, he saw nothing hut suc- 
 cessive ranges of craggy mountains, and deep and narrow' 
 
 ^ Rennel was certainly quite ignorant of the road from 
 Sert to Betlis, or he could never have supposed the 
 caravans to have traversed that space at a daily rate of 
 16 geographical miles, in direct distance, or 25 road miles 
 a-day. The Kala Zerke of Taveinier, and the village of 
 Cochacan of Cartwright, on the route from Sert to Betlis, 
 
 as quoted by him, do not occur in Kinnier's Journal of i 
 the same route. Here I must correct an error into whicli | 
 
 1 had inadvertently fallen in a former note, respecting 
 the position of these places in respect of Sert. I bad 
 placed them south-east of that j)lace, on the Khaboor, in 
 the direction of Zaco, from not considering that these 
 stages lay in the route from Sert to Beths, and not from 
 Sert to Zaco. . , , ■ .i. 
 
 Further, if the Ten Thousand Greeks had ascended the 
 Carduchian mountains at a point 11 geographical miles 
 above Jezeerah ul Omar, as Rennel thinks, they would 
 have had to cross two rivers— the Hazir Su, or Susan 
 branch of the Tigris, and the Khaboor, or Centrites it- 
 self— before they could have arrived at the plain of Sert, 
 and then they would have had to cross the Centrites ag.tin, 
 at the point where Rennel has fixed their passage, beyond 
 the village of Cochacan between Sert and Beths, (if Kin. 
 nier's courses of the Hazir Su and Khaboor be correctly dell, 
 ntated,) and a march of 15 English miles from the ligns 
 across the intervening ranges vvould have brought them to 
 the Centrites. Rennel,by extending the distance from Sert to 
 Betlis by a wrong standard of caravan routes, and making 
 the direction of the route so much to the east, as he could 
 not do otherwise, as he had placed Sert in the valley of 
 Diyarbekir, has placed Beths more than a degree to the 
 ea>t of Sert, whereas Sert is not above 10 minutes west 
 of the meridian of Betlis. 
 
 When it is said that Luculius passed the Euphrates in 
 the midst of winter, and the Tigris, and came before Ti- 
 granocerta, which was at no great distance from it ; and 
 when the ancients say that Tigranocerta lay between the 
 springs of the Tigris and mount Taurus, it may be asked, 
 what Tigris ? was it the real Tigris, or one of its branches, 
 which Luculius crossed in his march ? As Luculius came 
 from the west, or Cappadocia, and not from the south, or 
 Mesopotamia, it could not be the river which we com- 
 monly understand to be the Tigris, or the river so called 
 in modern times. In all probability Luculius crossed the 
 Euphrates at the modern town of Jeis Oglu Bazarzick, in 
 the valley of Karpoot, opposite the valley of Melitene, 
 and then crossed the ridge that separates the valley of 
 Karpoot from that of Diyarbekir on the south, and then 
 marched along the southern foot of mount Niphates, or 
 Taurus, in an eastern direction towards Tigranocerta. In 
 this line of march he would of course keep to the north 
 of the Tigris, which intersects this great valley from north, 
 west to south-east, from Argana to, where the two ridges 
 that enclose it, unite at its south.east extremity, 12 miles 
 above Jezeerah ul Omar, passing the various streams that 
 run south from the Niphates to the Tigris, as the river 
 of Diyarbekir, or north-west branch of the Tigris, the Nym. 
 phffius, or the Batman Su, called Basilinfa, or Bareiria, by the 
 orientals, and also denominated Bulaspina. This latter 
 is the Tigris of Pliny, and what D'Anville, in his Ancient 
 Geography, calls the Erzen branch of the Tigris, though 
 in his map this river is placed east of the Nymphseus, and 
 so, of course, the map contradicts the description. 
 
 This third or last branch, I take to be the Erzen branch 
 of the Tigris, though confounded by Pliny with the Nym. 
 phaeus, and the Tigris which Luculius crossed in his way 
 to Tigranocerta ; for it was crossed by Kinnier, in his way 
 to the valley of Diyarbekir, about 30 miles west ot Sert, at 
 the castle of Redwan ; which agrees with the history of 
 the march of Luculius, that he crossed the Tigris and 
 came to Tigranocerta, which was at no great distance be- 
 yond it. But it is unaccountable except on the ground of 
 ignorance, that the ancients should have called this rivei 
 the Tigris; for it is not even a branch like the rest wiiich 
 Luculius must have crossed in his w.iy, for the Nym. 
 p.hEEiis is more than double its size, and joins the Tigris by 
 itself, whereas the Erzen branch is a tributary, not of the 
 Tigris, but of the Centrites, Nicephorius, or Khaboor, 
 running south-east, parallel with that stream, till it joins it 
 a few miles west of Zaco, instead of running south to the 
 Tigris, as in all the maps but that of Kinnier ; who be- 
 sides represents it as a much inferior stream to the Kha- 
 boor, being only 60 yards broad and easily fordable, where 
 as the Khaboor, where he crossed it, 18 miles east of this 
 stream, was 80 yards broad and unfordable. The source 
 of this branch is at a place called Susan, north-west of 
 Sert and west of Betlis, an intervening ridge sepaiating 
 its source and course from that of the Khaboor. It is 
 this source beyond which the Ten Thousand Greeks ad. 
 vanced in their way to the Euphrates, and hence arose 
 the mistake of placing Tigranocerta between the springs 
 of the Tigris and mount Taurus. 
 
716 
 
 HISTORY OF PCNTUS. 
 
 cullus's provisions. Taxiles himself was sent 
 by him with the same instructions ; who, stay- 
 ing with him in his camp, earnestly entreated 
 him, every day, not to attack the Koman ai- 
 
 I As the word Tigris is a mere Persian appellative, de- 
 rived from Teer, an arrow j and hence applicable to any 
 
 , stream that has a rapid course ; so the ancients, perhaps, 
 hearing the appellation bestowed on the Susan branch of 
 the river, particularly so called, might mistake it for the 
 main branch, peculiarly denominated the Tigris, for its 
 rapidity. As the streams descending south from the Ni . 
 phates, or snow-clad mountains, would have a much more 
 rapid descent than the main stream flowing from Argana, 
 it is iiatural to suppose that the appellation of 'ligris 
 would more readily be bestowed on them than on the 
 main stream. 
 
 It only remains to be remarked, that Lucullus was the 
 first Roman general that passed the Euphrates and 
 crossed the northern branches of the Tigris. It is to be 
 observed, also, that in the war with Tigranes, the Romans 
 I were the aggressors. It was most unjust in them to do. 
 I mand Tigranes to deliver up his father-in-law. The Ro. 
 I mans could not possibly expect that Tigranes could comply 
 I with such a base proposal — at variance with the most ten- 
 . der ties that connect humanity. It was equally unjust for 
 I Lucullus to make his brother-in-law, in the character of 
 I an ambassador, stir up the king of the Gordians to a re- 
 I bellion against Tigranes, with the hope of succour from 
 the Roman arms. Such conduct is at war with every 
 principle of equity and justice. To send an ambassador 
 I to treat with a prince who had committed no hostility 
 i against Rome, to demand of him the delivery of his fa- 
 ,1 ther-in-law, and at the same time to stir up his own sub- 
 j jects to rebel against him, by private intrigue, and which 
 consequently involved the fate of the unhappy prince who 
 I took the advice, was an act of flagrant injustice. 
 I Appius must certainly have gone first to Tigranocerta, 
 and then to Antioch, on not finding Tigranes at. his new 
 capital ; for, otherwise, how was it possible for him to 
 I enter into private negotiations with the Gordian or Car- 
 j duchian prince, or any of the mountain chiefs in southern 
 I Armenia? He pursued a similar conduct at Antioch. 
 
 Had Tigranes been at war with the Romans, such conduct 
 ' might have been justifiable. But to employ his time and 
 his talents in stirring up the subjects of a monarch who 
 had given no just ground of offence to the Romans, was 
 ; base and unjust. Rollin finds no fault wiih the conduct 
 j of Appius, and denominates the insolent demand of the 
 ; Roman ainbassador by the soft epithet of Eoman freedom. 
 It would have been more appropriate to have called it Ro- 
 man arrogance and Roman impudence. To tell the son-in- 
 law of Mithridates that he must give up his wife's father to 
 him, as deputed by Lucullus for that very purpose; that it 
 was an act of justice to do so, as due to the triumph of 
 his general ; and that for the express de.-ign of being led 
 in triumph before the chariot of the conqueror through 
 all the streets of Rome, to be gazed at and insulted by a 
 haughty and unfeeling mob, and then to be thrust, per- 
 haps, into a prison, and die of hunger and nakedness, like 
 the MaccdonianPerseus,andthen to denounce war against 
 j him if he did not comply with so insolent a demand— a 
 demand that wounded his pride as a king, and his feelings 
 as a son-in-law— was, at least, rude, arrogant, and unjust. 
 How must the bare mention of such a thing have shocked 
 the delicate feelings of the queen of Tigranes, and the 
 daughter of Mithridates ! 
 
 Tigranes had no other alternative left him, but either 
 to violate his best feelings as a man, and a son-in law, by 
 complying with the demand, or risk the loss of his king- 
 dom. If he complied with the demand, it must either 
 have been for want of feeling or want of power ; he must 
 either have been unnaturally wicked or deplorably weak ; 
 and, if the latter, he must have forfeited all his former re- 
 putation as a warlike and successful monarch at once, and 
 so have become contemptible in the eyes of his own sub- 
 jects, nay, in tho.se of the Romans themselves, who, though 
 I they might have been gratified with the delivery of the 
 unfortunate prince, must have despised the man who 
 made the sacrifice. 
 
 The Romans had no right to make such a demand, and 
 were, therefore, the aggressors in this war. They could 
 not expect that Tigranes would comply, but it served as a 
 pretence to quarrel with him, and add another royal vic- 
 tim to the many thoy sacrificed at the altar of ambiti in. 
 The answer of Tigranes was temperate and just, and such 
 as human feeling would approve; but it is also evident, 
 that though he told the Roman ambassador he knew he 
 was able to defend himself, and to make them repent, his 
 subsequent conduct showed the contrary. His wliole con- 
 duct, if Plutarch has not misrepresented him, was so fool- 
 
 mies, as they were excellently disciplined, vete- 
 ran soldiers, and almost invincible. 
 
 At first he hearkened to this advice with 
 patience enough. But when all his troops, 
 consisting of a great number of different n?- 
 tions, were assembled, not only the king's feasis, 
 but his councils, resounded with nothing but 
 vain bravadoes, full of insolence, pride, and 
 barbarian menaces. Taxiles was in danger oi 
 being killed, for having ventured to oppose the 
 advice of those who were for a battle ; and 
 Mithridates himself was openly accused of op- 
 posing it, only out of envy, to deprive his son- 
 in-law of the glory of so gi-eat a success. 
 
 In this conceit Tigranes determined to wait 
 no longer, lest Mithridates should arriA-e, and 
 share with him in the honour of the victory. 
 He, therefore, marched with all his forces, tell- 
 ing his friends, that he wa« only sorry on one 
 account, and that was, his having to engage 
 Avith Lucullus alone, and not with all the Ro- 
 man generals together. He measured his hopes 
 of success by the numbtr of his troops. He 
 had twenty thousand ai-cliers, or slingers, fifty- • 
 five thousand horse, seventeen thousand of 
 which were heavy-armed cavalry, a hundred 
 and fifty thousand foot, divided into companies 
 and battalions, besides i)ioneers to clear the i 
 roads, build bridges, clear and turn the course \ 
 of rivers, with otlier labourers of the same de- j 
 scription necessary in armies, to the number of j 
 thirty-five thousand, who being di-awn up in i 
 battle-array behind the combatants, made the ! 
 army appear still more numerous, and aug- 
 mented its force and confidence. j 
 When he had passed mount Taurus, and all \ 
 his troops appeared together in the plains, the I 
 sight alone of his army was sufficient to strike ' 
 terror into the most daring enemy. Lucullus, 
 always intrepid, divided his troops. He left 
 Murena with six thousand foot before the place, 
 and with all the rest of his infantry, consisting 
 of twenty-four cohorts, which together did not 
 amount to more than ten or twelve thousand 
 men, all his horse, and about a thousand arch- 
 ers, or slingers, marched against Tigranes, and 
 encamped in the plain, with a large river in his 
 front. 
 
 This handful of men made Tigianes laugh, 
 and supplied his flatterers with matter for plea- 
 santry. Some openly jested upon them : others, 
 by way of diversion, drew lots for their spoils ; 
 and of all Tigranes's generals, and all the kings 
 in his army, there was not one who did not 
 
 to be hardly credible. Instead of preparing for 
 defence, and fortifying the passes of the Euphrates and 
 the mountains, wliich might have impeded the advance of 
 Lucullus, he did nothing, but waited quietly at Tigrano. 
 certa, till the near approach of the Roman general com- 
 jjclled him to abandon his capital and retire to the range 
 of mount 'laurus for safely. The moment Lucullus 
 passed the Euphrates he was in Armenia, and was suf- 
 fered to advance eoO miles east to the walls of Tigrano- 
 certa before any measures were taken lo oppose him, or 
 even to raise an army. Such glaring negligence has 
 almost no parallel in history, and clearly proves that 
 ligrancs was entirely ignorant of his danger, and of the 
 character of the new foes with whom he had now to con- 
 tend. It ever he had any judgment, it seems utterly to 
 have forsaken him at the very time when he needed it 
 most, and his former prosperity seems to have deprived 
 him of all prudence, and led him to imagine that the Ro- 
 mans were as easy to be overcome as the undisciplined 
 hordes of the barbarous nations whom he had lately sub- 
 dued, or the effeminate Syrians. It is impossible to as- 
 sign any other reason for the stupidity of his conduct, but 
 that infatuated presumption which had been generated by 
 previous, constant, uniform success,— 
 
HISTOR-y OF PONTUS. 
 
 717 
 
 entreat him to intrust that affair to him jJone, 
 and content himself with being only a spectator 
 of the action. Tigranes himself, to appear 
 agreeable, and a delicate rallier, used an expres- 
 sion, which has been much admired ; " If they 
 come as ambassadors, they are a great many j 
 but if as enemies, very few." Thus the first 
 dav passed in jesting and raillery. 
 
 The next morning, at sunrise, Lucullus made 
 his army march out of their intrenchments. 
 That of the barbarians was on the other side of 
 the river towards the east, and the river ran in 
 such a manner, that it turned off short to the 
 left towards the west, where it was easily ford- 
 able. Lucullus, in order to lead his army to 
 this ford, inclined also to the left, towards the 
 lower part of the river, hastening his march. 
 Tigranes, who saw him, believed he fled ; and 
 calling for Taxiles, told him, with a contemptu- 
 ous laugh—" Do you see those invincible Ho- 
 man legions? You see they can run away." 
 Taxiles replied; " I heartily wish your majes- 
 ty's good fortune may this day work a miracle 
 in your favour ; but the arms and motions ot 
 those legions do not indicate people running 
 away." 
 
 Taxiles was still speaking, when he saw the 
 eagle of the first legion move on a sudden to the 
 ! right about, by the command of Lucullus, fol- 
 i lowed by all the cohorts, in order to pass the 
 I river. Tigranes, recovering then with diffi- 
 i oulty, like one that had been long drunk, cried 
 ' out two or three times, " How ! are those peo- 
 pie coming to us?" They came on so fast, that 
 : his numerous troops did not post themselves, 
 nor draw up in battle without much disorder 
 i and confusion. Tigranes placed himself in the 
 I centre; gave the left wing to the king of the 
 I Adiabenians, and the right to the king of the 
 1 Medes. The greatest part of the heavy-armed 
 j horse covered the front of the right wing. 
 I As Lucullus was preparing to pass the river, 
 I some of his general officers advised him not to 
 ! engage upon that day, because it was one of 
 ! those unfortunate days which the Romans called 
 ! black-days. For it was the same upon which 
 ■ the army of Cepio' had been defeated in the 
 i battle with the Cimbri. Lucullus made them 
 I this answer, which afterwards become so fa- 
 mous : " And I, for my part, will make this a 
 ! happy day for the Romans." 
 
 It was the sixth day of October (the day be- 
 fore the nones of October). 
 
 After having made that reply, and exhorted 
 them not to be discouraged, he passed the river, 
 and marched foremost against the enemy. He 
 I was armed with a steel cuirass, made in the 
 i form of scales, which glittered surprisingly, un- 
 1 der which was his coat of arms, bordered all 
 ' round with fringe. He brandished his naked 
 I sword in his hand, to intimate to his troops, 
 i that it was necessary to close immediately with 
 j an enemy who were accustomed to fight only at 
 I a distance with their arrows ; and to deprive 
 ! them, by the swiftness and impetuosity of the 
 i attack, of the space required for the use of 
 them. 
 
 Perceiving that the heavy-ai-med cavalry, 
 upon whom the enemy very much relied, were 
 drawn up at the foot of a little hill, the summit 
 of which was flat and level, and the declivity of 
 
 1 The Greek text says, the army ofScipio, which Mon- 
 sieur de Thou justly corrected in the margin of his Plu- 
 tarch, the army of Cepio. 
 
 not above five hundred paces, neither much j 
 broken, nor very difficult, he saw at firsi glance i 
 what use was to be made of it. He commanded 
 his Thracian and Galatian horse to charge that j 
 body of the enemy's cavalry in flank, with or- 
 ders only to turn aside their lances with their 
 swords. For the principal, or rather whole 
 force, of those heavy-armed horse, consisted in 
 their lances, and vvhen they had not rooni to 
 use these, they could do nothing either against | 
 the enemy or for themselves ; their arms being 
 so heavy, stiff, and cumbersome, that they 
 could not turn themselves, and were almost 
 immoveable. 
 
 Whilst his cavalry marched to execute his 
 orders, he took two cohorts of foot, and went 
 to gain the eminence. The infantry followed 
 courageously, excited by the example of their 
 general, whom they saw marching foremost on 
 foot, and ascending the hill. When he w^as at 
 the top, he showed himself from the highest 
 part of it, and seeing from thence the whole or- 
 der of the enemy's battle, he cried out, " The 
 victory is ours, fellow-soldiers, the victory is 
 ours!" At the same time, with his two co- 
 horts, he advanced against that heavy-armed 
 cavalry, and ordered his men not to make use 
 of their pikes, but close with the troopers sword 
 in hand, and strike upon their legs and thighs, 
 which were the only unarmed parts about them. 
 But his soldiers had not so much trouble with 
 them. That cavalry did not stay their coming 
 on, but shamefully took to flight; and howling 
 as they fled, fell with their heavy unwieldy 
 horses upon the ranks of their foot, without 
 joining battle at all, or so much as making a 
 single thrust with their lances. The slaughter 
 did not begin until they began to fly, or rather 
 to endeavour to fly; for they could not do so, 
 being prevented by their own battalions, whose 
 ranks were so close and deep, that they could 
 not break their way through them. Tigranes, 
 that king so pompous and brave in words, had 
 taken to flight from the beginning with a few 
 followers ; and seeing his son the companion of 
 his fortune, he took off his diadem, weeping ; 
 and giving it him, exhorted him to save himself 
 as well as he could by another route. That 
 young prince was afraid to put the diadem upon 
 his head, which would have been a dangerous 
 ornament at such a time, and gave it into the 
 hands of one of the most faithful of his servants, 
 who was taken a moment after, and carried to 
 Lucullus. 
 
 It is said, that in this defeat more than a 
 hundred thousand of the enemy's foot perished, 
 and that very few of their horse escaped : on 
 the side of the Romans only five were killed, 
 and a hundred wounded. They had never en- 
 gaged in a pitched battle so great a number of 
 enemies with so few troops ; for the victoi's did 
 not amount to the twentieth part of the van- 
 quished.''^ The greatest and most able Roman 
 
 2 If the numbers of the contending armies be con- 
 sidered, and the diminutive loss of- the victors be con- 
 trasted with the immense slaughter of the vanquished, 
 this victory must be vit-wed as one of the most complete 
 and easily obtained of any on record. That 12,000 Ro- 
 mans should defeat 2fi0,000 men commanded by Tigranes, 
 who himself had been hitherto constantly victorious, is 
 incredible and romantic. The disproportion was to 1, 
 on the side of the vanquished, and their loss 150,000 to 
 5 killed and lOO wounded on the side of the victors. x\t 
 this rate, each Roman killed upwards of thirteen men. Tt 
 would seem, in fact, they had nothing to do but to kill. 
 Seventeen thousand heavy-armed cavalry did not so much 
 
718 
 
 HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 : generals, who had seen most wars and battles, 
 gave Liicullus particular praises for having de- 
 feated two of the greatest and most powerful 
 
 ! kings in the world, by two entirely different 
 
 as wait to be attacked by the Roman?, but took to their 
 hor.es' heels as fast as possible, howling like savages as 
 they fled. Ihe enemy allowed themselves to be driven 
 into a small space by a handful of Konians, where thev 
 could not possibly use their arms, and were of course but 
 chered on the spot ; and those who escaped the massacre 
 (for battle it cannot be called) were still more than 8 to 1 
 and were pursued for 15 miles. The whole account is so 
 evidently out of all measure exaggerated, that 1 cannot 
 believe it. lhat ligrant^s should have so numerous an 
 army, seems to me impossible. 
 
 As soon as LucuUus arrived in the vicinity of Tigrano 
 certa, the first person who told Tigranes the news of hi.* ap. 
 proach was ordered by him to go and arrest Lucullus, as 
 It he haa been a daring, presumptuous perbon, who thus 
 had ventured to come and insult the king of kings in his 
 very caiatal. 1 his conduct is so clearly a mark of insane 
 Ignorance that we may venture to doubt it. He could not 
 ! be Ignorant that his own faiher-in-law, after a long and un. 
 successful struggle, had been deprived of all his hereditary 
 dominions by these very Romans, headed by that very 
 man whom he had commissioned Mithrobarzanes, with a 
 deUchment of troops, to arrest and bring into his royal 
 presence, as a contumacious prisoner. He could not but 
 be informed by Mithridates (at that verv time a refugee in 
 nis own domiraons) that the Romans were good soldiers, as 
 he hirnself had found by repeated and mournful experience, 
 lhat ligranes .should, in the face of all this knowledge, 
 act such an msane part as above related, is apparently im- 
 pos.s)ble. One would imagine such stories had been con. 
 tnved, on set purpose to caricature Tigranes and make 
 readers merry at his expense. 
 
 We are then told that the death of th e officer, and captu re 
 of the troops who had been sent to arrest Lucullus, restored 
 1 igranes to his senses, and that he fled with all possible soeed 
 Irom ligranocerta to secure his own royal person, and'that 
 iviurEEiia, who, on LucuUus's part, had been sent to arrest 
 him, had very nearly kccomplLdied his commission, by 
 overtaking him in a narrow pass and capturing all his 
 baggage, and taking the most of the escort prisoners. We 
 are also informed that Lucullus used all imaginable dili- 
 gence to prevent Tigranes from collecting an army, by 
 sending detachments to scour the country and block up 
 the passes of the mountains, and yet, notwithstanding such 
 ^ln^nn}^°^^^^ measures, Tigranes collected an army of 
 2W,V00 men, composed of Gordians, Adiabenians, Medes 
 Arabians, Iberians, and Albanians, besides his own here, 
 ditary subjects; and all this after his fli-ht to mount 
 iaurus, and whilst Lucullus was employed at the siege of 
 I his capiUl. It seems plainly impossible that such an army 
 j could be collected in so short a time, and that composed 
 } of such heterogeneous materials; for how was he to get 
 , Arabians.' and how were Iberians and Albanians to be 
 J there? nations at such a great distance, and governed by 
 ; their own princes : and all this mass to be collected before 
 he left mount Taurus. It must be remembered, also, 
 , that a great part of Tigranes' army was stationed in Meso. 
 : potamia and Syria, and could not be present at the battle ■ 
 all communication between these countries and southern 
 Armenia being cut off by the Romans. 
 The real fact seems to be this; that Tigranes did not 
 I expect that the Romans would attack him, and, conse- 
 quently, made no preparations for his defence. He 
 imagined that Lucullus was still in Pontus, and that the 
 I body of 10,000 horse, which he had given his father-in-law 
 would give him no time to enter Armenia, and would' 
 keep him fully employed there. He was not cured of this 
 fallacious hope till Lucullus approached his capital, aiid 
 being thus suddenly and unexpectedly attacked, he had 
 no other resource but to gather together such forces as 
 the present exigency admitted, if possible to prevent the 
 capture of Tigranocerta. These forces, thus hastily col. 
 lected, would consequently be a confused, imdiscipiined 
 though perhaps numerous, rdbble ; gathered from the 
 neighbouring districts, quite unfit to engage on equal 
 terms with disciplined troops, and such troops as the Ro- 
 man legions. Mithridates, who knew the nature of the 
 Koman troops, and how unfit such an undisciplined, has. 
 tily levied mass was to engage the Romans, earnestly 
 pressed ligranes not to fight but to waste the country ; 
 cut off the Roman supplies; and harass the army of Lu. 
 cullus by incessant attacks of cavalry ; and thus spin out 
 
 methods, delay and expedition. For, by pro- 
 traction and spinning out the Avar, he exhausted 
 Mithridates when he was strongest and most 
 formidable; and ruined Tigi-anes by making 
 haste, and not giving him time to look about 
 him. It has been remarked, that few captains 
 have known how, like him, to make slowness 
 active, and haste sure. 
 
 It was this latter conduct that prevented 
 Mithridates from being present in the battle. 
 He imagined that Lucullus would use the same 
 precaution and protraction against Tigranes as 
 he had done against himself; so that he marched 
 but slowly and by small days' journevs to join 
 ligranes. But having met some Armenians 
 upon the way, who fled with the utmost terror 
 and consternation, he suspected what had hap- 
 pened ; and afterwards meeting a much greater 
 number of fugitives naked and wounded, was 
 fully informed of the defeat, and went in search 
 of Tigranes. He found him, at length, aban- 
 doned by all the M^orld and in a very deplorable 
 condition. Far from returning his ungenerous 
 treatment, and insulting him in his misfortunes, 
 as Tigranes had done to him, he quitted his 
 horse, lamented their common disgrace, gave 
 him the guard which attended, and the officers 
 who served him, consoled, encouraged him, and 
 revived his hopes ; so that • Mithridates, upon 
 this occasion, showed himself not entirely void 
 of humanity. Both together engaged in raising 
 new troops on all sides. 
 
 In the mean time a furious sedition arose in 
 Tigranocerta ; the Greeks having mutinied 
 against the barbarians, and being determined 
 at all events to deliver the city to Lucullus. 
 That sedition was at the highest when he ar- 
 rived there. He took advantage of the occasion, 
 ordered the assault to be given, took the city; 
 and after having seized all the king's treasures,' ) 
 abandoned it to be plundered by the soldiers; i 
 who, besides other riches, found in it eight thou- : 
 sand talents of coined silver (about one million ' 
 two hundred thousand pounds sterling). Be- 
 sides this plunder, he gave each soldier eight 
 hundred drachmas,' which, -with all the booty 
 they had taken, was not sufficient to satisfy ! 
 their inordinate avidity. | 
 As this city had been peopled by colonies ' 
 which had been carried away by force from { 
 Cappadocia,^ Cilicia, and other places, Lucullus 
 permitted them all to return into their native ' 
 countries. They received that permission with ! 
 
 wise advice of Mithridates was neglected. Tigranes had 
 not patience enough to wait the tedious issue. He had 
 never been accustomed to such a mode of warfare, and 
 could not bear to sit, as it were idle, and sufl'er Tigrano. 
 certa to be besieged and t ken under his own eyes. Such 
 conduct, he might think, would savour of pusillanimity, 
 and render him contemptible in the eyes of those nations 
 who had been accustomed to see him"victorious, and who 
 vvould be apt to think it strange th.t suoh a prince as he 
 should remain an inactive spectator, and suffer the siege 
 to be carried on, without making a spirited eflrbrt to re- 
 lieve It, and would interpret it as a sign of weakness, and 
 thus be disposed to revolt from a prince who had neither 
 courage nor strength to preserve his own capital. Ihe 
 consequence was just such as might be safely predicted, 
 and e.xpected by ftlithridates and Taxiles— the total route 
 of the undisciplined rabble. This is just the whole story ; 
 and the exaggerated statement of the philosopher of Cha. 
 ronea, who has made a fine wrought up hyp' /bolical de. 
 
 thp<iP^snn ,.,i-«.. m„ R " ^'^'■'P"0" "1 order to glorify his hero Lucuuus, may be 
 
 annroach of win .1 ? h"","^"' '^"V'^ compelled by the safely dismissed as unworthy of a place on the page of 
 
 approach of winter (which in such a mountainous region sober narrative.— i o ♦ 
 
 nhrTes 't'^ ''^F ^'"^ '^''''^^ ^° E"" ^ About twenty pounds. 
 
 Phrates or to the other side of mount Masius. But the 2 Strab. 1. xi. p. 332. i l. xii. p. 5,S9. 
 
HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 710 
 
 extreme joy, and quitted it in so great numbers, 
 that from one of the greatest cities in the world, 
 i Tigranocerta became in an instant ahnost a de- 
 sert. - , . 
 
 If Luculhis had pursued Tigranes after his 
 victory,'* without giving him time to raise new 
 troops, he would either have taken or driven 
 him out of the country, and the war would have 
 I been at an end. His having failed to do so was 
 very ill taken both in the army and at Rome, 
 I and he was accused, not of negligence, but of 
 j having intended by such conduct to make him- 
 I self necessary, and to retain the command longer 
 i in his own hands. This was one of the reasons 
 i that prejudiced the generality against him, and 
 I induced them to think of giving him a succes- 
 sor, as we shall see in the sequel. 
 
 After the great victory he had gained over 
 ' Tigranes, several nations came to make their 
 i submissions to him. He received also an em- 
 I bassy from the king of the Parthians, who de- 
 1 manded the amity and alliance of the Romans. 
 I LucuUus received this proposal favourably, and 
 eent also ambassadors to him, who, being ar- 
 ! rived at the Parthian court, discovered that the 
 I king, uncertain which side to take, wavered 
 ! between the Romans and Tigranes, and had 
 I secretly demanded Mesopotamia of the latter, 
 I as the price of the aid he offered him. Lucul- 
 I lus, informed of this secret intrigue, resolved to 
 j leave Mithridates and Tigranes, and to tui-n 
 I his arms against the king of the Parthians ; 
 I flattered with the grateful thought, that nothing 
 j could be more glorious for him, than to have 
 ( entirely reduced, in one expedition, the three 
 \ most powerful princes under the sun. But the 
 opposition this proposal met with from the 
 i troops, obliged him to renounce his enterprise 
 1 against the Parthians, and to confine himself to 
 i I the pursuit of Tigranes. 
 
 j During this delay, Mithridates and Tigranes 
 I had been indefatigable in raising new troops. 
 
 They had sent to implore aid of the neighbour- 
 I ing nations, and especially of the Parthians, 
 i who were the nearest, and at the same time in 
 the best condition to assist them in the present 
 extremity. Mithridates wrote a letter to their 
 king, which Sallust has preserved, and which 
 is to be found amongst his fragments. I shall 
 insert a part of it in this place. 
 
 Letter of MithPvIdates to Arsaces,'' 
 
 KIKG OF THE PaRTHIANS. 
 
 I " All those who, in a state of prosperity, are 
 invited to enter as confederates into a war, ought 
 I first to consider whether peace be at their own 
 option and next, whether what is demanded 
 
 j 3 Dion. Cass. 1. xxxv. p. 1. 
 
 I 4 Arsaces was a name common to all the kings of 
 I Parthia. 
 
 5 Omnes, qui secundis rebus suis ad belli societatem 
 orantur, considerare debent, liceatne turn pacem agere : 
 dein quod qusritur, satisne pium, tutum, gloriosum, an 
 indecorum sit. Tibi perpetiia pace frui liceret nisi hosles 
 opportuni et scelestissimi. Egregia fama, si Romanos op- 
 presseris, futura est. Neque petere audeara societatem, 
 et frustra mala mea cum tuis bonis misceri sperem. Atqui 
 ea, quae te morari posse videntur, ira in Tigranem re- 
 oentis belli, et meae rc3S pariim prosperas, si vera cestumare 
 voles, maxime hortabuntur. llle enim obnoxius, qualem 
 tu voles societatem accipiet : mihi fortuna, multis rel)us 
 ereptis, usum dedit bene snadendi, et quod florentibus 
 optabile est, ego non validissimus praebeo exemplum, quo 
 rectiiis tua componas. Namque Romaniscum natioiiibus, 
 populis, regibus cunctis, una et ea vetus causa bellandi 
 est, ciipido profunda imperii et divitiarum- 
 
 of them is consistent with justice, their interest, 
 safety, and glory. You might enjoy perpetual 
 peace and tranquillity, were not the enemy al- j 
 ways intent upon seizing occasions of war, and i 
 undeterred by any crimes. In reducing the | 
 Romans, you cannot but acquire the highest | 
 reputation. It may seem inconsistent in me, 
 to propose to you either an alliance with Ti- i 
 granes, or that you, powerful as you are, sliould j 
 join a prince in my unfortunate condition. But , j 
 'l dare assert, that those two motives, your re- [ | 
 sentment against Tigranes upon account of his j ' 
 late war with you, and the disadvantageous | 
 situation of my affairs, if you judge rightly, far j 
 from opposing my demand, ought to support it. ; 
 For as to Tigranes, as he knows he has given | 
 you just cause of complaint, he will accept, I 
 without difficulty, whatever conditions you shall 
 think fit to impose upon him ; and for me, I 
 can say that fortune, by having deprived me of 
 almost all I possessed, has enabled me to give 
 others good counsel, and, which is much to be 
 desired by persons in prosperity, I can, even 
 from my own misfortunes, supply you with ex- 
 amples, and induce you to take better measures 
 than I have done. For, do not deceive your- 
 self; it is with all the nations, states, and king- 
 doms of the earth, that the Romans arc at war ; 
 and two motives, as ancient as powerful, put j 
 their arms into their hands ; the unbounded j 
 am.bition of extending their conquests, and the 
 insatiable thirst of riches." Mithridates after- 
 wards enumerates at large the princes and kings 
 whom they had reduced one after another, and 
 often by means of one another. He repeats akso 
 his first successes against the Romans, and his 
 late misfortunes. He goes on to this effect: 
 " Examine now,^ I beg you, whether, when 
 we are finally ruined, you will be better able to 
 resist the Romans, or can believe, that they will 
 confine their conquests to my country ? I know 
 you are powerful in men, in arms, and in trea- 
 sure ; it is for that reason we desire to strengthen 
 ourselves by your alliance ; they, to grow rich 
 by your spoils. For the rest, it is the intention 
 of Tigranes to avoid drawing the war into his 
 own country, that we shall go with all my 
 troops, which are certainly well disciplined, to 
 
 6 Nunc quEBSo, considera, nobis oppressis, utriJm fiimi- 
 orem te ad resistendum, an finem belli futurum putes ? 
 Scio equidem tibi magnas opes virorum, arniorum, et 
 auri esse ; et e& re nobis art societatem, ab illis ad pr^dam 
 peteris. CEeterQm consilimn est Tigranis, regno integro, 
 meis militibus belli prudentibus, procul ab domo, parvo 
 labore, per nostra corpora bellum conficere: quando neque 
 vincere neque vinci sine periculo tuo possumus. An ig- 
 noras Romanos, postquam ad occidentem pergentibus 
 finem oceanus fecit, arma hue convertisse ? Neque qiiic. 
 quam a principio nisi raptum habere; domum,^ conjuges, 
 agros, imperium.? Convenas, oliin sine patna, sine pa. 
 rentibus, peste conditos orbis terrarum : quibus non hu- 
 mana ulla neque divina obstant, quin socios, amicos, pro. 
 cul juxtaque sitos, inopes, potentesque trahant, excidant- 
 que ; omniaque nun serva, et maxime regi:a, hoslilia 
 ducant. Namque, pauci libertatem, pan magna justos 
 dominos volunt. Nos suspecti sumus asmuli, et in tempore 
 vindices afFuturi. Tu verb, cui Seleucia maxima urbium, 
 regnumque Persidis inclytis divitiis est, quid ab illis, nisi 
 dolum in jn-fEsens, et postea bellum expectas ? Romani 
 in onines arma habent, acerrima in eos quibus spolia 
 maxima sunt. Audendo et fallendo, et bella ex bellis 
 serendo, magni facti. Per hunc morem extinguent om. 
 nia, aut Occident : quod difficile non est, si tu Mesopota- 
 mia, nos Armenia, circumgredimur exercitum sine fru- 
 mento, sine auxihis. Fortuna autem nostris vitiis achuc 
 incolumis, Teque ilia fama sequetur, auxilio profectum 
 niagnis regibus latrones gentium oppre&sisse. Quod uU 
 facias moneo hortorque, neu malis pernicie nostra unuin 
 im peri urn prolatare, quam societate victor fieri. 
 
720 
 
 HISTORY OF PONTUg. 
 
 carry our arms far from home, and attack the 
 enemy in person in their own country. We 
 cannot therefore either conquer or be conquered 
 without your being in danger. Do you not 
 know, that the Romans, when they found them 
 selves stopped by the ocean in the west, turned 
 their arms this way ? that to look back to their 
 foundation and origin, whatever they have, they 
 have from violence ; home, wives,' lands, and 
 dominions ? A vile herd of every kind of vaga- 
 bonds, without country, without forefathers, 
 they established themselves for the misfortune 
 of the human race. Neither divine nor human 
 jaws restrain them from betraying and destroy- 
 ing their allies and friends, remote nations or 
 neighbours, the weak or the powerful. They 
 reckon as enemies all that are not their slaves ; 
 and especially whatever bears the name of ki 
 
 „ ^ ^ " — w n.mg. 
 
 ±*or tew nations affect a free and independent 
 government; the generality prefer just and equi- 
 table masters. They suspect us, because we are 
 rivals with them for dominion, and may in time 
 take vengeance for their oppressions. But for 
 you, who have Seleucia, the greatest of cities, 
 and Persia, the richest and most powerful of 
 kingdoms, what can you expect from them but 
 deceit at present, and war hereafter? The Ro- 
 mans are at war with all nations ; but especially 
 with those from whom the richest spoils are to 
 be expected. They are become great by boldly 
 enterprising, betraying, and by making one war 
 bring forth another. By this means, they will 
 either destroy all others, or be destroyed them- 
 selves. It will not be difficult to ruin them, if 
 you, on the side of Mesopotamia, and we on 
 that of Armenia, surround their army, which 
 ; will be without provisions or auxiliaries. The 
 I prosperity of their arms has subsisted hitherto 
 solely by our fault, who have not been so pru- 
 dent as to appreciate the views of this common 
 enemy, and to unite ourselves in confederacy 
 ; against him. It will be for j'-our immortal 
 glory to have supported two great kings, and to 
 : have conquered and destroyed these robbers of 
 the world. This is what' I earnestly advise 
 and exhort you to do; by warning you to choose 
 rather to share with us, by a salutary alliance, 
 in the conquest of the common enemy, than to 
 suffer the Roman empire to extend itself still 
 farther by our ruin." 
 
 It does not appear that this letter had the 
 effect upon Phraates which Mithridates might 
 have hoped from it. So that the two kings con- 
 tented themselves with their own troops. 
 
 One of the means made use of by Tigranes to 
 assemble a new army,' was to recall Megadates 
 froni Syria, who had governed it fourteen years 
 in his name ; to him he sent orders to join him 
 with all the troops in that country. Syria ^ 
 being thereby entirely ungarrisoned, Antiochus 
 Asiaticus, son of Antiochus Eusebes, to whom 
 it of right appertained, as lawful heir of the 
 house of Seleucus, took possession of some part 
 of the country, and reigned there peaceably dur- 
 ing four years. 
 
 The army^ of Tigranes 
 A. M. 3936. and Mithridates was at last 
 Ant. J. C. 68. formed. It consisted of 
 70,000 chosen men, whom 
 Mithridates har! trained well in the Roman dis- 
 cipline. It Avas about midsummer before it 
 
 Appian. in Syr. p. 118. 119. 2 Justin, lib. xl. c. 2. 
 3 Plut. in Lucul. p. 513—515. 
 
 4 Or Arsania. 5 Dion. Cas. I. xxxvii. p. a— J. 
 
 6 Noster exercitus, etsi urbem ex Tigranis regno ce. 
 perat, et prsliis usus erat secundis, tamen nimia loiigm- 
 quitate locorum, ac desiderio suorum commovebatur. Cic 
 pro leg. Man. n. 23. 
 
 7 The preceding splendid victory, complete as it wa« 
 was not yet of such consequence as to deprive the unfor! 
 tunate Tigranes of all his means of defence, and of an. 
 other opportunity of attempting to retrieve his fallen 
 fortune. Instructed by adversity, he now listened to the 
 advice of his equally unfortunate father-in-law, and instead 
 of bringing raw, undisciplined forces into immediate con- 
 tact with Roman discipline and veteran warriors, adopted 
 a defensive system. The conduct of the military ope- 
 rations was now confided to Mithridates. Magdates, 
 governor of Syria and Mesopotamia, was recalled, with all 
 tlie forces he commanded, to the assistance of his master : 
 which shows that the communications with southern Ar. 
 menia were not so closely shut up as that Tigranes could 
 not be joined by them. Tigranes for some time followed 
 the advice of Mithridates, in shunning a close engage, 
 ment, and adopted his plan of spinning out the cam. 
 l)aign, by keeping at a careful distance from the main 
 Roman army, never encamping but on advantageous 
 
 took the field. The two kings took particular 
 care, in all the movements they made, to choose 
 an advantageous ground for their camp, and to 
 fortify it well, to prevent Lucullus's attackin<r 
 them in it; nor could all the stratagems hS 
 used, engage them to come to a battle. Their 
 design was to reduce him gradually ; to harass i 
 his troops on their marches, in order to weaken 
 them ; to intercept his convoys, and oblige him 
 to quit the country for want of provisions. Lu- 
 cullus not being able, by all the arts he could 
 use, to bring them into the open field, employed 
 a new plan, which succeeded. Tigranes had 
 left at Artaxata, the capital of Armenia before 
 the foundation of Tigranocerta, his wives and 
 children ; and there he had deposited almost aJ] 
 his treasures. Lucullus marched that way 
 with all his troops, rightly foreseeing that Ti- 
 granes would not remain quiet, when he saw 
 the danger to which his capital was exposed 
 That prince accordingly decamped immediately, 
 followed Lucullus to disconcert his design ; and 
 by four great marches, having got before' him' 
 posted himself behind the river Arsamia,* which 
 Lucullus was obliged to pass in his way to Ar- 
 taxata, and resolved to dispute the passage with 
 him. The Romans passed the river without 
 being prevented by the presence or efforts of the 
 enemy; a great battle ensued, in which the Ro- 
 mans again obtained a complete victory. There 
 were three kings in the Armenian army, ot 
 whom Mithridates behaved the worst; for, not 
 being able to look the Roman legions in the 
 face, as soon as they charged, he was one of the 
 first who fled; which threw the whole army ! 
 into such a consternation, that it entirely lost 
 all courage ; and this was the principal cause of 
 the loss of the battle. 
 
 Lucullus, after this victory,^ determined to 
 continue his march to Artaxata, which was the 
 certain means to put an end to the war. But 
 as that city was still several days' journey from 
 thence, towards the north, and winter was ap- 
 proaching with its train of snows and storms, 
 the soldiers," already fatigued by a sufficiently 
 rough campaign, refused to follow him into tha't 
 country, where the cold was too severe for 
 them. He was obliged to lead them into a 
 warmer climate, by returning the way he came. 
 
 He therefore repassed mount Taurus, and 
 entered Mesopotamia, where he took the city 
 Nisibis, a place of considerable strength, and he 
 put his troops into %vinter-quarters.' 
 
HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 721 
 
 It was thei'e that the spirit of mutiny began 
 to show itself openly in the army of Lucullus. 
 That general's severity, and the insolent liberty 
 of the Roman soldiers, and still more the malig- 
 
 ground; harassing the Romans, intercepting their con- 
 i^oys, and attacking their foraging parties. Had lie closely 
 kept to this Fabian method of warfare, the Romans 
 would have been compelled to retreat, without fighting, 
 and abandon Armenia. Lucullus, sensible that such a 
 mode of warfare would weary out his impatient legion, 
 aries, adopted a method which proved successful. He 
 made a feint of marching across the dividing ridges of the 
 Vaurian range to attack Artaxata. Tigranes, alarmed for 
 the safety of his capital and treasures, resolved to dispute 
 the passage and venture an engagement. This was just 
 what Lucullus wished ; for, had he merely kept aloof, and 
 harassed the Romans as before, the approach of an Ar. 
 tnenian winter and the want of provisions would soon have 
 produced the retreat of the Romans. 
 
 Lucullus has been blamed for not pursuing Tigranes 
 flfter the battle, and, either by taking him prisoner or 
 by driving him out of the country, have put an end to the 
 war in one campaign. I do not see well how such a 
 charge can be supported. The country in the vicinity is 
 full of mountains and defiles, so that it was easy for the 
 native troops who escaped the slaughter to avoid pursuit, 
 by .taking roads to which the Romans could not but be 
 utter strangers. The Roman cavalry did not exceed 1000, 
 and without fresh horses it was impossible that in so 
 mountainous a country they could pursue to any great dis- 
 tance, the ground being unfavourable for the operations 
 of cavalry. The seasan was also far spent, and winter 
 was fast approaching, when the whole of the mountains 
 Would be clad with snow and the passes blocked up. To 
 talk of a winter campaign amongst the Koordistaun moun- 
 tains, betrays consummate ignorance of the scene of warlike 
 operations. What says Kinnier, speaking of Betlis ? " The 
 toads since we left Leese, on the iMoosh, have been very 
 good, and passable for cannons, waggons, or indeed wheel- 
 carriages of any kind. This is however the case only during 
 the summer and autumn months ; for in the winter the 
 Whole country is laid under snow; the melting of which 
 in the spring, occasions such a number of torrents as to 
 render the communication between the towns exceedingly 
 difficult. I look upon it as impossible to make war in any 
 part of the western Armenia during four, or perhaps five 
 months in the year ; and, as the retreat of the Ten Thou. 
 jand has often occupied my thoughts in my journeys 
 across the sultry wilds of Irak Arabi and the rugged 
 tnountains of Koordistaun, I could never reflect without 
 a feeling of admiration and wonder on the difficulties 
 which that heroic body had to overcome. The march of 
 an army for so great a distance, through such a country, 
 in the full rigour of an Armenian winter, is quite un. 
 paralleled in the annals of war." — Travels, p. 396. 
 
 Now, how could the Romans make a winter-campaign 
 In such a country? with the topography of which they 
 could be but very imperfectly acquainted. Lucullus would 
 therefore be compelled to suspend military operations till 
 t.ext summer. This allowed Tigranes time to have an- 
 other army collected against the season of such opera- 
 tions ; which he rendezvoused in the large and fertile 
 pldins of Moosh, on the other side of mount Taurus, 
 ; and, when the weather permitted, advanced south to 
 the vicinity of Tigranocerta, to harass Lucullus, but not 
 1 to venture an engagement. But the stratagem of that 
 I {general succeeded ; and, in his march from Tigranocerta, 
 I or its vicinity, he fell in with the army of Tigranes, en- 
 1 camped on the other side of the Arsanias, to dispute his 
 I march to Artaxata. This river is no other than the 
 I Teleboas, which the Ten Thousand passed ; the Ak-Su, 
 I or White river of De Lisle ; the Arsinius of Procopius ; 
 I and the river of Moosh, or Moxoene, running north-west 
 from the dividing range of the Niphates to the Morad, 
 ! or eastern Euphrates. It lay just in the line of march 
 I to Artaxata from Tigranocerta, and if Tigranocerta be 
 j Sort, the distance could be very well accomplished in 
 I four marches, according to its position in the maps of 
 I Kinnier's route, it being only 50 British miles from Ti- 
 ! granocerta to the source of the Arsanias, in direct dis- 
 tance. The Ten Thousand took six marches to arrive at 
 the same river from nearly the same point. But two things 
 must be remembered: their march was in the depth of 
 Winter, whereas that of Lucullus was in the end of au- 
 tumn, and that the course of the retreating Greeks was 
 considerably more to the west than that of Lucullus, as 
 they marched by the dividing ridge that separates the 
 source of the Tigris (Susan branch) from that of the Kha- 
 boor, and, consequently, made a considerable dftour to 
 the left As the direction of LucuUus's march was to- 
 
 nant practices of Clodius, had given occasion for 
 this revolt. Clodius, so well known by the in- 
 vectives of Cicero, his enemy, is hardly better 
 treated by historians. They represent him as a 
 
 wards Artaxata, it would be by the course and through 
 the valley of the Khabour, almost due north, and then it 
 would cross the ridge that separates the valley of Betlis 
 from the plain of Moosh and the course of the Arsanias, 
 According to the relative position of Sert to the Arsanias, 
 in D'Anville's map, he could not have reached that streani 
 in four marches, as the direct distance is at lea.«t 90 Bri- 
 tish miles, and, considering the sinuosities, which in a 
 mountainous country must be great, the road distance 
 could not but be much more ; which shows the incorrect- 
 ness of that map. 
 
 A defeat, as might be anticipated, was the consequence 
 of venturing an engagement with Roman veterans ; but I 
 do not believe that Mithridates was present, else the en. 
 gagement would not have taken place, as that would have 
 been entirely at variance with the plan recommended by 
 himself. Mithridates was at this very time in Pontus, 
 and could not be present at this engagement. We are 
 told, also, that Mithridates behaved like an arrant coward 
 in this battle, being the first that fled the field, not daring 
 to look the Roman legions in the face, and that this act 
 of cowardice was the proximate cause of the defeat of Ti- 
 granes. No man of common sense and reflection will be. 
 lieve such an assertion — that the warlike Mithridates was 
 a coward. Such an assertion is quite inconsistent with tho 
 character and conduct of the man ; and what renders it 
 more ridiculous is, that this alleged coward defeated two 
 Roman armies, in person, in the absence of Lucullus. 
 
 'I'his victory is represented by Plutarch as having been 
 gained in the vicinity of Artaxata, and that Lucullus, after 
 his victory, returned to the siege of that city. In the first 
 place, there is no such river as the Arsanias in the vicinity 
 of Artaxata. Secondly, Lucullus gained that river in 
 four marches from the vicinity of Tigranocerta, whereas 
 Artaxata and the Araxes are at least 230 British miles in 
 direct distance, and more than 300 such miles by the road, 
 from Tigranocerta, and nearly the same distance from 
 the Arsanias itself, and if he had really marched to Ar- 
 taxata, by the way of Moosh on the Arsanias, the distance 
 would have been increased by at least one-third. Thirdly, 
 if, as Plutarch says, the corn was ripe in Armenia ; and if 
 before the close of the autumnal equinox the weather be- 
 came as severe as in the midst of winter ; the whole coun- 
 try was covered with snow ; the rivers were frozen ; the 
 country was woody ; the paths narrow ; and the army at 
 night compelled to encamp in damp, muddy spots, wet 
 with melting snow ; how could an army, in such circum. 
 stances, carry on military operations ? and, supposing they 
 were by these circumstances compelled to abandon tlia 
 siege, how were they to get back to Tigranocerta, SOO 
 miles distant ? Though a return in such • season of the 
 year might not be absolutely impossible, it must still have 
 been attended with the loss of the greater part of the 
 army. Such a retreat must have been calamitous in tho 
 extreme, as the Romans would, in addition to these calami, 
 ties attendant on their retreat from physical obstacles, havo 
 been harassed by an Armenian army, eager to revenge 
 themselves on an invading, and hitherto victorious ene- 
 my. If they were exposed to such distresses and priva. 
 tions in the plain of Artaxata, these would have been 
 vastly heightened by an attempt to retreat ; from two 
 causes ; the increasing severity of the season, and the 
 nature of the country to be traversed. The level of Ar, 
 taxata is much lower than that of Erzeroom, or Bayezid, 
 and the climate milder. It would have been a continuous 
 ascent from Artaxata to the upper valley of the Morad, 
 and after they had crossed that stream, they would still 
 have had to scale the lofty snow-clad range of the Ni. 
 phates, (which separates the valley of the Morad from 
 southern Armenia,) which at that season of the year 
 would have been the very acme of suffering to a retreat 
 ing and exhausted army.' Of these two evils, either that 
 of retreating or continuing where they were, the latter 
 would have been the lesser. 
 
 Antony, by persisting to return home through Arme. 
 nia, after his retreat from the Araxes, instead of winter 
 ing, as he ought to have done, lo.st 8C'00 men ; who per, 
 ished from the snow and excessive cold of an Armenian 
 winter, though no enemy then pursued him. Yet all 
 this absurd tale of Lucullus marching into Armenia after 
 the autumnal equinox ; his defeating Tigranes at the Ar, 
 sanias, in the vicinity of Artaxata, though no such stream 
 be there ; his continuing the siege of that city till the 
 season compelled him to retreat all the way to Tigrano. 
 certa, in the winter solstice, is gravely related by the 
 J compilers of the Ancient Universal Hi£to>-v, vd. ix. p. 506 
 
722 
 
 HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 mail abandoiKMl to all kind of vices, and infa- 
 mous for his debaucheries, which he carried to 
 such excess as to commit incest with his own 
 sister, the wife of LucuUus ; to these he added 
 
 Our author's account, taken from Cicero's oration for the 
 Manilian law, is the true one ; namely, that Lucullus, 
 after his victory over 'I'igranes at the Arsanias, or river 
 of Moosh, was deterred from entering the high plateau 
 of central Armenia, and advancing to Artaxata, from the 
 approach of winter and the great distance of that city, 
 j Winter, with all the attendant circumstances, had al- 
 I ready shown itself, as Plutarch relates; but not in the 
 vicinity of Artaxata, as he says, but in that of the Arsa. 
 iiias and mount Niphates ; and Lucullus was therefore 
 compelled to desist from the attempt of advancing far- 
 ther north, and accordingly retraced his steps to the south, 
 his army, already exhausted by the severities of a moun- 
 tain campaign, having refused to follow him into a cli- 
 mate wnere the cold was so severe. Lucullus, there- 
 fore, never saw Artaxata, but returned to the vicinity of 
 1 Tigranocerta. No otiier advantage besides that of a use- 
 less victory, had accrued to the Romans during this cam- 
 paign. 
 
 j The only field that remained for pursuing further mili. 
 I tary operations lay to the south in Mesopotamia, then 
 j subject to Tigranes, and which the Romans had not yet 
 I entered. LucuUus prevailed on his legions to follow him 
 thither. The road was comparatively easy, as it led 
 through the valley of Diyarbekir, and then over mount 
 Masius, which parted it from Mesopotamia. Mount Ma- 
 sius, though a lofty range, was yet sufficiently passable ; 
 being the southern range of Taurus, and having a south, 
 ern exposure to the vast plains of Mesopotamia. The 
 siege of Nisibis occupied several months, being very strong 
 of itself, and defended by a numerous body of troops, com- 
 manded by Curas, brother to Tigranes, having under him 
 Callimachus, a noted Greek engineer, and who had lately 
 defended the city of Amisus in Pontus with great conduct 
 ( and bravery. It was at length taken by storm ; through 
 the favour of a dark and tempestuous night, which obliged 
 the sentinels to abandon their posts. The Romans got 
 over the ditch, and scaled the walls without being per. 
 ceived by the garrison. Those who fled to the citadel 
 I surrendered on terms; among whom was Curas, who was 
 i treated very generously by Lucullus; but Callimachus 
 j was loaded with chains and sent to Rome, for having set 
 fire to Amisus. After this Lucullus put his forces into 
 I winter-quarters ; and thus the campaign was finished by 
 j I the reduction of IVlygdonia. 
 I The compilers of the Ancient Universal History, in ad- 
 i dition to the absurd relation above-mentioned, say that 
 Lucullus not only retreated during the winter from Ar- 
 taxata to I'igranocerta, but that also he passed mount 
 Masius, and formed the siege of Nisibis — as if such a thing 
 could have been possible ; as if, in addition to a march of 
 SOU miles through frost and snow, they could have been 
 in a condition to march nigh 100 miles farther, and carry 
 on the siege of Nisiliis, and finally take it by storm, after 
 a siege of some months, before they could repose their 
 wearied limbs and re[)air their exhausted frames ! 
 
 Nisibis was the ancient Zobah, capital of Hadadezer; 
 Josephus was therefore in error when he affirms, that it 
 was built by the Macedonians, lib. xx. c. 2. Its very 
 name shows it to have been an Aramaean city, being de- 
 nominated in ancient times Nisabe, and at this very day 
 it is called by the inhabitants Sobe. Though it received 
 from its masters the Greek appellation of Antiocheia 
 Mygdonia, the original name prevailed, though .somewhat 
 disguised under a Greek termination. It lies in a fertile 
 ' plain, SO British miles south of mount Masius, 60 south of 
 j the nearest point of the Tigris, 155 miles north-west of 
 I Mosul, SO south-east of Diyarbekir, 40 road miles south- 
 east of Merdin, 18 road miles south-east of the ruined city 
 of Dara, 100 miles east of Orfa or Eriessa, 75 north-east of 
 Carrha?, 135 east of Beer on the Euphrates, and 130 north 
 of the mouth of the Chaboras or Khabour, and .?>'j0 
 I north west of the ancient Ctesiphon or Al-Modain. The 
 plain in which it is built is watered by the Mygdo- 
 nius or Nahar.al-Hiialce, a small but rapid stream, 
 which rises in mount Masius, not many miles to the 
 nortli of the city. In Rciincl's large map, the river of 
 Nisibis is roi)re.sentcd, however, only as a tributary of 
 the Hualee, Hermas or filygdonius, into which it falls 25. 
 British miles below, or south-east of Nisihis, on the autho- 
 rity of Niebuhr, whose route is laid down in that map. I 
 Know no otiier way of reconciling this than to suppose 
 that Mygdoiiius i> tlie name of the river which waters the ' 
 olain of Nisibis, Mygdonia the name of the district so wa- j 
 rered, whilst the names of the Hennas, Saocoras, or Nahar- 
 al-Hualee, belong to the main stream which receives the | 
 
 unbounded audacity, and uncommon cunning 
 in the contrivance of seditions ; in a word, he i 
 was one of those dangerous persons, born to \ 
 disturb and ruin every thing by the unhappy [ 
 
 Mygdonius,and which separates the district so called from i 
 the rest of Mesopotamia. The Nahar.al-Hualee rises in 
 mount Masius near 80 British miles north-west of its junc- ' 
 tion with the river of N isibis. 'I'he Mygdonius itself must be 
 a considerable stream, since Niebuhr crossed it over abridge 
 of 12 arches, and says, that at the annual melting of the i 
 snows of mount Masius, it swells to a great size and in- i 
 undates all the plain through which it runs; which is no- j 
 ticed by Julian the apostate himself in his first oration. ! 
 It is probable, however, that, as the Hermas itself, which ' 
 receives all the streams running south from the Masius, 
 must be subject to similar inundations from the same ■ 
 cause, the inundations of the Mygdonius will be increased : 
 by that very circumstance ; its stream being dammed up I 
 by the superior swell of the main stream, and the exceed- ! 
 ing flatness of the plain. j 
 The whole of the plain between the Hualee and mount : 
 Masius, is intersected by innumerable brooks, of which 
 the Mygdonius is the principal trunk that conveys them to | 
 the Hualee, whilst the torrent of Dara, li British miles j 
 to the west of Nisibis, divided the dominions of the Per- 
 sian Khosrous from that of the Roman Cajsars. Kinnier I 
 says that he passed the Mygdonius on a small bridge, I 
 which I cannot reconcile with Niebuhr's bridge of 12 | 
 arches; and therefore su.spect that the bridge lay over 
 the Hualee, and not over the Mygdonius, which Niebuhr 
 crossed 20 miles south-west of Nisibis, on his route to | 
 Ras al-Ain on the Khabour. The whole plain from the 
 source of the Hualee to Nisibis, and from Nisibis to Mo- 
 sul, is a succession of flat alluvial meadows, each watered 
 by its own stream, all fertile in rice and grain, and full 
 of ruined cities and villages — clear and conclusive proofs 
 how much of the misery of a country is owirgto mis- 
 government, and how different the yoke of the rude and 
 barbarous Osmanlis is from that of the Romans and Per- 
 sians, who then shared the rich, productive, and exten- 
 sive province of Mesopotamia. Though neither trees nor 
 shrubs now appear in these desolated plains, it was once 
 otherwise ; and the immense forests which clothed the 
 southern slope of the Karadgy Dagh, in the vicinity of 
 Nisibis, enabled Trajan to equip a numerous fleet of ships, 
 which he carried down the stream of the Khabour to Cir- 
 cesium on the Euphrates. It is perhaps from tnese dark j 
 and sombre forests that Masius has obtained its Turkish i 
 appellation of Karadgy.Dagh, or the Black mountain. ] 
 
 Nisibis continued in the hands of the Romans till the 
 fatal battle of Carrhffi restored it to the Parthians, who ! 
 liad taken it from the successors of Seleucus, and lost it 
 by the arms of Tigranes. With them it continued to the 
 reign of Trajan, who recovered it ; but it was abandoned 
 by his successor, Hadrian, to its former masters. It was ' 
 again taken from the Parthians by Cassius, and made the | 
 capital of Roman Mesopotamia by Severus. Besieged in 
 vain by Ardeshir Babegan, it was captured by his victo- 
 rious descendant Shapoor I. but recovered by the Romans 
 during the troubles that ensued in the reign of his suc- 
 cessor Varanes, and made the frontier fortress of Meso- 
 potamia against Persia. It was thrice, in the space ot 12 
 years, ineffectually besieged by Shapoor II.; in the last 
 siege he lost above 20,000 men. It was however resigned 
 to him at the treaty of Dura. It remained under the 
 Persians, till, on the downfall of their empire, it was cap- 
 tured by the Saracens, since which it has gradually de- 
 clined, and is now reduced to a miserable village of 150 
 houses, inhabited by Nestorian Christians. 
 
 Gibbon, vol. ii. p. 31. sjieaking of the cession of the Trans- 
 tigritan provinces to the Romans, and the fixing by treaty 
 the Khabour as the Roman and Persian boundary, says", 
 that that river is joined by the little stream of the Mygdo- 
 nius a few miles below Nisibis, passes under the walls of 
 Singara, and falls into the Euphrates at Circesium. He 
 lias hei-e confounded the Khabour with tlie Hualee, which 
 indeed receives the little stream of the Mvgdoiiius a few I 
 miles below Nisibis, but the Khabour docs not unite with the i 
 Hualee till at the distance of 100 British miles sonth-ea,-t of 1 
 Nisibis. The Khabour, neither alone nor united, washes | 
 the walls of Singara or Sinjar. It is the Hualee, which, 
 united with the river of Nisibis, docs so ; a.s may be .^cen ' 
 by referring to the maps of D'Anville, Rcnnel, and Kin . ] 
 nier. While correcting an error of Ptolemy, in placing I 
 Singara on the Tigris, he has him.sclf committed a similar ' 
 I one, in placing it on the Khabour instead of the Hualee; i 
 ' as Singara is situated on the most eastern winding of that ! 
 j stream, 60 British miles at least in direct distance from 
 the nearest point of the Khabour. 'J'he Khabour was 
 1 only the political limit of the two empires, from its confiu- 
 
HISTORY OF PONTUS. 723 
 
 union in himself of the most wicked inclina- 
 tions, with the talents necessary for putting 
 them in execution. He gave a proof of this 
 upon the occasion of which we are now speak- 
 
 ence with the Hualee down to Circesium. Above that 
 ] point, the boundary ran alongst the western bank of the 
 I Hualee, not of the Khabour, north-east to Singara, which 
 i it included j and thence due north ; passing to the east of 
 Tissaphalta till it struck the Tigris, opposite the mouth of 
 the Khabour of Koordistaun, below Zaco, or, at least, at 
 a point on the same river, between Zaco and Bezabde, or 
 Jezeerah, as this latter was by that treaty within the Ro- 
 man boundary. By this treaty, of course, the Roman 
 boundary was carried east, as far as 120 British miles be- 
 yond, or east of Nisibis. Still taking the Hualee for the 
 Chaboras, Aboras, or Khabour, he proceeds to say that by 
 this treaty the Persians abandoned all claim to the great 
 province of Mesopotamia. Now, this is not correct. The 
 Persians still possessed ftlesopotaniia as far as the Hualee, 
 to the west, and, on the southern side of that province, 
 their boundary extended, on the north of the Euphrates, 
 to the mouth of the Khabour, and thence alongst its east- 
 ern bank to the confluence of the Hualee. The Mesopo- 
 tamia ceded by Narses to the Romans, was not the pro- 
 vince so denominated in its most extensive sense ; for the 
 Persians never pos.-essed the whole province so called, and 
 therefore could never cede that which they never held ; 
 but the large district between the Khabour and Hualee, 
 from mount Masius down to the junction of the two streams, 
 and which was so denominated because it lay between these 
 rivers. Before its cession to the Romans, this district had 
 been a bone of contention between the two powers, and 
 the Persians had possessed it for a considerable time. Had 
 Gibbon but consulted his geographical oracle, D'Anville, 
 with the least attention, he would never have committed 
 the blunder of confounding the Chaboras with the Sao. 
 coras or Hualee, nor placed Singara on the former stream, 
 nor said that by the treaty the Persians ceded the whole 
 of Mesopotamia to the Romans. Had he also consulted 
 D'Anville and Niebuhr, he would have found that a lofty 
 range of mountains runs in somewhat of a semicircular 
 form, from the Khabour to the Hualee, and the vicinity 
 of Senjar or Singara, and called the mountains of Senjar. 
 This range intersects the peninsular district half-way 
 down ; for says Kinnier, after quitting Nisibis, on his road 
 to Jezeerah, " On the left was mount Masius, and on the 
 right, or the south, at a considerable distance, the lofty 
 range of Senjar." 
 
 The ruins of Nisibis occupy a large space along the 
 banks of the Mygdonius ; the foundations of its ancient 
 walls may be yet traced, and appear to have been carried 
 along the edge of some eminence defended by the Myg- 
 donius to the north-east, and a morass to the south. " I 
 should guess their circumference," says Kinnier, " to be 
 somewhat more than three miles, and the greater part of 
 the space within the circuit is now covered witii hillocks 
 of stone and rubbish. The church of St. James, the pa- 
 tron of Nisibis, still remains, though but a small building, 
 and at present in a great degree buried in the sand. The 
 ornaments of the interior are four Corinthian pillars, 
 which support a cupola, the lintels of the doors and win- 
 dows, which are not inelegant, and a handsome sarco- 
 / phagus in a vault beneath. About 200 yards from the 
 1 church, the remains of a portico are still seen, consisting 
 : of five granitic columns, yet standing; each of them 
 ; formed of a single stone, of which about 15 feet are still 
 visible, but not above half of the shafts of any of them 
 I now appear above ground. The greater portion of the 
 space, formerly occupied by the city, is now covered with 
 the black tents of the Koords, who graze their flocks on 
 j the banks of the Mygdonius ; the dominion of this part of 
 I the country being divided between them and the Tye 
 j Arabs— a powerful and ancient tribe, mentioned by the 
 Roman historians. The plain of Nisibis abounds in beau- 
 tiful large white roses. We may judge of its former great 
 population from the fact, that when yielded, by the treaty 
 of Dura, to the Persians, 12,000 Persian families were 
 sent by Shapoor to replace its Christian population, who 
 i had chosen rather to abandon it than to remain subjects 
 ; to a magian sovereign. 
 
 Whether the St. James, the patron saint of Nisibis, was 
 James bishop of Edessa or James the apostle, is uncertain. 
 But this saint, whoever he was, performed as many mira- 
 cles in defence of Nisibis, as his namesake of Compostella 
 did in Spain against the Moors ; for, during its siege by 
 Shapoor, he appeared on the walls under the figure of the 
 Roman emperor, and sent an army of gnats to sting the 
 trunks of the elepiiants of the modern Sennacherib, as we 
 are told by Theodoret, lib. ii. c. 30. 
 By the cession of Nisibis, Shapoor regained what had been 
 
 ing. Discontented with Lucullus, he secretly 
 spread reports against him, well calculated to 
 render him odious. He affected to lament ex- 
 tremely the fatigues of the soldiers, and to enter 
 into their interests. He told them every day, that 
 they were very unfortunate, in being obliged to 
 serve so long under a severe and avaricious gene- 
 ral, in a remote climate, without lands or re- 
 wards, whilst their fellow-soldiers, whose con- 
 quests were very moderate in comparison with 
 theirs, had enriched themselves under Pompey. 
 Discourses of this kind, attended with obliging 
 and affable behaviour, which he knew how to 
 assume occasionally without the appearance of 
 affectation, made such an impression upon the 
 soldiers, that it was no longer in the power of 
 Lucullus to govern them. 
 
 Mithridates, in the mean time, had re-entered 
 Pontus with 4000 of his own troops, and 4000 
 given him by Tigranes. Several inhabitants of ; 
 the country joined him again,' as well out of | 
 hatred to the Romans, who had treated them ^ 
 with great rigoui", as through the remains of I 
 affection for their king, reduced to the mournful j 
 condition in which they saw him, from the 
 most splendid fortune and exalted greatness. | 
 For the misfortunes of princes naturally excite t 
 compassion, and there is generally a profound 
 respect engraven in the hearts of the people for 
 the name and person of kings. Mithridates, 
 encouraged and strengthened by these new aids, 
 and the troops which several neighbouring states 
 and princes sent him, resumed courage, and saw 
 himself, more than ever, in a condition to make 
 head against the Romans. So that not con- 
 tented with being re-established in his domi- 
 nions,^ which a moment before he did not so 
 much as hope ever to see again, he had the bold- 
 ness to attack the Roman troops, so often vic- 
 torious; beat a body of them, commanded by 
 Fabius ; and, after having put them to the 
 route, pressed Triarius and Sornatius, two other 
 of Lucullus's lieutenants in that country, with 
 great vigour. 
 
 ceded by Narses, and which boundary continued nearly the 
 same for nigh three centuries, till the Saracens took the 
 whole of Mesopotamia from both powers. This boundary 
 commenced at the junction of the Euphrates and Kha- 
 bour, and ran up that stream to its junction with the Na- 
 har-al-Hualee,ata place called Al-Nahraim, or the rivers. 
 Hence the intermediate district obtained the appropriate 
 appellation of Mesopotamia, or the country between tlie j 
 rivers, or the district of Sinjar, which means just the same. 
 Above this the line ran north-west, between the Khabour 
 and Hualee, till it struck the torrent of Dara, to the north, 
 west of Nisibis, from thence across mount Masius to the 
 Tigris, which it struck at its junction with the Nymphius, 
 nearly due north of Nisibis, and thence up the Nymphius 
 to its source in the Niphates, across that great dividing 
 range to the Morad or eastern Euphrates, which it struck 
 below its confluence with the Arsanias or river of Moosh, 
 which watered the district of the ancient Moxoenc. 
 Longitude of Nisibis 40°. 30'. east of Greenwich, or 30 
 minutes farther west than in the maps of D'Anville and 
 Rennel; latitude 37'^. north.— 
 
 1 Mithridates et suam manum jam confirmarat, et eo- 
 rum qui se ex ejus regno collegerant, et magnis adventi- 
 tiis multorum regum et nationum copiis juvabatui. Hoc 
 jam fere sic fieri solere accepimus ; ut regum affiictse for- 
 tunaj facild multorum opes alliciant ad misericordiam, 
 maximeque eorum qui aut reges sunt, aut vivunt in reg- 
 no : qu&d regale iis nomen magnum et sanctum esse 
 videatur. Cic. pro leg. Manil. n. 'Z'i. 
 
 2 Itaque tantum victus efficere potuit, quantum incolu- 
 mis nunquam est ausus optare. Nam cilm se in regnum 
 recepisset suum, non fuit eo conter.tus, quod ei pra;ter 
 
 I spem' acciderat, ut eam, posted quatn pulsus erat, terram 
 I unquam attingeret ; sed in exercitum vestrum clarurn 
 I atque victorem impetum fecit. C-ic. pro leg. Manil. 
 n. 25 - 'At.-^ 
 
724 
 
 HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 Lucullus at length en- 
 A. M. 3937. gf^ged his soldiers to quit 
 Ant. J. C. C'7. their winter-quarters, and 
 to go to their aid. But they 
 arrived too late. Triarius had imprudently 
 ventured a hattle, in whicli Mithridates had 
 defeated him, and killed 7000 of his men ; 
 amongst whom were reckoned 160 centurions 
 and twenty-four tribunes,' which made this 
 one of the greatest losses the Romans had sus- 
 tained for a great while. The army would 
 have been entirely defeated, but for a wound 
 Mithridates had received, which exceedingly 
 alarmed his troops, and gave the enemy time to 
 escape. Lucullus, upon his arrival, found the 
 dead bodies upon the field of battle, and did not 
 give orders for their interment ; which still 
 more exasperated his soldiers against him. The 
 spirit of revolt rose so high, that, without any 
 regard for his character as genei al, they treated 
 him no longer but with insolence and contempt ; 
 and though he went from tent to tent, and al- 
 most from man to man, to conjure them to 
 march against Mithridates and Tigranes, he 
 could never prevail upon them to quit the place 
 where they were. They answered him bru- 
 tally, that as he had no thoughts but of enrich- 
 ing himself alone out of the spoils of the enemy, 
 he might march alone, and fight them, if he 
 thought fit. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 Mithridates, taking advantage of the discord which had 
 arisen in the Roman army, recovers all his dominions. 
 Pompey is chosen to succeed Lucullus. He overthrows 
 Mithridates in several battles. The latter flies in vain 
 to Tigranes, his son-in-law, for refuge, who is engaged 
 in a war with his own son. Pompey marches into Ar- 
 menia against Tigranes, who comes to him and surren- 
 ders himself Weary of pursuing Mithridates to no 
 purpose, he returns into Syria, makes himself master of 
 that kingdom, and puts an end to the empire of the 
 Seleucidce. He marches back to Pontus. Pharnaces 
 makes the army revolt against his father Mithridates, 
 who kills himself That prince's character. Pompey's 
 expeditions into Arabia and Judea, where he takes 
 Jerusalem. After having reduced all the cities of 
 Pontus, he returns to Rome, and receives the honour 
 of a triumph. 
 
 Manius Acilius Glabrio and C. Piso had 
 been elected consuls at Rome. The first had 
 Bithynia and Pontus for his province, where 
 Lucullus commanded. The senate, at the same 
 time, disbanded Fimbria's legions, which were 
 part of his army. All this news augmented 
 Jie disobedience and insolence of the troops to- 
 wards Lucullus. 
 
 It is true,"'' his rough, austere, and frequently 
 haughty disposition, gave some room for such 
 usage. He cannot be denied the glory of having 
 been one of the greatest captains of his age ; and 
 of having had almost all the qualities that form 
 a complete general. But one was wanting 
 which diminished the merit of all the rest ; I 
 mean the art of gaining the affections, and mak- 
 ing himself beloved by the soldiers. He was 
 difficult of access ; rough in commanding ; car- 
 ried exactitude, in point of duty, to an excess 
 that made it odious ; was inexorable in punish- 
 ing offences j and did not know how to conciliate 
 
 1 QujE calamitas tanta fuit, ut eam ad aures L. Lu- 
 cuUi, non ex prEelio nuntius, sed ex sermone rumore 
 i(!erret. Cic. pro leg. Manil. n. 2,5. 
 
 2 Dion. Cass. 1. xxxv. p. 7. 
 
 good-will by praises and rewards opportunely 
 bestowed, or by an air of kindness and affability, \ 
 and insinuating manners, still more efficacious ; 
 than either gifts or praises. And what proves 
 that the sedition of the troops was in a great 
 measure his own fault, was their being very 
 docile and obedient under Pompey. 
 
 ]n consequence of the letters which Lucullus 
 had written to the senate, in which he ac- 
 quai-nted them, that Mithridates was entirely i 
 defeated, and utterly incapable of retrieving 1 
 himself, commissioners had been nominated to 
 regulate the affairs of Pontus, as of a kingdom i 
 totally reduced. They were much surprised to i 
 find, upon tlieir arrival, that, far from being i 
 master of Pontus, he was not so much as mas- 
 ter of his army, and that his own soldiers treated 
 him with the utmost contempt. 
 
 The arrival of the consul Acilius Glabrio still 
 added to their licentiousness. He informed 
 them,' that Lucullus had been accused at Rome 
 of protracting the war for the sake of continuing j 
 his command ; that the senate had disbanded 
 part of his troops, and forbade them paying him 
 any farther obedience. So that he soon found 
 himself almost entirelj'- abandoned by the sol- 
 diers. Mithridates, taking advantage of this 
 disorder, had time to recover his whole king- 
 dom, and to make great ravages in Cappadocia. 
 
 Whilst the affairs of the 
 
 A. M, 3938. army were in this condition 
 Ant. J. C. 66. great noise was made at 
 Rome against Lucullus. — 
 Pompey had just put an end to the war with 
 the pirates, for which an extraordinary power 
 had been granted to him.* Upon this occasion 
 one of the tribunes of the people, named Mani- 
 lius, proposed a decree to this effect : " That 
 Pompey, taking upon him the command of all 
 the troops and provinces which Avere under Lu- 
 cullus, and adding to them Bithynia, where 
 Acilius commanded, should be charged with 
 the conduct of the war against the kings Mith- 
 ridates and Tigranes, retaining under him all 
 the naval forces, and continuing to command at 
 sea with the same conditions and prerogatives 
 as had been granted him in the war against the 
 pirates ; that is to say, that he should have ab- 
 solute power on all the coasts of the Mediterra- 
 nean, to thirty leagues' distance from the sea." 
 This was, in effect, subjecting the whole Ro- 
 man empire to one man. For all the provinces 
 which had not been granted him by the first de- 
 cree, Phrygia, Lycaonia, Galatia, Cappadocia, 
 Cilicia, the higher Colchis, and Armenia, were 
 conferred upon him by this second, which in- 
 cluded also all the armies and forces, with 
 Avhich Lucullus had defeated the two kings 
 Mithridates and Tigranes. 
 
 Consideration for Lucullus, who was deprived 
 of the glory of his great exploits, and in the 
 place of whom a general was appointed to suc- 
 ceed more to the honours of his triumph than 
 the command of his armies, was not, however, 
 what gave the nobilitj' and senate most concern : 
 they were well convinced that great wrong was 
 
 3 In ipso illo malo gravissim^que belli ofFensione, 1^. 
 Lucullus qui tamen aliqua ex parte iis iucommodis mederi 
 fortasse potuisset, vestro jussu coactus, qu6d imperii diu- 
 turnitati modum statuendum, veteri exemplo, putavistis, 
 partem militum, qui jam stipendiis confectis erant, dimisit, 
 partem Glabrioni tradidit. Cic. pro leg. Manil. n. 26. 
 
 4 Plut. in Pomp. p. 634. Appian. p. i'SS. Dion. Cass. 
 1. xxxv. p. 20. 
 
HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 725 
 
 done him, and that his services were not treated 
 with the gratitude they deserved : but what 
 gave them most pain, and what they could not 
 support, was that high degree of power-to which 
 Pompey was raised, which they considered as a 
 tyranny ah-eady formed. For this reason they 
 exhorted each other in private, and mutually 
 encouraged one another to oppose this decree, 
 and not abandon their expiring liberty. 
 
 Caesar and Cicero, who were very powerful 
 at Rome, supported Manilius, or rather Pom- 
 pey, with all their credit. It was upon this 
 occasion that the latter pronounced that fine 
 oration before the people, entitled, For the laiv 
 of Manilius. After having demonstrated, in the 
 first two parts of his discourse, the necessity 
 and importance of the war in question, he 
 proves, in the third, that Pompey is the only 
 person capable of terminating it successfully. 
 For this purpose, he enumerates at length the 
 
 qualities necessary to form a general of an army, 
 Pompt 
 
 supreme degree. He insists principally npon 
 
 and shows that Pompey possesses them all in a 
 
 his probity, humanity, innocence ot manners 
 integrity, disinterestedness, love of the public 
 good : " Virtues, by so much the more neces- 
 sary," says he, "as the Roman name ^ is be- 
 come infamous and hateful amongst foreign 
 nations, and our allies, in consequence of the 
 debauches, avai'ice, and unheard-of oppressions 
 of the generals and magistrates we send amongst 
 them. Instead of which,*' the prudent, mode- 
 rate, and irreproachable conduct of Pompey 
 %vill make him be regarded, not as sent from 
 Rome, but descended from heaven, for the hap- 
 piness of the nations. People begin to believe, 
 that all which is related of the noble disinterest- 
 edness of those ancient Romans is real and true; 
 and that it was not without reason, that, under 
 such magistrates, nations chose rather to obey 
 the Roman people than to command others." 
 
 Pompey was at that time the idol of the peo- 
 ple ; wherefore the fear of displeasing the mul- 
 titude kept those grave senators silent, who had 
 at first appeared so well inclined, and so full of 
 courage. The decree was authorized by the 
 suffrages of all the tribes ; and Pompey, though 
 absent, declared absolute master of almost all 
 Sylla had usurped by arms, and by making a 
 cruel war upon his country. 
 
 We must not imagine, says a very judicious 
 historian,'' that either Caesar or Cicei'o, who 
 took so much pains to have this law passed, 
 acted from views of the public good. Caesar, 
 full of ambition and great projects, endeavoured 
 to make his court to the people, whose authority 
 he knew was at that time much greater than 
 the senate's : he thereby opened himself a way 
 to the same power, and familiarized the Ro- 
 mans to extraordinary and unlimited commis- 
 sions : in heaping upon the head of Pompey so 
 
 5 Difficile est dictu, Quirites, quanto in odio simus 
 apud casteras nationes, propter eorum, quos ad eas hoc 
 anno cum intiperio misimus, injurias ac libidines. Cic.pro 
 leg. Manil. n. 61. 
 
 6 Itaque omnes quidem nunc in his locis Cn. Pompei- 
 um, sicut aliquem non ex hac urbe missmn, sed de coelo 
 delapsum intnentur. Nunc denique incipiunt credere, 
 fuisse homines Komanos hac quondam abstinentia, quod 
 jam nationibus cjeteris incredihile ac fals6 memoriaa prodi- 
 tum videbatur. Nunc imperii nostri splendor illis genti- 
 bus lucet ; nunc intelligunt, non sine causa majores suos 
 turn, cilm hac temperantia magistratus habebamus, ser- 
 vire populo Komano, quara imperare aliis maluisse. 
 Ibid. n. 41. 
 
 7 Dion. Cass, 1. xxxvi. p. ^0, 21. 
 
 many favours and glaring distinctions, he flat- 
 tered himself that he should at length render 
 him odious to the people, who would soon take 
 offence at him. So that in lifting him up, he 
 had no other design than to prepare a precipice 
 for him. Cicero also had in view only his own 
 greatness. His weak side was a desire of bear- 
 ing sway in the commonwealth; not indeed by 
 guilt and violence, but by the method of per- 
 suasion. Besides his ivish to support himself 
 by the influence of Pompey, he was very well 
 pleased with showing the nobility and people, 
 who formed two parties, and, in a manner, two 
 republics in the state, that he was capable of 
 making the balance incline to the side he es- 
 poused. It was always his policy to conciliate 
 equally both parties, in declaring sometimes for 
 the one, and sometimes for the other. 
 
 Pompey,® who had lately 
 A. M. S938. terminated the war with the 
 Ant. J. C. 66. pirates, was still in Cilicia, 
 when he received letters to 
 inform him of all the people had decreed in his 
 favour. When his friends, who were present, 
 congratulated him, and expressed their joy, it 
 is said, that he knit his brows, struck his thigh, 
 and cried out, as if oppressed by, and sorry for, 
 that new command : " Gods ! what endless la- 
 bours am I devoted to ? Should I not have been 
 more happy as a man unknown and inglorious? 
 Shall I never cease to make war, nor ever have 
 my arms off my back ? Shall I never escape 
 the envy that persecutes me, nor live at peace 
 in the country with my wife and children?" 
 
 This is usually enough the language of the am- 
 bitious, even of those who are most inordinately 
 actuated by that passion. But, however suc- 
 cessful they may be in imposing upon them- 
 selves, it seldom happens that they deceive 
 others ; and the public is far from mistaking 
 them. The friends of Pompey, and even those 
 who were most intimate with him, could not 
 endure his dissimulation at this time. For 
 there was not one of them who did not know, 
 that his natural ambition and passion for com- 
 mand, still more inflamed by his quarrel with 
 Lucullus, made him feel a more refined and 
 sensible satisfaction in the new charge conferred 
 upon him ; and his actions soon took off the 
 mask, and discovered his real sentiments. 
 
 The first step which he took upon arriving 
 in the provinces of his government, was to for- 
 bid any obedience whatsoever to the orders of 
 Lucullus. In his march he altex*ed every thing 
 which his predecessor had decreed. He exone- 
 rated some from the penalties Lucullus had laid 
 upon them ; deprived others of the rewards he 
 had given them : in short, his sole view in every 
 thing was to let the partisans of Lucullus see 
 that they adhered to a man who had neither 
 authority nor power. Strabo's uncle,^ by the 
 mother's side, highly discontented with Mithri- 
 dates for having put to death sevei'al of his re- 
 lations, to avenge himself for that cruelty, had 
 gone over to Lucullus, and had given up fif- 
 teen places in Cappadocia to him. Lucullus 
 loaded him with honours, and promised to re- 
 ward him as such considerable services deserved. 
 Pompey, far from having any regard for such 
 just and reasonable engagements, which his pre- 
 
 8 Plut. in Pomp. 634—636, Dion. Cass. 1. xxxvi. p. 
 22—25. App. p. 238. 
 
 9 Strab. 1. xii. p, 657, 558. 
 
HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 dettessor had entered into solely from a view to 
 the public good, affected a universal opposition 
 to^ them, and looked upon all those as his ene- 
 mies who had contracted any friendship with 
 LucuUus. 
 
 It is not uncommon for a successor to endea- 
 vour to lessen the value of his predecessor's ac- 
 tions, in order to arrogate all the honour to 
 himself; but certainly none ever carried that 
 conduct to such monstrous excess as Pompey 
 did at this time. His great qualities and innu- 
 merable conquests are exceedingly extolled ; but 
 so base and odious a jealousy ought to sully, or 
 rather totally eclipse, the glory of them. Such 
 was the manner in which Pompey thought tit 
 to begin. 
 
 Lucullus made bitter complaints of this con- 
 duct. Their common friends, in order to a re- 
 conciliation, concerted an interview between 
 them. It passed at first with all possible polite- 
 ness, and with reciprocal marks of esteem and 
 amity. But these were only compliments, and 
 , a language that extended no farther than the 
 j lips, which costs the great nothing. The heart 
 ! soon explained itself. The conversation grow- 
 I ing warm by degrees, they proceeded to invec- 
 ! tives ; Pompey reproaching Lucullus with his 
 I avarice, and Lucullus Pompey with his ambi- 
 I I tion, in which they spoke the truth of each 
 other. They parted more incensed, and greater 
 I enemies than before. 
 
 ' Lucullus set out for Rome, whither he car- 
 ' ried a great quantity of books, which he had 
 < collected in his conquests. Of these he formed 
 I a library, which was open to all the learned and 
 I curious, whom it drew about him in great num- 
 j bers. They were received at his house with 
 I all possible politeness and generosity. The hon- 
 I our of a triumph was granted to Lucullus, but 
 
 not without being long contested. 
 I It was he who first brought cherries to Rome,' 
 1 which, till then, had been unknown in Europe. 
 They were thus called from Cerasus, a city in 
 Cappadocia. 
 
 Pompey began by engaging Phraates, king of 
 ihe Parthi ans, in the Roman interest. He has 
 been spoken of already, and is the same who 
 was surnamed the god. He concluded an offen- 
 sive and defensive alliance with him. He 
 offered peace also to Mithridates ; but that 
 pnnce, believing himself sure of the amity and 
 aid of Phraates, would not so much as hear it 
 mentioned. When he was informed that Pom- 
 pey had anticipated him, he sent to treat with 
 him. But Pompey having demanded, by way 
 of preliminary, that he should lay down his 
 arms, and give up all deserters, those proposals 
 were very near occasioning a mutiny in Mithri- 
 dates's army. As there were abundance of de- 
 serters in it, they could not suffer any thing to 
 be said upon delivering them up to Pompey; 
 nor would the rest of the army consent to see 
 themselves weakened by the loss of their com- 
 rades. To appease them,"Mithridates was obliged 
 to tell them that he had sent his ambassadors 
 only to inspect the condition of the Roman 
 army; and to swear that he would not make 
 peace Avith the Romans, either on those or on 
 any other conditions. 
 
 Pompey, having distributed his fleet in differ- 
 ent stations, to guard the whole sea between 
 Phamicia and the Bosphorus, marched by land 
 
 1 Flin. 1. XV, c, 25. 
 
 against Mithridates, who had still S0,000 foot 
 and 2000 or 3000 horse ; but did not dare, how- 
 ever, to come to a battle. That prince was 
 encamped upon a mountain, in a very strong 
 position, where he could not be forced ; but he 
 abandoned it on Pompey's approach, for want 
 of water, Pompey immediately took possession 
 ot It; and conjecturing, from the natui'e of the 
 plants and other signs, that there must be an 
 abundance of springs within it, he ordered wells 
 to be dug, and in an instant the camp had water 
 in abundance. Pompey could not sutBciently 
 wonder how Mithridates, for want of attention 
 and curiosity, had been so long ignorant of so 
 important and necessary a resource. 
 
 Soon after he followed him, encamped near 
 him, and shut him up within strong ramparts, 
 which he carried quite round his camp. They 
 were almost eight leagues in circumference,'' 
 and were fortified with strong towers, at proper 
 distances from each other. Mithridates, either 
 through fear or negligence, suffered him to finish 
 his works. Pompey's plan was to starve him 
 out. And in fact he reduced him to such a 
 want of provisions, that his troops were obliged 
 to subsist upon the carriage-beasts in their camp. 
 The horses alone were spared. After having 
 sustained this kind of siege for almost fifty days* 
 Mithridates escaped by night undiscovered, 
 with all the best troops of his army, having 
 first ordered all the useless and sick persons to 
 be killed. 
 
 Pompey immediately pursued him ; came up 
 with him near the Euphrates; encamped near 
 hun ; and apprehending, that, in order to es- 
 cape, he would make haste to pass the river, he 
 quitted his intrenchments, and advanced against 
 him by night, in order of battle. His design 
 was merely to surround the enemy, to prevent 
 their flying, and to attack them at day-break 
 the next morning. But all his old oflScers made 
 such entreaties and remonstrances to him, that | 
 they induced him to fight without waiting till ! 
 day; for the night was not very dark, the moon ! 
 giving light enough for distinguishing objects, I 
 and knowing one another. Pompey could not i 
 withstand the ardour of his troops, and led I 
 them on against the enemy. The barbarians! 
 were afraid to stand the attack, and fled imme- 
 diately in the utmost consternation. The Ro- 
 mans made a great slaughter of them, killed 
 above 10,000 men, and took their whole camp. 
 
 Mithridates, with 800 horse, in the beginning 
 of the battle opened himself a way, sword in ' 
 hand, through the Roman army, and went off. 
 But those 800 horse soon quitted their ranks 
 and dispersed, and left him with only three fol- 
 lowers, of which number was Hypsicratia, one 
 of his wives, a woman of masculine courage and 
 warlike boldness ; wliich occasioned her being i 
 called Hypsicrates,^ by changing the termination 
 of her name from the feminine to the masculine. 
 She was mounted that day on horseback, and ' 
 wore the habit of a Persian. She continued to \ 
 attend the king, without giving way to the fa- j 
 tigues of his long journeys, or being weary of 
 serving him, though she took care of his horse 
 herself, till they arrived at a fortress where the 
 king's treasures and most precious effects lay. 
 There, after having distributed the most magni- 
 ficent of his robes to such as were assembled 
 
 2 One hundred and fifty stadia. 
 3 Ultra fa^minam ferox. Tucit. 
 
HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 727 
 
 aloout him, lie made a present to each of his | 
 friends of a mortal poison, that none of them 
 might fall alive into the hands of their enemies, 
 but 'by their own consent. 
 
 That unhappy fugitive* saw no other hopes 
 for him, than from his son-in-law Tigranes. 
 He sent ambassadors to demand permission to 
 
 j take refuge in his dominions, and aid for the 
 );e -establishment of his entirely ruined affairs. 
 Tigranes was at that time at war with his son. 
 He caused those ambassadors to be seized and 
 thrown into prison, and set a price upon his 
 father-in-law's head, promising 100 talents^ to 
 whosoever should seize or kill him ; under pre- 
 tence that it was Mithridates who had made 
 bis son take up arms against him ; but in reality 
 to make his court to the Romans, as we shall 
 
 ! soon see. 
 
 j Pompey, after the victory he had gained, 
 marched into Armenia Major against Tigranes. 
 He found him at war with his son, who bore 
 ! the same name with himself. We have already 
 I mentioned that the king of Armenia had es- 
 j poused Cleopatra, the daughter of Mithridates. 
 
 He had three sons by her, two of whom he had 
 I put to death without reason. The third, to 
 1 escape the cruelty of so unnatural a father, had 
 I fled to Phraates, king of Parthia, whose daugh- 
 ter he had married. His father-in-law carried 
 him back to Armenia at the head of an army, 
 where they besieged Artaxata. But finding 
 the place very strong, and provided with every 
 thing necessary for a good defence, Phraates 
 left him part of the army to carry on the siege, 
 and returned with the rest into his own domi- 
 nions. Tigranes, the father, soon after fell 
 upon the son with all his troops, beat his army, 
 and drove them out of the country. That young 
 prince, after this misfortune, had designed to 
 withdraw to his grandfather Mithridates. But 
 on the way he was informed of his defeat ; and 
 having lost all hope of obtaining aid from him, 
 he I'esolved to throw himself into the arms of 
 the Romans. Accordingly, he entered their 
 camp, and went to Pompey to implore his pro- 
 tection. Pompey gave him a very good recep- 
 tion, and was glad of his coming; for, as he 
 was about to carry the war into Armenia, he 
 had occasion for such a guide as he. He there- 
 fore caused that prince to conduct him directly 
 to Artaxata." 
 
 4 Hut in Pomp. p. 636, 637. Appian, p. 2-12. Dion. 
 Cass. 1. xxxvi. p. 25, 26. 
 
 5 A hundred thousand crowns. 
 6 According to Morier'smap of Armenia and Aderbijan 
 —by far the best that has yet appeared, being founded on 
 ol-.servations both of longitude and latitude, taken on the 
 gpot by Morier himself— the ancient Artaxata lay 100 
 geographical, or 114 English miles north-west of the mo- 
 dern Taiiris, in. direct distance ; and 58 miles east of mount 
 Ararat, in a peninsula formed by a deep bend of the Araxes, 
 the neck of the peninsula being only 60 yards broad. This 
 position of tlie Armenian capital agrees with that given by 
 Strabo, lib. xi. who says, that Artaxata, founded by Han. 
 nibiil for Artaxias, and attacked by Lucullus, was situ- 
 ated in a peninsula formed by the Araxes ; the walls of 
 the town being washed by that stream, which, flowing 
 round it, served it for a wall. Its site and remains 
 were diligently explored by our countryman. Captain 
 Moiiteith, who here found the remains of a bridge over 
 the Araxes. The ground appears to have been overflowed, 
 and a large mound of earth is yet to be seen, which may, 
 perhaps, hare been formed by ruined buildings. This, in 
 addition to its correspondence with Strabo's account of Ar- 
 taxata, aho agrees in the three circumstances of the swamp, 
 the mound, and liie bridge, to the account of that city 
 m Closes o! Ciiorene, the Armenian historian, which he 
 gives in the following words;—" Projectus Artaxes eum 
 I in locum ubi Erasch flumen, et magna palus inter se con- 
 
 Tigranes, terrified at this news, and sensibh 
 that he was not in a condition to oppose so 
 powerful an army, resolved to have recoui-se to 
 the generosity and clemency of the Roman gen- 
 eral. He put into his hands the ambassadors 
 sent to him by Mithridates, and followed them 
 directly himself. Without taking any precau- 
 tion, he entered the Roman camp, and went to 
 submit his person and crown to the discretion 
 of Pompey and the Romans. He said,^ That 
 
 junguntur, et situ colU< deleotatus, urbem ibi condidit at. 
 que ab nomine suo Artaxatam appellavit." Artaxes 
 threw a bridge ever that place where the river Erasch 
 (Araxes) and a large swamj) are joined together; and, i 
 delighted with the situation of the hill, there founded a ! 
 city, and called it Artaxata from his own name. In 
 speaking of Artavasdes, son of Artases, we also learn, from 
 the same author, that there was a bridge at Artaxata: 
 " dum Artaxatffi urbis pontem transivit." 
 
 This [)enin3ula, where once stood Artaxata, is situated 
 about mid-way between the Arpa-chai and the Araxes, 
 and the ford of Abbasabad. How Hannibal came to have 
 the honour of founding Artaxata is impoisible to divine, 
 as he was never there, being dead many years before its 
 foundation by Artaxes, or Artaxias. This fact, of a 
 bridge, completely overthrows the poetic fiction of " Pon- 
 tem indignatus Araxes" of Virgil, as if no bridge could 
 withstand the rapidity of that stream. This may be true 
 in particular places, where the descent is great, and the 
 stream narrow, but is not peculiar to the Araxes, but com- 
 mon to many other rivers ; and such a circumstance can- 
 not be predicated of the Araxes in general, as several 
 bridges exist at this day over that stream, and the remains 
 of several still exist, as those of Julfa and Arraavicer. The 
 Arpa-chai above mentioned must not be confounded with 
 the river so called, the ancient Harpasus, crossed by Xeno- 
 phon in his famous retreacj but is another stream, of the 
 same name, which descends south-west from the Kaplan 
 Dagh, or Tyger mountain. 
 
 In the vicinity of this site is the fortress of Alenjick, 
 at the back of the Ilan Daghi, or mountain of Serpents. 
 'I his fort stands in a strong natural position, which has 
 been resorted to by the natives in times of anarchy arid 
 distress. It exactly corresponds to the castle of Olana, 
 mentioned by Strabo, lib. xi. p. 529. in which, and another 
 called Babyrsn, the treasures of Tigranes were lodged for 
 security; and which castles are said by the same geogra- 
 pher to be near Artaxata, which is additional proof that 
 the ancient Artaxata lay in the sjjot mentioned by Captain 
 Monteith. 
 
 The ruins of this place have been fixed, by former tra- 
 vellers, more than 50 British miles farther to the north- 
 west, and 40 north-west beyond tiie mouth of the Arpa- 
 chai, above mentioned, at a place called Ardesht, or Ar- 
 dachat, two miles distant from the village of Akbashee, or 
 the White Head; where, according to tradition, stood once 
 the royal seat. " The inhabitants of this place," says Sir John 
 Chardin, " call the town Ardachat, from the name of Ar- 
 taxias, whom, in the East, they call Arde.-hir. There are 
 here some ruins of a stately palace, called Takte 'i'ardat, 
 or the throne of Tiridates, who reigned in the timeof Con- 
 stantino the Great. One front of this palace is but half 
 ruined ; a great many pillars of black marble, and of an 
 extraordinary size, are still standing, and many otiier fine 
 remains." Morier, trusting to the informatii.n of Char, 
 din, examined these remains, which he found to resemble 
 those of Rey ; consisting of mounds of decayed mud 
 walls, with here and there fragments of painted tiles and 
 pottery. " It requires a strong imagination," says he, 
 " to form, of such remains, conceptions of any thing 
 grand and magnificent ; and except the antiquity of the ap. 
 peUation, the extent of the ruins, and a certain regularity 
 in the general plan, there is little to distinguish them froir.' 
 the dilapidated remains of modern cities. A village called 
 Ardesliir is situated near the principal ruin, and many 
 more are scattered about within the circuit designed by 
 the walls. It is not necessary," continues Morier, " after 
 this, to say that we did not find the 36 pillars of black mar. 
 ble, as Chardin was informed by the natives " The site of 
 these ruins does not agree with Strabo's account of the po. 
 sition of the ancient Artaxata, mentioned above, for ihey 
 are removed 10 miles from the Araxes ; andalthough rivers 
 are known to change their courses, yet such is the nature of 
 the country here, as to render it exceedingly unlikely that 
 the Araxes should deviate much from its present course.— 
 £(1. 
 
 7 Mox ipse sujjplex et prsesens se regnum que ditioni 
 ejus permisit, prasfatus : neminem alium nequellomanum 
 neque ullius gentis virum futurum fuisse, cujus se fidei 
 commissurus foret, quara Cn. Pompeimn. Prouide om- 
 
728 
 
 HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 of all the Romans, and of all mankind, Pompey 
 was the only person in whose faith he could 
 confide ; that, in whatsoever manner he should 
 decide his fate, he should be satisfied ; that he 
 was not ashamed to be conquered by a man 
 whom none could conquer; and that it was no 
 dishonour to submit to him, whom fortune had 
 made superior to all others. 
 
 When he arrived on horseback near the in- 
 trenchments of the camp, two of Pompey's lie- 
 tors came out to meet him, and ordered him to 
 dismount and enter on foot; telling him, that 
 no stranger had ever been known to enter a Ro- 
 man camp on horseback. Tigranes obeyed, un- 
 girt his sword, and gave it to the lictors; and 
 afterwards, when he approached Pompey, taking 
 off his diadem, he would have laid it at his feet, 
 and prostrated himself to the earth to embrace 
 his knees. But Pompey ran to prevent him ; 
 and taking him by the hand, carried him into 
 his tent, made him sit on the right, and his son, 
 ; the young Tigranes, on the left side of him. 
 I After which he deferred hearing what he had 
 to say to the next day, and invited the father 
 ! and son to sup with him that evening. The son 
 I refused to be there with his father ; and as he 
 ; had not shown him the least mark of respect 
 during the interview, and had treated him with 
 I the same indifference as if he had been a stranger, 
 j Pompey was very much offended at that beha- 
 I viour. He did not, however, entirely neglect 
 i his interests, in determining upon the affair of 
 [ Tigranes. After having condemned Tigranes 
 j to pay the Romans 6000 talents,^ for the charges 
 I of the war he had made against them without 
 j cause, and to relinquish to them all his con- 
 I quests on the hither side of the Euphrates, he 
 ! decreed, that he should reign in his ancient 
 j kingdom Armenia Major, and that his son 
 j should have Gordiana and Sophena, two pro- 
 vinces upon the borders of Armenia, during 
 j his father's life, and all the rest of his dominions 
 I after his death ; reserving, however, to the fa- 
 j ther the treasures he had in Sophena, without 
 I which it would have been impossible for him to 
 have paid the Romans the sum which Pompey 
 I recjuired of him. 
 
 j _ The father was well satisfied with these con- 
 ditions, which still left him a crown. But the 
 son, who had entertained chimerical hopes, 
 , could not relish a decree which deprived him of 
 j what had been promised him. He was even so 
 I much discontented with it, that he wanted to 
 j escape, in order to excite new troubles. Pom- 
 I pey, who suspected his design, ordered him to 
 ' be always kept in view ; and, upon his abso- 
 I lutely refusing to consent that his father should 
 withdraw his treasures from Sophena, he caused 
 him to be put into prison. Afterwards, having 
 discovered that he solicited the Armenian no- 
 bility to take up arm's, and endeavoured to 
 engage the Parthians to do the same, he put 
 him amongst those whom he reserved for his 
 triumph. 
 
 A short tinrie after, Phraates, king of the 
 Parthians, sent to Pompey, to claim that young 
 i prince as his son-in-law ; and to represent to 
 him, that he ought to make the Euphrates the 
 
 nem sibi vel adversam vel secundam, cujus auctor illc es- 
 Bet, f'orturiam tolcrabilem fut.uram. Non esse turpe ab eo 
 Vinci, quem vincerc esset nefas : neque ei inhoiiestd ali. 
 quem sunimitti, qiiem fortiina super omnes extulisset. ' 
 I el. Vuterc. 1. ii. c. 37. j 
 I About 900,000/, sterling. 
 
 boundary of his conquests. Pompey made an- 
 swer, that the younger Tigranes was more re- 
 lated to his father than his father-in-law; and 
 that as to his conquests, he should give them 
 such bounds as reason and justice required ; hut 
 without being prescribed them by any one. 
 
 When Tigranes had been suffered to possess 
 himself of his treasures in Sophena, he paid the 
 6000 talents, and besides that, gave every private 
 soldier in the Roman army fifty drachmas,^ 
 1000 to each centurion,^ and 10,000 to each tri- 
 bune ;* and by that liberality obtained the title 
 of friend and ally of the Roman people. This 
 would have been pardonable, had he not added 
 to it abject behaviour and submissions unworthy 
 of a king. 
 
 Pompey gave all Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes, 
 and added to it Sophena and Gordiana/ which 
 he had designed for young Tigranes. 
 
 2 About 22s. 3 About 25Z. sterling. 
 
 4 About 250Z. sterling. 
 
 5 Sophene and Gordiana. 
 
 These provinces so denominated, including Zabdicene, 
 comprehended all the southern Armenia, from mount 
 Masius and the Tigris, northwards to the snowy range of 
 the Niphates that separates it from Armenia Major, ot 
 Central Armenia ; and from the Euphrates on the west, 
 to the junction of the Khaboor and Tigris, below Zako, 
 on the east. I take Sophene, in this passage, not in the 
 restricted sense of Kennel— as comprehending only the val- I 
 ley of Karpoot, the Charpote of the Byzantine historians, | 
 opposite the valley of Malatia, or Melitene, and separated I 
 from it by the Euphrates ; and which lies betvveen the nor. 
 thern and southern ridges of Taurus, the Kebban and the ' 
 Argana, by which latter it is separated from the valley of 
 Diyarbekir on the south-east. Ptolemy assigns a similai j 
 situation to Sophene, placing it on the bend of the Euphra. I 
 tes, having the valley of Anzita on the south. But I can. j 
 not think that Sophene was included within such narrow | 
 limits. D'Anville, in his map, extends it north-east and ^ 
 south-west from the range of Kebban to the pass of Nu- { 
 shar. But he includes in it several valleys, and places the i 
 valley of Anzita, in contradiction to Ptolemy and Ken. j 
 nel, to the north of the valley of Karpoot ; and gives the I 
 Arsanias a course of more than 100 British miles north- I 
 east and south-west, through what he denominates So. | 
 phene, to the Euphrates. Strabo, gives it still larger di. \ 
 mensions, stating that the Sophenians possessed the banks 
 of the Euphrates opposite Syria Commagena, and that 1 
 on the south they reached to mount Masius and Nisibis : 
 whence they would seem to have possessed part both of 
 Armenia and Mesopotamia. Pliny also says that Sophene 
 was a province of Syria (Mesopotamia), and herein fol- 
 lowed Pomponius Mela, who included under Syria, not 
 only what is commonly so called, to the west of the Eu. ' 
 phrates, but also Mesopotamia, Babylonia, Sophene, and 1 
 Adiabene ; thus giving it a prodigious extension, carrying 
 it as far east as the Tigris. 
 
 I am rather disposed to follow Strabo and Pliny in giving 
 a greater extension to the district of Sophene, than Ptolemy 
 and Kennel; and to think that it included not only the 
 valley of Karpoot, but also that of Anzita and the great 
 valley of Diyarbekir ; because, if it had not included these, 
 in this passage, where Pompey is said to have given So- 
 phene and Gordiana to Ariobarzanes, which he had for- 
 merly intended for young Tigranes, liow could the latter 
 be said to be connected with the former. Sophene here, 
 therefore, must be understood to comprehend all the tract 
 to the west and south-west of Gordiana, or Gordyene ; be- 
 cause if it only comprehended the small valley of Karpoot, 
 Gordiana must have been completely insulated from the 
 rest of the dominions of Ariobarzanes. Pliny, besides, 
 fixes the royal scat of Sophene upon the Tigris, and calls 
 it Carcathiocerta, which, with D'Anville, I take to be the 
 modern Diyarbeker, or the ancient Amida. The name of 
 Amida was not known till the fourth century, and from 
 the changes that took place at that time in (he political 
 distribution and limits of provinces, effacing even the pri. 
 mitive limits, or those intended by nature, it happened 
 that Amida was made the metropolis of a province of 
 Mesopotamia. Now, as Straho states the name ol the 
 
HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 After having regulated every thing in Ar- 
 menia,® Pompey marched northwards in pur- 
 suit of Mithridates. Upon the banlis of the 
 Cyrus ^ he found the Albanians and Iberians, 
 two powerful nations, situate between the Cas- 
 
 6 Plut. ill Pomp. p. 637. Dion. Cass. 1. xxxvi. p. 28—33. 
 Appian. p 242, 245. 
 
 7 Called also Cyrnus by some authors. 
 
 royal seat of Sophene to have been Carcathiocerta, and as 
 Pliny fixes its site on the Tigris, there is a strong pre- 
 sumption that it was the ancient name of Amida ; the 
 Syriac, or Aramean termination Certa, implying a place 
 c>f defence. Sophene was not merely the name of a valley, 
 though perhaps originally so, but of a powerful principality, 
 which had been conquered byTigranes and annexed to his 
 dominions. Besides, had Sophene been merely commen- 
 surate with the valley of Karpoot, it would only have been 
 the name of a lateral valley, Melitene being the other late- 
 ral valley on the opposite side of the stream. It would seem 
 that after the principality of Sophene had been extinguished 
 by Tigranes, and Armenia had been reduced virtually, 
 though not nominally, to a Roman province, tliat the 
 name Sophene became restricted to the lateral valley of 
 Karpoot, both by Ptolemy and Moses of Chorene. By the 
 latter, Sophene is called Zopha, and is placed by him in 
 Armenia Quarta, between Hastiane, the Astaunitis of 
 Ptolemy, and Hanzita, the Anzita of Ptolemy. What is 
 extraordinary in D'Anville, he places Sophene, or the 
 valley of Karpoot, to the south of Anzita ; which latter 
 he recognises under the modern appellation of Ansga, in 
 opposition to Ptolemy, who places them thus : " Sub his, 
 et Acilisene (Ekilis) et Astaunitis et penes ipsum fluminis 
 divertigium, Sophene. In reliqua autem et Australiori parte 
 inter iluphratis et Tigridis fontes, Anzitene est." Here 
 Anzitene is clearly made south of Sophene. Then he enu- 
 merates Thospitis, where according to him are the sources 
 of the Tigris ; then Corta;a ; and then, east of the sources 
 of the Tigris, Bagravandene ; and after it Gordene, Co-, 
 rcea, still more east; and the Mardi, who succeed it. 
 These Mardi I take to be those who inhabit the range 
 which separates the district of Betlis from that of Amadia. 
 1 do not pretend to affirm that these divisions of Ptolemy 
 are exactly consistent with the actual geography ; for our 
 knowledge of these districts is too imperfect to allow us to 
 speak decisively on such a point ; but his Sophene clearly 
 corresponds to the valley of Karpoot, and his Anzita to 
 the valley which is separated from the western source of 
 the Tigris by an intervening range. 
 
 Gronovius, in his edition of Pomponius Mela, in oppo. 
 sition to that edited by Isaac Vossius, blames his author 
 for placing Sophene in Syria, and also blames Pliny for 
 doing the same, in following the erroneous opinion of 
 Mela, and places Sophene in Armenia, and in that part 
 of it where the Tigris is said to rise. Vossius, in reply, 
 charges him for having followed the tables of Ptolemy only ; 
 and that he (Gronovius) did not even understand them ; 
 and that Ptolemy actually places Sophene more than 150 
 miles from the source of the Tigris. Both these critics 
 were partly wrong and partly right. The error of Grono. 
 vius lay in misconceiving his author, and Pliny, who used 
 the term Syria in its most extensive sense, as including^ Meso- 
 potamia. Mesopotamia was a term invented by the Greeks, 
 and applied by them to designate the country between the 
 Tigris and Euphrates, in distinction from Syria. But the 
 ancients did not always adopt this distinctive appellation, 
 but kept to the old appellation of Syria. Both Syria and 
 Mesopotamia were peopled by the descendants of Aram 
 and the same language was spoken in both. Hence both 
 countries came imder the designation of Aram ; with this 
 difference, that the eastern division was called Aram- 
 Naharajim, to distinguish it from the western Aram, or 
 Syria, properly so called. Mela and Pliny, in using the word 
 Syria as including both the Arams, were correct enough 
 in placing Sophene in Syria, or in Aram-Naharajim. 
 
 Laban, the father-in-law of Jacob, is called the Syrian 
 and the subjects of Hadadezer, king of Zobah or Nisibii 
 are called the Syrians, or Aramites of Zobah. But it may 
 be asked, that if Sophene lay in Armenia, and not in 
 Mesopotamia, mount Masius being the boundary, how 
 came it to be reckoned in .Syria by Mela, Pliny, and 
 Ktrabo, as Armenia was never called Syria ? To this it 
 may be replied, That although mount Masius was the 
 physical boundary of Armenia and Aram-Naharajim, yet 
 the Sophenians were Syrians by descent, and spoke the 
 Syrian language, as it is spoken p.t this very day in the 
 valley of Diyarbekir, and therefore, on these accounts, 
 Sophene might be reckoned in Syria or Aram-Naharajim. 
 Gronovius was also mistaken in charging the text of 
 
 pian and Euxine seas, who endeavoured to stop 
 him ; but he beat them, and obliged the Alba- 
 nians to demand peace. He granted it, and 
 passed the winter in their country. 
 
 The next year he took the field very early 
 
 Mela with corruption, and that this corruption led Pliny 
 into the same error ; and was also wrong in blaming 
 Pliny for making Commagene a province of Syria, strictl> 
 so called, because that district actually lay on the Syrian 
 or western bank of the Euphrates. Vossius, on the other 
 hand, was wrong in charging Gronovius with the mistake 
 of taking the Euphrates for the Tigris, because he had said 
 the sources of the Tigris lay in Sophene. In this Gronovius 
 was right ; for if the valley of Karpoot be the Sophene of 
 Ptolemy, then the sources of the Tigris rise on the south, 
 ern slope of the range that sei)arates the valley of Argana 
 from that of Karpoot, and therefore Vossius was mistaken 
 in saying that the Sophene of Ptolemy lay 150 miles dis- 
 tant from the sources of the Tigris ; and Pliny himself 
 had placed the capital of Sophene on the Tigris. But 
 Vossius had no knowledge of the western source of the 
 Tigris. He knew no other source but that of the Erzen 
 branch, which he took for the true Tigris. Now the val- 
 ley of Karpoot does in reality lie nearly so far west from 
 the Susan branch of the Tigris, and it was under the in- 
 fiuence of this mistake that Vossius placed the Sophene of 
 Ptolemy so far west of the sources of the Tigris. Taking 
 Sophene in the extended sense of that name, and not in 
 the restricted sense of Ptolemy, as including the valley of 
 Diyarbekir, then Gronovius was perfectly correct in placing 
 the sources of the Tigris, however numerous they be, in 
 Sophene. " Within it," says Rennel, " the numerous 
 heads of the Tigris are collected into one stream."— Geo. 
 graphv of Herod, p. 281, note. 
 
 Although the whole of the controversy originated in a 
 mere misconception on the part of Gronovius, of the ex- 
 tent of the term Syria as used by Mela and Pliny, (a very 
 natural one too, as Syria is generally exclusively applied 
 to the country on the west of the Euphrates,) yet Vossius 
 takes hold of this to pour forth all that acrimony of in- 
 vective and literary Billingsgate, which distinguished the 
 combatants of the seventeenth century ; of which the fol- 
 lowing are samples : " Et hie quoque turjtiter se prostituit 
 
 infelix geographus.^' " Jste vera juvenis misere decep- 
 
 tm Euphraten sumsit pro Tigridi, et ^xT^o^rY,v Euphratis 
 putavit esse Tigridis fontes, et demum exclamat. Nulla 
 miserabilior geographia, et- sane verum dicit, si ilia qua 
 ipse facit ratione tractentur geographica."— Vossius in 
 Melam. Appendix, p. 32. 
 
 The valley of Sophene, or Diyarbekir, is by far the 
 most valuable part of southern Armenia for its exuberant 
 fertility. " At the thirteenth mile," says Kinnier, in the 
 Journal of his route from Sert to Merden, p. 417; " we 
 descended by a gentle slope into the plain, which was 
 covered by luxuriant crops of wheat and barley, and where 
 the people, who were employed in reaping, came to us as 
 we passed, with handfuls of grain, requesting the present 
 of a few piastres to enable them to keep the harvest. 
 Almost the whole corn consumed by tlie inhabitants of 
 Diyarbekir is grown in this noble plain, which is a))out 
 40 hours' Journey, or probably 120 miles in length, and of 
 a soil capable, as i was informed, of yielding two crops 
 annually." , , 
 
 The soil is formed chiefly of alluvial matter brought down 
 from the mountains, which on all sides encircle this exten- 
 sive plain, by the numerous streams that on both sides dis- 
 embogue themselves into the Tigris. The mountain-slopes 
 are furrowed by innumerable torrents, and divided into a 
 great many lateral valleys, all descending into the great 
 valley whose bottom is washed by the main stream. 
 
 As Sophene here included all the tract from the Eu- 
 phrates on the west to Gordiana or Gordyene on the 
 east, so this latter, in its extensive sense in the text 
 of our author, included Zabdicene, and extended to 
 the frontiers of Adiabene, near Zako, being the Car 
 duchia of Xenophon, and has been already described. 
 In this lay Tigranocerta mentioned in a preceding note. 
 Eutropius, however, places it in Arzancne, a district on 
 the west of Gordiana and included in Sophene. But this 
 cannot be, as Tigranocerta was, as before remarked, on 
 the Nicephorius or Khaboor, which was never a river oi 
 Arzanene, which was watered on its western extremity hy 
 the Nymphius, or Batman river, and on its eastern side 
 by the Susan branch of the Tigris. Gordiana did not 
 continue long in the hands of Ariobarzanes, being seized 
 by the Parthians, and made a province of their empire ; 
 and continued under subjection both to them and the Per- 
 sians, till it was surrendered to the Romans by Narses, 
 a'.ong with Zabdicene, Intilene, Arzanene, and Moxoene. 
 All these were called Transtigritan provinces, because 
 
730 
 
 HISTORY OF PONTUS; 
 
 A. M. 3939. against the Iberians. This 
 Ant. J. C. 65. was a very warlike nation, 
 and had never hitherto been 
 conquered. It had always retained its liberty, 
 
 I they lay beyond, or on the north side of that stream. 
 ! Gibbon, on the authority of Ammianus Marcellinus, places 
 Gordiana, or Corduene, on the east of the Tigris. Tliis 
 is not fact, for it lay on the north side of that stream ; for 
 had it been on the east side, it must have included the 
 whole of Adiabene; tliough it is very well known that the 
 ancient Carduchia never included that province, nor ex- 
 tended to the mouth of the Zab, as, in that case, it must 
 havecomprehendedthemostof theancient Assyria j yet he 
 says in a note, vol. iii. p. 219. speaking of the march cf 
 Julian ; " It is presumptuous to controvert the opinion of 
 Ammianus, a soldier and a spectator. Yet it is difficult 
 to understand how the mountains of Corduene could ex. 
 tend over the plain of Assyria, as low as the conflux of 
 the Tigris and the Great Zab, or how an army of 60,000 
 men could march 100 miles in five days." With all defer, 
 ence to that celebrated historian and his favourite Ammi- 
 anus, I feel no difficulty in the matter, nor esteem it pre- 
 sumption. There is a great difference between what Am- 
 mianus saw and what Ammianus knew ; on the former I 
 ; rely, on the\a.X.t.eT I cannot always depend. Ammianus was 
 j so Ignorant as to take Persians for Parthians, and did noi 
 know, that 140 years previous to his own expedition with 
 Julian, the Parthian dynasty had been for ever extin- 
 guished by Artaxerxes Babegan, and that Shapoor was 
 one of his descendants. Ammianus was never in Cor- 
 duene, nor had he ever traversed the country to the east 
 of the Tigris between Corduene and Dura, and therefore 
 \ could, m this instance, speak only from report, not from 
 actual knowledge ; and I have not the least hesitation in 
 believing, that the Roman army, and Ammianus among 
 the rest, might be profoundly ignorant of the topography 
 of Assyria, and the extent of their march to the Roman 
 province of Corduene, 
 
 In addition to this, it must also be observed, that the 
 reason why the cession of the five districts was demanded 
 from Narses by Galerius, and made a sine qua nan of the 
 i treaty, was, that they had formerly belonged to Armenia, 
 ; and had been unjustly seized by the Persians. Now, since 
 i Corduene was one of these, if that district had extended all 
 ! the way from the Khaboor to the Great Zab, then Armenia 
 I must have included Assyria, or Adiabene, amons-t its pro- 
 vinces, which every sciolist in classical geography knows 
 : to be false ; as in that case ancient Nineveh and the 
 ! plains of Arbela must have been in Armenia. Besides, 
 I according to Ammianus himself, Julian had ordered Pro- 
 j copius, with 30,000 men, to march by the eastern route from 
 i Nisibis to the Tigris, and cross that stream, where Alexan- 
 I der had formerly done so, at the ford of Zaco ; and after 
 j laying waste the districts of Adiabene and Media, join him 
 I under the walls of Ctesiphon by the time he should have 
 I arrived there. Here Adiabene commences at the ridge of 
 j Zaco, or rather at the junction of the Khaboor and 'I'igris, 
 , and runs alongst the northern and eastern shore of the Ti. 
 gris to the mouth of the Zab. Procnpius was ordered to lay 
 waste this province, to cross the Zab and then lav waste 
 I Media, or Assyria, to the south of that stream, called Me- 
 i dia by Xenophon, and still retaining that name, and then 
 ! join him at Ctesiphon from the north. Had Gibbon but 
 : attended to this fact, so well expressed in his own narra- 
 I tive, he could not but have seen and rectified the gross 
 I blunder of Ammianus, in stating, that at Dura thev had 
 j but 1(;0 miles to march to Corduene. He would have seen, 
 that in attempting to return home to Corduene, they must 
 j have traversed the same tracts through which Procopius 
 ! had been ordered to advance and lav waste— namely, Media 
 and Adiabene— before thev could liave arrived at that pro- 
 vince ; that in fact they had more than 200 British miles 
 to march in direct distance alongst the banks of that stream, 
 exclusive of its windings, to those of the Khaboor, before 
 they could say tliey were on Roman ground. It is almost 
 needless to add, that, by the treaty of Dura, these five 
 i provinces were restored to the Persians, and that from 
 that date they ceased fur ever to be provinces of the Ro- 
 man empire. 
 
 The fact is— Ammianus was a pagan, a friend of Julian, 
 and an enemy to Jovian, and therefore a favourite with 
 [ Gibbon. Anxious to preserve the fame, or extenuate the 
 I faults of Juhan, Ammianus endeavours to throw the 
 odium of the disgraceful treaty on the head of Jovian, by 
 \ the insinuation, that had he been possessed of the spirit 
 of a hero, he might have accomplished the safe retreat of 
 the army, in four days, to Corduene; and thereby saved 
 the loss of an army, and the humiliation of a disgraceful 
 treaty. That this was impossible has been shown above ; 
 and if it do not prove the ignorance of Ammianus, it at 
 
 dui-ing the time that the Bledes, Persians, aui 
 Macedonians, had successively possessed the em- 
 pire of Asia. Pompey found means to subdue 
 this people, though not without very consider- 
 able difficulties, and obliged them to demand 
 peace. The king of the Iberians sent him a 
 bed, a table, and a throne, all of massy gold ; 
 desiring him to accept those presents as earnests 
 of his amity. Pompey put them into the hands 
 of the questors for the public treasury. He 
 also subjected the people of Colchis, and made 
 their king Olthaces prisoner, whom he after- 
 wards led in triumph. From^ thence he re- 
 turned into Albania, to chastise' that nation for 
 having taken up arms again, whilst he was en- 
 gaged with the Iberians and the people of Col- 
 chis. 
 
 The army of the Albanians was commanded 
 by Cosis, the brother of king Orodes. That 
 prince, as soon as the two armies came to blows, 
 singled out Pompey, and spurring furiously up 
 
 least proves his malignity to Jovian. Jovian could not act 
 otherwise than he did. It was Julian, and not Jovian, 
 who had brought the Romans into this dilemma. It was 
 Julian who had burned his own fleet and destroyed his own 
 magazines, 20 days' provisions only being preserved for 
 the use of his army. Of these days, several had been 
 needlessly consumed in advancing into the interior of the 
 country, and 14 days had been spent in the retreat and in- 
 effectual attempt to cross the Tigris to the opposite shore. 
 Their provisions were consequently exhausted, and how 
 could they march 200 miles without food, in the face of a 
 victorious enemy, through a wasted country — wasted on 
 set purpose to deprive the Romans of all means of subsis- 
 tence J the very best measure that could be adopted by an 
 enemy who were no match for the disciplined legions of 
 Rome in close combat. The Romans had already taken 12 
 days to march from Ctesiphon to Dura, a distance of 100 
 geographical miles, or 10 miles only at a daily average, in 
 direct distance ; and how, therefore, could they march 100 
 miles in 4 days, or 25 at a daily average, as" Ammianus 
 says, and that without food, and subjected to incessant and 
 powerful attacks of Persian cavalry. The march of the Ten 
 Thousand Greeks from the Great Zab to Corduene, occu- 
 pied 21 days; and had the Persians, as Rennel justly re- 
 marks, been alert, they might, by sending detachments of 
 cavalry before them, have destroyed all the provisions in the 
 line of march. Now, as this very measure had been already 
 adopted by the Persians in Julian's advance to Ctesiphon, 
 we are certain the same plan, under a prince of such sa- 
 gacity and talents as Shapoor, would have been adopted to 
 impede, protract, and finally prevent the retreat of the 
 Romans. Even in the march of 70 miles across the Meso- 
 potamiaa desert, though unmolested by a pursuing foe, a 
 great part of the Roman army perished for want ; and how 
 much more calamitous would it have proved had they at- 
 tempted the northern route to Corduene when their stock 
 of provisions was almost exhausted. If the 10,000 Greek, 
 took 21 days to march from the Zab to Corduene, in the 
 face of a pursuing enemy, it would have required a monti 
 for an army of 60,000 Romans to have marched from Dura 
 to the Khaboor in similar circumstances, allowing them to 
 get provisions by force on the road, on the suppo-ition that 
 the country in the line of march was not wasted by the 
 Persian cavalry sent in advance ; and it must be remem 
 bered that the progressive march of 60,C0() men encum 
 bered with baggage, must necessarily be slower than that 
 of only 10,000 men, and also, tliat the supply of food for 
 men and horse must have been proportionally greater 
 and much more difficult to procure. Therefore, Jovian 
 was under the absolute necessity of acting as he did, and 
 the censure of Ammianus on his ( onduct, adopted by 
 Gibbon in the text, is altogether unjust, and the result ol 
 ignorance or malignity. 
 
 Gibbon talks iorr.e very elegant nonsense about Julian's 
 making a rapid march to the wealthy and unwarlike cities 
 of Ecbatana and Susa, before iiis stock of provisions was 
 entirely exhausted — cities at the relative distances of 400 
 and 300 road miles from Ctesiphon ; and expresses him- 
 self, as usual, when something must be said, though 
 nothing be communicated, in the subjunctive mood. But 
 \ he should have remembered, that though his hero .lulian 
 ' had been an Alexander, Shapoor was not a Darius. 
 
 Julian, in fact, was neither an Alexander nor a Xeno- 
 I phon. But he was the eucmy of Christ. Hinc illis la 
 1 chrymce. — Ed. 
 
HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 to him, darted his javelin at him. But Pom- 
 pey received him so vigorously with his spcai', 
 that it went through his body, and laid him 
 dead at his horse's feet. The Albanians were 
 overthrown, and a great slaughter was made of 
 them. This victory obliged king Orodes to buy 
 a second peace upon the same terms with that 
 which he had made with the Romans the year 
 before, at the price of great presents, and by 
 giving one of his sons as a hostage for his ob- 
 serving it better than he had done the former. 
 
 Mithridates, in the mean time, had passed 
 the winter at Dioscurias, in the north-east of 
 the Euxine sea. Early in the spring he marched 
 to the Cimmerian Bosphorus, through several 
 nations of the Scythians, some of which suf- 
 fered him to pass voluntarily, and others were 
 obliged to it by force. The kingdom of the 
 Cimmerian Bosphorus is the same which is 
 n'>w called Crim Tartary, and was at that time 
 a province of Mithridates's empire. He had 
 assigned it as an establishment to one of his 
 sons, named Machares. But that young prince 
 had been so vigorously pressed by the Romans, 
 whilst they besieged Sinope, and their fleet was 
 in possession of the Euxine sea, which lay be- 
 I tween that city and his kingdom, that he had 
 i been obliged to make a peace with them, and 
 had inviolably observed it till then. He well 
 knew that his father was extremely displeased 
 with such conduct, and therefore very much 
 dreaded meeting him. In order to a reconcilia- 
 tion, he sent ambassadors to him upon his route, 
 who represented to him, that he had been re- 
 duced to act in that manner, contrary to is 
 inclination, by the necessity of his affairs. But 
 finding that his father was not influenced by 
 his reasons, he endeavoured to escape by sea, 
 and was taken by vessels sent expressly by 
 Mithridates to cruise in his way. He chose 
 rather to kill himself than fall into his father's 
 ! hands. 
 
 j Pompey, having terminated the war in the 
 I .lorth, and seeing it impossible to follow Mith- 
 1 ridates into the remote country to which he had 
 retired, led back his army to the south, and on 
 his march subjected Darius king of the Medes, 
 and Antiochus king of Comagena. He went 
 on to Syria, and made himself master of the 
 whole empire. Scaurus reduced Ccelesyria and 
 Damascus, and Gabinius all the rest of the 
 country as far as the Tigris : these were two of 
 his lieutenant-generals. Antiochus Asiaticus,' 
 son of Antiochus Eusebes, heir of the house of 
 the Seleucidse, who, by Lucullus's permission, 
 had reigned four years in part of that country, 
 of which he had taken possession when Tigranes 
 abandoned it, came to solicit him to re-establish 
 him upon the throne of his ancestors. But 
 Pompey refused to give him audience, and de- 
 prived him of all his dominions, which he made 
 a Roman province. Thus, whilst Tigranes was 
 left in possession of Ai'menia, who had done the 
 Romans great hurt during the course of a long 
 war, Antiochus was dethroned, who had never 
 committed the least hostility, and by no means 
 deserved such treatment. The reason given for 
 it was, that the Romans had conquered Syria 
 from Tigranes ; that it was not just that they 
 should lose the fruit of their victory ; that An- 
 tiochus was a prince who had neither the cou- 
 rage nor capacity necessary for the defence of 
 
 1 Appian. in Syr. p. 133. Justin. 1. xl. c. 2. 
 
 the country; and that to put it into his hand.- 
 would be to expose it to the perpetual ravages 
 and incursions of the Jews and Arabians, whicli 
 Pompey took care not to do. In consequence 
 of this way of reasoning, Antiochus lost his 
 crown, and was reduced to the necessity of 
 passing his life as a private 
 
 A. M. 3939. person. In him ended the 
 Ant. J. C. 65. empire of the Seleucidse, afier 
 a duration of almost 250 
 years. ^ j 
 
 During these expeditions of the Romans in ' 
 Asia, great revolutions happened in Egypt. ; 
 The Alexandrians, weary of their king Alexan- 
 der, took up arms ; and after having expelled 
 him, called in Ptolemy Auletes to supply his 
 place. That history will be treated at large in 
 the ensuing article. 
 
 Pompey afterwards went to Damascus,' 
 where he regulated several affairs relating to 
 Egypt and Judea. Dm-ing his residence there, 
 twelve crowned heads went thither to make 
 their court to him, and were all in the city at 
 the same time. 
 
 A fine contention ^ between the love of a 
 father and the duty of a son was seen at this 
 time; a very extraordinary contest in those 
 days, when the most horrid murders and par- 
 ricides frequently opened the way to thrones, 
 Ariobarzanes, king of Cappadocia, voluntarily 
 resigned the crown in favour of his son, and 
 put the diadem on his head in the presence of 
 Pompey. The most sincere tears flowed in 
 abundance from the eyes of the son, who was 
 truly afflicted at a circumstance for which others 
 would have highly rejoiced. It was the sole 
 occasion in which he thought disobedience al- 
 lowable; and he would have persisted in re- 
 fusing the sceptre,^ if Pompey's orders had not 
 interfered, and obliged him at length to submit 
 to paternal authority. This is the second ex- 
 ample Cappadocia has displayed of such a con- 
 test of generosity. We have spoken in its place 
 of a similar contest between the two Ariara- 
 theses. 
 
 As Mithridates was in possession of several 
 strong places in Pontus and Cappadocia, Pom- 
 pey judged it necessary to return thither in 
 order to reduce them. He made himself mas- 
 ter of almost all of them upon his arrival, and 
 afterwards wintered at Aspis, a city of Pontus. 
 
 Stratonice, one of Mithridates's wives, sur- 
 rendered a castle of the Bosphorus, which she 
 had in her keeping, to Pompey, with the trea- 
 sures concealed in it, demanding only for re- 
 compence, that if her son Xiphares should fall 
 into his hands, he should be restored to her. 
 Pompey accepted only such of those presents as 
 would serve for the ornaments of temples. 
 When Mithridates knew what Stratonice had 
 done, to revenge her facility in surrendering 
 that fortress, which he considered as a treason, 
 he killed Xiphares in his mother's sight, who 
 beheld that sad spectacle from the other side of 
 the strait. 
 
 Caina, or the New City, was the strongest 
 place in Pontus, and therefore Mithridates kept 
 the greatest part of his treasures, and whatever 
 he had of greatest value, in that place, which he 
 
 2 Plut. in Pomp. p. 638, 639. 
 3 Val. Max. I. v. c. 7. 
 4 Nee uUum finem tain egregium ccrtamen habuis?et, 
 nisi patriae voluntati auctoritas Pompeii adfuisset. Val 
 Max. 
 
732 
 
 HISTORY OF PONTUS. 
 
 conceived impregnable. Pompey took it, and 
 with it all that Mithridates had left in it. 
 Amongst other things were found secret me- 
 moirs, written by himself, which gave a very 
 good insight into his character. In one part he 
 had noted down the persons he had poisoned, 
 amongst whom were his own son Ariarathes, 
 and Alcseus of Sardis ; the latter, because he 
 had carried the prize in the chariot-race against 
 him. What fantastical records were these! 
 Was he afraid that the public and posterity 
 should not be informed of his monstrous crimes, 
 and his motives for committing them ? 
 
 His memoirs of physic ' were also found 
 there, which Pompey caused to be translated 
 into Latin by Leneeus, a good grammarian, one 
 of his freedmen ; and they were afterwards made 
 public in that language. For, amongst the other 
 extraordinary qualities of Mithridates, he was 
 very skilful in medicine. It was he who in- 
 vented the excellent antidote which still bears 
 his name, and from which physicians have ex- 
 perienced such effects, that they continue to use 
 it successfully to this day. . 
 
 Pompey,^ during his stay 
 
 A. M. 3940. at Aspis, made such regula- 
 Ant. J. C. 64. tions in the affairs of the 
 country, as the state of them 
 would admit. As soon as the spring returned, 
 he marched back into Syria for the same pur- 
 pose. He did not think it advisable to pursue 
 Mithridates in the kingdom of the Bosphorus, 
 whither he was returned. To do that, he must 
 have marched round the Euxine Sea with an 
 army, and passed through many countries, 
 either inhabited by barbarous nations, or en- 
 tirely desert; a very dangerous enterprise, in 
 which he would have run great risk of perishing. 
 So that all that Pompey could do was to post 
 the Roman fleet in such a manner as to inter- 
 cept any convoys that might be sent to Mithri- 
 dates. He believed, by that means, he should 
 be able to reduce him to the last extremity ; and 
 said, on setting out, that he left Mithridates 
 more formidable enemies than the Romans, 
 which were hunger and necessity. 
 
 What carried him with so much ardour into 
 Syria was his excessive and vain-glorious am- 
 bition to push his conquests as far as the Red 
 Sea. In Spain, and before that in Africa, he 
 had carried the Roman arms as far as the wes- 
 tern ocean on both sides of the straits of the 
 Mediterranean. In the war against the Alba- 
 nians, he had extended his conquests to the 
 Caspian Sea, and believed there was nothing 
 wanting to his glory, but to push them on as 
 far as the Red Sea. Upon his arrival in Syria, 
 he declared Antioch and Seleucia, upon the 
 Orontes, free cities, and continued his march 
 towards Damascus ; from whence he designed 
 to have gone on against the Arabians, and aftei'- 
 wards to have conquered all the countries to the 
 Red Sea. But an accident happened which 
 obliged him to suspend all his projects, and to 
 return into Pontus. 
 
 Some time before, an embassy had come to 
 him from Mithridates, who demanded peace. 
 He proposed, that he should be suffered to re- 
 tain his hereditary dominions, as Tigranes had 
 been, upon condition of paying a tribute to tlie 
 Romans, and resigning all his other provinces. 
 
 1 Plin. 1. XXV. c. 20. 
 2 Joseph. Aiitiq. 1. xiv. 5, 6. Tlut. in Pomp. p. 639— 64]. 
 Diou. Cass. 1. xxxvii. p, 3i — SO. Appian. p. 246 — 251. 
 
 Pompey replied, that then he should also come 
 in person, as Tigranes had done. Mithridates 
 could not consent to such a meanness, but pro- 
 posed sending his children, and some of his 
 principal friends. Pompey would not be satis- 
 fied with that. The negotiation broke off, and 
 Mithridates applied himself to making prepara- 
 tions for war with as much vigour as ever. 
 Pompey, who received advice of this activity, 
 judged it necessary to be upon the spot, in order 
 to have an eye to every thing. For that pui'- 
 pose, he went to pass some time at Amisus, the 
 ancient capital of the country. There, through 
 the just punishment of the gods, says Plutarch, 
 his ambition made him commit faults which 
 drew upon him the blame of all the world. He 
 had publicly charged and reproached Lucullus, 
 for having, while the war still raged, disposed 
 of provinces, given rewards, decreed honours, 
 and acted in all things as victors are not accus- 
 tomed to act till a war is finally terminated ; 
 and now he fell into the same inconsistency 
 himself. For he disposed of governments, and 
 divided the dominions of Mithridates into pro- 
 vinces, as if the war had been at an end. But 
 Mithridates still lived, and every thing was to 
 be apprehended fi'om a prince inexhaustible in 
 resources, whom the greatest defeats could not 
 disconcert, and whom losses themselves seemed 
 to inspire with new courage, and to supply with 
 new strength. And indeed at that very time, 
 when he was believed to be irretrievably ruined, 
 he was actually meditating a terrible invasion 
 into the very heart of the Roman empire with 
 the troops he had lately raised. 
 
 Pompey, in the distribution of rewards, gave 
 Armenia Minor to Dejotarus, prince of Gala- 
 tia, who had always continued firmly attached 
 to the Roman interests during this war, to 
 which he added the title of king. It was this 
 Dejotarus who, by always persisting, through 
 gratitude, in his adherence to Pompey, in- 
 curred the resentment of Caesar, and had occa- 
 sion for the eloquence of Cicero to defend him. 
 
 He made Archelaus also high-priest of the 
 Moon, who was the supi'eme goddess of the 
 Comanians in Pontus, and gave him the sove- 
 reignty of the place, which contained at least 
 6000 persons, all devoted to the worship of that 
 deity. I have already observed, that this Ar- 
 chelaus was the son of him who commanded in 
 chief the troops sent by Mithridates into Greece 
 in his first war with the Romans, and who, 
 being disgraced by that prince, had, with his 
 son, taken refuge amongst them. They had 
 always, from that time, continued their firm 
 adherents, and had been of great use to them in 
 the wars of Asia. The father being dead, the 
 high-priesthood of Comana, and the sovereignty 
 annexed to it, were given to the son, in vecom- 
 pence for the services of both. 
 
 During Pompey's stay in Pontus, Aretas, 
 king of Arabia Petrsea, took advantage of his 
 absence to make incursions into Syria, which 
 very much distressed the inhabitants. Pompey 
 returned thither. Upon h'rs way he came 
 the place where lay the dead bodies of the Ro- 
 mans killed in the defeat of Triarius. He caused 
 them to be interred with great solemnity, which 
 gained him the hearts of his soldiers. From 
 thence he continued his march towards Syria, 
 with the view of executing the projects he had 
 formed for the war of Arabia ; but news of im- 
 portance interrupted those designs. 
 
 Though Mithridates had lost all hopes of 
 peace, ever since Pompey had rejected the over- 
 
HISTORY OF PONTU&. 
 
 tiires he had caused to be made to him ; and 
 though he saw many of his subjects abandon 
 his* party; far from losing courage, he had 
 formed the design of crossing Pannonia, and : 
 passing the Alps, to attack the Romans in Italy > 
 itself, as Hannibal had done before him : a pro- 
 ject more bold tlian prudent, with which his 
 inveterate hatred and blind despair had inspired 
 him. A great number of the neighbouring 
 Scythians had entered themsdves in his service, 
 and considerably augmented his army. He had 
 sent deputies into Gaul to solicit the nations 
 there to join him, when he should approach the 
 Alps. As great passions are always credulous, 
 I and men easily flatter themselves in what tliey 
 j ardently desire, he was in hopes that the flame 
 of the revolt among the slaves in Italy and 
 Sicily, perhaps ill extinguished, might suddenly 
 rekindle upon his presence : that the pirates , 
 would soon repossess themselves of the empire 
 i of the sea, and involve the Romans in new dilfi- 
 i culties ; and that the provinces, oppressed by 
 i the avarice and cruelty of the magistrates and 
 generals, would be anxious to throw off the 
 yoke by his aid, under which they had so long 
 groaned. Such were the thoughts that he had 
 revolved in his mind. 
 
 But as, in order to execute this project, it 
 was necessary to march more than 500 leagues, 
 and traverse 'the countries now called Little 
 Tartary, Podolia, Moldavia, Wallachia, Tran- 
 sylvania, Hungary, Stiria, Carinthia, the Tirol, 
 ! and Lombardy ; and pass three great rivers, 
 i the Borysthenes, Danube, and Po; the bare 
 1 idea of so toilsome and dangerous a march threw 
 j his army into such terror, that, to prevent the 
 j execution of his design they conspired against 
 him, and chose Pharnaces, his son, king, who 
 had been active in exciting the soldiers to this 
 revolt. Mithridates then seeing himself aban- 
 doned by all the world, and that even his son 
 ! would not suffer him to escape where he could, 
 retired to his apartment, and, after having given 
 1 poison to such of his wives, concubines, and 
 daughters, as were with him at that time, he 
 took the same himself; but when he perceived 
 that it had not its effect upon him, he had re- 
 course to his sword. The wound he gave him- 
 self not sufficing he was obliged to desire a 
 Gaulish soldier to put an end to his life. Dion 
 savs, he was killed by his own son. 
 
 Mithridates had reigned 
 A. M. soil. sixty years, and lived seven- 
 Ant. J. C. 63. ty-t^vo. His gi-eatest fear 
 -was of falling into the hands 
 of the Romans, and of being led in triumph. 
 To prevent that misfortune, he always cari-icd 
 poison about him, in order to escape that way, 
 if other means should fail. The apprehension 
 he was in, lest his son should deliver him up 
 to Pornpey, occasioned his taking the fatal re- 
 solution which he executed so suddenly. It is 
 generally said, that the reason that the poison 
 which he drank did not kill him was, his hav- 
 ing taken antidotes so much, that his constitu- 
 tion was proof against it. But this is believed 
 an eiror, and that it is impossible any remedy 
 should be a universal antidote against all the 
 different species of poison. 
 
 Pompey was at Jericho in Palestine, whither 
 the differences between Plyrcanus and Aristo- 
 bulus, of which we have spoken elsewhere, had 
 carried him, when he received the first news of 
 Mithridates's death. It was brought him by 
 expresses despatched on purpose from Pontus 
 with letters from his lieutenants. Those ex- 
 
 733 
 
 presses arriving with their lances crowned with | 
 laurels, which was customary only when they j 
 brought advice of some victory, or news of great i 
 importance and advantage, the army was very ! j 
 eager and solicitous to know what it was. As ! j 
 they had only begun to form their camp, and 
 had not erected the tribunal iTom which the ; 
 general harangued the troops, without staying 
 to raise one of turf, as was usual, because that 
 would take up too much time, they made one of 
 the packs of their carriage-horses, upon which 
 Pompey mounted without ceremony. He ac- 
 quainted them with the death of Mithridates 
 and the manner of his killing himself; that his 
 son Pharnaces submitted himself and his domi- 
 nions to the Romans, and that thereby that 
 tedious war, which had endured so long, was at , 
 length terminated. This Avas a subject of great | 
 jov to both the army and general. ! 
 
 "Such was the end of Mithridates ; a prince,^ ^ 
 says an historian, of Avhom it is difficult either 
 to speak or be silent : full of activity in Avar, of 
 distinguished courage; sometimes A^ery great 
 through the favours of fortune, and always 
 through his invincible resolution ; truly a gene- 
 ral in his prudence and counsel, and a soldier by \ 
 his bold and hazardous exploits ; a second Han- | 
 nibal in his hatred of the Romans. j 
 Cicero says of Mithridates, that after Alexan- j 
 der he Avas'the gi-eatest of kings: Ille rex post | 
 yllcxandrum jnaxbnus.* It is certain that the i 
 Romans never had such a king in arms against 
 them. Nor can Ave deny that he had his great 
 qualities : a vast extent of mind, that embraced 
 every subject ; a superiority of genius, capable 
 of the greatest undertakings ; a constancy of 
 soul, that the severest misfortunes could not j 
 depress ; un industry and bravery, inexhaustible 
 in resources, and Avhich, after the greatest losses, 
 brought him on a sudden again on the stage, 
 more poAverful and formidable than ever. I } j 
 cannot, hoAvever, believe, that he is to be con- 1 1 
 sidered as a consummate general; that idea does j] 
 not seem to result from his actions. He ob- I 
 tained great adA-antagcs at first ; but against | 
 generals Avithout either merit or experience. 
 When Sylla, LucuUus, and Pompey, opposed j 
 him, it does not appear he acquired any great j 
 honour, either by his address in posting himself j 
 to advantage, by his presence of mind in unex- I 
 pected emergencies, or intrepidity in the heat of j 
 action. But, should Ave admit him to have all j 
 the qualities of a great captain, he cannot but 
 be considered Avith horror, Avhen we reflect upon 
 the innumei-able murdei-s and parricides Avith 
 Avhich he polluted his reign, and that inhuman 
 cruelty Avhich regarded neither mother, Avives, 
 children, nor friends, and which sacrificed every 
 thing to his insatiable ambition. 
 
 Pompey,^ being arrived in 
 A. M. 8941. Syria, Avent directly to Da- 
 Ant. J. C. 63. mascuE, Avith design to set 
 out from thence to begin at 
 length the Tvar Avith Arabia. When Aretas, 
 the king of that country, saAV him upon the 
 point of entering his dominions, he sent an em- 
 bassy to make his submissions. 
 
 5 Vir neque silendiis ncque diccndits sine cura ; bcllo 
 acerrimus ; virtute eximius ; aliquando fortuna, semper 
 animo maximus ; consUiis dux, miles manu ; odio in Ilo. 
 manos Annibal. Vel. Paterc. 1. ii. c. 18. 
 
 4 Acad, Qusest. 1. iv. n. 3. 
 
 5 Joseph. Antiq. 1. xiv. c 4, 8. et de Bell. Jud. 1, 5. 
 riiit. in Pomp. p. 641. Appian. p. 520. Dion. Cas. 1. 
 xxxvi. p. 33, 36. 
 
734> 
 
 HISTORV OF PONTUS. 
 
 The troubles of Judea employed Pompey 
 some time. He returned afterwards into Syria, 
 from whence he set out for Pontus. Upon his 
 arrival at Amisus, he found the body of Mithri- 
 dates there, which Pharnaces his son had sent 
 to him ; no doubt, to convince Pompey by his 
 own eyes of the death of an enemy who had oc- 
 casioned him so many difficulties and fatigues. 
 He had added great presents, in order to con- 
 ciliate his favour. Pompey accepted the pre- 
 sents ; but as for the body of Mithridates, look- 
 ing upon their enmity as extinguished by death, 
 he did it all the honours due to the remains of a 
 king, sent it to the city of Sinope to be interred 
 there with the kings of Pontus, his ancestors, 
 who had long been buried in that place, and or- 
 dered the sums that were necessary for the so- 
 lemnity of a royal funeral. 
 
 In this last journey he took possession of all 
 the places in the hands of those to whom Mith- 
 ridates had confided them. He found im- 
 mense riches in some of them, especially at Te- 
 laurus, where part of Mithridates's most valu- 
 able effects and precious jewels were kept : his 
 principal arsenal was also in the same place. 
 Amongst these were 2000 cups of onyx, set and 
 adorned with gold ; with so prodigious a quan- 
 tity of all kinds of plate, furniture, and military 
 accoutrements for man and horse, that it cost 
 
 the questor, or treasurer of the army, thirty en- 
 tire days in taking the inventory of them. 
 
 Pompey granted Pharnaces the kingdom of 
 Bosphorus, as a reward for his parricide, de- 
 clared him the friend and ally of the Roman 
 people, and marched into the province of Asia, 
 in order to winter at Ephesus. Here he distri- 
 buted rewards to his victorious army. He gaA'e 
 each of his soldiers 1500 drachmas (about 37/. 
 sterling), and to the officers according to their 
 several posts. The total sum to which his li- 
 beralities amounted, all raised out of the spoils 
 of the enemy, was 16,000 talents ; that is to say, 
 about 2,400,000^. ; besides which, he had 20,000 
 more (3,000,000), to put into the treasury at 
 Rome, upon the day of his entry. 
 
 His triumph continued 
 A. M. 394S. two days, and was celebra- 
 Ant. J. C. 61. ted with extraordinary mag- 
 nificence. Pompey caused 
 324 captives of the highest distinction to march 
 before his chariot ; amongst whom were Aris- 
 tobulus, king of Judea, with his son Antigonus ; 
 Olthaces, king of Colchis ; Tigranes, the son of 
 Tigranes, king of Armenia; the sister, five sons, 
 and two daughters, of Mithridates. In the 
 place of that king's person, his throne, sceptre, 
 and a colossal busto of gold of eight cubits, or 
 twelve feet, in height, were carried in triumpli. 
 
THE 
 
 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 BOOK XXIV. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 ! Ptolemy Auletes having been placed upon the throne of 
 I Egypt in the room of Alexander, is declared the friend 
 ' I and ally of the Roman people by the influence of Cassar 
 I ( and Pompey, which he had purchased at a very great 
 
 I I price. In consequence, he loads his subjects with taxes, 
 i I He is expelled the throne. The Alexandrians make 
 j 1 his daughter Berenice queen. He goes to Rome, and, 
 
 I I by money, obtains the voices of the heads of the com- 
 1 monwealth for his re-establishment. He is opposed by 
 
 an oracle of the Sibyl's ; notwithstanding which, Gabi- 
 nius sets him upon the throne by force of arms, where 
 he remains till his death. The famous Cleopatra, and 
 her brother, very young, succeed him. 
 
 ! We have seen ' in what 
 
 I A. M. 3939. manner Ptolemy Auletes as- 
 Ant. J. C. 65. cended the throne of Egypt. 
 
 Alexander, his predecessor, 
 upon his being expelled by his subjects, had 
 withdrawn to Tyre, where he died some time 
 after. As he left no issue, nor any other legiti- 
 mate prince of the blood-royal, he had made the 
 Roman people his heirs. The senate, for the 
 reasons I have repeated elsewhere, did not judge 
 it proper at that time to take possession of the 
 dominions left them by Alexander's will; but 
 to show that they did not renounce their right, 
 they resolved to call in part of the inheritance, 
 and sent deputies to Tyre, to demand a sum of 
 money left there by that king at his death. 
 
 The pretensions' of the Roman people were 
 under no restrictions ; and it would have been 
 a very insecure establishment to possess a state 
 to which they believed they had so just a claim, 
 unless some means were found to make them 
 renounce it. All the kings of Egypt had been 
 friends and allies of R-ome. For Ptolemy to 
 get himself declared an ally by the Romans^ 
 was a certain means to his being authentically- 
 acknowledged king of Egypt by them. But by 
 how much the more important that qualifica- 
 tion was to him, so much the more difficult was 
 
 it for him to obtain it. His predecessor's will 
 was still fresh in the memory of every body ; 
 and as princes are seldom pardoned for defects 
 which do not suit their condition, though they 
 are often spared for those that are much more 
 hurtful, the surname of Player on the Flute, 
 which he had drawn upon himself, had ranked 
 him as low in the esteem of the Romans as in 
 that of the Egyptians. 
 
 He did not, however, despair of success in his 
 undertakings. =^ All the methods which he took 
 for the attainment of his end, were a long time 
 ineffectual; and it is likely they would always 
 have been so, if Caesar had never been consiil. 
 That ambitious spirit, who believed all means 
 and expedients just that conduced to his ends, 
 being immensely in debt, and finding that king 
 disposed to merit by money what he could not 
 obtain by right, sold him the alliance of Rome 
 at as dear a price as he was willing to buy it ; 
 and received for the purchase, as well for him- 
 self as for Pompey, whose credit was necessary 
 to him for obtaining the people's consent, almost 
 six thousand talents; that is to say, almost nine 
 hundred thousand pounds. At this price he 
 was declared the friend and ally of the Roman 
 people. 
 
 Though that prince's year- 
 A. M. 8946. ly revenues were twice the 
 Ant. J. C. 68. amount of this sum, he could 
 not immediately raise the 
 money without exceedingly over-taxing his sub- 
 jects. They were already highly discontented 
 at his not claiming the isle of Cyprus as an an- 
 cient dependance of Egypt, and, in case of re- 
 fusal, declaring war against the Romans. In 
 this disposition the extraordinary imposts he 
 was obliged to exact having finally exasperated 
 them, they rose with so much violence, that he 
 was forced to fly for the security of his life. 
 He concealed his route so well, that the Egyp- 
 tians either believed, or feigned to believe, that 
 
 1 See p. 641, of this volume. 
 
 2 Sueton. in Jul. Cees. c. liv. Dion. Cass. 1. xxxix. p. 97 
 Strab. I. xrii. p. 736. 
 
736 
 
 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 he had perished. They declared Berenice, the 
 eldest of his three daughters, queen, though he 
 had two sons, because they were both much 
 younger than she. 
 
 Ptolemy,' in the mean time, having landed 
 at the isle of Rhodes, which was in his way to 
 Rome, was informed that Cato, who after his 
 death was called Cato of Utica, had also arrived 
 there some time before. That prince, being glad 
 of the opportunity to confer with him upon h 
 own affairs, sent immediately to let him know 
 of his arrival, expecting that he would come 
 directly to visit him. We may here see an 
 stance of Roman grandeur, or rather haughti- 
 ness. Cato ordered him to be told, that, if he 
 had any thing to say to him, he might come to 
 him, if he thought fit. Accordingly he went. 
 Cato did not vouchsafe so much as to rise when 
 Ptolemy entered his chamber, and saluting him 
 only as a common man, bade him sit down. 
 The king, though in some confusion upon this 
 I'eception, could not but inwardly wonder how 
 so much haughtiness and state could unite in 
 the same person with the simplicity and mo- 
 desty that appeared in his dress and all his 
 equipage. But he was still more surprised, 
 when, upon entering upon business, Cato blamed 
 him, in direct terms, for quitting the finest king- 
 dom in the world, to expose himself to the pride 
 and insatiable avarice of the Roman grandees, 
 and to suffer a thousand indignities. He did 
 not scruple to tell him, that, though he should 
 sell all Egypt, he would not have sufficient to 
 satisfy their avidity. He advised him, there- 
 fore, to return to Egypt, and reconcile himself 
 with his subjects; adding, that he was ready to 
 accompany him thither, and offering him his 
 mediation and good offices for that purpose. 
 
 Ptolemy, upon this discourse, recovered as 
 out of a dream, and having maturely considered 
 what the wise Roman had told him, perceived 
 the error he had committed in quitting his king- 
 dom, and entertained thoughts of returning to 
 it. But the friends he had with him being 
 gained by Pompey to make him go to Rome 
 (one may easily guess with what views), dis- 
 suaded him from following Cato's good advice. 
 He had full time to repent it, when he found 
 himself, in that proud city, reduced to solicit the 
 magistrates upon his business, from door to door, 
 like a private person. 
 
 Cfesar,^ upon whom his principal hopes were 
 founded, was not at Rome; he was at that time 
 making war in Gaul. But Pompey, who was 
 there, gave him an apartment in his house, and 
 omitted nothing to serve him. Besides the mo- 
 ney which he had received from that prince, in 
 conjunction with Caesar, Ptolemy had since cul- 
 tivated his friendship by various services which 
 he had rendered him during the war with Mith- 
 ridates, and had maintained at his own charge 
 8000 horse for him in that of Judea. Having, 
 therefore, made his complaint to the senate of 
 the rebellion of his subjects, he demanded that 
 they should oblige them to return to their obe- 
 dience, as the Romans were engaged to do by 
 the alliance granted him. Pompey's faction 
 obtained for him a compliance with his request. 
 The consul Lentulus, to whom Cilicia, sepa- 
 rated from Egypt only by the coast of Syria, 
 
 1 Plut. in Cato. Utic.p. 776. 
 2 Dion. Cass. 1. xxxix. p. 97, 98. Plin. 1. xxxiii. c. 10. 
 Cic. ad Fauiil. 1. i. ep. 1—4. Id. in Piso. n. 48—50. Id. 
 pro. Cal. n. 23, 24. 
 
 had fallen by lot, was charged with the rc-e-stab- 
 lishment of Ptolemy upon the throne. 
 
 But before his consulship 
 A. M. 3947. expired, the Egyptians hav- 
 Ant. J. C. 57. ing been informed that their 
 king was not dead, as they 
 believed, and that he was gone to Rome, sent 
 thither a solemn embassy, to justify their revolt 
 before the senate. That embassy consisted of 
 more than 100 persons, at the head of whom 
 was a celebrated philosopher, named Dion, who 
 had considerable friends at Rome. Ptolemy 
 having received advice of this, found means to 
 destroy most of those ambassadors, either by 
 poison or the sword, and so much intimidated 
 those whom he could neither corrupt nor kill, 
 that they were afraid either to acquit themselves 
 of their commission, or to demand justice for so 
 many murders. But as all the world knew 
 this cruelty, it made him as highly odious as he 
 was before contemptible ; and his immense pro- 
 fusion, in gaining the pooi-est and most self- 
 interested senators, became so public, that no- 
 thing else was talked of throughout the city. 
 
 So notorious a contempt of the laws, and 
 such an excess of audacity, excited the indigna- 
 tion of all the persons of integrity in the senate. 
 M. Favonius, the Stoic philosopher, was the 
 first in it who declaimed himself against Ptole- 
 my. Upon his motion, it Avas resolved that 
 Dion should be ordered to attend, in order to 
 their knowing the truth from his own mouth. 
 But the king's party, composed of that of Pom- 
 pey and Lentulus, of such as he had corrupted 
 with money, and of those who had lent him 
 sums to corrupt others, acted so openly in his 
 favour, that Dion did not dare to appear ; and 
 Ptolemy, having caused him also to be killed 
 some short time after, though he who did the 
 inurder was accused in due form of law, the 
 king was exculpated, upon maintaining that he 
 had just cause for the action. 
 
 Whether that prince thought that he had no- 
 thing farther to transact at Rome that demanded 
 his presence, or apprehended receiving some 
 affront, hated as he was, if he continued there 
 any longer, he set out from thence some few 
 days after, and retired to Ephesus, into the 
 temple of the goddess, to wait there the decision 
 of his destiny. 
 
 His affair, in fact, made more noise than ever 
 at Rome. One of the tribunes of the people, 
 named C. Cato, an active, enterprising young 
 man, who did not want eloquence, declared 
 himself, in frequent harangues, against Ptolemy 
 and Lentulus, and was hearkened to by the 
 people with singular pleasure and extraordinary 
 applause. 
 
 In order to put a nev. 
 
 A. M. S948. engine in motion, he waited 
 Ant. J. C. 56. till the new consuls wero 
 elected ; and as soon as Len- 
 tulus had quitted that office, he produced to the 
 people an oracle of the Sibyl's, which ran thus: 
 " If a king of Egypt, having occasion for aid, 
 applies to you, you shall not refuse him your 
 amity ; but, however, you shall not give him 
 any troops ; for if you do, you will suffer and 
 hazard much." 
 
 The usual form was to communicate this kind 
 of oracles first to the senate, in order to examine 
 whether they were proper to be divulged. But 
 Cato, apprehending that the king's faction might 
 occasion the passing a resolution there to sup- 
 press this, which was so apposite to that prince, 
 immediately presented the priests, with whom 
 
HISTORY OF KGYVT. 
 
 737 
 
 the sacred books were deposited, to the people, 
 and obliged them by the authority which his 
 office of tribune gave him, to lay what they had 
 found in them before the public, without de- 
 manding the senate's opinion. 
 
 This was a new thunder-stroke to Ptolemy 
 and Lentulus. The words of the Sibyl were 
 too express not to make all the impression upon 
 the vulgar which their enemies desired. So 
 that Lentulus, whose consulship was expired, 
 not being willing to receive the affront to his 
 face, of having the senate's decree revoked, by 
 which he was appointed to reinstate Ptolemy, 
 set out immediately for his province, in quality 
 of proconsul. 
 
 He was not deceived. Some days after, one 
 of the new consuls, named Marcelllnus, the de- 
 clared enemy of Pompey, having proposed the 
 oracle to the senate, it was decreed, that regard 
 should be had to it, and that it appeared danger- 
 ous for the commonwealth to re-establish the 
 king of Egypt by force. 
 
 We must not believe there was any person in 
 the senate so simple, or rather so stupid, as to 
 have any faith in such an oracle. Nobody 
 doubted but that it had been expressly contrived 
 for the present conjuncture, and was the work 
 of some secret political intrigue. But it bad 
 been published and approved in the assembly of 
 the people, credulous and superstitious to excess, 
 and the senate could pass no other judgment 
 
 upon it. 
 
 This new incident obliged Ptolemy to change 
 I nis measures. Seeing that Lentulus had too 
 many enemies at Rome, he abandoned the de- 
 ! cree by which he had been commissioned with 
 j his re-establishment, and demanded by Ammo- 
 I nius, his ambassador, whom he had left at 
 Home, that Pompey should be appointed to exe- 
 I cute the same commission; because, it not being 
 : possible to execute it with open force, upon ac- 
 I count of the oracle, he judged, with reason, that 
 j It was necessary to substitute, in the room of 
 j force, a person of great authority ; and Pompey 
 was at that time at the highest pitch of his 
 glory, occasioned by his success in having de- 
 stroyed Mithridates, the greatest and most 
 powerful king Asia had seen since Alexander. 
 
 The affair was discussed in the senate, and 
 debated with great vivacity by the different par- 
 ties that rose up in it. The difference of opi- 
 nions caused several sittings to be spent without 
 any determination. Cicero never quitted the 
 mterest of Lentulus, his intimate friend, who, 
 during his consulship, had infinitely contributed 
 to his recall from banishment. But what means 
 were there to render him any service, in the 
 condition in which things stood? And what 
 could that proconsul do against a great kingdom, 
 without using force of arms, which was ex- 
 pressly forbidden by the oracle ? In this man- 
 ner, people of little wit and subtilty, that were 
 not used to consider things in different lights, 
 would have thought. The oracle only prohibited 
 giving the king any troops for his re-establish- 
 ment. Could not Lentulus have left him in 
 some place near the frontiers, and still go with 
 a good army to besiege Alexandria. After he 
 bad taken it, he might have returned, leaving a 
 strong garrison in the place, and then sent the 
 king thither, who would have found all things 
 disposed for his reception without violence or 
 
 troops. This was Cicero's advice ; to confirm 
 which, 1 shall repeat his own words, taken from 
 a letter written by him at that time to Len- 
 tulus: « You are the best judge," says he, "as 
 you are master of Cilicia and Cyprus, of what 
 you can undertake and effect. If it seems prac- 
 ticable for you to take Alexandria, and possess 
 yourself of the rest of Egypt, it is, without 
 doubt, both for your own honour, and that" of 
 the commonwealth, that you should go thither 
 with your fleet and army, leaving the king at 
 Ptolemais, or in some other neighbouring place; 
 in order that, after you have appeased the re-' 
 volt, and left strong garrisons where necessary, 
 that prince may safely return thither. In* this 
 manner you will reinstate him, according to the 
 senate's first decree; and he will be restored 
 without troops, which our zealots assure us is 
 the direction of the Sibyl." Would one believe 
 that a grave magistrate, in an affair so impor- 
 tant as that at present in question, should be 
 capable of an evasion, which appears so little 
 consistent with the integrity and probity upon 
 which Cicero valued himself? It was because 
 he reckoned the pretended oracle of the Sibyl to 
 be what indeed it was, that is to say, a mere 
 contrivance and imposture. 
 
 Lentulus, stopped by the difficulties of that 
 enterprise, which were great and real, was 
 afraid to engage in it, and took the advice Ci- 
 cero gave him in the conclusion of his letter, 
 where he represented, " That all the world 
 would judge of his conduct from the event ;^ 
 that therefore he had only to take his measures 
 so well, as to assure his success; and that other- 
 Avise, he would do better not to undertake it." 
 
 Gabinius, who commanded in Syria in the 
 quality of proconsul, was less apprehensive and 
 less cautious. Though every proconsul was 
 prohibited by a positive law to quit his pro- 
 vince, or declare any war whatsoever, even 
 upon the nearest borderer, without an express 
 order of the senate, he had marched to the aid 
 of Mithridates, prince of Parthia, who had been 
 ^ expelled by the king, his 
 
 A. M. S949. brother, from Media, which 
 Ant. J. C. 65. kingdom had fallen to his 
 share. He had already passed 
 the Euphrates with his army for that purpose,^ 
 when Ptolemy joined him with letters from 
 Pompey, their common friend and patron, who 
 had very lately been declared consul for the 
 year ensuing. By those letters he conjured 
 Gabinius to do his u]feraost in favour of the pro- 
 posals that that prince should make him, with 
 regard to his re-establishment in his kingdom. 
 However dangerous that conduct might be, the 
 authority of Pompey, and, still more, the hope 
 of considerable gain, made Gabinius begin to 
 waver. The pressing remonstrances of An- 
 tony, who sought occasions to signalize himself, 
 and was besides inclined to please Ptolemv, 
 whose entreaties flattered his ambition, fully 
 determined him. This was the famous Mark 
 Antony, who afterwards formed the second 
 triumvirate with Octavius and Lepidus. Ga- 
 
 3 Cic ad Famil. 1. i. epist. 7. 
 
 4 Ita fore ut per te restituatur, quemadmodum initio 
 senatus censuit; et sine multituditie reducatur, quemad. 
 modum homines religiosi Sibylls placere dixerunt. 
 
 5 Exeventu homines de tuo consilio esse judicatures, 
 videmus— Nos quidem hoc sentiraus ; si exploratum tibi 
 sit, posse te illius regni potiri, non esse cunctandum ; sin 
 uubium, non esse conandum. 
 
 6 Appian in Syr, p. 120, et in Parth. p. 134. Plut. in 
 Anton, p. 916, 917. 
 
 3 A 
 
3S 
 
 HISTORY OF FGYPT. 
 
 binius had engaged him to follow hiin into puted his grouDd very well with the enemy. 
 Syria, by giving him the command of his ca- | After ho quitted the city, in order to march 
 valrv. 'the more dangerous the enterprise, the | against the Rom uis, when it was neces'^ary to 
 more Gabinius thought he had a right to make I encamp and break ground for the intrenchments. 
 Ptolemy pay dear "for it. The latter, who | the Egyptians, accustomed to live an idle and 
 found no di'diculty in agreeing to any terms, ; voluptuous lift', raised an outcry, that Arclie- 
 offered liim for hiiiiself and tlie army 10,000 ta- i laus should emjiloythe mercenaries in such work 
 lents, or 1,500,000/. the gre itest paVt to be ad- i at the expense of the public. What could be 
 vanced immediately in i^ealy money, and the I expected from such troops in a battle? 'J'hey 
 rest as soon as he should be re'instated. Gabini- were, in fact, soon pat to the rout. Archelaus 
 
 us accepted the otfer without hesitation. 
 
 Egypt ' had coniiuued under the government 
 of queen Berenice. As soon as she ascended 
 the throne, the Egyptians had sent to offer the 
 
 was killed, lightiiig valiantly, Antony, who 
 had been his particular friend and guest, having 
 found his body upon the field of battle, adorned 
 it in a roval manner, and solemnized his obse- 
 
 irown, and Berenice, to Antiochus Asiati,-us, I quies with great magnificence. By this action 
 in Syria, who, by his mother Selene's side, was i he left behind him a great name in Alexandria, 
 the nearest heir male. The ambassadors found i and acquired amongst the Bomans who served 
 
 him dead, and returned; they brought an ac- 
 count that his brother Seleucus, surnamed Cy- 
 biosactes, was stiil alive. The same offers were 
 made to him, which he accepttd. He was a 
 ]>rince of mean and sordid inclinations, and had 
 no thoughts but of amassing money. His first 
 care was to cause the body of Alexander the 
 Great to be put into a cofiin of glass, in order to 
 seize that of massy gold, in which it had lain 
 untouched till then. This action, and many 
 others of a like nature, having rendered him 
 equally odious to his queen and subjects, she 
 caused him to be strangled soon after. He was 
 the last prince of the race of the Sekaicidae. She 
 afterwards espoused Archelaus, high-priest of 
 Comana, in Pontus, who called himself the son 
 of tiie great Mithridates, though, in fact, he 
 was only the son of that prince's chief general. 
 
 Gabiiiius,"- after having passed the Euphrates, 
 and crossed Palestine, marched directly into 
 Egypt. What was most to be feared in this 
 war, was the way by which they must neces- 
 sarily march to arrive at Pelusium ; for they 
 could not avoid passing plains, covered with 
 sands of such a depth as was terrible to think 
 on, and so parched, that there was not a single 
 drop of water the whole length of the ferjs of 
 Serbonis. Antony, who was sent before with 
 the horse, not only seized the ])asses, but having 
 taken Pelusium, the key of Egypt on that side, 
 with the whole garrison, he made the way se- 
 cure for the rest of the army, and gave his gen- 
 '>ral great hopes of success in the expedition. 
 
 The enemy derived considerable advantage 
 from the desire of glory which influenced An- 
 tony. For Ptolemy had no sooner entered Pe- 
 lusium, than, urged by the violence of his hate 
 and resentment, he would have put all the 
 Egyptians in it to the sword. But Antony, 
 who rightly judged that that act of cruelty 
 would disgrace himself, opposed it, i\ud pre- 
 I vented Ptolemy from executing his design. In 
 ill the battles and encounters which immedi- 
 
 with him in this war the reputation of a man 
 of singular valour and exceeding generosity. 
 
 Egypt was soon reduced, and obliged to re- 
 ceive Auletes, who took entire possession of his 
 dominions. In order to strengthen him in it, 
 Gabinius loft him some Romnn troops for the 
 ^uard of his person. Ihose troops contracted 
 at Alexandria the manners and customs of the 
 country, and abandoned themselves to the lux- 
 ury and effeminacy which reigned there more 
 than in any other city. Auletes put his daugh- 
 ter Berenice to death, for having worn tiie 
 crown during his exile ; and afterwards got rid, 
 iu the same manner, of all the rich persons who 
 had been of tlie adverse party. He had occa- 
 sion for the confiscation of their estates, to make 
 up the sum he had promised to Gabinius, to 
 whose aid he was indebted for his re-establish- 
 ment. 
 
 The Egyptians suffered all these violences 
 without murmuring.^ But, some days after, a 
 Roman soldier having accidentally killed a cat, 
 neither the fear of Gabinius nor the authority 
 of Ptolemy could prevent the people from tear- 
 ing him to* pieces upon the spot, to avenge the 
 insult done to the gods of the country ; for cats 
 were of that number. 
 
 Nothing farther is known with respect to the 
 life of Ptolemy Auletes,* except that C. Rabi- 
 rius Posthumus, who had either lent him, or 
 caused to be lent him, the greatest part of the 
 sums he had borrowed at Rome, having gone to 
 him, in order to procure payment when he was 
 entirely reinstated, that prince gave him to un- 
 derstand that he despaired of satisfying him, 
 unless he would consent to take upon him the 
 care of his revenues, by which means he might 
 reimburse himself by little and little with his 
 own hands. The unfortunate creditor having 
 accepted that offer out of tVar of losing his debt 
 if he refused it, the king soon found a pretence 
 for causing him to be imjn-isoned, though one of 
 the oldest and dearest of Caesar's friends, and 
 
 : atelv foUowed one another, he not only gave j though Pompey was Ui some measure security 
 
 proofs of his great valour, but distinguished 
 himself by all fhe conduct of a great general. 
 
 As soon as Gabinius received advice of An- 
 tony's good success, he entered the heart of 
 Egypt. It was in winter, when the waters of 
 the' Nile are very low, and consequently the 
 properest time for the cotuiuest of it. Arche- 
 laus, who was brave, able, and experienced, did 
 all that could be done in his defence, and dis- 
 
 1 Strab. 1 xii. p. 538. Id 1, xvii. p. 794—796. Dioa 
 ;ass. 1. xxxix. p. 1 15, 117. Cic. in Pison. n. 49, 50. 
 2 riut. in Anton, p, 916, 917. 
 
 for the debt, as the money was lent, and the 
 obligations executed, in his presence, and by 
 his procurement, in a countrv-house of his near 
 Alba. 
 
 Rabirius thought himself too happy in being 
 able to escape from prison and Egypt more mis- 
 erable than he had gone thither. To complete 
 his disgrace, he was prosecuted in form as soon 
 as he returned to Rome, for having aided I'to- 
 lemy in corrupting the senate, by the sums he 
 had* lent him for that purpose; of having dis- 
 
 3 Died. Sic. 1. i. p. 71, 
 
 4 Cic. pro Rabir. I'osth. 
 
HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 '3.9 
 
 honoured his quality of Roman knight, by the 
 employment he had accepted in Egypt ; and 
 lastly, of having shared in the money which 
 Gabinius brought from thence, with whom, it 
 was alleged, he had connived. Cicero's oration 
 in his defence, which we still have, is an eter- 
 nal monument of the ingratitude and perfidy of 
 this unworthy king. 
 
 Ptolemy Auletes died in 
 A. M. 3953. the peaceable possession of 
 Ant. J. C. 51. the kingdom of Egypt, about 
 four years after his re-esta- 
 blishment.'' He left two sons and two daugh- 
 ters. He bequeathed his crown to the eldest 
 son and daughter, and ordered by his will that 
 they should marry together, according to the 
 custom of that house, and govern jointly. And 
 because they were both very young '(for the 
 daughter, who was the eldest, was only seven- 
 teen years of age), he left them under the guar- 
 dianship of the Roman senate. This was the 
 famous Cleopatra, whose history it remains for 
 us to relate. We find the people appointed 
 Pompey the young king's guardian, who some 
 years after so basely ordered him to be put to 
 death.® 
 
 SECT. II, 
 
 Pothinus and Achillas, ministers of tlie young king, ex. 
 pel Cleopatra. She raises troops to re-establish herself. 
 Pompey, after having been overthrown at Fharsalia, 
 retires into Egypt, He is assassinated there. C:Esar, 
 who pursued hiin, arrives at Alexandria, where he is 
 informed of his death, which he seems to lament. He 
 endeavours to reconcile the brother and sister, and for 
 that purpose sends for Cleopatra, of whom he soon be. 
 comes enamoured. CJreat commotions arise at Alexan. 
 dria, and several battles are fought between the Egyp. 
 tians and Caesar's troops, wherein the latter have almost 
 always the advantage. The king having been dr->wned 
 in flymg after a sea.fight, all Egypt submits to Casar. 
 He sets Cleopatra, with her younger brother, upon the 
 throne, and returns to Home. 
 
 A. M. 3956. 
 Ant. J. C. 48. 
 
 Little is known of the be- 
 ginning of the reign of Cleo- 
 patra and her brother.^ That 
 , . . prince was a minor, under 
 
 : the tuition of Pothinus the eunuch, and of 
 i Achillas the general of his army. Those two 
 ministers, no doubt to engross to themselves the 
 } whole administration of the public affairs, had 
 j deprived Cleopatra, in the king's name, of the 
 ' share in the sovereignty left her by the will of 
 ! Auletes. Injured in this manner, she went 
 ; into Syria and Palestine to raise troops in those 
 I countries, in order to assert her rights by force 
 1 of arms. 
 
 j It was exactly at this conjuncture of the quar- 
 rel between the brother and sister, that Pom- 
 Pe.v> after having lost the battle of Pharsalia, 
 fled to Egypt; conceiving, that he should find 
 there an open and secure asylum in his misfor- 
 i tunes. He had been the protector of Auletes, 
 I the father of the reigning king, and it was solely 
 to lompey's influence that he was indebted for 
 his re-establishment. He was in hopes of find- 
 ing the son grateful, and of being powerfully as- 
 sisted by him. When he arrived, Ptolemy was 
 upon the coast with his army, between Pelusi- 
 
 5 Caasar de Bello Civ. 1. v. 6 Eutrop. 1 vi. 
 7 Plut. in Pomp. 659—662 Id. in Cces. p. 730, 731. 
 Appian. de Bel. Civ. p. 480—484. C£es. de Bel. Civ. 1. ill 
 Dind. 1. xlii. p. iJGO— i?06. 
 
 um and mount Casius, and Cleopatra at no 
 great distance, at the head of her troops also. 
 Pompey, on approaching the coast, sent to Pto- 
 lemy to demand permission to land, and enter 
 his kingdom. 
 
 The two ministers, Pothinus and Achillas, 
 consulted with Theodotus the rhetorician, the 
 young king's preceptor, and with some others, 
 what answer they should make : Pompey in the 
 mean time waited the result of thatcouncil, and 
 chose rather to expose himself to be the foot-ball 
 of three unworthy persons who governed the 
 prince, than to owe his safety to Caisar, who was 
 his father-in-law, and the greatest of the Ro- 
 mans. This council differed in opinion ; some 
 were for receiving him, others for having him told 
 to seek a retreat elsewhere. Theodotus approved 
 neither of these methods; and displaying all his 
 eloquence, undertook to demonstrate, that there 
 was no other choice to be made, than that ol 
 ridding themselves of him. His reason was, 
 because, if they received him, Caesar would 
 never forgive the having assisted his enemy ; if 
 they sent him away without aid, and affairs 
 should take a turn in his favour, he would not 
 fail to revenge himself upon them for their re- 
 fusal. That therefore there was no security for 
 them, but in putting him to death ; by which 
 means they would gain Caesar's friendship, and 
 prevent the other from ever doing them any 
 hurt; for, said he, according to the proverb, 
 " Dead men do not bite." 
 
 This advice prevailed, as being in their opin- 
 ion the wisest and most safe. Achillas, Septi- 
 mi'os, a Roman officer in the service of the king 
 of Egypt, and some others, were charged with 
 putting it into execution. They went to take 
 Pompey on board a shallop, under the pretext 
 that large vessels could not approach the shore 
 without difficulty. The troops were drawn up 
 on the sea-side, as with design to do honour to 
 Pompey, with Ptolemy at their head. The 
 perfidious Septimius tendered his hand to Pom- 
 pey in the name of his master, and bade him 
 come to a king, his friend, whom he ought to 
 regard as his ward and son. Pompey then em- 
 braced his Avife Cornelia, who was already in 
 tears for his death ; and, after having repeated 
 these verses of Sophocles, " Every man who 
 enters the court of a tyrant becomes his slave, 
 though free before," he went into the shallop. 
 When they saw themselves near the shore, they 
 stabbed him before the king's eyes, cut off his 
 head, and threw his body upon the strand, 
 where it had no other funeral than what one of 
 his fteed-men gave it with the assistance of an 
 old Roman, who was there by chance. They 
 raised him a wretched funeral-pile, and for that 
 purpose made use of some fragments of an old i 
 wreck, that had been driven ashore there. 
 
 Cornelia had seen Pompey massacred before 
 her eyes. It is easier to imagine the condition 
 ot a woman in the height of grief from so tra- 
 gical an object, than to describe it. Those who 
 were in her galley, and in two other ships in 
 company with it, made the coast resound with 
 the cries they raised ; and weighing anclior im- 
 mediately, set sail before the wind', which blew 
 fresh as soon as they got out to sea : this pre- 
 vented the Egyptians, who were getting ready 
 to chase them, from pursuing their design. 
 
 Caesar made all possible haste to arrive in 
 Egypt, whither he suspected Pompey had re- 
 tired, and where he was in hopes of finding 
 still alive. That he might be there the 
 
 him 
 
 sooner, he carried 
 
 very few troops with him; 
 3 A 2 
 
740 
 
 only 800 horse and S200 foot. He left the rest 
 of his army in Greece and Asia Minor, under 
 his lieutenant-generals, with orders to make all 
 the advantages of his victory which it would 
 admit, and to establish his authority in all those 
 countries. As for his own person,' confiding 
 in his reputation, and the success of his arms at 
 Pharsalia, and reckoning all places secure for 
 him, he made no scruple to land at Alexandria 
 with the few people he had. He was vei'y nigh 
 paying dear for his temerity. 
 
 Upon his arrival he was informed of Pom - 
 pey's death, and found the city in great confu- 
 ' sion. Theodotus believing he should do him an 
 ; exceeding pleasure, presented him the head of 
 i that illustrious fugitive. He wept at seeing it, 
 j and turned away his eyes from a spectacle that 
 I gave him horror. He even caused it to be in- 
 I terred with all the usual solemnities. And the 
 I better to express his esteem for Pompey, and 
 ! the respect he had for his memory, he received 
 I with great kindness, and loaded with favours, 
 I ! all who had adhered to him, and Avere then in 
 I Egypt ; and wrote to his friends at Rome, that 
 ' the highest and most grateful advantage of his 
 ; victory was to find every day some new occa- 
 i sion to preserve the lives, and do services to 
 ! some of those citizens, who had borne arms 
 j against him. 
 
 The commotions inci'eased every day at Alex- 
 I andria, and abundance of murders were com- 
 ] mitted there ; the city having neither law nor 
 i government, because without a master. Caesar, 
 clearly perceiving that the small number of 
 ( troops with him were far from being sufficient 
 to awe an insolent and seditious populace, gave 
 orders for the legions he had in Asia to march 
 j thither as soon as possible. It was not in his 
 j power to leave Egypt, because of the Etesian 
 winds, which in that country blow continually 
 during the dog-days, and prevent all vessels 
 { from quitting Alexandria; as those winds are 
 I then always full north. Not to lose time, he 
 ! demanded the payment of the money due to 
 ' him from Auletes, and took cognizance of the 
 ' dispute between Ptolemy and his sister Cleo- 
 patra. 
 
 We have seen, that when Caesar was consul 
 For the first time, Auletes had gained him by 
 the promise of 6000 talents, and by that means 
 had procured himself to be established upon the 
 throne, and declared the friend and ally of the 
 Romans. The king had paid him only a part 
 of that sum, and had given him a bond for the 
 remainder. 
 
 Caesar therefore demanded what was unpaid, 
 which he wanted for the subsistence of his 
 troops, and urged his claim with rigour. Po- 
 thinus, Ptolemy's first minister, employed vari- 
 ous sti'atagems to make this rigour appear still 
 greater than it really was. He plundered the 
 temples of all the gold and silvej" which was 
 found in them, and made the king and all the 
 great persons of the kingdom eat out of earthen 
 or vrooden vessels; insinuating underhand, that 
 Caesar had seized upon all the silver and gold 
 plate, in order to render him odious to the 
 populace by such reports, which were not desti- 
 tute of probability in appearance, though en- 
 tirely groundless. 
 
 1 C£e«ar confisus famd rerun) gestarum, infirtnis auxi- 
 liis prolicisci non dubitaverat ; atque omnem sibi locum 
 tutum fore existimabat. C(ss. 
 
 But what finally incensed the Egyptians 
 against Caesar, and made them at last take 
 ai ms, was the haughtiness with which he acted 
 as judge bet\'^een Ptolemy and Cleopatra, in 
 causing them to be cited to appear before him ^ 
 for the decision of their dispute. We shall soon 
 see upon what he founded his authority for pro- j 
 ceeding in that manner. He therefore decreed 
 in form, that they should disband their armies, j 
 should appear and plead their cause before him, | 
 and receive such sentence as he should pass be- I 
 tween them. This order was looked upon iu j 
 Egypt as a violation of the royal dignity, which, j 
 being independent, acknowledged no superior, | 
 and could be judged by no tribunal. Caesar re- i 
 plied to these complaints, that he acted only in i 
 virtue of being appointed arbiter by the will of \ 
 Auletes, who had put his children under the j 
 guardianship of the senate and people of Rome, ! 
 the whole authority of which was then vested \ 
 in his person, in quality of consul : that, as 
 guardian, he had a right to arbitrate between 
 them ; and that all he pretended to was, as exe- | 
 cutor of the will, to establish peace between the | 
 brother and sister. This explanation having 
 facilitated the affair, it was at length brought 
 before Caesar, and advocates were chosen to \ 
 plead the cause. . | 
 
 But Cleopatra, who knew Caesar's foible, be- : 
 lieved that her pi'esence would be more persua- i 
 sive than any advocate she could employ with | 
 her judge. She caused him to be told, that she j 
 perceived that those whom she employed in her \ 
 behalf betrayed her, and demanded his permis- j 
 sion to appear in person. Plutarch says it was ' 
 Caesar himself who pressed her to come and ! 
 plead her cause. i 
 That princess took nobody with her, of all | 
 her friends, but Apollodorus the Sicilian ; got ' 
 into a little boat, and arrived at the bottom of 
 the walls of the citadel of Alexandria, when it 
 was quite dark night. Finding that there were 
 no means of entering without being known, she 
 thought of this stratagem. She laid herself at i 
 length in the midst of a bundle of clothes, i 
 Apollodorus wrapped it up in a cloth, tied up 
 with a thong, and in that manner carried it 
 through the gate of the citadel to Caesar's apart- I 
 ment, who was far from being displeased Avith 
 the stratagem. The first sight of so beautiful 
 a person had all the effect upon him she had de- j 
 sired. I 
 
 Caesar sent the next day for Ptolemy, and 
 pressed him to take her again, and be reconciled j 
 with her. Ptolemy saw plainly that his judge ; 
 was become his adversary : and having learned | 
 that his sister was then in the palace, and even \ 
 in Caesar's own apartment, he quitted it in the 
 utmost fury, and in the open street rent the 
 diadem off his head, tore it to pieces, and threw 
 it on the ground ; crying out, with his face 
 bathed in tears, that he was betrayed ; and re 
 lating the circumstances to the multitude who 
 assembled round him. In a moment the whole i 
 city was in an uproar. He put himself at the I 
 head of the populace, and led them on tumultu- 
 ously to charge Caesar witli all the fuj-y natural 
 on such occasions. I 
 The Roman soldiers, whom Ca?sar had with | 
 him, secured the person of Ptolemy. But as all 
 the rest, who knew nothing of what was pass- j 
 ing, were dispersed in the several quarters of | 
 that great city, Caesar would inevitably have | 
 been overpowered and torn to pieces by that j 
 furious populace, if he had not had the presence 
 of mind to show himself to them from a part of 
 
HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 741 
 
 the palace so high that he had nothing to fear 
 upon it : fi-om hence he assured them, that they 
 would be fully satisfied with the judgment he 
 
 j should pass. 1 hose promises appeased the Egyp- 
 
 I tians a little. 
 
 { The next day he brought out Ptolemy and 
 j Cleopatra into an assembly of the people, sum- 
 moned by his order. After having caused the 
 will of the late king to be read, he decreed, as 
 guardian and arbitrator, that Ptolemy and Cleo- 
 patra should reign jointly in Egypt, according 
 to the intent of that vi'ill ; and that Ptolemy the 
 younger son, and Arsinoe the younger daughter, 
 should reign iji Cyprus. He added the last ar- 
 ticle to appease the people ; for it was an abso- 
 lute gift that he made them, as the Romans 
 were actually in possession of that island. But 
 he feared the effects of the Alexandrians' fury ; 
 and it was to extricate himself out of his pre- 
 sent danger that he made that concession. 
 
 Every one was satisfied 
 A. M. 3957. and charmed with this de- 
 *Ant. J. C. 47. cree, except Po thin us. As 
 it was he who had occa- 
 si*)ned the breach between Cleopatra and her 
 brother, and the expulsion of that princess from 
 the throne, he had reason to apprehend that the 
 consequences of this accommodation would prove 
 fatal to him. To prevent the effect of Caesar's 
 decree, he inspired the people with new subjects 
 of jealousy and discontent. He gave out, that 
 it was only thi'ough fear and by force that Cae- 
 sar had granted this decree, which would not 
 long subsist ; and that his true design was to 
 place Cleopatra alone upon the throne. This 
 was what the Egyptians exceedingly feared, not 
 being able to endure that a woman should go- 
 vern them alone, and have the sole authority. 
 When he saw that the people came into his 
 views, he made Achillas advance at the head of 
 the army from Pelusium, in order to drive Cae- 
 sar out of Alexandria. The approach of that 
 army put all things into their former confusion. 
 Achillas, who had 20,000 good troops, despised 
 Caesar's small number, and believed he should 
 overpower him immediately. But Caesar posted 
 his men so well, in the streets and upon the 
 avenues of the quarter in his possession, that he 
 found no difficulty in supporting their attack. 
 
 When they saw they could not force him, 
 they changed their measures, and marched to- 
 wards th<! port, with design to make themselves 
 masters of the fleet, to cut off his communication 
 with the sea, and to prevent him, in conse- 
 quence, from receiving succours and convoys on 
 that side. But Caesar again frustrated their 
 design, by causing the Egyptian fleet to be set 
 on fire, and by possessing himself of the tower 
 of Pharos, which he garrisoned. By this means 
 he preserved and secured his communication 
 with the sea, without which he would have 
 been ruined effectually. Some of the vessels on 
 fire drove so near the quay, that the flames 
 catched the neighbouring houses, from whence 
 they spread throughout the whole quarter of 
 Bruchion. It was at this time that the famous 
 library was consumed, which had been the 
 work of so many kings, and in which there 
 were 400,000 volumes. What a loss was this 
 to literature ! 
 
 Csesrir, seeing so dangerous a war upon his 
 hands, sent into all the neighbouring countries 
 for aid. He wrote, amongst others, to Domi- 
 tius Calvinus, whom he had left to command in 
 Asia Minor, and signified to him his danger. 
 That general immediately despatched two le- 
 
 gions, the one by land, and the other by sea. 
 That which went by sea arrived in time ; the 
 ' other that marched by land did not go thither 
 ! at all. Before it had got there, the war was at 
 I an end. But Caesar was best served by Mithri- 
 ' dates the Pergamenian, whom he sent into Sy- 
 ria and Cilicia ; for he brought him the troops 
 which extricated him out of the danger, as we 
 shall see in the sequel. 
 
 j Whilst he awaited the aid he had sent for, in 
 I order that he might not fight an army so supe- 
 rior in number till he thought fit, he caused the 
 \ quarter in his possession to be fortified. He 
 I surrounded it with walls, and flanked it with 
 I towers and other works. Those lines included 
 the palace, a theatre very near it, which he 
 made use of as a citadel, and the way that led to 
 the port. 
 
 Ptolemy all this while was in Caesar's hands ; 
 and Pothinus, his governor and first minister, 
 who coincided with Achillas, gave him advice 
 of all that passed, and encouraged him to push 
 the siege with vigour. One of his letters was 
 at last intercepted ; and his treason being there- 
 by discovered, Caesar ordered him to be put to 
 death. 
 
 Ganymedes, another eunuch of the palace, 
 who educated Arsinoe the youngest of the king's 
 sisters, apprehending the same fate, because he 
 had shared in that treason, carried off the young 
 princess, and escaped into the camp of the Egyp- 
 tians ; who not having had, till then, any of the 
 royal family at their head, were overjoyed at 
 her presence, and proclaimed her queen. But 
 Ganymedes, who entertained thoughts of sup- 
 planting Achillas, caused that general to be ac- 
 cused of having given up the fleet to Caesar that 
 had been set on fire by the Romans, caused him 
 to be put to death, and the command of the 
 army to be transferred to himself. He took 
 also upon him the administration of all other 
 affairs; and undoubtedly did not want capacity 
 for the office of a prime minister, probity only 
 excepted, which is often reckoned little or no 
 qualification : for he had all the necessary pene- 
 tration and activity, and contrived a thousand 
 artful stratagems to distress Caesar during the 
 continuance of this war. 
 
 For instance, he found means to spoil all the 
 fresh water in his quarter, and was very near 
 destroying him by that means. For there was 
 no other fresh water in Alexandria, than that 
 of the Nile. In every house were vaulted re- 
 servoirs,^ where it was kept. Every year, upon 
 the great swell of the Nile, the water of that 
 river came in by a canal, which had been cut 
 for that purpose ; and by a sluice, made with 
 that design, was turned into the vaulted reser- 
 voirs which were the cisterns of the city, where 
 it grew clear by degrees. The masters of houses 
 and their families drank of this water ; but the 
 poorer sort of people were forced to drink the 
 running water, v/hich was muddy and very un- 
 wholesome ; for there were no springs in the 
 city. 'J'hose caverns were made in such a man- 
 ner, that they all had communication with each 
 other. This provision of water made at one 
 time served for the whole year. Every house 
 had an opening like the mouth of a well, through 
 which the water was taken up either in buckets 
 
 2 There are to this day exactly the same kind of caves 
 at Alexandria, wiiich are filled once a year, as at that 
 lime. ThevenoVs Travelt. 
 
742 
 
 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 or pitchei-is. Uanymedes caused all the commu- 
 nications with the caverns in the quarters of 
 Caesar to be stopped up ; and then found means 
 to turn the sea-water into the latter, and thereby 
 spoiled all his fresh water. As soon as they 
 perceived that the water was spoiled, Caesar's 
 soldiers made such a noise, and raised such a 
 tumult, that he would have been obliged to 
 abandon his quarter, very much to his disadvan- 
 tage, if he had not immediately thought of or- 
 dering wells to be sunk, where*, at last, springs 
 were found which supplied them with water 
 enough to make amends for that which was 
 spoiled. 
 
 After that, upon Caesar's receiving advice that 
 the legion which Calvinus had sent by sea was 
 arrived upon the coast of Libya, which was not 
 I very distant, he advanced with his whole fleet 
 [ to convoy it safely to Alexandria. Ganj'medes 
 I was apprized of this, and immediately assembled 
 1 all the Egyptian ships he could get, "in order to 
 ! attack him upon his return. A battle actually 
 j , ensued between the two fleets. Caesar had the 
 i advantage, and brought his legion without dan- 
 ! ) gcr into the port of Alexandria ; and had not 
 j the night come on, the ships of the enemy would 
 j not have escaped. 
 
 j To repair that loss, Ganymedes drew together 
 j all the ships from the mouths of the Nile, and 
 i formed a new fleet, with which he entered the 
 j port of Alexandria. A second action was un- 
 ' avoidable. The Alexandrians climbed in throngs 
 ! to the tops of the houses next the port, to be 
 spectators of the fight, and awaited the success 
 ! with fear and trembling ; lifting up their hands 
 ! to heaven to implore the assistance of the gods. 
 
 The all of the Romans was at stake, as they had 
 ! no resource left if they lost this battle. Caesar 
 j was again victorious. The Rhodians, by their 
 ! valour and skill in naval affairs, contributed ex- 
 I ceedingly to this victory. 
 
 I Caesar, to make the best of it, endeavoured to 
 I seize the isle of Pharos, where he landed his 
 troops after the battle, and to possess himself of 
 the mole, called the Heptastadion, by which it 
 ' was joined to the continent. But after having 
 j obtained several advantages, he was repulsed 
 with the loss of more than 800 men, and was 
 : very near falling himself in his retreat. For 
 the ship in which he had designed to get off, 
 j being ready to sink on account of the great num- 
 I ' her of people who had entered it with him, he 
 j threw himself into the sea, and with great diffi- 
 j culty swam to the next ship. Whilst he was 
 i thus swimming he held one hand above the wa- 
 ter, in which were papers of consequence, and 
 swam with the other, so that they were not 
 wetted. 
 
 The Alexandi-ians, seeing that ill success itself 
 only served to give Caesar's troops new courage, 
 entertained thoughts of making peace, or at 
 least pretended such a disposition. They sent 
 ♦deputies to demand their king of him ; assuring 
 him, that his presence alone would put an end 
 to all differences. Caesar, who well knew their 
 subtle and deceitful character, Avas not at a loss 
 to comprehend their professions ; but as he ha- 
 
 j zarded nothing in giving them up their king's 
 person, and, if they failed in their promises, the 
 fault would be entirely on their side, he thought 
 It incumbent on him to grant their demand. 
 He exhorted the young prince to take advantage 
 of this opportunity to inspire his subjects with 
 
 i sentiments of peace and equity ; to redress the 
 evils with which a war very imprudently un- 
 liertakeu had distressed his dominions; to ap- 
 
 prove himself worthy of the confidence he re- 
 posed in him, by giving him his liberty ; and to 
 show his gratitude for the services he had ren- 
 dered his father. Ptolemy,' early instructed by 
 his masters in the art of dissimulation and de- 
 ceit, begged of Caesar, with tears in his eyes, 
 not to deprive him of his presence, which was a 
 much greater satisfaction to him, than to reign 
 over others. The sequel soon explained how 
 much sincerity there was in those tears and pro- 
 fessions of amity. He was no sooner at the ' 
 head of his troops, than he renewed hostilities \ 
 with more vigour than ever. The Egyptians 
 endeavoured, by means of their fleet, to cut of! 
 Caesar's provisions entirely. Thts occasioned a 
 new fight at sea, near Canopus, in which Caesar j 
 was again victorious. When this battle was | 
 fought, Mithridates of Pergamus was upon the j 
 point of arriving with the army which he was j 
 bringing to the aid of Caesar. 
 
 He had been sent into Syria and Cilicia to 
 assemble all the troops he could, and to march 
 them to Egypt.2 He acquitted himself of bis 
 commission with such diligence and prudence, 
 that he had soon formed a considerable army. 
 Antipater, the Idumaean, contributed vei-y much 
 towards it. He had not only joined him with 
 3000 Jews, but engaged several neighbouring 
 princes of Arabia and Coele-syria, and the free 
 cities of Phoenicia and Syria also, to send him 
 troops. Mithridates, with Antipater, who ac- 
 companied him in person, marched into Egypt ; 
 and upon arriving before Pelusium, they carried 
 that place by storm. They were indebted prin- 
 cipally to Antipater's bravery for the taking of 
 this city; for he was the first that mounted the 
 breach, and got upon the wall, and thereby 
 opened the way for those who followed him to 
 carry the town. j 
 
 On their route from thence to Alexandria, it i 
 was necessary to pass through the country oi | 
 Onion,^ all the passes of which had been seized 
 by the Jews who inhabited it. The army was i | 
 there put to a stand, and their whole design was i 
 upon the point of miscarrying, if Antipater, by | 
 his influence and that of Hyrcanus, from whom ! 
 he brought them letters, had not engaged them ' I 
 to espouse Caesar's party. Upon the spreading [ \ 
 of that news, the Jews of Memphis did the | j 
 same, and Mithridates received from both all 
 the provisions his army had occasion for. When i 
 they were near the Delta, Ptolemy detached a I 
 flying army to dispute the passage of the Nile 
 with them. A battle was fought in conse- | 
 quence. Mithridates put himself at the head of 
 part of his army, and gave the command of the ; 
 other to Antipater. Mithridates's wing was ! 
 soon broken, and obliged to give way; but An- I 
 tipater, who had defeated the enemy on his side, 
 came to his relief. The battle began afresh, and 
 the enemy were defeated. Mithridates and An- 
 tipater pursued them, made a great slaughter, 
 and regained the field of battle. They took 
 even the enemy's camp, and obliged those who | 
 I'emained to repass the Nile, in order to escape. [ 
 
 Ptolemy then advanced with his whole army, 
 in order to overpower the victors. Caesar also 
 
 1 Regius animus disciplinis fallacissimis eruditiis, ne a 
 geiitis SLia3 mocihus degeneraret, flens orare contra CiEsa- 
 rera coepit, ne se diraitteret : nou enini regnum ipsum 
 sibi conspectu Cassaris esse jucundius. JJirt. de Bell. Ale*. 
 •2 Joseph. Aiitiq. 1. xiv. c. H, 15. 
 
 3 So called from Onias the Jewish priest, who had got 
 a grant of that district from one of the Ptolemies. — Ed. 
 
HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 marched to support them ; and as soon as he 
 had joined them, came directly to a decisive 
 battle, in which he obtained a complete victory. 
 Ptolemy, in endeavouring to escape in a boat, 
 was di-owned in the Nile. Alexandria and all 
 Egypt submitted to the victor. 
 
 Caesar returned to Alexandria about the mid- 
 dle of our January ; and not finding any farther 
 opposition to his orders, gave the crown of 
 Egypt to Cleopatra, in conjunction with Ptole- 
 my her other brother. This was in effect giv- 
 ing it to Cleopatra alone ; for that young prince 
 was only eleven years old. The passion which 
 Caesar had conceived for that princess was pro- 
 perly the sole cause of his embarking in so dan- 
 gerous a war. He had by her one son, called 
 Caesarion, whom Augustus caused to be put to 
 death when he became master of Alexandria. 
 His affection for Cleopatra kept him much lon- 
 ger in Egypt than his affairs required. For 
 though every thing was settled in that kingdom 
 by the end of January, he did not leave it till 
 the end of April, accoi'ding to Appian, who says 
 he stayed there nine montiis. Now he had ar- 
 rived there only about the end of July the year 
 before. 
 
 Ca;sar passed whole nights in feasting with 
 Cleopatra.* Having embarked with her upon 
 the Nile, he carried her through the whole 
 country with a numerous fleet, and would have 
 penetrated into Ethiopia, if his army had not 
 refused to follow him. He had resolved to 
 bring her to Rome, and to marry her ; and in- 
 tended to have caused a law to pass in the as- 
 sembly of the people, by which the citizens of 
 Rome should be permitted to marry such and i 
 as many wives as they thought fit. Helvius 
 Cinna, the tribune of the people, declared, after 
 his death, that he had prepared a harangue, in 
 order to propose that law to the people, not be- 
 ing able to refuse his assistance upon the earnest 
 solicitation of Caesar. 
 
 He carried Arsinoe. whom he had taken in 
 this war, to Rome, and she walked in his tri- 
 umph in chains of gold ; but immediately after 
 that solemnity he set her at liberty. He did 
 not permit hex-, however, to return into Egypt, 
 lest her presence should occasion new troubles, 
 and frustrate the regulations he had made in 
 that kingdom. She chose the province of Asia 
 for her residence; at least it was there that An- 
 tony found her after the battle of Philippi, and 
 caused her to be put to death at the instigation 
 of her sister Cleopatra. 
 
 Before he left Alexandria, Caesar, in gratitude 
 for the aid he had received from the Jews, caused 
 all the privileges they enjoyed to be confirmed ; 
 and ordered a column to be erected, on which, 
 by his command, all those pi ivileges were en- 
 graven, with the decree confii-ming them. 
 
 What at length made him quit Egypt,^ was 
 the war with Pharnaces, king of the Cimmerian 
 Bosphbrus, and son of Mithridates, the last king 
 of Pontus. He fought a great battle with him 
 near the city of Zela," defeated his whole army, 
 and drove him out of the kingdom of Pontus. 
 lo denote the rapidity of his conquest, in writ- 
 ing to one of his friends, he made use of only 
 these three v/ords, Veni, vidi, vici; that is to 
 say, / came, I saw, I conquered. 
 
 4 Suet in J. Cses. c. 52. 
 
 5 Plut. in Czes. p. 731. 
 
 6 This was a city of Cappadocia. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 copatra causes her younger brother t/) be put to death, 
 and reigns alone. The death of Julius Caesar having 
 made way for the triumvirate formed between Antony, 
 Lepidus, and young Csesar, called also Octaviaiius, Cleo- 
 patra declares herself for the triumvirs. She gcjes to 
 Antony at Tarsus, gains an absolute a?cendant over 
 him, and brings him with her to Alexandria. Antony 
 goes to Home, where he espouses Octavia. He aban- 
 dons himself again to Cleopatra ; and after some expe- 
 ditions returns to Alexandria, which he enters in tri- 
 umph. He there celebrates the coronation of Cleopatra 
 and her children. Open rupture between Caesar and 
 Antony. The latter repudiates Octavia. The two fleets 
 put to sea. Cleopatra determines to follow Antony. 
 Battle of Actium. Cleopatra flies, and draws Antony 
 after her. Cesar's victory is complete. He advance* ! 
 some time after against Alexandria, which makes no j 
 long resistance. Tragical death of Antony and Cleo. 
 patra. Egyiit is reduced into a province of the Roman . 
 empire. i 
 
 Caesar, after the war of Alexandria, had re- j 
 established Cleopatra upon the throne, and, for , 
 form only, had associated her brother with her, | 
 who at that time was only eleven years of age. ' 
 During his minority, all power was in her 
 hands. When he attained 
 
 A. M. 3961. his fifteenth year,^ which 
 Ant. J. C. 43. was the time when, accord- 
 ing to the laws of the coun- 
 try, he was to govern for himself, and have a 
 share in the royal authority, she poisoned him, 
 and remained sole queen of Egypt. 
 
 In this interval Caesar had been killed at 
 Rome by the conspirators, at the head of whom 
 were Brutus and Cassius; and the triumvirate, 
 between Antony, Lepidus, and Octavianus Cae- 
 sar, had been formed, to avenge the death of 
 Caesar. 
 
 Cleopatra declared herself without hesitation 
 for the triumvirs.^ She gave Aliienus, the con- 
 sul, Dolabella's lieutenant, four legions, which 
 were the remains of Pompey's and Crassus's 
 armies, and formed part of 
 A. M. 3962. the troops which Caesar had 
 Ant. J. C. 42. left with her for the defence 
 of Egypt. She had also a 
 fleet in readiness for sailing, but it was pre- 
 vented by storms from setting out. Cassius 
 made himself master of those four legions, and 
 frequently solicited Cleopatra for aid, which she 
 resolutely refused. She sailed some time after 
 with a numerous fleet, to join Antony and Oc- 
 tavianus. A violent storm occasioned the loss 
 of a great number of her ships, and falling sick, 
 she was obliged to return into Egypt. 
 
 Antony,^ after the defeat 
 A. M. 3963. of Brutus and Cassius in 
 Ant. J. C. 41. the battle of Philippi, having 
 passed over into Asia, in or- 
 der to establish the authority of the triumvirate 
 there, the kings, princes, and ambassadors of the 
 East, came thither in throngs to make their 
 court to him. He was informed that the gover- 
 nors of Phoenicia, which was dependant upon 
 the kingdom of Egypt, had sent Cassius aid 
 against Dolabella. He cited Cleopatra before 
 him, to answer for the conduct of her governors ; 
 and sent one of his lieutenants to oblige her to 
 come to him in Cilicia, whither he was going to 
 assemble the states of that province. That step 
 
 7 Joseph. Antiq. 1. xv. c. 4. Porphyr. p. 226. 
 
 8 Appian. 1. iii. p. 576. 1 iv. p. 623. I. v. p. t)75. 
 
 9 Plut. in Anton, p. 926, 932. Dio. J xlviii. p. 371 
 Appian de Bell. Civ. I. v. p 671. 
 
T44 
 
 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 I was, from its consequences, very fatal to An- 
 tony, and completed his ruin. His love for 
 Cleopatra having awakened passions in him, till 
 then concealed or asleep, inflamed them even to 
 madness, and finally deadened and extinguished 
 the few sparks of honour and virtue which he 
 miijht perhaps still retain. 
 
 Cleopatra, assured of her charms by the proof 
 she had already so successfully made of them 
 upon Julius Caesar, was in hopes that she could 
 also very easily captivate Antony ; and the more, 
 because tlie former had known her only when 
 she was very j'oung, and had no experience in 
 the world ; whereas she was going to appear be- 
 fore Antony, at an age wherein women, with 
 the bloom of their beauty, unite the whole force 
 of wit and address to manage and conduct the 
 j greatest affairs. Cleopatra was at that time 
 I five-and-twenty years old. She provided her- 
 , self, therefore, with exceeding rich presents, 
 I great sums of money, and especially with most 
 ; magnificent habits and ornaments; and with 
 ; still higher hopes in her attractions and the 
 graces of her person, more powerful than dress, 
 I or even gold, she began her voyage, 
 j Upon her way she received several letters 
 from Antony, who was at Tarsus, and from 
 his friends, pressing her to hasten her journey ; 
 but she only laughed at their eagerness, and 
 I used never the more diligence for them. Hav- 
 I ing crossed the sea of Pamphylia, she entered 
 ! the Cydnus,^ and, going up that river, landed at 
 Tarsus. Never was equipage more splendid 
 , and magnificent than hers. The stern of her 
 , ship flamed with gold, the sails were purple, 
 ! and the oars inlaid with silver. A pavilion of 
 j cloth of gold was raised upon the deck, under 
 which appeared the queen, robed like Venus, 
 and surrounded with the most beautiful virgins 
 I of her court, of whom some represented the Ne- 
 I reides, and others the Graces. Instead of trum- 
 I pets were heard flutes, hautboys, harps, and 
 j other such instruments of music, warbling the 
 softest airs, to which the oars kept time, and 
 rendered the harmony more agreeable. Per- 
 j finnes were burning on the deck, which spread 
 ! their odours to a great distance upon the river, 
 ; and on each side of its banks, that were covered 
 : with an infinitude of people, whom the novelty 
 ' of the spectacle had drawn thither. 
 
 As soon as her arrival was known, the whole 
 people of Tarsus went out to meet her; so that 
 Antony, who at that time was giving audience, 
 j saw his tribunal abandoned by every one, and 
 not a single person with him, but his lictors and 
 [ domestics. A rumour was spread, that it was 
 the goddess Venus, who came in masquerade to 
 make Bacchus a visit for the good of Asia. 
 
 She was no sooner landed, than Antony sent 
 to compliment and invite her to supper. But 
 she answered his deputies, that she should be 
 very glad to regale him herself, and that she 
 would expect him in the tents she had caused to 
 be got ready upon the banks of the river. He 
 made no difficulty to go thither, and found the 
 preparations of a magnificence not to be ex- 
 pressed. He admired particularly the beauty 
 of the lights, which had been disposed with 
 abundance of art, and whose brilliancy was 
 such, that they made midnight seem bright day. 
 
 Antony invited her, in his turn, for the next 
 day. But in spite of his utmost endeavours to 
 I exceed her in this entertainment, he confessed 
 I himself overcome, as well in the splendour as 
 j disposition of the feast; and was the first to 
 rally the paraimony ;ijul ])]aiiiness of his own, 
 
 in comparison with the sumptuousness and ele- 
 gance of Cleopatra's. The queen, finding no- 
 thing but what was gross in the pleasantries of 
 Antony, and more expressive of the soldier than 
 the courtier, repaid him in his own coin ; but 
 with so much wit and grace, tliat he was not in 
 the least offended at it. For the beauties and 
 charms of her conversation, attended with all 
 possible sweetness and gayety, had attractions 
 in them still more irresistible than her form and 
 features, and left upon his mind and heart an in- 
 delible impression. She charmed whenever she 
 but spoke, such music and harmony were in her 
 utterance, and the very sound of her voice. 
 
 Little or no mention was made of the com- 
 plaints against Cleopatra, which were, besides, 
 without foundation. She struck Antony so 
 violently with her charms, and gained so abso- 
 lute an ascendant over him, that he could refuse 
 her nothing. It was at this time that at her 
 entreaty he caused Arsinoe, her sister, to be put 
 to death, who had taken refuge in the temple of 
 Diana at Miletus, as in a secure asylum. 
 
 Great feasts were made every day.* Some 
 new banquet still outdid that which preceded 
 it, and she seemed to study to excel herself. 
 Antony, at a feast to which she had invited 
 him, was astonished at seeing the riches dis- 
 played on all sides, and especially at the great 
 number of gold cups enriched with jewels, and 
 vi^rought by the most excellent workmen. She 
 told him, with a disdainful air, that those were 
 but trifles, and made him a present of them. 
 The next day the banquet was still more su- 
 perb. Antony, accoi'ding to custom, had brought 
 a good number of guests along with him, all 
 oflScers of rank and distinction. She gave them 
 all the vessels and plate of gold and silver used 
 at the entertainment. 
 
 Without doubt,'' in one of these feasts hap- 
 pened what Pliny, and, after him, Macrobius, ! 
 relate. Cleopatra jested, according to custom, | 
 upon Antony's entertainment, as very niggardly '\ 
 and inelegant. Piqued with the raillery, he 
 asked her, with some warmth, what she thought | 
 would add to its magnificence ? Cleopatra an- : 
 swered coldly, that she could expend more than 
 a million of livres^ upon one supper. He af- ' 
 firmed that she was merely bragging, that it 
 was impossible, and that she could never make ' 
 it appear. A wager was laid, and Plancus was j 
 to decide it. The next day they came to the 
 banquet. The service was magnificent, but had j 
 nothing so very extraordinary in it. Antony 
 calculated the expense, demanded of the queen 
 the price of the several dishes, and, with an air 
 of raillery, as secure of victory, told her, that 
 they were still far from a m'illion. " Stay," 
 said the queen, "this is only a beginning. 1 
 shall try whether I cannot spend a million only 
 upon myself." A second table* was brought, 
 and, according to the order she had before given, 
 nothing was set on it but a single cup of vine- 
 gar. Antony, surprised at such a preparation, 
 could not imagine for what it Avas intended. 
 Cleopatra had at her ears two pearls, the finest ! 
 that ever were seen, each of which was valued | 
 at above 60,000/. One of these pearls she took 
 
 1 Athen. 1. iv. p. 147, 148. 
 2 Plin. 1. ix. c 35. Macrob. Satur. 1. ii. c 13. i 
 S Centies H. S. Hoc est, centies centena ruillia sea- 
 terli&m. Which amounted to more than a million of I 
 livies, or 52," 00/. sterling. I 
 4 Tlie ancients changed tlieir tables at every course. 
 
HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 745 
 
 ^ off, threw it into the vinegar,^ and, after having 
 1 dissolved it, swallowed it. She was preparing 
 lo do as much by the other; Plancus stopj)ed 
 her," and, deciding the wager in her favour, de- 
 clared Antony overconae. Plancus was much 
 in the wrong, to envy the queen the singular 
 and peculiar glory of having swallowed two 
 ! millions in two draughts. 
 
 Antony was embroiled 
 A. M. 3964. with Caesar. Whilst his 
 Ant. J. C. 40. wife Fulvia was very active 
 at Rome in supporting his 
 I irjterests, and the army of the Parthians was 
 upon the point of entering Syria, as if those 
 things did not concern him, he suffered himself 
 1 to be drawn away by Cleopatra to Alexandria, 
 I where they passed their time in games, amuse- 
 ' ments, and voluptuousness, treating each other 
 I every day at excessive and incredible expenses ; 
 I which may be judged of from the following 
 
 circumstance. 
 ! A young Greek,' who went to Alexandria to 
 study physic, upon the great noise those feasts 
 , made, had the curiosity to assure himself witl 
 I his own eyes about them. Having been ad- 
 j mitted into Antony's kitchen, he saw, amongst 
 i other things, eight wild boars roasting whole at 
 I the same time. Upon which he expressed sur- 
 prise at the great number of guests that he sup- 
 I posed were to be at the supper. One of the 
 1 officers could not forbear laughing, and told him, 
 i that they wei-e not so many as he imagined, and 
 that there would not be above a dozen in all ; 
 but that it was necessary every thing should be 
 served in a degree of perfection, which every 
 moment ceases and spoils. " For," added he, 
 " it often happens that Antony will order his 
 supper, and a moment after forbid it to be 
 served, having entered into some conversation 
 that diverts him. For that reason, not one but 
 I many suppers are provided, because it is hard to 
 1 know at what time he will think fit to have it 
 set on table." 
 
 Cleopatra, lest Antony should escape her, 
 never lost sight of him, nor quitted him day or 
 night, but was always employed in diverting 
 and retaining him in her chains. She played 
 with him at dice, hunted with him, and, when 
 he exercised his troops, was always present. 
 Tier sole attention was to amuse him agreeably, 
 and not to leave him time to conceive the least 
 disgust. 
 
 One day when he was fishing with an angle, 
 and catched nothing, he was very much vexed 
 on that account, because the queen was of the 
 party, and he was unwilling to seem to want 
 skill or good fortune in her presence. It there- 
 fore came into his thoughts to order fishermen 
 
 5 Vinegar is strong enough to dissolve the hardest 
 things. Aceti succus domitor rerum, as Fliny says of it, 
 1. xxxiii. c. 3. Cleopatra had not the glory of the inven- 
 tion. Before her, to the disgrace of royalty, the son of 
 a comedian (Clodius, the son of ZEsopus) had done some- 
 thing of the same kind, and often swallowed pearls dis- 
 solved in that manner, from the sole pleasure of making 
 the expense of his meals enormous. 
 
 Filius S^sopi detractam ex auro Metella, 
 
 Scilicet utdecies soliddm exsorberet, aceto 
 
 Uiluit insignem baccam . Hur, 1. ii .Sat, S. 
 
 fi This other pearl was afterwards consecrated to Venus 
 by Augustus, who carried it to Rome on his return from 
 Alexandria; and having caused it to be cut in two, its j 
 size was so extraordinary, that it served for pendants in 
 the ears of that goddess. Plin. ibid. I 
 7 I'lut. in Anton p. 928. I 
 
 to dive secretly under water, and to fasten to 
 his hook some of their large fishes, which they 
 had taken before. That order was executed 
 immediately, and Antony drew up his line 
 several times with a great fish at tJie end of it. 
 This artifice did not escape the ftiir Egyptian. 
 She affected great admiration and surprise at 
 Antony's good fortune ; but told her friends 
 privately what had passed, and invited tham to 
 come the next day and be spectators of a like 
 pleasantry. They did not fail. When they i 
 were all got into the fishing-boats, and Antony j 
 had thrown in his line, she commanded one of j 
 her people to dive immediately into the water, 
 to prevent Antony's divers, and to make fast a 
 large salt fish, one of those that came from the 
 kingdom of Pontus, to his hook. When An- [ 
 tony perceived his line had its load, he drew it 
 up. It is easy to imagine what bursts of laugh- 
 ter arose at the sight of that salt fish ; and Cleo- 
 patra said to him, " Leave the line, good gene- 
 ral, to us, the kings and queens of Pharos and 
 Canopus; your business is to fish for cities, I 
 kingdoms, and kings." 
 
 Whilst Antony amused himself in these pue- 
 rile sports and trifling diversions, the news he 
 received of Labienus's conquests, at the head of 
 the Parthian army, awakened him from his 
 lethargy, and obliged him to march against 
 them. But having received advice, upon his 
 route, of Fulvia's death, he returned to Rome, 
 where he reconciled himself to young Casar, 
 whose sister Octavia he married, a woman of 
 extraordinary merit, who was lately become a 
 widow by the death of Marcellusj. It was be- 
 lieved this marriage would 
 
 A. M. 3965. make him forget Cleopatra. 
 Ant. J. C. 39. But having begun his march 
 against the Parthians, his 
 passion for the Egyptian, which had something ' 
 of enchantment in it, rekindled with more vio- 
 lence than ever. 
 
 This queen,^ in the midst 
 A. M. 3966. of the most violent passions, 
 Ant. J. C. 38. and the intoxication of plea- 
 sures, still retained a taste 
 for polite learning and the sciences. In th»' 
 place where stood the famous library of Alex- 
 andria, which had been burnt some years be, 
 fore, as we have observed, she erected a new 
 one, to the augmentation of which Antony very 
 much contributed, by presenting her with the j 
 libraries of Pergamus, in which were above j 
 200,000 volumes. She did not collect books 
 merely for ornament ; she made use of them. 
 There were few barbarous nations to whom she 
 spoke by an interpreter; she answered most of 
 them in their own language, the Ethiopians, Tro- 
 glodytse, Hebrews, Arabians, Syrians, Medes, 
 Parthians. She knew,** besides, several other 
 languages ; whereas the kings who had reigned 
 before her in Egypt had scarcely been able to 
 learn the Egyptian, and some of them had i 
 even forgotten the Macedonian, their natural 
 tongue. 
 
 Cleopatra, pretending herself to be the lawful 
 wife of Antony, saw him marry Octavia with 
 great emotion, whom she looked upon as hei 
 rival. Antony, to appease her, was obliged to ( 
 make her magnificent presents. He gave her i 
 Phoenicia, the Lower Syria, the isle of Cyprus, 
 
 8 Epiphan. de mens, et pond. 
 9 I'lut. in Anton, p. 927- 
 
746 
 
 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 with a great part of Cilicia. To these he added 
 part of Judea and Arabia. These great pre- 
 ents, which considerably abridged the extent of 
 the empire, very much afflicted the Romans, 
 and they were no less offended at the excessive 
 honours which he paid this foreign princess. 
 
 Two years passed, during which Antony 
 made several voyages to Rome, and undertook 
 some expeditions against the Parthians and Ar- 
 menians, in which he acquired no great honour. 
 
 It was in one of these expeditions,' that the 
 temple of Anaitis was plundered, a goddess 
 much celebrated amongst a certain people of 
 Armenia. Her statue of massy gold was broken 
 in pieces by the soldiers, with which several of 
 them were considerably enriched. One of them, 
 a veteran, who afterwards settled at Bologna, 
 in Jtaly, had the good fortune to receive Augus- 
 tus in his house, and to entertain him at supper. 
 " Is it true," said that prince, during the re- 
 past, talking of this story, " that the man who 
 made the first stroke at the statue of this god- 
 dess was immediately deprived of sight, lost the 
 use of his limbs, and expired the same hour?" 
 — " If it were," replied the veteran, with a 
 smile, " I should not now have the honour of 
 seeing Augustus beneath my roof, being myself 
 the rash person who made the first attack upon 
 her, which has been of great service to me. 
 For, if I have any thing, 1 am entirely indebted 
 for it to the good goddess ; upon one of whose 
 legs, my lord, you are now supping." 
 
 Antony,'* believing he had 
 
 A. M. S969. made every thing secure in 
 Ant. J. C. 35. these countries, led back his 
 troops. From his impatience 
 to rejoin Cleopatra, he hastened his march so 
 much, notwithstanding the rigour of the season, 
 and the continual snows, that he lost 8000 men 
 upon his route, and marched into Phoenicia 
 with very few followers. He rested there in 
 expectation of Cleopatra ; and, as she was slow 
 in coming, he fell into anxietj'-, grief, and lan- 
 guor, that visibly preyed upon him. She ar- 
 rived at length with clothes and great sums of 
 money for his troops. 
 
 Octavia, at the same time, had quitted Rome 
 to join him, and was already arrived at Athens. 
 Cleopatra rightly perceived that she came only 
 to dispute Antony's heart with her. She was 
 afraid that with her virtue, wisdom, and gravity 
 of manners, if she had time to make use of her 
 modest, but lively and insinuating attractions, 
 to win her husband, that she would gain an ab- 
 solute power over him. To avoid which dan- 
 ger, she affected to be dying for love of Antony ; 
 and with that view made herself lean and wan, 
 by taking very little nourishment. Whenever 
 he entered her apartment, she looked upon him 
 with an air of surprise and amazement ; and 
 when he left her, seemed to languish with sor- 
 row and dejection. She often contrived to ap- 
 pear bathed in tears, and at the same moment 
 endeavoured to dry and conceal them, as if to 
 hide from him her weakness and disordei'. An- 
 tony, who feared nothing so much as occasion- 
 ing the least uneasiness to Cleopatra, wrote 
 letters to Octavia, to order her to stay for him 
 at Athens, and to come no farther, because he 
 was upon the point of undertaking some new 
 expedition. And in fact, at the request of the 
 
 king of the Medes, who promised him powerful 
 succours, he was making preparations to renew 
 the war against the Parthians. 
 
 That virtuous Roman lady, dissembling the 
 wrong he did her, sent to him to know where it 
 would be agreeable to him to have the presents 
 carried which she had designed for him, since 
 he did not think fit to let her deliver them in 
 person. Antony received this second compli- 
 ment no better than the first ; and Cleopatra, 
 who had prevented his seeing Octavia, would 
 not permit him to receive any thing from her. 
 Octavia was obliged therefore to return to 
 Rome, without having produced any other ef- 
 fect by her voyage, than that of making Antony 
 more inexcusable. This was what Csesar de- 
 sired, in order to have a just reason for breaking 
 entirely with him. 
 
 When Octavia came to Rome, Csesar, profes- 
 sing a high resentment of the affront she had 
 received, ordered her to quit Antony's house, 
 and to go to her own. She answered, that she 
 would not leave her husband's house, and that 
 if he had no other reasons for a war with An- 
 tony than Avhat related to her, she conjured him 
 to renounce her interests. She accordingly al- 
 ways continued there, as if he had been present, 
 and educated with great care and magnificence 
 not only the children he had by her, but also 
 those whom he had by Fulvia. What a con- 
 trast is here between Octavia and Cleopatra ! 
 In the midst of rebuffs and affronts, how wor- 
 thy does the one seem of esteem and respect ; 
 and the other, with all her grandeur and mag- 
 nificence, of contempt and abhorrence ! 
 
 Cleopatra omitted no kind of arts to retain 
 Antony in her chains. Tears, caresses, re- 
 proaches, menaces, all were employed. By dint 
 of presents she had gained all who approached 
 him, and in whom he placed most confidence. 
 Those flatterers represented to him, in the 
 strongest terms, that it would be absolutely 
 cruel and inhuman to abandon Cleopatra in the 
 mournful condition she then was ; and that it 
 would be the death of that unfortunate princess, 
 who loved and lived for him alone. They sof- 
 tened and melted the heart of Antony so effec- 
 tually, that, for fear of occasioning Cleopatra's 
 death, he returned immediately to Alexandria, 
 and put off" the Medes to the following spring. 
 
 It was with great diffi- 
 A. M. 3970. culty then that he resolved 
 
 Ant. J. C. 34. to leave Egypt, and remove 
 himself from his dear Cleo- 
 patra. She agreed to attend him as far as the 
 banks of the Euphrates. 
 
 After having made him- 
 A. M. 3971. self master of Armenia, as 
 
 Ant. J. C. 33. much by treachery as force 
 of arms, he returned to Alex- 
 andria, which he entered in triumph, dragging 
 at his chariot-wheels the king of Armenia, laden 
 with chains of gold, and presented him in that 
 condition to Cleopatra, who was pleased to see 
 a captive king at her feet. He unbent his mind 
 at leisure after his great fatigues in feasts and 
 parties of pleasure, in which Cleopatra and 
 himself passed days and nights. That vain 
 Egyptian woman, ^ at one of these banquets, 
 seeing Antony flushed with wine, presumed to 
 
 1 Plin, 1. xxxHi. c. 23. 
 2 Plut. in Anton, p. 939—942. 
 
 3 HiEC mulier .^Egyptia ab ebrio impcratore, pretiuni 
 libidinum, Romanoruni impeiium petiit: et proinisit An 
 tonius. Flor. 1. iv. c. 2. 
 
HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 747 
 
 nsk him to give her the Roman empire, which 
 , he was not ashamed to promise her. 
 
 Before he set out on a new expedition, An- 
 tony, to bind the queen to him by new obliga- 
 tions, and to give her new proofs of his being 
 entirely devoted to her, resolved to solemnize 
 i the coronation of her and her children. A 
 1 throne of massy gold was erected for that pur- 
 ; I pose in the palace, the ascent to which was by 
 ] i several steps of silver. Antony was seated 
 upon this throne, dressed in a purple robe em - 
 broidered with gold, and with diamond buttons. 
 On his side he wore a scimitar, after the Per- 
 i sian mode, the hilt and scabbard of which were 
 I loaded with precious stones; he had a diadem 
 I on his brows, and a sceptre of gold in his hand ; 
 in order, as he said, that in that equipage he 
 might deserve to be the husband of a queen. 
 Cleopatra sat on his right hand in a brilliant 
 robe, made of the precious linen which was ap- 
 propriated to the use of the goddess Isis, whose 
 I j name and habit she had the vanity to assume. 
 I j Upon the same throne, but a little lower, sat 
 ! . Csesarion, the son of Julius Caesar and Cleo- 
 ] i patra, and the two other children, Alexander 
 I and Ptolemy, whom she had by Antony. j 
 j 1 Every one having taken the place assigned 
 : him, the heraldsj by the command of Antony, 
 I and in the presence of all the people, to whom 
 j the gates of the palace had been thrown open, 
 [ proclaimed Cleopatra queen of Egypt, Cyprus, 
 j Libya, and Coelesyria, in conjunction with her 
 son Csesarion. They afterwards proclaimed the 
 other princes kings of kings; and declared, that, 
 _ I till they should possess a more ample inheri- 
 ' i tance, Antony gave Alexander, the eldest, the 
 I j kingdoms of Armenia and Media, with that of 
 j j Parthia, when he should have conquered it; and 
 
 I j to the youngest, Ptolemy, the kingdoms of Syria, 
 j ! Phcenicia, and Cilicia. Those two young prin- 
 
 I I ces were dressed after the mode of the several 
 ! i countries over which they were to reign. After 
 i j the proclamation, the three princes, rising from 
 
 j their seats, approached the throne, and, putting 
 ! one knee to the ground, kissed the hands of An- 
 ! tony and Cleopatra. They had soon after a 
 j train assigned them, proportioned to their new 
 I dignity, and each his regiment of guards, drawn 
 I out of the principal families of his dominions. 
 1 1 Antony repaired early into Armenia, in order 
 ; to act against the Parthians, and had already 
 advanced as far as the banks of the Araxes ; but 
 the news of what was passing at Rome against 
 him prevented his going on, and induced him 
 to abandon the Parthian expedition. Tie im- 
 mediately detached Canidius with sixteen le- 
 gions to the coast of the Ionian Sea, and joined 
 I them himself soon after at Ephesus, where he 
 j might be ready to act in case of an open rupture 
 I j between Caesar and him ; which there was great 
 1 reason to expect. 
 
 I Cleopatra was of the party ; and that occa- 
 sioned Antony's ruin. His fiiends advised him 
 to send her back to Alexandria, till the event of 
 the war should be known. But that queen, 
 apprehending that by Octavia's mediation he 
 might come to an accommodation with Csesar, 
 
 } { gained Canidius, by dint of money, to speak in 
 her favour to Antony, and to represent to him, 
 
 I that it was neither just to remove a princess 
 from this war, who contributed so much to- 
 wards it on her side, nor useful to himself ; be- 
 cause her departure would discourage the Egyp- 
 tians, of whom the greatest part of his maritime 
 
 I forces consisted. Besides, continued those who 
 
 I talked in this manner, it did not appear that 
 
 Cleopatra was inferior, either in prudence or j 
 capacity, to any of the princes or kings in his ; 
 army — she, who had governed so great a king- I 
 dom so long, and who might have learned, in 
 her intercourse with Antony, how to conduct | 
 the most important and difficult affairs with I 
 wisdom and address. Antony did not oppose ; 
 these remonstrances, which flattered at once his ' 
 pas-iion and vanity. I 
 
 From Ephesus he repaired with Cleopatra to 
 Samos, where the greatest part of their troops ; 
 had their rendezvous, and where they passed 
 their time in feasting and pleasure. The kings ' 
 in their train exhausted themselves in making 
 their court by extraordinary expenses, and dis- | 
 played excessive luxury in their entertainments. \ 
 
 It was probably in one of these feasts that the ' 
 circumstance happened which is related by 
 Pliny.* Whatever passion Cleopatra professed 
 for Antony, as he perfectly knew her character 
 for dissimulation, and that she was capable of i 
 the blackest crimes, he apprehended, I know 
 not upon what foundation, that she might have 
 thoughts of poisoning him, for which reas<m he 
 never touched any dish at their banquet till it ' 
 had been tasted. It was impossible that the i 
 queen should not perceive so manifest a distrust, j 
 She employed a very extraordinary method to I 
 make him sensible how ill founded his fears | 
 wei-e : and at the same time, if she had so bad | 
 an intention, how ineffectual all the precautions ; 
 he took would be. She caused the extremities j 
 of the flowers to be poisoned, of which the 
 wreaths, worn by Antony and herself at table. | 
 according to the custom of the ancients, were i 
 composed. When their heads began to grow 
 warm with wine, in the height of their gayety, 
 Cleopatra proposed to Antony to drink off those 
 flowers. He made no difficulty ; and, after | 
 having plucked off the ends of his wreath with | 
 his fingers, and thrown them into his cup filled i 
 with wine, he was upon the point of drinking 
 it, when the queen, taking hold of his arm, said ; 
 to him, " I am the poisoner against whom you i 
 take such mighty precaution. If it were possi- | 
 ble for me to live Avithout you, judge now [ 
 whether 1 wanted either the opportunity or 
 means for such an action." Having ordered 
 a prisoner, condemned to die, to be brought \ 
 thither, she made him drink that liquor, upon i 
 which he died immediately. ! 
 
 The court went from Samos to Athens, where , 
 they passed many days in the same excesses. | 
 Cleopatra spared no pains to obtain the same j 
 marks of affection and esteem as Octavia had i 
 received during her residence in that city. But i 
 whatever she could do, she could extort from 
 them only forced civilities, which terminated in 
 a trifling deputation, which Antony obliged the 
 citizens to send to her, and at the head of which 
 he himself would be in quality of a citizen of 
 Athens. j 
 The ncAv consuls, Caiua j 
 
 A. M. 3972. Sosius and Domitius ^.no- 
 Ant. J. C. 32. barbus,^ having declared 
 openly for Antony, quitted 
 Rome and repaired to him. Csesar, instead of 
 seizing them, or causing them to be pursued, 
 ordered it to be given out, that they went to 
 him by his permission ; and declared publicly, 
 that all persons who were so disposed, had his ^ 
 
 4 ?lin. 1. xxi c. 3. 
 3 Plut. ia Anton, p. 942—953. 
 
748 
 
 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 i consent to retire whither they thought fit. By 
 that means he remained master at Rome, and 
 was in a condition to decree and act whatever 
 he thought proper for his own interests, or con- 
 
 j trary to those of Antony. 
 
 i When Antony was apprized of this, he as- 
 sembled all the heads of his party : and the re- 
 sult of their deliberations was, that he should 
 declare war against Caesar, and repudiate Oc- 
 tavia. He did both. Antony's preparations 
 i for the war were so far advanced, that if he had 
 attacked Caesar vigorously without loss of time, 
 the advantage must inevitably have been wholly 
 on his side ; for his adversary was not then in 
 a condition to make head against him, either 
 \ by sea or land. But voluptuousness prevailed, 
 j and the operations were put otF to the next year, 
 i 'J'his was his ruin. Caesar, by his delay, had 
 I time to assemble all his forces, 
 j The deputies sent by Antony to Rome to de- 
 clare his divorce from Octavia, had orders to 
 i command her to quit his house, with all her 
 i children, and, in case of refusal, to turn her out 
 i by force, and to leave nobody in it but the son 
 j of Antony by Fulvia; an indignity the more 
 1 sensible to Octavia, as a rival was the cause of 
 i it. However, stifling her resentment, she an- 
 I swered the deputies only with her tears ; and 
 I unjust as his orders were, she obej^ed them, and 
 I removed with her children. She even laboured 
 I to appease the people, whom so unworthy an 
 action had incensed against him, and did her 
 utmost to mollify the rage of Caesar. She re- 
 ! presented to them, that it was inconsistent with 
 j the wisdom and dignity of the Roman people to 
 j enter into such petty differences ; that it was 
 ! only a quarrel between women, which did not 
 ' merit that they should resent it; and that she 
 should be very wretched if she were the occasion 
 of a new war; she who had consented to her 
 marriage with Antony, solely from the hope that 
 I it would prove the pledge of a union between 
 i him and Caesar. Her remonstrances had a dif- 
 1 ferent effect from her intentions ; and the peo- 
 I pie, charmed with her virtue, had still more 
 compassion for her misfortune, and detestation 
 I for Antony, than before. 
 
 j But nothing enraged them to such a height 
 i as Antony's will, which he had deposited in the 
 hands of the Vestal virgins. This mystery was 
 ! revealed by two persons of consular dignity,' 
 I ivho, not being able to endure the pride of Cleo- 
 patra and the abandoned voluptuousness of An- 
 j tony, had retired to Caesar. As they had been 
 ■ witnesses of this will, and knew the secret, they 
 I discovered it to Caesar. The Vestals made great 
 I difficulty to give up an instrument confided to 
 their care ; alleging in their excuse the faith of 
 I trusts, which they were obliged to observe; and 
 1 rvere determined to be forced to it by the autho- 
 ! r Ity of the people. The will accordingly being 
 i trought into the Forum, these three articles 
 were read in it: J. That Antony acknow- 
 I ledged Caesarion as lawful son of Julius Caisar. 
 1 JI. That he appointed his sons by Cleopatra to 
 1 be his heirs, with the title of kings of kijigs. III. 
 That he decreed, in case he should die at Rome, 
 that his body, after having been carried in pomp 
 through the city, should be laid the same even- 
 ing on a bed of state, in order to its being sent 
 I to Cleopatra, to whom he left the care of his 
 funeral and interment. 
 
 There are some authors, however, who believe 
 this will to be a forgery contrived by Caesar to 
 render Antony more odious to the people. And 
 indeed what probability was there, that An- 
 tony, who well knew to what a degree the 
 Roman people were jealous of their rights and 
 customs, should confide to them the execution of 
 a testament, which violated them with so much 
 contempt ? 
 
 When Caesar had an army and fleet ready, 
 which seemed strong enough to make head 
 against his enemy, he also declared war on his 
 side. But in the decree enacted by the people 
 to that purpose, he caused it to be expressed, 
 that it was against Cleopatra : it was from a re- 
 finement of policy, that he acted in that man- 
 ner, and did not insert Antony's name in the 
 declaration of war, though actually intended i 
 against him. For, besides throwing the blame I 
 upon Antony, by making him the aggressor in \ 
 a war against his country, he did not hurt the I 
 feelings of those who were still attached to him, 
 whose number and credit might have proved 
 formidable, and whom be would have been un- 
 der the necessity of declaring enemies to the 
 commonwealth, if Antony had been expressly 
 named in the decree. 
 
 Antony returned from Athens to Samos, 
 where the whole fleet was assembled. It con- 
 sisted of 500 ships of war of extraordinary size 
 and structure, having several decks one above 
 another, with towers upon the head and stern 
 of a prodigious height ; so that those superb ves- 
 sels upon the sea might have been taken for 
 floating islands. Such great crews were neces- 
 sary for completely manning those heavy ma- 
 chines, that Antony, not being able to find 
 mariners enough, had been obliged to take hus- 
 bandmen, artificers, muleteers, and all sorts of 
 people void of experience, and fitter to give trou- 
 ble than do real service. 
 
 On board this fleet were 200,000 foot and 
 12,000 horse. The kings of Libya, Cilicia, Cap- 
 padocia, Paphlagonia, Comagena, and Thrace, 
 were there in person ; and those of Pontus, Ju- 
 dea, Lycaonia, Galatia, and Media, had sent 
 their troops. A more splendid and pompous 
 sight could not be seen than this fleet when it 
 put to sea, and had unfurled its sails. But no- 
 thing equalled the magnificence of Cleopatra's 
 galley, all flaming with gold ; its sails of pur- 
 ple ; its flags and streamers floating in the wind, 
 whilst trumpets, and other instruments of war, 
 made the heavens resound with airs of joy and 
 triumph. Antony followed her close in a gal- 
 ley equally splendid. That queen,^ intoxicated 
 with her fortune and grandeur, and hearkening 
 only to her unbridled ambition, foolishly threa- 
 tened the Capitol with approaching ruin, and 
 
 2 Dum Capitoiio 
 
 Regina dementes ruinas, 
 t'unus et imperio parabat, 
 Contaminato cum grege turpium 
 Morbo virorum ; quidlibet impotens 
 Sperare, fortunique dulci 
 •ibria Bor. Od. xxxvii. 1. 1. 
 
 Whilst drunk with fortune's heady wine, 
 
 Fill'd with vast hope, though impotent in avms, 
 The haughty queen conceives the wild design, 
 
 So much her vain ambition charms ! 
 With her polluted band of supple slaves. 
 
 Her silken eunuchs, and her Pharian knaves, 
 't he Capitol in dust to level low. 
 And give Kome s empire, and the world, a last and 
 fatal blow ! 
 
 1 Titius and Plancus. 
 
HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 749 
 
 prepared with her infamous troop of eunuchs 
 utterly to subvert the Roman empire. 
 
 On the other side, less pomp and splendour 
 were seen, but more utility. Caesar had only 
 250 ships, and 80,000 foot, with as many horse 
 as Antony. But all his troops were chosen 
 men, and on board his fleet were none but ex- 
 perienced seamen. His vessels were not so large 
 as Antony's, but then they were much lighter 
 and fitter for service. 
 
 Csesar's rendezvous was at Brundusium, and 
 Antony advanced to Corcyra. But the season 
 of the year was over, and bad weather came on ; 
 so that they were both obliged to retire, and to 
 put their troops into winter-quarters, and their 
 fleets into good ports, till the approach of spring. 
 
 Antony and Caesar, as soon j 
 
 A. M. 8973. as the season would admit, j 
 Ant. J. C. 31. took the field both by sea j 
 and land. The two fleets j 
 entered the Ambracian gulf in Epirus. An- 
 tony's bravest and most experienced officers ad- j 
 vised him not to hazard a battle by sea, to send [ 
 back Cleopatra into Egypt, and to make all pos- j 
 sible haste into Thrace or Macedonia, in order i 
 to fight there by land ; because his army, com- 
 posed of good troops, and much superior in 
 numbers to Caesar's, seemed to promise him the 
 victory ; whereas a fleet so ill manned as his, 
 how numerous soever it might be, was by no 
 xneans to be relied on. But Antony had been 
 not susceptible of good advice for a long time, 
 and had acted only to please Cleopatra. That 
 proud princess, who judged of things solely from 
 a7>pearances, believed her fleet invincible, and 
 that Caesar's ships could not approach it without 
 being dashed to pieces. Besides, she rightly per- 
 ceived that in case of misfortune it would be 
 easier for her to escape in her ships than by 
 land. Her opinion, therefore, took place against | 
 the advice of all the generals. 
 
 The battle was fought upon the second of Sep- 
 tember,'^ at the mouth of the gulf of Ambracia, 
 near the city of Actium, in sight of both the 
 land armies ; the one of which was drawn up 
 in battle upon the north, and the other upon 
 the south of that strait, expecting the event. 
 The contest was doubtful for some time, and 
 seemed as much in favour of Antony as Caesar, 
 till the retreat of Cleopatra. That queen, fright- 
 ened with the noise of the battle, in which every 
 thing was tei-rible to a woman, took to flight 
 when she was in no danger, and drew after her 
 the whole Egyptian squadron, which consisted 
 of sixty ships of the line ; with which she sailed 
 for the coast of Peloponnesus. Antony, who 
 saw her fly, forgetting every thing, forgetting 
 even himself, followed her precipitately, and 
 yielded a victory to Caesar, which, till then, he 
 had exceedingly well disputed. It, however, 
 cost the victor extremely dear. For Antony's 
 sh^ps fought so well after his departure, that, 
 though the battle began before noon, it was not 
 over when night came on ; so that Caesar's 
 troops were obliged to pass it on board their 
 ships. 
 
 The next day Caesar, seeing his victory com- 
 plete, detached a squadron in pursuit of Antony 
 and Cleopatra. But that squadron despairing 
 of ever coming up with them, because so far 
 before it, soon returned to i(»in the main body of 
 the fleet. Antony having entered the admiral- 
 galley, in which Cleopatra -was, went and sat 
 
 3 'I'l e 4tb before the nones of Septembei. 
 
 down at the head of it; where, leaning his el- 
 bows on his knees, and supporting his head with 
 his two hands, he remained like a man over- 
 whelmed with shame and rage ; reflecting with 
 profound melancholy upon his ill conduct, and 
 the misfortunes it had brought upon him. He 
 kept in that posture, and in those gloomy 
 thoughts during the three days they were going 
 to Taenarus,* without seeing or speaking to 
 Cleopatra. At the end of that time, they saw 
 each other again, and lived together as usual. 
 
 The land army still remained entire, and 
 consisted of eighteen legions and 22,000 horse, 
 under the command of Canidius, Antony's lieu- 
 tenant-general, and might have made head 
 against Caesar, and given him abundance of 
 difficulty. But seeing themselves abandoned by 
 their generals, they surrendered to Caesar, who 
 received them with open arms. 
 
 From Taenarus, Cleopatra took the route of 
 Alexandria, and Antony that of Libya, where 
 he had left a considerable army to guard the 
 frontiers of that country. Upon his landing he 
 was informed that Scarpus, who commanded 
 this army, had declared for Caesar. He was so 
 struck with this news, which he had no reason 
 to expect, that he would have killed himself, and 
 was with difficulty prevented from it by his 
 friends. He, therefore, had no other choice to 
 make than to follow Cleopatra to Alexandria, 
 where she was arrived. 
 
 When she approached that port, she was 
 afraid, if her misfortune should be known, that 
 she should be refused entrance. She therefore 
 caused her ships to be crowned, as if she was 
 returned victorious ; and no sooner landed, than 
 she caused all the great lords of her kingdom, 
 whom she suspected, to be put to death, lest 
 they should excite seditions against her, Avhen 
 they were informed of her defeat. Antony 
 found her in the midst of these bloody execu- 
 tions. 
 
 Soon after she formed an- 
 A. M. 3974. other very extraordinary de- 
 Ant. J. C. SO. sign. To avoid falling into 
 Caesar's hand, wKo, she fore- 
 saw, would follow her into Egypt, she designed 
 to have her ships in the Mediterranean carried 
 into the Red Sea, over the isthmus between 
 them, which is no more than thirty leagues 
 broad ; and afterwards to put all her treasures 
 on board those ships and others which she al- 
 ready had in that sea : but the Arabians who 
 inhabited the coast having burnt all the ships 
 she had there, she was obliged to abandon her 
 design. 
 
 Changing, therefore, her resolution, she 
 thought only of gaining Caesar, whom she looked 
 upon as her conqueror, and to make him a sacri- 
 fice of Antony, whose misfortunes had rendered 
 bim indifferent to her. Such was this prin- 
 cess's disposition. Though she loved even to 
 madness, she had still more ambition than love , 
 and the crown being dearer to her than her hus- 
 band, she entertained thoughts of preserving it 
 at the price of Antony's life. But concealing 
 her sentiments from him, she persuaded him to 
 send ambassadors to Ca;sar, to negotiate a treaty 
 of peace with him. She joined her ambassadors 
 with his ; but gave them instructions to tnat 
 separately for herself. Csesar would not so 
 uiuch as see Antony's ambassadors. He dis- 
 missed Cleopatra's with a favouiable answ«r. 
 
 4 Promontory of Laconia. 
 
750 
 
 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 He passionately desired to make sure of her 
 person and treasures ; her person to adorn his 
 triumph, her treasures to enable him to dis- 
 chai-ge the debts he had contracted upon account 
 of this war. He therefore gave her reason to 
 conceive great hopes, in case she would sacrifice 
 Antony to him. 
 
 The latter, after his return from Libya, had 
 retired into a country-house, which he had 
 caused to be built expressly on the banks of the 
 Nile, in order to enjoy the conversation of two 
 of his friends, who had followed him thither. 
 In his retirement it might have been expected, 
 that he would hear with pleasure the wise dis- 
 courses of those two philosophers. But as they 
 could not banish from his heart his love for 
 Cleopatra, the sole cause of all his misfortunes, 
 that passion, which they had only suspended, 
 soon resumed its former empire. He returned 
 to Alexandria, abandoned himself again to the 
 charms and caresses of Cleopatra, and, with de- 
 sign to please her, sent deputies again to Caesar 
 to demand life of him, upon the shameful con- 
 ditions of passing it at Athens as a private per- 
 son ; provided Caesar would assure Egypt to 
 Cleopatra and her children. 
 
 This second deputation not having met with 
 a more favourable reception than the former, 
 Antony endeavoured to extinguish in himself 
 the sense of his present misfortunes, and the 
 apprehension of those that threatened him, by 
 abandoning himself immoderately to feasting 
 and voluptuousness. Cleopatra and he regaled 
 one another alternately, and strove with emula- 
 tion to exceed each other in the ijicredible mag- 
 nificence of their banquets. 
 
 The queen, however, who foresaw what might 
 happen, collected all sorts of poisons, and to try 
 which of them occasioned death with the least 
 pain, she made the expei'iment of their virtues 
 and strength upon criminals in the prisons con- 
 demned to die. Having observed that the 
 strongest poisons caused death the soonest, but 
 with great torment, and that those which were 
 gentle brought on an easy but slow death, she 
 tried the biting of venomous creatures, and 
 caused various kinds of serpents to be applied in 
 her presence to different persons. She made 
 these experiments every day, and discovered at 
 length that the aspic whs the only one that 
 caused neither torture nor convulsions ; but 
 merely throwing the persons bitten into an im- 
 mediate heaviness and stupefaction, attended 
 with alight sweating upon the face and a numb- 
 ness of all the organs ot sense, gently extin- 
 guished life; so that those in that condition were 
 angry when any one awakened them, or endea- 
 voured to make them rise, like people exceed- 
 ingly sleepy. This was the poison she fixed 
 upon. 
 
 To dispel Antony's suspicions and subjects of 
 complaint, she applied herself with more than 
 ordinary solicitude in caressing him. Though 
 she celebrated her own birth-day with little 
 solemnity, and suitable to her present condition, 
 she kept that of Antony Avith a splendour and 
 magnificence above what she had ever displayed 
 before ; so that many of the guests who came 
 poor to that feast went rich from it. 
 
 Caesar, knowing how important it was to him 
 not to leave his victory imperfect, marched in 
 the beginning of the spring into Syria, and from 
 ihence sat down before Pelusium'. He sent to 
 summon the governor to open the gates to him ; 
 and Seleucus, who commanded there for Cleo- 
 patra, having received secret orders upon that 
 
 I head, surrendered the place without waiting a 
 j siege. The rumour of this treason spread in 
 the city. Cleopatra, to clear herself of the ac- 
 I cusation, put the wife and children of Seleucus 
 I into Antony's hands, in order that he might re- 
 i venge his treachery by putting them to death. 
 
 What a monster was this princess ! The most 
 { odious of vices were united in her person ; an 
 I avowed disregard of modesty, breach of faith, 
 I injustice, cruelty, and, what crowns all the rest, 
 the false exterior of a deceitful friendship, which 
 covers a fixed design, of delivering up to his 
 enemy the person she loads with the most ten- 
 der caresses, and with marks of the warmest 
 and most sincere attachment. Such are the 
 eti'ects of ambition, which was her predominant 
 vice. 
 
 Adjoining to the temple of Isis she had caused 
 ! tombs and halls to be erected, superb as well for 
 j their beauty and magnificence, as their loftiness 
 and extent. Thither she ordered her most pre- 
 ! cious eff^ects and moveables to be carried ; gold, 
 silver, jewels, ebony, ivory, and a lai-ge quantity 
 of perfumes and aromatic wood ; as if she in- 
 tended to raise a funeral pile, upon which she 
 would consume herself with her treasures. Cae- 
 sar, alarmed for the latter, and apprehending 
 lest her despair should induce her to burn them, 
 despatched every day some person to her, to 
 give her great hopes of the most kind and gene- 
 rous treatment, and nevertheless advanced to- 
 wards the city by great marches. 
 
 Upon arriving there, he encamped near the 
 Hippodrome. He was in hopes of making him- 
 self master of the city soon, by means of the in- 
 telligence which he held with Cleopatra, upon 
 which he relied no less than upon his army. 
 
 Antony was ignorant of that princess's in- 
 trigues, and, being unwilling to believe what 
 was told him of them, prepared for a good de- 
 fence. He made a vigorous sally ; and after 
 having severely handled the besiegers, and 
 warmly pursued to the gates of their camp a 
 detachment of horse which had been sent against 
 him, he returned victorious into the city. This 
 was the last effort of expiring valour ; for, after 
 this exploit, his fortitude and sense of glory 
 abandoned him, or were never after of any ser- 
 vice to him. Instead of making use of this ad- 
 vantage, and of applying himself seriously to 
 his defence, by observing the motions of Cleo- 
 patra, who was betraying him, he came, com- 
 pletely armed as he was, to throw himself at 
 her feet, and to kiss her hands. The whole pa- 
 lace of Alexandria immediately resounded with 
 acclamations, as if the siege had been raised ; 
 and Cleopatra, who had no thoughts but of 
 amusing Antony, ordered a magnificent feast to 
 be prepared, at which they passed the rest of the 
 day and part of the night together. 
 
 Early on the morrow, Antony resolved to at- 
 tack Caesar by sea and land. He drew up his 
 land army upon some eminences in the city; 
 and from thence kept his galleys in view, which 
 were going out of the port in order to charge i 
 those of Caesar. He waited without making ' 
 any motion, to see the success of that attack ; ! 
 but was much astonished when he saw Cleo- i 
 patra's admiral strike his flag when he came in | 
 view of Caesar's, and surrender his whole fleet 
 to him. 
 
 This treason opened Antony's eyes, and made 
 him, when too late, give credit to what his j 
 friends had told him of the queen's perfidy. In [ 
 this extremity he was for signalizing himself by 
 an extraordinary act of valour, capable, in his 
 
HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 751 
 
 opinion, of doing him abundance of honour. 
 He sent to challenge Csesar to a single combat. 
 Csesav made answer, that if Antony was weary 
 of life, there were other ways to die besides that. 
 Antony, seeing himself ridiculed by Csesar, and 
 betrayed by Cleopatra, returned into the city, 
 I and was a moment after abandoned by all his 
 cavalry. Seized with rage and despair, he 
 then ilew to the palace, with design to avenge 
 himself upon Cleoftatra, but did not find her 
 thei'«. 
 
 That artful princess, who had foreseen what 
 happened, to escape the rage of Antony, had 
 retired into the quarter where stood the tombs 
 of the kings of Egypt, which was fortified with 
 i strong Avails, and the gates of which she had 
 ordered to be closed. She caused Antony to be 
 told that preferring an honourable death to a 
 i shameful captivity, she had killed herself in the 
 midst of her ancestor's tombs, where she had 
 i also chosen her own sepulchre. Antony, too 
 i credulous, did not give himself time to examine 
 a piece of news which he ought to have sus- 
 pected after all Cleopatra's other infidelities ; 
 and struck with the idea of her death, passed 
 immediately from excess of rage to the most vio- 
 . lent transports of grief, and thought only of fol- 
 I lowing her to the grave. 
 
 ! Having taken this furious resolution, he shut 
 
 I himself up in his apartment with a slave ; and 
 j having caused his armour to be taken off, he 
 i commanded him to plunge his dagger into his 
 ! ! breast. But that slave, full of affection, respect, 
 
 , i and fidelity, for his master, stabbed himself 
 
 I I with it, and fell dead at his feet. Antony, 
 ! ! looking upon this action as an example for him 
 : I to follow, thrust his sword into his body, and 
 I i fell upon the floor, in a torrent of his blood, 
 j I which he mingled with that of his slave. At 
 i j that moment an officer of the queen's guards 
 j came to let him know that she was alive. He 
 j I no sooner heard the name of Cleopatra pro- 
 ; I nounced, than he opened his dying eyes ; and 
 
 I being informed that she was not dead, he suf- 
 fered his wound to be dressed, and afterwards 
 caused himself to be carried to the fort where 
 she had shut herself up. Cleopatra would not 
 permit the gates to be opened to give him en- 
 trance for fear of some surprise ; but she ap- 
 peared at a high window, from whence she 
 threw down chains and cords. Antony was 
 made fast to these, and Cleopatra, assisted by 
 two women, who were the only persons she 
 had brought with her into the tomb, drew him 
 up. Never was there a more moving sight. 
 Antony, all bathed in his blood, with death 
 painted in his face, was dragged up in the air, 
 turning his dying eyes, and extending his feeble 
 hands towards Cleopatra, as if to conjure her to 
 receive his last breath ; while she, with her fea- 
 tures distorted and her arms strained, pulled the 
 cords with her whole strength ; the people be- 
 low, who could give her no farther aid, encou- 
 raging her with their cries. 
 
 When she had drawn him up to her, and had 
 laid him on a bed, she tore her clothes upon 
 him; and beating her breast, and wiping the 
 blood from his wound, with her face close to his, 
 she called him her prince, her lord, her dearest 
 spouse. Whilst she made these mournful ex- 
 clamations, she cut off Antony's hair, according 
 to the superstition of the Pagans, who believed 
 that it gave relief to those who died a violent 
 death. 
 
 Antony, recovering his senses, and seeing 
 Cleopatra's affliction, said to her, to comfort 
 
 her, that he thought himself happy since he died I 
 in her arras ; and that, as to his defeat, he was 
 not ashamed of it, it being no disgrace for a 
 Roman to be overcome by Romans. He after- j 
 wards advised her to save her life and kingdom, j 
 provided she could do so with honour ; to be | 
 upon her guard against the ti'aitors of her own 1 
 court, as well as the Romans in Caesar's train, j 
 and to trust only Proculeius. He expired with 
 these words. j 
 
 The same moment Proculeius arrived from j 
 Csesar, who could not refrain from tears at the ' 
 sad relation of what had passed, and at the sight i 
 of the sword still reeking with Antony's blood, I 
 which was presented to him. He had particu- i 
 lar orders to get Cleopatra into his hands, and i 
 to take her alive, if possible. That princess re- \ j 
 fused to surrender herself to him. She had, j 
 however, a conversation with him without let- • 
 ting him enter the tomb. He only came close I 
 to the gates, which were well fastened, but gave ! 
 passage for the voice through cracks. I'hey 
 talked a considerable time together, during 
 which she continually asked the kingdom for 
 her children; whilst he exhorted her to hope 
 the best, and pressed her to confide all her inte- 
 rests to Csesar. 
 
 After having considered the place well, he 
 went to make his report to Csesar, who imme- | 
 diately sent Gallus to talk again with her. j 
 Gallus went to the gates as Proculeius had I 
 done, and spoke like him through the crevices, | 
 protracting the conversation on purpose. In the I 
 meanwhile Proculeius brought a ladder to the 
 wall, entered the tomb by the same window j 
 through which she and her women had drawn } 
 up Antony, and followed by two officers who | 
 were with him, went down to the gate where 
 she was speaking to Gallus. One of the two j 
 women who were shut up with her, seeing him \ 
 come, cried out, quite out of her senses with j 
 fear and surprise, " O unfortunate Cleopatra, j 
 you are taken !" Cleopatra turned her head, | 
 saw Proculeius, and would have stabbed herself 
 with a dagger, which she always carried at her 
 girdle. But Proculeius ran nimbly to her, took 
 her in his arms, and said to hei', " You wrong 
 yourself and Csesar too, in depriving him of so 
 grateful an occasion of showing his goodness and 
 clemency." At the same time he forced the 
 dagger out of her hands, and shook her robes, 
 lest she should have concealed poison in them. 
 
 Csesar sent one of his freedmen, named Epa- 
 phroditus, with orders to guard her carefully, to 
 prevent her making any attempt upon herself, j 
 and to behave to her at the same time with all I 
 the attention and complaisance she could desire ; 
 he likewise instructed Proculeius to ask the i 
 queen what she desired of him. 
 
 Csesar afterwards pre])ared to enter Alexan- 
 dria, the conquest of which there were no longer 
 any to dispute with him. He found the gates 
 of it open, and all the inhabitants in extreme 
 consternation, not knowing what they had to 
 hope or fear. He entered the city, conversing 
 with the philosopher Arius, uptm whom he 
 leaned with an .-^ir of familiarity, to" testify pub- 
 licly the regard he had for him. Being arrived 
 at the palace, he ascended a tribunal, which he 
 ordered to be erected there; and, seeing the 
 whole people prostrate upon the ground, he 
 commanded them to rise. He then told them, 
 that he pardoned them for three reasons : the 
 first, upon the account of Alexander their foun- 
 der ; th<^ second, for the beauty of their city ; 
 and the third, for the sake of Arius, one of 
 
752 
 
 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 their citizens, whose merit and knowledge he 
 esteemed. 
 
 Proculeius, in the meantime, acquitted him- 
 self of his commission to the queen, who at first 
 asked nothing of Caesar but his permission to 
 bury Antony, which was granted her without 
 diflScuIty. She spared no cost to render his in- 
 terment magnificent, according to the custom of 
 Egj'pt. She caused his body to be embalmed 
 with the most exquisite perfumes of the East, 
 and placed it amongst the tombs of the kings of 
 
 Caesar did not think proper to see Cleopatra 
 in the first days of her mourning : but, when 
 he believed he might do it with decency, he was 
 introduced into her chamber, after having asked 
 her permission ; being desirous to conceal his 
 designs under the regard he professed for her. 
 She was laid upon a little bed, in a very simple 
 and neglected manner. When he entered her 
 chamber, though slie had nothing on but a sin- 
 gle tunic, she rose immediately, and went to 
 throw herself at his feet, horribly disfigured, her 
 hair loose and disordered, her visage wild and 
 haggard, her voice faltering, her e5'es almost dis- 
 solved by excessive weeping, and her bosom 
 covered with wounds and bruises. That natu- 
 ral grace and lofty mien which were inspired 
 j by her beauty, were, however, not wholly ex- 
 I tinct ; and notwithstanding the deploi'able con- 
 { dition to which she was reduced, even through 
 that depth of gi-ief and dejection, as from a dark 
 cloud, shot forth keen glances, and a kind of 
 radiance which brightened in her looks, and in 
 every movement of her countenance. Though 
 I she was almost dying, she did not despair of in- 
 spiring that young victor with love, as she had 
 I formerly done Caesar and Antony. 
 I The chamber where she received him was 
 I full of the portraits of Julius Caesar. " My 
 lord," said she to him, pointing to those pic- 
 tures, " behold those images of him who adopted 
 you his successor in the Roman empire, and to 
 whom I am indebted for my crown." Then 
 taking letters out of her bosom, which she had 
 concealed in it, " See also," said she, kissing 
 <hem, " the dear testimonies of his love." She 
 afterwards read some of the most tender of 
 them, commenting upon them, at proper inter- 
 vals, with moving exclamations, and passionate 
 glances, but she employed those arts with no 
 success ; for, whether her charms had no longer 
 the power they had in her youth, or that ambi- 
 tion was Caesar's ruling passion, he did not seem 
 j affected with either her person or conversation ; 
 contenting himself with exhorting her to take 
 courage, and assuring her of his good intentions. 
 She was far from not discerning that coldness, 
 from which she presaged no good ; but dissem- 
 bling her concern, and changing the discourse, 
 she thanked him for the compliments Procu- 
 leius had made her in his name, and which he 
 had thought fit to repeat in person. She added, 
 that in return she would deliver to him all the 
 treasures of the kings of Egypt. And in fact, 
 ■ j sTie put an inventory into his hands of all her 
 moveables, jevvelS; and revenues. And as Se- 
 leucus, one of her treasurers, who was present, 
 reproached her with not declaring the whole, 
 and with having concealed part of her most 
 valuable effects ; incensed at so great an insult, 
 she rose up, ran to him, and gave him several 
 blows in the face. Then turning towards Cae- 
 sar, " Is it not a horrible thing," said she to 
 hint), " that while you have not disdswned to 
 risit me, and have thought fit to console me in 
 
 the sad condition in which 1 now am, my own 
 domestics should accuse me before you of retain- 
 ing some women's jewels, not to adorn a wretch 
 like myself, but as a slight present to your sister 
 Octavia, and your wife Livia ; that their pro- 
 tection may induce you to afford a more favour- 
 able treatment to an unfortunate princess?" 
 
 Caesar was exceedingly pleased to hear her 
 talk in that manner, not doubting but the lovo 
 of life inspired her with such language. He 
 told her she might dispose as she pleased of the 
 jewels she had reserved ; and after having as- 
 sured her that he would treat her with more 
 generosity and magnificence than she could ven- 
 ture to hope, he withdrew, imagining that he 
 had deceived her, and was deceived himself. 
 
 Not doubting but Cassar intended to make her 
 serve as an ornament to his ti iumph, she had 
 no other thoughts than to avoid that shame bv 
 dying. She well knew that she was observed 
 by the guards who had been assigned her, who, 
 under colour of doing her honour, followed her 
 every where; and besides that, her time was 
 short, Caesar's departure approaching. The bet- 
 ter, therefore, to cajole him, she sent to desire 
 that she might go to pay her last duty at the 
 tomb of Antony and take her leave of him. 
 Caesar having granted her that permission, she 
 ivent thither accordingly to bathe that tomb 
 with her tears, and to assure Antony, to whom 
 she addressed her discoui-se as if he had been 
 present before her eyes, that she would soon 
 give him a more certain proof of her affec- 
 tion. 
 
 After that fatal protestation, which she ac- 
 companied with sighs and tears, she caused the 
 tomb to be covered with flowers, and returned 
 to her chamber. She then went into a bath, 
 and from the bath to table, having ordered it to 
 be served magnificently. When she arose from 
 table, she wrote a letter to Caesar ; and having 
 made all quit her chamber except her two wo- 
 men, she shut the door, sat down upon a couch, i 
 and asked for a basket of figs, which a peasant 
 had lately brought. She placed it by her, and I 
 a moment after laid down as if she had fallen j 
 asleep. But that was the effect of the aspic, \ 
 which was concealed amongst the fruit, and had j 
 stung her in the arm, which she had held to it. j 
 The poison immediately communicated itself to 
 the heart, and killed her without pain, or being 
 perceived by any body. The guards had orders 
 to let nothing pass without a strict examination ; 
 but the disguised peasant, who was one of the 
 queen's faithful servants, played his part so 
 well, and there seemed so little appearance of 
 deceit in a basket of figs, that the guards suf- 
 fered him to entei'. I hus all Caesar's precau- 
 tions were ineffectual. 
 
 He did not doubt Cleopatra's resolution, after j 
 having read the letter she had written to him, j 
 to desire that he would suffer her body to be j 
 laid in the same tomb with that of Antony ; and I 
 he instantly despatched two officers to prevent 
 it. But notwithstanding all the haste they could I 
 make, they found her dead. \ 
 
 That princess was too haughty and too much 
 above the vulgar, to suffer herself to be led 
 in triumph at the wheels of the victor's cha- 
 liot.' Determined to die, and thence become 
 
 1 Ansa et jacentem visere rcgiam 
 Vultii sereno, fortis et asperas 
 'I'ractare serpentes, ut atrum 
 Corpore combiberet vencnum; 
 
CONCLUSION. 
 
 capaWpi of the fiercest resolutions, she saw with 
 a tearless and steadfast eye the ni or tal ven ona 
 of the aspic glide into her veins. 
 
 She died at thirty-nine years of age, of which 
 she had reigned twenty-two from the death of 
 her father. The statues of Antony were thrown 
 down, and those of Cleopatra remained as they 
 were; Archibius, who had long been in her 
 service, having given Caesar 1000 talents that 
 they might not be treated as Antony's had 
 been. 
 
 After Cleopatra's death, Egypt was reduced 
 into a province of the Koman empire, and go- 
 verned by a praefect sent thither from Rome. 
 The reign of the Ptolemies in Egypt, if we date 
 its commencement from the death of Alexander 
 the Great, had continued 293 years, from the 
 year of the world 3681 to 3974. 
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 We have seen hitherto, without speaking 
 of the first and ancient kingdom of Egypt, 
 and of some states separate, and in a maimer 
 I entirely distinct from the rest, three great suc- 
 I cessive empires, founded on the ruins of each 
 j other, subsist during a long series of ages, and 
 , at length entirely disappear ; the empire of the 
 Babylonians, the empire of the Medes and Per- 
 sians, and the empire of the Macedonians and 
 the Grecian princes, successors of Alexander the 
 Great. A fourth empire still remains, that of 
 I the Romans, which having already swallowed 
 j up most of those which have preceded it, will 
 extend its conquests, and, after having- subjected 
 all to its power by force of arms, will be itself 
 torn, in a manner, into different pieces, and, by 
 being so dismembered, make way for the esta- 
 blishment of almost all the kingdoms which 
 now divide Europe, Asia, and Africa. Behold 
 here, to speak properly, a picture on a small 
 8cale of the duration of all ages ; of the glory 
 and power of all the empires of the world ; in a 
 word, of all that is most splendid and most ca- 
 pable of exciting admiration in human great- 
 ness ! Every excellence, by a happy concurrence, 
 is here found assembled ; the fire of genius, de- 
 licacy of taste, accompanied by solid judgm'ent • 
 uncommon powers of eloquence, carried to the 
 highest degree of perfection, without departing 
 from nature and truth ; the glory of arms, with 
 that of arts and sciences ; valour in conquerino- 
 and ability in government. What a multitude 
 ol: great men of every kind does it not present 
 """y ^}rT^ • powerful, what glorious 
 
 kmgs ! What great captains ! What famous con- 
 
 Deliberata morte ferocior; 
 Sffivis Liburnis scilicet invidens 
 Privata deduci superbo 
 Non humilis mulier triiimpho. 
 
 Hor. Od. xxxvii. 1. 1, 
 Not the dark palace of the realms below 
 
 Can awe the furious purpose of her soul: 
 Calmly she looks from her superior woe. 
 That can botii death and fear control ! 
 Provokes the serpent's sting, his rage disdains. 
 
 And joys to feel his poison in her veins. 
 Invidious to the victor's fancied pride. 
 
 She will not for her own descend, 
 Disgraced a vulgar captive by his side, 
 His pompous triumph to attend ; 
 But fiercely flies to death, and bids her sorrows end. 
 
 querors ] What wise magistrates ! What learned 
 philosophers ! What admirable legislators ' We 
 are transported with beholding in certain a^^es 
 and countries, who appear to possess them^as 
 privileges peculiar to themselves, an ardent zeal 
 for justice, a passionate love for their country, a 
 noble disinterestedness, a generous contempt of 
 riches, and an esteem for povei-ty, which asto- 
 nish and amaze us, so much do they appear 
 above the power of human nature. 
 
 In this manner we think and judge. But, 
 virhilst we are in admiration and ecstacy at the 
 view of so many shining virtues, the Supreme 
 Judge, who can alone truly estimate all things, 
 sees nothing in them but littleness, meanness, 
 vanity, and pride; and whilst mankind are 
 anxiously busied in perpetuating the power of 
 their families, in founding kingdoms, and, if 
 that were possible rendering them eternal, God, 
 from his throne on high, overthrows all their 
 projects, and makes even their ambition the 
 means of executing his pui-poses, infinitely su- 
 perior to our understandings. He alone knows 
 his operations and designs. All ages are present 
 to him; "He seeth from everlasting to ever- 
 lasting. ' He has assigned to all empires their 
 fate and duration. In all the different revolu- 
 tions which we have seen, nothing has come to 
 pass by chance. We know that under the image 
 ot that statue which Nebuchadnezzar saw, of 
 an enormous height and terrible aspect, whose 
 head was of gold, the breast and arms of silver, 
 the belly and thighs of brass, and the legs of 
 iron mixed with clay, God thought fit to repre- 
 sent the four great empires, uniting in them, 
 as we have seen in the course of this history, all 
 that is splendid, grand, formidable, and power- 
 ful. And of what has the Almighty occasion 
 tor overthrowing this immense colossus? " A 
 small stone was cut out without hands, which 
 smote the image upon his feet, that were of iron 
 and clay, and brake them to pieces. Then was 
 the iron, the clay, the brass, the silver, and the 
 gold, broken to pieces together, and became like 
 the chaff of the summer thrashing-floors, and 
 the wind carried them away, that no place was 
 found for them ; and the stone that smote the 
 image became a great mountain, and filled the 
 whole earth." 
 
 We see with our own eyes the accomplishment 
 of this admirable prophecy of Daniel, at least 
 in part. Jesus Christ, who came down from 
 heaven to clothe himself with flesh and blood 
 in the sacred womb of the blessed Virgin, with- 
 out the participation of man, is the small stone 
 that came from the mountain without human 
 aid. The prevailing characteristics of his per- i 
 son, of his relations, his appearance, his manner I 
 of teaching, his disciples; in a word, of every 
 thing that relates to him, were simplicity, po- 
 verty, and humility ; which were so extreme, ' 
 that they concealed from the eves of the proud 
 Jews the divine lustre of his miracles, how ! 
 shining soever it was, and from the sight of the ' 
 devil himself, penetrating and attentive as he 
 was, the evident proofs of his divinity. 
 
 Notwithstanding that seeming weakness, and 
 even meanness, Jesus Christ will certainly 
 conquer the whole universe. It is under this 
 idea that a prophet represents him to us ; " He 
 went forth conquering and to conquer."* His 
 work and mission are, "to set up a kingdom 
 tor his leather, which shall never be destroyed • 
 
 2 Ecclus. xxxix. 20. 3 Dan. ii. SI, 3S. 
 
 4 Apoc. vi. 2. 
 ■6 B 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 and the kingdom which shall not be left to other 
 people;" like those of which we have seen the 
 history ; " but it shall break in pieces and con- 
 sume all these kingdoms, and it shall stand for 
 ever." 
 
 The power granted to Jesus Christ, the 
 founder of this empire, is without bounds, mea- 
 sure, or end. The kings, who glory so much in 
 their might, have nothing which approaches in 
 j the slightest degree to that of Jesus Christ. 
 I They do not reign over the will of man, which 
 is real dominion. Their subjects can think as 
 \ they please independently of them. There are 
 an infinitude of particular actions done without 
 their order, and Avhich escape their knowledge 
 i as well as their power. Their designs often 
 I miscarry and come to nothing, even during their 
 i own lives. At least all their greatness vanishes 
 ; and perishes with them. But with Jesus 
 i Christ it is quite otherwise. " All power is 
 
 I i given unto him in heaven and in earth."' He 
 
 I I exercises it principally upon the hearts and 
 i minds of men. Nothing is done without his 
 I i order or permission. Every thing is disposed 
 
 by his wisdom and power. Every thing co- i 
 operates, directly or indirectly, to the accom- 
 plishment of his designs. 
 
 Whilst all things are in motion and fluctuate 
 upon earth ; whilst states and empires pass 
 away with incredible rapidity, and the human 
 race, vainly employed with these outwai-d ap- 
 pearances, are also drawn in by the same tor- 
 rent, almost without perceiving it ; there passes 
 in secret an order and disposition of things un- 
 known and invisible, which, however, deter- 
 mines our fate to all eternity. The duration of 
 ages has no other end than the formation of the 
 company of the elect, which augments and tends 
 daily towards perfection. When it shall have 
 received its final accomplishment by the death 
 of the last of the elect, " Then cometh the end,^ 
 when Jesus Christ shall have delivered up the 
 kingdom to God, even the Father : when he 
 shall have put down all rule, and all authority, 
 and power." God grant that we may all have 
 our share in that blessed kingdom, whose law is 
 truth, whose King is love, and whose duration 
 is eternitv ! Fiat, Fiat. 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 CHRONOLOGY is the knowledge of the 
 just computation of time. It shows to 
 what year the events related in history are to be 
 referred. The years used for measuring the 
 duration of time'ai-e either Solar or Lunar. 
 
 The Solar year is that space of time which 
 elapses between one equinox and another of the 
 same denomination the next year : for instance, 
 from the vernal equinox to the vernal equinox 
 following, which contains 365 days, five hours, 
 and forty-nine minutes. 
 
 The Lunar year is composed of twelve Lunar 
 months, each of which consists of twenty-nine 
 days, twelve hours, and forty-four minutes, that 
 make in all 354 days, eight hours, and forty- 
 eight minutes. , 
 
 Both of these years are called Astronomical, 
 to distinguish them from that in common use, 
 which is termed Civil or Political. 
 
 Though all nations may not agree with one 
 another in the manner of determining their 
 years, some regulating them by the motion of 
 the sun, and others by that of the moon, they, 
 however, generally use the solar year in chro- 
 nologi/. It seems at first, that as the lunar years 
 are shorter than the solar, that inequality should 
 produce some error in chronological calculations. 
 But it is to be observed, that the nations who 
 used lunar years, added a certain number of in- 
 tercalary days to make them agree with the 
 solar : which makes them correspond with each 
 other ; or at least, if there be any difference, it 
 may be neglected, when the question is only to 
 determine the year in which a fact happened.^ 
 
 In Chrojiologi/ there are certain times distin- 
 guished by some great event, to which all the 
 rest are referred. These are called Epochs, from 
 a Greek word,^ which signifies to stop, because 
 we stop there to consider, as from a resting 
 place, all that has happened before or after, and 
 by that means to avoid anachronisms, that is 
 
 to say, those errors which induce confusion of ■ 
 times. ' 
 
 The choice of the events which are to serve 
 as epochs, is arbitrary ; and a writer of histoj y ^ 
 may take such as best suit his plan. i 
 
 When we begin to compute years from one 
 of these points distinguished by a considerable 
 event, the enumeration and series of such years 
 is called an Era. There are almost as many 
 eras as there have been different nations. The 
 principal, and those most in use, are that of t/ie 
 Creation of the World, of the Birth oj Jesus Christ, 
 of the Olympiads, and of the Building of Rome. I 
 made use only of the two most famous, that is 
 to say, that of the World, and that of Jesus 
 Chnst. 
 
 Every body knows, that the Olympiads de- 
 rived their origin from the Olympic games, 
 which were celebrated in Peloponnesus, near 
 the city of Olympia. These games were so so- ; 
 lemn, that Greece made them her epoch for j 
 computing her years. By an Olympiad^ is meant j 
 the space of four years complete, which is the 
 time that elapsed between one celebration of the | 
 games and another. The first used by chrono- 
 logers begins, according to Usher, in the sum- 
 mer of the year of the world 3228, before Christ 
 776. When the time in which an event hap- 
 pened is reckoned by Olympiads, authors say, 
 the first, second, or third, &c. year of such an 
 Olympiad: which being once known, it is easy 
 to find the year of the world to which the same 
 fact is to be referred: and in like manner, when 
 the year of the world is known, it is easy 
 to find that of the Olympiad which agrees 
 with it. , 
 
 Rome was built, according to Varro s Chro- 
 nology, in the year of the world 3251, and the 
 753d before Jesus Christ. Cato dates the foun- 
 dation of that city two years later, in the year 
 of the world 3253, before Jesus Christ 751. 1 
 
 1 Matt, xxviii. 18. 
 
 2 'Ets;^;'^. 
 
 3 I Cor. XV. 24. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 shall follow the opinion of the latter in my Ro- 
 man history. The years reckoned from this 
 epoch are called indifferently years of Rome, or 
 years from the foundation of the city. 
 
 The Julian period is also a famous era in chro- 
 nology, used principally for reckoning the years 
 before Christ. I am going to explain in a few 
 words, wherein this period consists, and its use : 
 but first I must give the reader an idea of the 
 three cycles of which it is composed. 
 ^ By the word cycle, is understood the revolu- 
 tion of a certain number of years. 
 
 The Solar cycle is a term of twenty-eight 
 years, which includes all the variations that the 
 Sundays and days the week admit : that is to 
 say, at the end of twenty-eight years the first 
 seven letters of the alphabet, which are used in 
 the calendar for noting the day of the week, and 
 which are called Dominical letters, return in 
 the same order in which they were at first. To 
 understand what I have now said, it must be 
 observed, that if the year had only fifty-two 
 weeks, there would be no change in the order 
 of the Dominical letters. But as it has a day 
 more, and two in leap-year, that produces some 
 variations, which are all included in the space 
 of twenty-eight years, of which the solar cycle 
 consists. 
 
 The Lunar Cycle, called also the Golden 
 Number, is the revolution of nineteen years, at 
 the end of which the moon returns, within an 
 hour and a half, to the same point with the sun, 
 and begins its lunations again in the same order 
 as at first. We are indebted for the invention 
 of this cycle to Meto, a famous Athenian astro- 
 nomer. Before the invention of the epacts, it 
 was used for marking the days of the new moon 
 m the calendar. 
 
 Besides these two cycles, chronologers admit a 
 third also, called Indiction. This is a revolution 
 of fifteen years, of which the first is called the 
 first mdiction, the second the second indiction, 
 and so on to the fifteenth, after which they be- 
 gin again to count the first indiction, &c. 
 
 The first indiction is generally supposed to 
 have begun three years before the birth of 
 Christ. 
 
 If these three cycles, that is to say, 28, 19, 
 and 15, are multiplied by each other, the pro- 
 duct will be 7980, which is what is called the 
 Julian period. 
 
 One of the properties of this period, is to give 
 the three characteristic cycles of each year, that 
 IS to say, the current year of *;ach of the three 
 cycles ; for example, every body knows that the 
 vulgar era commences at the year 4714 of the 
 
 Julian period. If that number be divided by 
 28, whatremains^ after the division shows the 
 solar cycle of that year. In the same manner 
 the lunar cycle and the indiction may be found. 
 It is demonstrated, that the three numbers 
 which express these three cycles cannot be found 
 again in the same order in any other year of 
 the Julian period. It is the same in respect to 
 the cycles of other years. 
 
 If we trace this period back to its first year, 
 that is to say, to the year when the three cycles, 
 ot which it is composed, began, we shall find it 
 precede the creation of the world 710 years : 
 supposing the creation to precede the vulgar era 
 only 4004 years. 
 
 This period is called Jidian, because it is 
 made to agree with the years of Julius C«sar. 
 Scaliger invented it to reconcile the systems 
 that divided chronologers concerning the length 
 of time elapsed since the beginning of the world. 
 I here are some who believe that only 4004 years 
 of the world are to be reckoned before Jesus 
 Christ. Others give more extent to that space, 
 and augment the number of years of which it 
 consists. These variations disappear when the 
 J ulian period is used, for every body agrees in 
 respect to the year in which that began, and 
 there is nobody who does not allow, that the 
 first year of the vulgar era falls in with the 
 4714th of that period. Thus in the Julian pe- 
 riod there are two fixed points, which unite all 
 systems, and reconcile all chronologers. 
 
 It is easy to find the year of the Julian period, 
 that answers to any year whatsoever of the vul- 
 gar era of the world. For as the beginning of 
 the Julian period precedes that era 710 years, by 
 adding that number to the year proposed of the 
 era of the world, we have the year of the Julian 
 period that answers to it. For instance, we 
 know that the battle of Arbela was fought in 
 the year of the world 3673. If to that number 
 we add 710, it will be 4383, which number ex- 
 presses the year of the Julian period to which 
 the battle of Arbela is to be referred. 
 
 The reader knows that hitherto I have not 
 entered into chronological discussions, and un- 
 doubtedly does not expect that I should do so 
 now. I shall generally follow Usher, whom I 
 have chosen for my guide in this subject. 
 
 2 1 say, what remains, and not the quotient, as some 
 authors do; for the quotient expresses the number of 
 cijcles, elapsed since the beginning of the period, and 
 wnat remains after the division shows the year of the 
 current cycle. ^ 
 
 THE TABLE. 
 
 A.M. 
 1800 
 
 1816 
 
 A. a 
 
 2204 
 
 2188 
 
 Nimrod founder of the first empire of the Assyrians. ~ ~ ~ 
 
 Nmus, the son of Nimrod. J'li"*. 
 Semiramis. She reigned forty-two years. 
 Ninyas. 
 
 ^uJ^^ '-^ A^e«^/a./or tkirf^/ generations, except ofPhul and Sardanapalus, is 
 
 Egypt. 
 
 Menes^or Mesram, first king of Egypt. 
 
 Osymandias. 
 Uchoreus. 
 Moeris. 
 
1 756 
 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 A.M. 
 
 A. C. 
 
 
 Greece. 
 
 1920 
 
 2034 
 
 2148 
 
 2179 
 
 2276 
 
 2298 
 2427 
 
 2448 
 
 2188 
 
 j 2494 
 1 2513 
 
 i 
 
 2530 
 
 1 
 
 254/7 
 
 2628 
 2710 
 2720 
 
 2800 
 
 2820 
 2900 
 
 29S4 
 2949 
 2991 
 3026 
 3033 
 
 2084 
 
 1920 
 
 1856 
 
 1825 
 
 1728 
 
 1706 
 1577 
 
 1556 
 
 1516 
 
 1510 
 1491 
 
 1474 
 
 1457 
 
 1376 
 1294 
 1284 
 
 1204 
 
 1184 
 1104 
 
 1070 
 1055 
 1013 
 978 
 971 
 
 The Shepherd-kings seize Lower Egypt. They 
 reign 260 years. 
 
 Abraham enters Egypt, where Sarah is in great 
 danger from one of the Shepherd-kings. 
 
 Thethmosis expels the Shepherd-kings, and 
 reigns in Lower Egypt. 
 
 Joseph is carried into Egypt, and sold to Poti- 
 phar. 
 
 Jacob goes into Egypt with his family. 
 
 Rameses-Miamum begins to reign in Egypt. He 
 persecutes the Israelites. 
 
 Cecrops conducts a colony from Egj^t, and 
 founds the kingdom of Athens. 
 
 Amenophis, the eldest son of Rameses, succeeds 
 him. 
 
 The Israelites quit Egypt Amenophis is swal- 
 lowed up in the Red Sea. Sesostris his son suc- 
 ceeds him. He divides Egypt into thirty nomes, 
 or districts, renders Ethiopia tributary, conquers 
 Asia, and subjects the Scythians as far as the Ta- 
 nais. On his return into Egypt he kills himself, 
 after a reign ofSS years. 
 
 Pheron succeeds Sesostris, 
 
 Proteus. In his reign Paris is driven into Egypt 
 on his return to Troy with Helen. 
 
 Rharapsinit. Cheops. Chephrem. My- 
 
 cerinus. Asychis. 
 
 The six preceding reigns were 170 years in dura- 
 tion ; but it is hard to assign the length of each of 
 them in particular. 
 
 Pharaoh king of Egypt gives his daughter in 
 marriage to Solomon. 
 
 Sesac, otherwise called Sesonchis. It was with 
 him that Jeroboam took refuge. 
 
 Sesac marches against Jerusalem, and conquers 
 Judea. 
 
 Zara king of Egypt makes war with Asa kmg of 
 
 Anysis. In his reign Sabacus, king of Ethiopia, 
 makes himself master of Egypt, reigns there fifty 
 years ; after which he retires, and leaves the king, 
 dom to Anysis. 
 
 Foundation of the kingdom of Argos. Deluge 
 of Ogyges in Attica. 
 
 Foundation of the kingdom of Athens by Ce- 
 crops. He institutes the Areopagus. 
 
 Under Cranaus, successor of Cecrops, happens I 
 Deucalion's flood. | 
 
 Foundation of the kingdom of Lacedsemonia, of 
 which Lelex is the first king. 
 
 Danaus, brother of Sesostris, leaves Egypt, and 
 retires into the Peloponnesus, where he makes 
 himself master of Argos. 
 
 Perseus, the fifth of Danaus's successors, having 
 unfortunately killed his grandfather, abandons Ar- 
 gos, and founds the city of Mycene. 
 
 Sisyphus, the son of ^Eolus, makes himself mas- 
 ter of Corinth. 
 
 The descendants of Sisyphus are driven out of 
 Corinth by the Heraclidae. 
 
 iEgaeus, the son of Pandion, king of Attica. The 
 expedition of the Argonauts is dated in the reign 
 of this prince. 
 
 The Heraclidae make themselves masters of Pe- 
 loponnesus ; from whence they are obliged to re- 
 tire soon after. 
 
 Troy taken by the Greeks. 
 
 The Heraclidae re-enter Peloponnesus, and seize 
 Sparta, where the two brothers Eurysthenes and 
 Procles reign together. 
 
 Institution of the Archons at Athens. Medon, 
 the son of Codrus, is the first. 1 
 
 Cadmus builds the city of Thebes, and makes it 
 the seat of his government. 
 
 3063 
 
 941 
 
 
 3120 
 3160 
 3210 
 3228 
 
 881 
 844 
 794 
 776 
 
 i 
 1 
 
 Lycurgus. 
 
 Homer. Hesiod lived about the same time. 
 Caranus founds the kingdom of Macedonia. 
 Beginning of the common era of the Olym- 
 piads. 
 
 
 
 I return to the chronology of the Assyrians, which I discontinued, because from Ninyas down to tMt 
 time, nothing is known of their history. 
 
 
 
 Assyrians. 
 
 3233 
 •3237 
 
 771 
 767 
 
 - ■ i 
 
 Phul. This is the king of Nineveh, who repented upon Jonah's preachmg. ; 
 Sardanapalus, the last^king of the first empire of the Assyrians. After a reign of twenty years, ho j 
 
 ^The'StilS'oSh^^^^^ ^vhich ended at the death of Sardanapalus. had subsisted more ! 
 than 1450 years. Out of its ruins three others were formed ; the Assyrians of Babylon ; the Assyrians 
 of Nineveh ; and the Medes. | 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 757 
 
 3257 747 
 
 743 
 
 710 
 
 703 
 
 706 
 
 685 
 684 
 
 Egypt. 
 
 657 
 
 Sethon. He 
 reigned four- 
 teen years. 
 
 Tharaca reigns 
 18 years. 
 
 Anarchy two 
 years in Egypt. 
 
 Twelve of the 
 principal lords 
 of Egypt seize 
 the kingdom, of 
 which each go- 
 verns a part 
 with equal au- 
 thority. 
 
 Psaramiticus, 
 one of the 12 
 kings, defeats 
 the other 11, 
 and remains 
 sole master of 
 Egypt. He takes 
 Azotus after a 
 siege of 29 years. 
 
 First war be- 
 tween the Mes- 
 senians and La- 
 cedemonians. 
 It continues 20 
 years. 
 
 Archilochus, 
 the famous poet. 
 
 Second war be- 
 tween the Lace- 
 daemonians and 
 Messenians : 14 
 years. 
 
 Tyrtaeus, a poet 
 who excelled in 
 celebrating mi- 
 litary virtue. 
 
 Thales of Mi- 
 letus, founder of 
 the Ionic sect 
 
 Babylon. 
 
 , or Na- 
 bonassar. The 
 Scripture calls 
 him Baladan. 
 
 Merodach Ba- 
 ladan. He sent 
 ambassadors to 
 Hezekiah, to 
 congratulate 
 him upon the 
 recovery of his 
 health. Nothing 
 is known of the 
 other kings who 
 reigned in Ba- 
 bylon. 
 
 Nineveh. 
 
 Tiglath Pileser. 
 In the eighth 
 year of his reign 
 he aids Ahaz, 
 king of Judah 
 and makes him 
 self master of 
 Syria, and of 
 part of the king, 
 dom of Judah. 
 
 Salamanasar. 
 In the eighth 
 year of his reign 
 he took Sama. 
 ria, and carried 
 away the people 
 into captivity. 
 
 Sennacherib. 
 In the fifth year 
 of his reign he 
 makes war 
 against Heze 
 kiah king of Ju- 
 dah. 
 
 An angel de 
 stroys his army 
 at the time he 
 is besieging Je- 
 rusalem. 
 
 On his return 
 to his kingdom, 
 he is killed by 
 his own chil 
 dren. 
 
 Asarhaddon 
 
 Asarhaddon 
 unites the em- 
 pire of Babylon 
 with that of Ni- 
 neveh. 
 
 Asarhaddon 
 carries the re- 
 mains of the 
 kingdom of Is- 
 rael into Assy- 
 ria. The same 
 year he puts 
 Manasseh in 
 chains, and car- 
 ries him to Ba- 
 bylon. 
 
 Media. 
 
 Babylon and Nineveh. 
 
 Saosduchin, or Nabuchodono- 
 sor I . The 12th year of his reign 
 he defeats Phraortes, king of the 
 Medes, and takes Ecbatana, It 
 was after this expedition that he 
 made Holophernes besiege Be- 
 thulia. 
 
 Death of Nabuchodonosor. Sa- 
 racus, called also Chynaladanus, 
 succeeded him. 
 
 Nabopolassar's revolt against 
 Saracus. He makes himself mas- 
 ter of Babylon. 
 
 Arbaces exer- 
 cises the sove- 
 reign authority 
 over the Medes, 
 without taking 
 upon him the 
 title of king. 
 
 Dejoces causes 
 himself to be de- 
 clared king of 
 the Medes. 
 
 Death of De- 
 joces. Phraortes 
 succeeds him. 
 
 Phraortes pe. 
 rishes at the 
 siege of Nine- 
 veh, with part 
 of his army. Cy- 
 axares his son 
 succeeds him. 
 The second year 
 of his reign he 
 beats the Assy- 
 rians, and at- 
 tacks Nineveh, 
 the siege of 
 which he is 
 obliged to aban. 
 
758 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 A.M.>A.ci Egypt. 
 
 3380 
 3385 
 
 605 
 604 
 
 3409 I 595 
 
 3410 594 
 
 3-130 574 
 
 :U32 572 
 
 3445 559 
 
 Nechao. In 
 the 7th year of 
 his reign he de- 
 feats the king 
 of Assyria, and 
 seizes part of 
 his dominions. 
 He reigned 16 
 years. 
 
 Psammis six 
 years. 
 
 A pries. He 
 makes himself 
 master of Sidon, 
 in the 1st year 
 of his reign. 
 Zedekiah, king 
 of Judah, makes 
 an alliance with 
 the king of E- 
 g}'pt,contrary to 
 the advice of the 
 prophet Jere- 
 miah. 
 
 Unfortunate 
 expedition of 
 A pries into Li- 
 bya. 
 
 Amasis re- 
 volts against 
 Apries. 
 
 Nabuchodo- 
 nosor subjects 
 Egypt, and con- 
 firms Amasis in 
 the throne. 
 
 Apries dies in 
 the 25th year of 
 his reign. 
 
 Amasis reigns 
 after him in 
 peace. 
 
 Draco, legis- 
 lator of Athens, 
 
 Solon. 
 
 The seven sa- 
 
 !s of Greece 
 lived about this 
 time. 
 
 Alcffius, from 
 whom the Al- 
 caic verses take 
 their name. 
 
 Sappho, at the 
 same time. 
 
 Babylon and Nineveh. 
 
 Thespis re- 
 forms trage- 
 dy. Pythagoras 
 lived about this 
 time. 
 
 Simonides, the 
 celebrated poet 
 
 Pisistratus 
 makes himself 
 master of A. 
 thens. 
 
 Destruction of Nineveh, From 
 thenceforth Babylon was the ca- 
 pital of the Assyrian empire. 
 
 Nabopolassar associates his son 
 Nabuchodonosor in the empire, 
 and sends him at the head of an 
 army to re-conquer the countries 
 taken from him by Nechao. 
 
 Jerusalem taken by Nabucho- 
 donosor. He transports a great 
 number of Jews to Babylon, and 
 amongst them the prophet Da- 
 niel. 
 
 The Captivity begins from his 
 carrying away the Jews to Ba- 
 bylon. 
 
 Death of Nabopolassar. His 
 son Nabuchodonosor II. succeeds 
 him in all his dominions. 
 
 Nabuchodonosor's first dream 
 interpreted by Daniel. 
 
 Nabuchodonosor's lieutenants, 
 after having ravaged Judea, block- 
 ade Jerusalem, and put king Je- 
 hoiakim to death. About the end 
 of the same year, Nabuchodono- 
 sor repairs in person to Jerusa- 
 lem, makes himself master of it, 
 and appoints Zedekiah king in- 
 stead of Jehoiachin, whom he 
 carries into captivity. 
 
 Nabuchodonosor destroys Je- 
 rusalem, and carries away Zede- 
 kiah captive to Babylon. At his 
 return into his dominions, he 
 causes the three young Hebrews 
 to be thrown into the furnace. 
 
 Nabuchodonosor makes him- 
 self master of Tyre, after a siege 
 of 13 years. He did not march 
 against Egypt tiU after this expe- 
 dition. 
 
 Nabuchodonosor's second dream 
 interpreted by Daniel. 
 
 Nabuchodonosor reduced to the 
 condition of beasts during seven 
 years ; after which he reigns again 
 one year. Evil-Merodach his son 
 succeeds him. He reigns only two 
 years. 
 
 Neriglissor. He makes great 
 preparations for war against the 
 Medes, and calls in Crcesus to 
 his aid. 
 
 Media. 
 
 don by a sudden 
 irruption of the 
 Scythians into 
 his dominions. 
 
 Cyaxares joins 
 his forces with 
 those of Nabo- 
 polassar, takes 
 Nineveh, and 
 puts Syracus its 
 king to death. 
 
 Astyages, the 
 son ofiCyaxares, 
 gives his daugh- 
 ter in marriage 
 to Cambyses, 
 king of Persia. 
 
 Birth of Cy- 
 rus. 
 
 Death of Cy- 
 axares. 
 
 Astyages his 
 son succeeds 
 him. He reigns 
 35 years. 
 
 Cyrus goo.e for 
 the first time 
 into Media, to 
 see his grand- 
 father Astyages. 
 He remains 3 
 years with him. 
 
 Death of As- 
 tyages. 
 
 Cyaxares 
 succeeds him, 
 known in Scrip- 
 ture under the 
 name of Darius 
 the Mede. 
 
 Cyrus returns 
 into Media for 
 the second time, 
 in order to as- 
 sist his uncle in 
 the war with the 
 Babj'lonians. 
 
 Expedition of 
 Cyrus against 
 tlie king of Ar- 
 menia. 
 
 Lydia. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 759 
 
 A. M. A.C. 
 
 a4G4 540 
 3466 f)3S 
 
 3468 536 
 
 3468 , 536 
 
 3470 ' 534 
 3475 529 
 Si78 526 
 3479 525 
 
 522 
 
 3190 ' 514 
 
 aiiKi 508 
 
 Egypt. 
 
 Psammenitus. 
 He reigns only 
 six mouths. 
 
 After the 
 death of that 
 prince, Egypt is 
 annexed to the 
 Persian domi- 
 nions, and con- 
 tinues so till the 
 reign of Alexan- 
 der the Great, 
 which includes 
 the space of 206 
 years. 
 
 Hipijonax, 
 author of the 
 verse Scazon. 
 Heraclitus, 
 chief of the sect 
 which bears his 
 name. 
 
 Birth of ^- 
 schylus. Ctesi- 
 phon, or Cher- 
 siphron, a cele- 
 brated archi- 
 tect, famous es- 
 pecially for 
 building the 
 temple of Diana 
 of Ephesus. 
 
 Death of Pi- 
 sistratus. Hip- 
 pias his son suc- 
 ceeds him. 
 
 Miltiades goes 
 to settle in the 
 Chersonesus. 
 
 The Pisistra- 
 tidcE are obliged 
 to abandon At- 
 tica. 
 
 Babylon. 
 
 Laborosoarchod. 
 only nine months. 
 
 He reigns 
 
 Labynit, called in Scrip' ure, 
 Belshazzar. 
 
 Labynit Is killed at the taking 
 of Babylon. The death of that 
 prince puts an end to the Baby- 
 Ionian empire, which is united 
 with that of the Medes. 
 
 Media. 
 
 Cyaxares and 
 Cyrus defeat the 
 Babylonians in 
 a great battle, 
 in which Neri- 
 glissor is slain. 
 
 About this 
 time the mar- 
 riage of Cyrus 
 with the daugh. 
 tor of his uncle 
 Cyaxares may 
 be dated. 
 
 Cyrus makes 
 himself master 
 of Babylon. 
 
 Death of Cy- 
 axares. 
 
 Lydia. 
 
 Crcesus fli 
 before Cyrus. 
 
 Battle of 
 Thymbra be- 
 tween Croesus 
 and Cyrus, fol- 
 lowed by the 
 taking of Sardis 
 by the latter. 
 End of the king- 
 dom of Lydia. 
 
 After Ike death of Cyaxares and Candnjses, Cyrus, vjho succeeded both 
 in their dominions, united the empire of the Medes with those of 
 the Babylonians and Persians ; and of the three formed a fourth, 
 under the name of the Empire of the Persians, which subsisted 206 
 years. 
 
 Empire of the Persians. 
 
 Cyrus. The first year of his reign he permits the Jews to return 
 into Judea. 
 
 Daniel's vision concerning the succession of the kings of Persia. 
 
 Cyrus dies on a journey which he makes into Persia, after having 
 reigned seven years alone, and thirty from his setting out from Per. 
 sia at the head of an army to aid Cyaxares. 
 
 Cambyses his son succeeds him. The fourth year of his reign he 
 attacks Egypt, and re-unites it to the empire of the Persians. 
 
 Unsuccessful expedition of Cambyses against the Ethiopians. 
 
 Cambyses puts Meroe, who was both his sister and wife, to death. 
 
 It was about this time that Gretas, one of the Satrapse of Cam- 
 byses, made himself master of the island of Kam.os, and caused Poly 
 crates, the tyrant of it, to be put to death. 
 
 Death of Cambyses. Smerdis the Magian, who had mounted the 
 throne before the death of Cambyses, succeeds him. He reigns only 
 seven months. 
 
 Darius, son of Hystaspes. 
 
 Edict of Darius in favour of the Jews, wherein that of Cyrus is 
 confirmed. It is believed, that what is related in the history of Es- 
 ther happened some time after the publication of this edict. 
 
 Babylon revolts against Darius, and is taken after a siege of twenty 
 months. 
 
 Expedition of Darius against the Scythians. 
 
 Darius penetrates into India, and reduces all that great country 
 into subjection. 
 
 The History of the Greeks from henceforth will be intermixed and almost confounded with that of the 
 Persians j for which reason I shall separate their chronology no farther. 
 
 Persians and Grecians. 
 
 The Persians form the siege of the capital of the island of Naxos, and are obliged to raise it in six 
 months. 
 
 Aristagorus, governor of Miletus, revolts from Darius, and brings the lonians and Athenians into hi;? 
 measures. 
 
 The lonians take Sardis, and burn it. 
 
 The Persians defeat the lonians in a sea-fight before the island of Lados, and make themselves mas- 
 ters of Miletus, 
 .ffischylus. 
 
 Darius sends Gobrias his son-in-law at the head of an army to attack Greece. 
 Anacreon. 
 
 Darius takes the command of his armies from Gobrias, and gives it to Datis and Artaphernes. 
 Battle of Marathon. 
 Unfortunate end of Miltiades. 
 
 Death of Darius Hystaspes. Xerxes his son succeeds him. 
 
 Birth of the historian Herodotus. 
 
 Xerxes sets out to make war against the Greeks. 
 
 Battle of Thermopylas. Leonidas, king of the Ivacedacmonians, is killed in it. Sea-fight near ArtemU 
 siura, fought at the same time with the battle of Thermopylae. 
 Birth of Euripides. 
 
 Battle of Salamis, followed by the precipitate return of Xerxes into Persia. 
 
760 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 M. 
 
 3526 
 
 .•1530 
 ,1531 
 
 Persians and Greeks. 
 
 oo32 
 
 472 
 
 
 471 
 
 3534 
 
 470 
 
 3535 
 
 469 
 
 3537 
 
 467 
 
 3538 
 
 466 
 
 3540 
 
 464 
 
 3544 
 
 460 
 
 3545 
 
 459 
 
 3548 
 
 456 
 
 3550 
 
 454 
 
 3554 
 
 450 
 
 3555 
 
 449 
 
 3558 
 
 446 
 
 3564 
 
 410 
 
 3568 
 
 436 
 
 3573 
 
 451 
 
 3574 
 
 430 
 
 3575 
 
 429 
 
 3576 
 
 428 
 
 3579 
 
 425 
 
 3580 
 
 424 
 
 3583 
 
 421 
 
 3584 
 
 420 
 
 3588 
 
 416 
 
 3589 
 
 415 
 
 3590 
 
 414 
 
 3593 
 
 411 
 
 3595 
 
 409 
 
 3598 
 
 406 
 
 3599 
 
 405 
 
 Battle of Platan. Sea-fight the same day near Mycale, in which the Persians are defeated, 
 Ihe Athenians rebuild tlie walls of their city, which had been demolished by Xerxes, notwithstanding 
 the opposition of tlie Laceda;monians. 
 
 . JJ^'' of the armies of Greece, of which the Lacedemonians had been in possession from the 
 
 battle of 1 hermopylee, is transferred to the Athenians. 
 
 Pindar flourished about this time, 
 to death"^^^' general of the Lacedemonians, accused of holding secret inteUigence with Xerxes, is put 
 
 Themistocles, the Athenian general, is accused of having had a share in Pausanias's plot, and takes 
 refuge with Admetus, king of the Molossians. 
 Sophocles and Euripides appear in Greece about this time. 
 Xerxes is killed by Artabanus, the captain of his guards. 
 
 Artaxerxes, surnamed Longimanus, succeeds him. Themistocles takes refuge in his court the first 
 yciir Or nis rcigri. 
 
 Cimon receives the command of the armies at Athens. The year following he defeats the Persians, 
 and takes their ileet near the mouth of the river Eurymedon. 
 
 Birth of the historian Thucydides. 
 Hdotf earthquake at Sparta, in the reign of Archidamus, which gives rise to a sedition of the 
 
 Birth of Socrates. 
 Beginning of Pericles. 
 
 Phidias, famous for his skill in architecture and sculpture. ■ 
 
 Difference and misunderstanding between the Athenians and Lacedemonians, occasioned by the 
 allront ottered to the Athenians by the Lacedemonians, in sending back their troops, after having called 
 them in to their aid against the Messenians and Helots. Some time after, and in consequence of this 
 quarrel, Cimon is banished by the Ostracism. 
 
 j^^^ra^ obtains a commission from Artaxerxes to return to Jerusalem, with all who are willing to fol- 
 Themistocles puts an end to his life at Magnesia. 
 
 Herodicus of Sicily, chief of the sect of Physicians called Aiai^nrty.yi. Hippocrates was his disciple 
 ihe Egyptians, supported by the Athenians, revolt against Artaxerxes. 
 Defeat of the Persian army in Egypt. 
 
 The Egyptians and Athenians are defeated in their turn ; in consequence of which all Egypt returns 
 to its obedience to Artaxerxes, and the Athenians retire to Biblos, under the command of Inarus, where 
 they sustain a siege of a year. 
 
 Battle of Tanagra in Boeotia, where the Athenians beat the Spartans, who were come to the aid of the 
 Ihebans. 
 
 Nehemiah obtains Artaxerxes's permission to return to Jerusalem. 
 Birth of Xenophon. 
 
 Cimon, recalled from banishment after five years' absence; reconciles the Athenians and Spartans, 
 and makes them conclude a truce of five years. 
 
 ^i-^".^."^*?''^ between the Greeks and Persians, which had continued from the burning of Sardis by 
 the Athenians, fifty-one years. 
 Death of Cimon. 
 
 The Lacedemonians conclude a truce for thirty years with the Athenians. The latter soon break it 
 by new enterprises. 
 Empedocles, the Pythagorean philosopher, flourished about this time. 
 Myron, the famous sculptor of Athens. 
 
 Pericles makes war with the Samians, and takes the capital of their island, after a siege of nine 
 months. " 
 Zeuxis, the famous painter, disciple of ApoUodorus. Parrha.sius his rival lived at the same time. 
 Aristophanes the comic poet 
 Birth of Isocrates. 
 
 War between the Corinthians and the people of Corcyra. The Athenians engage in it in favour of 
 the Lorcyrians. The inhabitants of PotiJea declare on the side of Corinth against Athens. Alcibiades 
 begins to appear in this war, which occasions that of Peloponnesus. 
 
 Scopas, architect and sculptor. 
 
 Beginning of the Peloponnesian war. It continues twenty-seven ye'&rs. 
 
 A terrible plague rages in Attica. The physician Hippocrates distinguishes himself by his extraordi- 
 nary care of the sick. 
 Death of Pericles. 
 
 The Lacedemonians besiege Platee. 
 Plato, founder of the ancient academy. 
 
 Death of Artaxerxes. Xerxes his son succeeds him. He reigns only forty-five days. 
 Sogdianus puts Xerxes to death, and^auses himself to be acknowledged king in his stead. His reign 
 continues only six months. 
 
 Ochus, known under the name of Darius Nothus, rids himself of Sogdianus, and succeeds him 
 The Athenians, under Nicias, make themselves masters of Cythera. 
 
 Thucydides is banished by the Athenians, whose army he commanded, for having suffered Amphl 
 polls to be taken. 
 
 Polygnotus, famed particularly for his painting in the portico called IloixiXii at Athens, in which he 
 represented the principal events of the Trojan war. 
 
 Treaty of peace concluded, by the application of Nicias, between the Lacedemonians and Athenians, 
 in the tenth year from the beginning of the Peloponnesian war. Alcibiades, by an imposture, occasions 
 its being broken the following year. 
 
 The banishment of Hyperbolus puts an end to the Ostracism. 
 
 Alcibiades engages the Athenians to assist the people of Egesta against the Svracusans. 
 
 Alcibiades, one,of the generals sent to Sicily by the Athenians, is recalled to Athens to answei ac- 
 cusations against him. He flies to Sparta, and is condemned for contumacy. 
 
 Pisuthnes, governor of Syria, revolts against Darius. The Egyptians do the same, and choose Amyr- 
 tens for their king, who reigns six years. 
 
 Alcibiades, to avoid the envy his great actions had drawn upon him at Sparta, throws himself into the 
 arms of Tissaphernes, one of the king of Persia's satraps. Ihe Lacedemonians, by the help of Tissa- 
 phernes, conclude a treaty of alliance with the king of Persia. 
 
 , Alcibiades is recalled to Athens. Plis return occasions the abolition of the Four Hundred, who had 
 been invested with supreme authority. 
 
 Darius gives Cyrus, his youngest son, the government in chief of all the provinces of Asia Minor. 
 
 Lysander is placed at the head of the Lacedemonians. Pie defeats the Athenians near Ephesus. In 
 consequence of that defeat, Alcibiades is deposed, and ten generals are nominated to succeed him. 
 
 Callicratidas gets the command of the army in the room of Lysander, from whom the Lacedemonians 
 had taken it. He is killed in a sea-fight near the Arginuse 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 701 
 
 A. M 
 
 A.C. 
 
 3399 
 
 405 
 
 3600 
 
 404 
 
 Persians and Greeks. 
 
 3617 
 
 387 
 
 3618 
 
 386 
 
 3620 
 
 384 
 
 3621 
 
 383 
 
 3622 
 
 382 
 
 362(; 
 
 378 
 
 3627 
 
 377 
 
 3629 
 
 375' 
 
 3630 
 
 374 
 
 3634 
 
 370 
 
 3633 
 
 369 
 
 3611 
 
 363 
 
 3642 
 
 362 
 
 3644 
 
 360 
 
 3646 
 
 358 
 
 364S 
 
 356 
 
 3649 
 
 335 
 
 3630 
 
 354 
 
 3651 
 
 353 
 
 3632 
 
 352 
 
 3653 
 
 351 
 
 3654 
 
 350 
 
 3656 
 
 348 
 
 3638 
 
 346 
 
 3662 
 
 342 
 
 3663 
 
 339 
 
 3666 
 
 338 
 
 3667 
 
 337 
 
 3668 
 
 336 
 
 3669 
 
 335 
 
 S670 
 
 334 
 
 Lysander is restored to the command of the Lacedismonian army. He gains a famous victory over 
 tne Athenians at -iEgospotamos. 
 
 Conon, who commanded the Athenian forces, retires after his defeat to Evagoras, king of Cyprus. 
 
 i^ysander makes himself master of Athens, changes the form of the government, and establishes thirty 
 Archons, commonly called the thirty tyrants. 
 
 End of the Peloponnesian war. 
 
 Death of Darius Nothus. Arsaces his son succeeds him, and takes the name of Artaxerxes Mnemon 
 Cyrus the younger intends to assassinate his brother Artaxerxes. His design being discovered, he is 
 sent back to the maritime provinces, of which he was governor. 
 Interview of Cyrus the younger and Lysander at Sardis. 
 Thrasybulus expeis the tyrants of Athens, and re-establishes its liberty. 
 Cyrus the younger prepares for a war with his brother Artaxerxes. 
 
 Defeat and death of Cyrus the younger at Cunaxa, followed by the retreat of the Ten Thousand, 
 Death of Socrates. 
 
 Lacedsmon de-clares war against Tissaphernes and Pharnabasus. 
 Beginning of Amyntas, king of Macedonia, father of Philip, 
 settlld therV^ elected king of Sparta. The year following he goes to Africa, to the aid of the Greeks 
 
 Lysander quarrels with Agesilaus, and undertakes to change the order of the succession to the throne. 
 
 I he army of lissaphernes is defeated near Sardis by Agesilaus. 
 _ Thebes, Argos, and Corinth, enter into a league against Lacedsmon, at the solicitation of the Per- 
 sians. Athens enters into the same league soon after. Agesilaus is recalled by the Ephori to the assist- 
 ance of his country. v 
 
 The fleet of the Lacedemonians is defeated near Cnidos by Pharnabasus, and Conon the Athenian, 
 who commanded that of the Persians and Greeks. Agesilaus defeats the Thebans almost at the same 
 time, in the plains of Coronea. 
 
 Conon rebuilds the walls of Athens. 
 
 Peace, shameful to the Greeks, concluded with the Persians by Antalcidas the Lacedemonian 
 
 Artaxerxes attacks Evagoras, king of Cyprus, with all his forces, and gains a signal victory over him 
 
 It is tollowed by the siege of Salamis, which is terminated by a treaty of peace. 
 
 Expedition of Artaxerxes against the Cadusians. 
 
 Birth of Aristotle, founder of the Peripatetics. 
 
 The Lacedemonians declare war against the city of Olynthus. 
 
 Birth of Philip, king of Macedon. 
 
 Phebidas, on his way to the siege of Olynthus, at the head of part of the army of the Lacedemonians, 
 makes himself master of the citadel of Thebes. 
 Birth of Demosthenes. 
 
 Pelopidas, at the head of the rest of the exiles, kills the tyrant of Thebes, and retakes the citadel 
 
 Artaxerxes Mnemon undertakes to reduce Egypt, which had thrown oft" his yoke for some years He 
 employs about two years in making preparations for that war. 
 
 Death of Amyntas, king of Macedonia. Alexander his eldest son succeeds him. He reigns only two 
 years. Perdiccas ascends the throne next, and reigns 14 years. 
 
 Death of Evagoras, king of Cyprus. Nicocles his son succeeds him. 
 
 Battle of Leuctra, in which the Thebans, under Epaminondas and Pelopidas, defeat the Lacedemonians. 
 
 Expedition of Pelopidas against Alexander, tyrant of Phere. He goes to Macedonia, to terminate the 
 differences between Perdiccas and Ptolemy, son of Amyntas, concerning the crown. He carries Philip 
 with him to Thebes as a hostage. He is killed in a battle which he fights with the tyrant of Phere. 
 
 Battle of Mantinea. Epaminondas is killed in it, after having secured the victory to the Thebans. 
 
 The Lacedemonians send Agesilaus to aid Tachos, king of Egypt, against Artaxerxes. He dethrones 
 lachos, and gives the crown to Nectanebus. He dies on his return from that expedition. 
 
 Death of Artaxerxes Mnemon. Ochus his son succeeds him. 
 
 Philip ascends the throne of Macedonia. He makes a captious peace with the Athenians. 
 
 The history of the Cappadocians begins at this time, the chronology of whose kings I shall give after that of 
 Alexander's Successors. 1 shall annex it to that of the Parthians, and of the kings of Pontus. 
 
 It continued three years. 
 
 War of the allies with the Athenians. 
 Philip besieges and takes Amphipolis. 
 Revolt of Artabasus against Ochus king of Persia. 
 Birth of Alexander the Great. 
 
 Demosthenes appears in public for the first time, and encourages the Athenians, who were alarmed bv 
 the preparations for war making by the king of Persia. 
 Beginning of the sacred war. 
 Death of Mausolus, king of Caria. 
 Phihp makes himself master of the city of Methone. 
 Artemisia, widow of Mausolus, whom she had succeeded, takes Rhodes. 
 Philip attempts to seize Thermopyle in vain. 
 
 Successful expedition of Ochus against Phoenicia, Cyprus, and afterwards Egypt, 
 Nectanebus, the last king of Egypt of the Egyptian race, is obliged to fly into Ethiopia, from whence 
 he never returns. 
 Death of Plato. 
 
 Philip makes himself master of Olynthus. 
 
 Philip seizes Thermopyle, and part of Phocis. He causes himself to be admitted into the number of 
 the Amphictyons. 
 
 Oration of Demosthenes concerning the Chersonesus, in favour of Diopithies. 
 
 The Athenians send aid under Phocion to the cities of Perinthus and Byzantium, besieged by Philip 
 That prince is obliged to raise the siege. 
 
 Philip is declared generalissimo of the Greeks in the council of the Amphictyons. He makes himself 
 master of Elatea. 
 
 Battle of Cheronea, wherein Philip defeats the Athenians and the Thebans, who had entered into a 
 league against him, 
 
 Ochus, king of Persia, is poisoned by Bagoas his favourite. Arses his son succeeds him, and reigns 
 only three years. 
 
 Philip causes himself to be declared general of the Greeks against the Persians. The same year he re. 
 pudiates his wife Olympias. His son Alexander attends her into Epirus, from whence he goes to lllyria. 
 
 Philip's death. Alexander his son, then twenty years of age, succeeds him. 
 
 Arses, king of Persia, is assassinated by Bagoas. Darius Codomanus succeeds him. 
 
 Thebes taken and destroyed by Alexander. He causes himself to be declared generalissimo of the 
 Greeks against the Persians in a diet assembled at Corinth. 
 
 Alexander sets out for Persia. 
 
 Battle of the Granicus, followed with the conquest of almost all Asia Minor. 
 
7G2 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 d. M. 
 
 A.C. 
 
 3671 
 
 333 
 
 3GT2 
 
 332 
 
 'iCuS 
 
 331 
 
 3674 
 
 330 
 
 3675 
 
 329 
 
 3676 
 
 
 3fl77 
 
 327 
 
 3678 
 
 326 
 
 3679 
 
 325 
 
 36S0 
 
 324 
 
 S681 
 
 323 
 
 3682 
 
 322 
 
 3683 
 
 321 
 
 3681 
 
 
 3685 
 
 319 
 
 3687 
 
 317 
 
 3689 
 
 315 
 
 3691 
 
 313 
 
 3692 
 
 312 
 
 3693 
 
 311 
 
 3695 
 
 309 
 
 3696 
 3698 
 
 308 
 306 
 
 3599 
 
 305 
 
 3700 
 
 304 
 
 3701 
 
 303 
 
 3703 
 
 302 
 
 Persians and Greeks. 
 
 Alexander is seized at Tarsus with a dangerous illneis, from having bathed in the river Cyilnus. He- 
 is cured in a few days. 
 Battle of Issus. 
 
 Alexander makes himself master of Tyre, after a siege of seven months. 
 
 Apelles, one of the most famous painters of antiquity. Aristides and Protogenus were his contempo- 
 raries. 
 
 Alexander goes to Jerusalem. He makes himself master of Gaza, and soon after of all Egypt. He 
 went after this conquest to the temple of Jupiter Ammon, and at his return built the city of Alex- 
 andria. 
 
 Battle of Arbela. It is followed with the taking of Arbela, Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis. 
 
 Darius is seized and laden with chains by Bcssus, and soon after assassinated. His death puts an end 
 to the Persian empire, which had subsisted 206 years from its foundation under Cyrus the Great. 
 
 The Lacedcemonians revolt against the Macedonians. Antipater defeats them in a battle, wherein 
 Agis their king is killed. 
 
 Thaiestris, queen of the Amazons, comes to see Alexander at Zadracarta. 
 
 Philotas, and Parraenio his father, suspected of having conspired with others against Alexander, are 
 put to death. 
 
 Bessus is brought to Alexander, and soon after put to death. 
 
 Alexander, after having subdued the Sogdians and Bactrians, builds a city upon the laxartes, to 
 which he gives his name. 
 Embassy of the Scythians to Alexander, followed by a victory gained by him over that people. 
 Lysippus of Sicyon, a famous sculptor, flourished about this time. 
 Alexander makes himself master of the rocky eminence of Oxus. 
 
 Clitus is killed by Alexander at a feast in Maracanda. The death of Callisthenes happens soon after 
 Alexander marries Roxana, the daughter of Oxyartes. 
 
 Alexander's entrance into India. He gains a great victory over Porus in passing the Hydaspes. 
 On the remonstrances of his army, Alexander determines to march back. 
 The city of Oxydracaa taken. Alexander in great danger there. 
 Alexander's marriage with Statira, the eldest daughter of Darius. 
 Revolt of Harpalus, whom Alexander had made governor of Babylon. 
 
 Demosthenes is banished for having received presents, and suffered himself to be corrupted by 
 Harpalus. 
 Death of Hephaastion at Ecbatana. 
 
 Menander, the inventor of the new comedy, lived about this time. 
 
 Alexander, on his return to Babylon, dies there, ac the age of iwo-and-thirty years and eight months. 
 Aridteus, that prince's natural brother, is declared kuig in his stead. The regency of the kingdom is 
 given to Perdiccas. 
 
 The generals divide the provinces amongst themselves. From this division commences the era of the 
 empire of the Lagidte in Egypt. 
 
 The Athenians revolt, and engage the states of Greece to enter into a league with them. Demosthenes 
 is recalled from banishment. 
 
 Antipater is besieged in Lamia by the Athenians, and is forced to surrender by capitulation. He soon 
 after seizes Athens, and puts a garrison into it. 
 
 Death of Demosthenes. 
 
 Alexander's magnificent funeral. 
 
 Perdiccas puts Eumenes into possession of Cappadocia. 
 
 League of Ptolemy, Craterus, Antipater, and Antigonus, against Perdiccas and Eumenes. 
 Death of Craterus. 
 
 Unfortunate end of Perdiccas in Egypt. Antipater succeeds him in the regency of the empire. 
 Eumenes defeated by Antigonus ; shuts himself up in the castle of Nora, where he sustains a siege of 
 a year. 
 
 Ptolemy makes himself master of Jerusalem. • 
 Death of Antipater. Polj^sperchon succeeds him. 
 Phocion's condemnation and death at Athens. 
 
 Cassander, the son of Antipater, seizes Athens, and settles Demetrius Phalereus there to govern the 
 republic. 
 
 Olympias, the mother of Alexander, causes Aridasus and Eurydice his wife to be put to death, as she 
 herself is soon after, by order of Cassander. 
 
 Eumenes is delivered up to Antigonus by his own soldiers, and put to death. 
 
 Antigonus takes Tyre, after a siege of fifteen months. Demetrius his son, surnamed Poliorcetes, be- 
 gins to appear. 
 
 Zeno institutes the sect of the Stoics at Athens. 
 
 Seleucus makes himself master of Babylon and the neighbouring provinces. 
 
 At this expedition of Seleucus against Babylon, begins the famous era of the Seleucidas, called by the 
 Jews the era of contracts. 
 
 Ptolemy retires into Egypt, and carries a great number of the inhabitants of Phoenicia and Judta 
 thither along with him. 
 Cassander causes Roxana and her son Alexander to be put to death. 
 Polysperchon puts Hercules, the son of Alexander, and his mother Berenice, to death. 
 Ophelias, governor of Libya, revolts against Ptolemy. 
 
 Demetrius Poliorcetes makes himself master of Athens, and re-establishes the democratical govern- 
 ment. The same year he makes himself master of Salamis, and the whole island of Cyprus. 
 
 Demetrius Phalereus, who commanded at Athens, retires to Thebes. The Athenians throw down 
 his statues, and condemn him to death. 
 
 Antigonus and his son Demetrius assume the title of kings. The other princes follow their example, 
 and do the same. 
 
 Antigonus, to make the most of his son's victory in Cyprus, undertakes to deprive Ptolemy of Egypt 
 That expedition does not succeed. 
 
 Ptolemy the astronomer fixes the beginning ot the reign of Ptolemy king of Egypt, on the 7th of 
 November of this year. 
 
 Demetrius Poliorcetes forms the siege of Rhodes, which he is forced to raise a year after. 
 
 The Rhodians employ the money raised by the sale of the machines which Demetrius had used in the 
 siege of their city, and had given them as a present, in erecting the famous Colossus, called the Colossus 
 of Rhodes. 
 
 Demetrius Poliorcetes is declared general of all the Greeks, by the states of Greece assembled at the 
 isthmus. 
 
 Ptolemy, Seleucus, Cassander, and Lysimachus, enter into a league agamst Antigonus and Dome- 
 trius his son. . . ^ , 
 
 Battle of Ipsus, wherein Antigonus is killed. It is followed by the division of the empire of Alex- 
 ander amongst the four allied princes. 
 
 Argcsilaus, founder of the middle academy. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 7G3 
 
 280 
 
 3728 
 
 276 
 
 3743 
 
 261 
 
 3758 
 
 246 
 
 3762 
 
 242 
 
 3772 
 
 232 
 
 3778 
 
 226 
 
 3781 
 
 223 
 
 3783 
 
 221 
 
 3784 
 
 220 
 
 3800 
 
 204 
 
 3817 
 
 187 
 
 3824 
 
 180 
 
 3825 
 
 179 
 
 3829 
 
 175 
 
 38-10 
 
 164 
 
 3842 
 
 162 
 
 3854 
 
 150 
 
 3S59 
 
 145 
 
 3860 
 
 144 
 
 3864, 
 
 140 
 
 3877 
 
 127 
 
 3880 
 
 124 
 
 3887 
 
 117 
 
 3890 
 
 114 
 
 3897 
 
 107 
 
 3907 
 
 97 
 
 3911 
 
 93 
 
 3912 
 
 92 
 
 3913 
 
 91 
 
 3911 
 
 90 
 
 3919 
 
 85 
 
 3921 
 
 83 
 
 3923 
 
 81 
 
 3935 
 
 69 
 
 3939 
 3946 
 
 65 
 58 
 
 3953 
 
 51 
 
 3701 
 
 300 
 
 3707 
 
 297 
 
 3709 
 
 295 
 
 There is so much connection between the events which hafqxnecl in the four empires formed out of Alexan- 
 der's, that It IS impossible to separate them : for which reason I shall disfjose them all in one column, 
 according to the plan I have followed in treating them in the body of my History. J shall first give a 
 table, that contains only the kings that reigned in each of those kingdoms. 
 
 Egypt. 
 
 Ptolemy Soter. 
 
 Ptolemy Philadelphus. 
 
 Syria. 
 
 Seleucus Nicator. 
 
 Macedonia. 
 
 Cassander. 
 
 Pliilip and Alexander, 
 the sons of Cassander, 
 dispute the kingdom, and 
 possess it almost three 
 years. 
 
 Demetrius Poliorcetes. 
 
 Pyrrhus and Lysima- 
 chus. 
 
 Seleucus Nicator, a 
 very short time. 
 
 Thrace and Bithynia. 
 
 Lysimachus. 
 
 Lysimachus is killed in 
 a battle. After his death 
 his dominions are dis- 
 membered, and cease to 
 form a distinct king- 
 dom. 
 
 Egypt. 
 
 Ptolemy Euergetes. 
 
 Ptolemy Philopator. 
 Ptolemy Epiphanes. 
 Ptolemy Philometor. 
 
 Syria. 
 
 Antiochus Soter. 
 
 Antiochus Theos. 
 Seleucus Callinicus. 
 
 Seleucus Ceraunus. 
 Antiochus the Great. 
 
 Seleucus Philopator. 
 
 Macedonia. 
 
 Ptolemy Ceraunus. His bro- 
 ther Meleager reigned some time 
 after him. 
 
 Sosthenes. 
 
 Antigonus Gonatas. 
 
 Demetrius, son of Antigonus 
 Gonatas. 
 
 Antigonus Doson, 
 
 Philip. 
 
 Perseus, the last king of the 
 Macedonians. 
 
 Egypt. 
 
 Ptolemy Physcoa 
 
 Ptolemy Lathyrus. 
 
 Alexander I. brother of Lathyrus. 
 
 Alexander IL son of Alexander L 
 Ptolemy Auletes. 
 
 Berenice, the eldest daughter of Auletes, reigns 
 some time in his stead ; after which that prince is 
 restored. 
 
 Cleopatra reigns at first with her eldest brother, 
 then with Ptolemy her youngest brother, and at 
 last alone. 
 
 Syria. 
 
 Antiochus Epiphanes. 
 Antiochus Eupator. 
 Demetrius Soter. 
 Alexander Bala. 
 Demetrius Nicator. 
 
 Antiochus Theos, the son of Bala, seizes part of 
 Syria. Tryphon does the same soon after 
 
 Antiochus Sidetes puts Tryphon to death, and 
 reigns m his room. , 
 
 Zebina succeeds Demetrius Nicator. 
 
 Seleucus, the son of Nicator. 
 
 Antiochus Grypus. 
 
 Antiochus the Cyzicenian divides the 
 with Grypus. 
 
 kingdom 
 
 Seleucus, son of Grypus. 
 Antiochus Eusebes. 
 Antiochus, second son of Grypus. 
 Philip, third son of Grypus. 
 Demetrius Eucheres, fourth son of Grypus. 
 Antiochus Dionysius, fifth son of Grypus. 
 The four last named kings reigned successively 
 with Eusebes. 
 Tigranes, during fourteen years. 
 
 Antiochus Asiaticus. 
 
 Al xander^s Successors. 
 
 Seleucus, king of Syria, builds Antioch. 
 Athens refuses to receive Demetrius Poliorcetes. 
 
 Death of Cassander, king of Macedon. Philip his son succeeds him. He reigns only one year, and is 
 succeeded by Alexander his brother. About this time Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, espouses Antigone of 
 the house of Ptolemy, and returns into his dominions, out of which he had been driven by the Molo'ssi. 
 
 Demetrius Poliorcetes retakes Athens. Lysimachus and Ptolemy, almost at the same time, deprive 
 him of all he possessed. 
 
764 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 A.C 
 
 Alexander's Successon 
 
 285 
 
 242 
 
 Demetrius puts to death Alexander king of Macedonia, who had called him in to his aid, and seizes 
 his dominions, where he reigns seven years. 
 Foundation of the city of Seleucia by Seleucus. 
 
 Pyrrhus and Lysimachus take Macedonia from Demetrius. The latter dies miserably the year follow 
 ing in prison. 
 
 Ptolemy Soter, king of Egypt, resigns the throne to his son Ptolemy Philadelphus. 
 Foundation of the kingdom of Pergamus by Philetarus. 
 
 Demetrius Phalereus is shut up in a fortby order of Philadelphus, and kills himself there, 
 
 Seleucus Nicator, king of Syria, declare^; war against Lysimachus, king of Macedonia. 
 
 Lysimachus is killed in a battle in Phrygia. Seleucus enters Macedonia to take possession of the 
 
 kingdom. He is assassinated there by Ceraunus. Antiochus Soter, his son, succeeds him in the king. 
 
 dom of Syria. 
 
 Ceraunus, to secure the kingdom of Macedonia to himself, puts the two children of Lysimachus by 
 Arsinoe to death, and banishes her into Safhothracia. 
 
 The republic of the Acheeans resumes its ancient form, which it had lost under Philip and Alexander. 
 
 Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, called in by the Tarentines, goes to Italy to make war against the Romans. 
 He gives them battle for the first time near Heraclea, where the advantage is entirely on his side. Hp 
 is again successful in a second battle fought the year following. 
 
 Irruption of the Gauls into Macedonia. Ceraunus gives them battle, in which he is killed. Meleager 
 his brother succeeds him. 
 
 Pyrrhus abandons Italy, and goes to Sicily, which he conquers. 
 
 Sosthenes drives the Gauls out of Macedonia. He is made kmg there, and reigns two years. 
 Attempt of the Gauls upon the temple of Delphi. 
 
 Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, causes the Holy Scriptures to be translated into Greek. 
 
 Death of Sosthenes. Antigonus Gonatus, son of Poliorcetes, who reigned afterwards during ten years 
 in Greece, makes himself king of Macedonia in his room. Anfiochus, king of Syria, disputes the posses, 
 sion of it with him. Their difference terminates by the marriage of Antigonus with Phila, the daughter 
 of Stratonice and Seleucus. 
 
 Antiochus defeats the Gauls in a bloody battle, and delivers the country from their oppressions. By 
 this victory he acquires the name of Soter. 
 
 Pyrrhus returns into Italy, and is defeated by the Romans. He goes to Macedonia, where he attacks 
 and defeats Antigonus. 
 
 Ptolemy Philadelphus, in consequence of the reputation of the Romans, sends an embassy to them to 
 demand their amity, 
 
 Pyrrhus undertakes the siege of Sparta, and cannot reduce it. He is killed the next year at the siege 
 of Argos. 
 
 Antigonus Gonatus makes himself master of Athens, which had entered into a league with the Lace- 
 deemonians against him, . 
 
 Abantidas makes himself tyrant of Sicyon, after having put Clinias its governor to death. 
 
 Magus, governor of Cyrenaica and Libya, revolts against Ptolemy Philadelphus, 
 
 Death of Philetcerus, king and founder of Pergamus, Eumenes his nephew succeeds him, 
 
 Antiochus Soter, king of Syria, causes his son Antiochus to be proclaimed king. He dies soon after, 
 
 Berosus of Babj'lon, the historian, lived about this time. 
 
 Accommodation between Magas and Ptolemy Philadelphus, 
 
 "War between Antiochus, king of Syria, and Ptolemy Philadelphus. 
 
 Aratus, the son of Clinias, delivers Sicyon from tyranny, and unites it with the Achsean league. 
 
 Arsaces revolts against Agathocles, governor for Antiochus in the country of the Parthians. About 
 the same time Theodorus governor of Bactriana revolts, and causes himself to be declared king of that 
 province. 
 
 Treaty of peace between Antiochus and Ptolemy Philadelphus, v/hich puts an end to the war. By one 
 of the conditions of that treaty, Antiochus repudiates Laodice, and marries Berenice, Ptolemy's daughter. 
 
 Agis, king of Sparta, endeavours to revive the ancient institutions of Lycurgus. Leonidas, his col- 
 league, is deposed for refusing to consent to it. Cleombrotus, his son-in-law, reigns in his stead* 
 
 Death of Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, Ptolemy Euergetes his son succeeds him, 
 
 ApoUonius of Rhodes, author of a poem upon the expedition of the Argonauts. 
 
 Antiochus, surnamed Theos, king of Syria, is poisoned by his wife Laodice. She afterwards causes 
 her son Seleucus Callinicus to be declared king. 
 
 Berenice, and her son by Antiochus, are assassinated by Laodice. 
 
 Ptolemy Euergetes, Berenice's brother, undertakes to revenge her death. He makes himself master 
 of great part of Syria. 
 
 'J'he cities of Smyrna and Magnesia enter into an alliance to aid the king of Syria against Ptolemy 
 Euergetes. 
 
 Aratus makes himself master of the citadel of Corinth. 
 
 Leonidas is restored at Sparta, Cleombrotus sent into banishment, and Agis put to death. 
 
 Death of Antigonus Gonatas, king of Macedonia. Demetrius his son succeeds him. 
 
 Seleucus, king of Syria, enters into a war with Antiochus Hierax his brother. The latter has the ad- 
 vantage in a battle near Ancyra in Galatia. 
 
 Death of Eumenes, king of Pergamus. Attalus his cousin-german succeeds him. 
 
 Eratosthenes, the Cyrenian, is made librarian to Ptolemy Euergetes. 
 
 Joseph, nephew of the high-priest Onias, is sent ambassador to Ptolemy Euergetes. 
 
 Death of Demetrius, king of Macedonia. Antigonus, guardian of Philip, son of Demetrius, succeeds 
 him. 
 
 Polycletus of Sicyon, a famous sculptor. 
 
 Seleucus, king of Syria, is defeated and taken prisoner by Arsaces, king of the Parthians. 
 Cleomenes, king of Sparta, gains a great victory over the Achajans and Aratus. 
 
 Seleucus Callinicus, king of Syria, dies amongst the Parthians of a fall from his horse, Seleucus Cerau. 
 nus his eldest son succeeds him. 
 
 Antiochus Hierax is assassinated by thieves on leaving Egypt. 
 
 Aratus defeats Aristippus, tyrant of Argos. He prevails upon Lysiades, tyrant of Megalopolis, to re- 
 nounce the tyranny, and makes his city enter into the Acha?an league. 
 
 The Romans send a famous embassy into Greece, to impart to the Greeks the treaty they had lately 
 concluded with the lllyrians. The Corinthians declare, by a public decree, that they shall be admitted to 
 a share in the celebration of the Isthmian games. The Athenians also grant them the freedom ot Athens. 
 
 Antigonus, king of Macedon, by the intrigues of Aratus, is called in to aid the Achaeans against the 
 Laeedeemonians. 
 
 Cleomenes, king of Sparta, takes Megalopolis. 
 
 Battle of Selasia, followed with the taking of Sparta by Antigonus. 
 
 Death of Seleucus Ceraunus, king of Syria. Antiochus his brother, surnamed the Great, succeeds hmi. 
 
 The Colossus of Rhodes is thrown down by a great earthquake. 
 
 Death of Ptolemy Euergetes, king of Egypt. Ptolemy Philopator succeeds him. 
 
 The JEtolians gain a great victory at Caphyse over the Achteans, 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 765 
 
 A.C. 
 
 Alexander's Successors. 
 
 3784. 
 
 3785 
 3787 
 
 3789 
 3790 
 3792 
 
 3793 
 
 3796 
 
 3798 
 
 3304 
 3803 
 
 3807 
 
 3813 
 
 3814 
 
 3815 
 
 3817 
 
 3821 
 3823 
 
 3824 
 3823 
 3829 
 
 3834 
 
 3836 
 
 220 
 
 216 
 
 190 
 
 Antiochus reduces Molon and Alexander, who had revolted against him two years before ; the first 
 in Media, the second in Persia. 
 
 Death of Antigonus, king of Macedonia. Philip, the son of Demetrius, succeeds him. 
 
 Cleomenes, king of Sparta, dies in Egypt The Lacedaemonians elect Agesipolis and Lycurgus to suc- 
 ceed him. 
 
 War of the allies with the ^Etolians, in favour of the Achseans. 
 
 Hermias, prime minister of Antiochus, is put to death by that prince's orders. 
 
 Battle of Raphia, between Ptolemy, king of Egypt, and Antiochus, king of Syria. 
 
 Treaty of peace between Philip, king of Macedonia, and the Achseans, on one side, and the .^^tolians 
 on the other, which puts an end to the war of the allies. 
 
 Antiochus besieges Achaeus, who had revolted, in Sardis, and after a siege of two years he is delivered 
 up by the treachery of Cretan. 
 
 Hannibal's alliance v/ith Philip, king of Macedonia. 
 
 Philip receives a considerable blow trom the Romans at the siege of Apollonia. 
 Carneades, founder of the new academy. 
 
 Antiochus undertakes to reduce the provinces which had thrown off the yoke of the Sjrrian empire, 
 and effects it in the space of seven years. 
 
 Alliance of the .Sitolians with the Romans. Attains, king of Pergamus, enters into it. The Lacedee- 
 monians come into it some time after. 
 
 Famous battle between Philip, king of Macedonia, and the ^tolians, near Elis. Philopcemen distin. 
 guishes himself in it. 
 
 Battle of Mantinea, wherein Philopcemen defeats Machanidas, tyrant of Sparta, who perishes in it. 
 Nabis is set in his place. 
 
 Treaty of peace between Philip and the Romans. All the allies on both sides are included in it. 
 Polybius is said to have been born this year. 
 Death of Ptolemy Philopator, king of Egypt. 
 
 Ptolemy Epiphanes, at that time only five years old, succeeds him. 
 
 League between Philip, king of Macedon, and Antiochus, king of Syria, against the young king of 
 Egypt. 
 
 Philip, king of Macedonia, is defeated by the Rhodians in a sea-fight off the island of Chios. That 
 prince's cruel treatment of the Cyaneans seems to be properly dated the followmg year. 
 Philip besieges and takes Abydos. 
 
 The Romans declare war against Philip. P. Sulpitius is appointed to command in it. He gains a 
 considerable victory near the town of Octolophus in Macedonia. 
 
 Villicus succeeds Sulpitius in the command of the army against Philip. The year following Flamini- 
 nus is sent to succeed Villicus. 
 
 Antiochus, king of Syria, subjects Palestine and Ccele-syria. 
 
 The Achffians declare for the Romans against Philip. 
 
 Interview of Philip and the consul Flamininus. 
 
 Nabis, tyrant of Sparta, declares for the Romans. The Boeotians do the same. 
 Death of Attains, king of Pergamus. Eumenes succeeds him. 
 Battle of Cynoscephalee, where the Romans gain a complete victory over Philip. 
 Treaty of peace between Philip and the Romans, which puts an end to the war. 
 
 Embassy of the Romans to Antiochus the Great, in order to be assured whether the complaints 
 against him were justly founded. 
 
 Conspiracy of Scopas the TEtolian, against Ptolemy Epiphanes, discovered and punished. 
 Flamininus makes war against Nabis, the tyrant of Sparta. 
 Philopcemen gains a considerable advantage over Nabis, near Sparta. 
 
 The jEtolians resolve to seize Demetrius, Chalcis, and Sparta, by treachery and stratagem, 
 
 Nabis is killed. Philopcemen makes the Lacedcemonians enter into the Acheean league. 
 
 Antiochus goes into Greece to the aid of the .^Itolians. The Romans declare war against him, and 
 soon after defeat him near the straits of Thermopylae. 
 
 Battle of Magnesia, followed by a treaty of peace, which puts an end to the war between the Romans 
 and Antiochus, which had subsisted about two years. 
 
 The philosopher Panstius was born about this time. 
 
 The consul Fulvius forces the ^tohans to submit to the Romans, Manlius, his colleague, almost at 
 the same time subjects all the Gauls in Asia. 
 
 The cruel treatment of the Spartans by their exiles, supported by Philopcemen, happened this year. 
 
 Antiochus the Great, king of Syria, is killed in the temple of Jupiter Belus, which he had entered in 
 order to plunder it. Seleucus Philopator succeeds him, 
 
 Philopcemen is taken before Mcssene by Dinocrates, and put to death, 
 
 Demetrius, son of Philip king of Macedonia, is unjustly accused by his brother Perseus, and put to 
 death. 
 
 Death of Ptolemy Epiphanes, king of Egypt. Ptolemy Philometor succeeds him. 
 Death of Philip, king of Macedonia. Perseus his son succeeds him, 
 
 Seleucus Philopator, king of Syria, is poisoned by Heliodorus, whom he had sent a little before to take 
 Jerusalem. He is succeeded by Antiochus Epiphanes. 
 
 Antiochus Epiphanes causes Onias the high-priest of Jerusalem to be deposed, and sets Jason in his 
 place. 
 
 War between Antiochus and Ptolemy Philometor. 
 
 The Romans declare war against Perseus, That prince has some advantage in the first battle near 
 the river Peneus. 
 
 Antiochus Epiphanes makes himself master of all Egypt. He marches afterwards to Jerusalem, 
 where he commits unheard-of cruelties. 
 
 The Alexandrians, in the room of Philometor, who had fallen into the hands of Antiochus, make 
 Ptolemy Euergetes, his younger brother, king. 
 
 Philometor is set at liberty the same year, and unites with his brother. That union induces Antio- 
 chus to renew the war. 
 
 Paulus iEmihus is charged with the Macedonian war, against Perseus. He gains a famous victory 
 over that prince near Pydna, which puts an end to the kingdom of Macedonia. It was not reduced, 
 however, into a province of the Roman empire, till twenty years after. 
 
 The praetor Anicius subjects Illyria in thirty days. 
 
 Popilius, one of the ambassadors sent by the Romans into Egypt, obliges Antiochus to quit it, and 
 comes to an accommodation with the two brothers. 
 
 Antiochus, exasperated at what had happened in Egypt, turns his rage against the Jews, and sends 
 ApoUonius to Jer usalem. 
 
 The same year he publishes a decree, to oblige all nations in subjection to him to renounce their own 
 religion, and conform to his. This law occasions a cruel persecution amongst the Jews. 
 
 Antiochus goes in person to Jerusalem, to see his orders put in execution. The martyrdom of the 
 Maccabees, and the death of Eleazar, happened at that time. 
 
 Paulus JCmilius abandons the cities of Epirus to be plundered by his army, for having taken Perseu3''s 
 
7G6 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 A. M. A.C. 
 
 141 
 
 Alexander's Successors. 
 
 part. The Ach^ans, suspected of having favoured that prince, are sent to Rome to give an account of 
 their conduct. The senate banish them into different towns of Italy, from whence they are not suffered 
 to return home till seventeen years after. Polybius was of this number. 
 
 Prusias, king of Bithynia, goes to Rome. Eiimenes, king of Pergamus, is not permitted to enter it. 
 
 Death of Mattathias. Judas his son succeeds him, and gains many victories over the generals of An. 
 tiochus. 
 
 Antiochus Epiphanes is repulsed before Elymais, where he intended to plunder the temple. He 
 marches towards Judisa, with design to exterminate the Jews. The hand of God strikes him on the 
 way, and he dies in the most exquisite torments. Antiochus Eupator, his son, succeeds him.. 
 
 Antiochus Eupator marches against Jerusalem. He is soon after obliged to return into Syria, in order 
 to expel Philip of Antioch, who had made himself master of his capital. 
 
 Difference between Philometor, king of Egypt, and Physcon his brother, which does not teminate 
 till after the expiration of five years. 
 
 Octavius, ambassador for the Romans in Syria, is assassinated. 
 
 Demetrius Soter, the son of Seleucus Philopator, flies from Rome, where he had been kept as a hos- 
 tage, to Syria, where he causes Antiochus Eupator to be put to death, and seizes the tlirone. 
 Death of Judas Maccabeus. 
 
 Demetrius is acknowledged king of Syria by the Romans. 
 
 Death of Eumenes, king of Pergamus. Attains Philometor succeeds him. 
 
 War between Attalus and Prusias. 
 
 Alexander Bala pretends to be the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, and in that quality attempts to cause 
 himself to be acknowledged king of Syria. 
 
 Andriscus of Adramyttium pretends himself the son of Perseus, and undertakes to cause himself to be 
 declared king of Macedonia. He is conquered, taken, and sent to Rome by Metellus. 
 
 Demetrius Soter is killed in a battle between him and Alexander Bala. His death leaves the latter in 
 possession of the empire of Syria. 
 
 Macedonia is reduced into a province of the Roman empire. 
 
 Troubles in Achaia promoted by Disus and Critolaus. The commissioners sent thither by the Ro- 
 mans are insulted. 
 
 Metellus goes to Achaia, where he gains several advantages over the Achteans. Mummius succeeds 
 him J and, after a great battle near Leucopetra, takes Corinth, and entirely demolishes it. 
 Greece is reduced into a Roman province, under the name of the province of Achaia. 
 
 The sequel of the history of the kings of Si/tia is much embroiled; for which reason I shall separate it front 
 that of the Egyptians, in order to complete its chronology, * 
 
 Syria. 
 
 Demetrius Nicator, son of De- 
 metrius Soter, defeats Alexander 
 Bala, and ascends the throne. 
 
 Demetrius marches against the 
 Parthians. After some small ad- 
 vantages, he is taken prisoner. 
 
 Demetrius Nicator reigns again 
 in Syria. 
 
 Demetrius is killed by Alexan- 
 der Zebina, who takes his place, 
 and causes himself to be acknow- 
 ledged king of Syria. 
 
 Seleucus V. eldest son of De- 
 metrius Nicator, is declared king, 
 and soon after killed by Cleopa- 
 tra. Antiochus Grypus succeeds 
 him. 
 
 Cleopatra attempts to poison 
 Grypus, and is poisoned herself. 
 
 Antiochus, surnamed Theos, 
 son of Bala, supported by Try- 
 phon, makes himself master of 
 part of the kingdom. 
 
 Tryphon gets Jongfhan into his 
 hands, and puts him to death at 
 Ptolemais. The year following he 
 murders his pupil Antiochus, and 
 seizes the kingdom of Syria. 
 
 Antiochus Sidetes, the second 
 son of Demetrius Soter, marries 
 Cleopatra, the wife of his brother 
 Demetrius Nicator ; and after 
 having put Tryphon to death, he 
 is declared king himself 
 
 Antiochus Sidetes besieges John 
 Hyrcanus in Jerusalem, and takes 
 the city by capitulation. 
 
 Antiochus marches against the 
 Parthians, and gains many advan- 
 tages over them. They send back 
 Demetrius the year following. 
 
 Zebina is defeated by Grypus, 
 and dies soon aflei-. 
 
 Antiochus the Cyzicenian, son 
 of Cleopatra and Antiochus Side- 
 tes, takes arms against Grypus. 
 He has the worst in the begin- 
 
 Egypt. 
 
 Death of Ptolemy Philometor. 
 Ptolemy Physcon, his brother, 
 succeeds him. 
 
 Death of Attalus, king of Per- 
 gamus. Attalus, his nephew, sur- 
 named Philometor, succeeds him. 
 He reigns five years. 
 
 The cruelties of Physcon at 
 Alexandria oblige most of the 
 inhabitants to quit the place. 
 
 (Attalus Philometor, king of 
 Pergamus, at his death leaves his 
 dominions to the Roman people. 
 Andronicus seizes them.) 
 
 (The consul Perpenna defeats 
 Andronicus, and sends him to 
 Rome. The kingdom of Perga- 
 mus is reduced the year following 
 into a Roman province by Manius 
 Aquilius.) 
 
 Physcon repudiates Cleopatra, 
 his first wife, and marries her 
 daughter of the same name. He 
 is soon after obliged to fiy, and 
 the Alexandrians give the govern- 
 ment to Cleopatra, whom he had 
 repudiated. 
 
 Physcon re-ascends the throne 
 of Egypt. 
 
 I'hyscon gives his daughter in 
 marriage to Grypus, king of Syria. 
 
 Death of Physcon. Ptolemy 
 Lathyriis succeeds him. Cleopa- 
 tra, his mother, obliges him to re 
 pudiate Cleopatra, his eldest sister, 
 and to marry Selene, his youngest. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 67 
 
 A.M.\A.C. 
 
 3891 
 3897 
 
 3903 
 3907 
 3910 
 3911 
 
 S912 
 
 3913 
 
 3914 
 3915 
 
 3916 
 
 a)2i 
 
 3922 
 
 392.3 
 
 3928 
 3935 
 
 3949 
 3953 
 
 3956 
 
 3957 
 
 3961 
 
 3963 
 
 3971 
 
 3973 
 -3974 
 
 3490 
 
 3600 
 
 113 
 
 1C4 
 
 103 
 
 514 
 
 404 
 
 Syria. 
 
 Death of Grypus. Seleucus, his 
 son, succeeds him. 
 
 Seleucus is defeated by Eusebes, 
 and burned in Mopsuestia. 
 
 Antiochus, brother of Seleucus 
 and second son of Grypus, as- 
 sumes the diadem. He is pre- 
 sently after defeated by Eusebes, 
 and drowned in the Orontes. 
 
 Phihp, his brother, third son of 
 Grypus, succeeds him. 
 
 Demetrius Eucheres, fourth son 
 of Grypus, is established king at 
 Damascus, by the aid of Lathy- 
 
 Demetrius having been taken 
 by the Parthians, Antiochus Dio- 
 nysius, the filth son of Grypus, is 
 set upon the throne, and killed 
 the following year. 
 
 The Syrians, weary of so many 
 changes, choose Tigranes, king of 
 Armenia, for their king. He 
 reigns fourteen yeara by a vice- 
 roy. 
 
 Tigranes recalls Magdalus,'his 
 viceroy in Syria. 
 
 ning ; but two years after obliges 
 his brother to divide the kingdom 
 of Syria with him. 
 
 Egt/pt. 
 
 Antiochus the Cyzicenian is de- 
 feated and put to deatl;. 
 
 Antiochus Eusebes, the son of 
 the Cyzicenian, causes Himself to 
 be declared king. He marries Se- 
 lene the widow of Grypus. 
 
 Eusebes, defeated by Philip and 
 Demetrius, retires to the Par- 
 thians, who re-establish him upon 
 the throne two years after. 
 
 Eusebes takes refuge in Cilicia, 
 where he remains concealed. 
 
 Antiochus Asiaticus takes pos- 
 session of Syria, and reigns four 
 years. 
 
 Pompey deprives Antiochus 
 Asiaticus of his dominions, and 
 reduces Syria into a Roman pro- 
 vince. 
 
 Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, gives 
 j the kingdom of Cyprus to Alex- 
 ' ander, her youngest son. 
 
 Cleopatra drives Lathyrus out 
 of Egypt, and places his brother 
 Alexander upon the throne. 
 
 Signal victory of Lathyrus over 
 Alexander, king of the Jews, upon 
 the banks of the Jordan. 
 
 Cleopatra forces Lathyrus to 
 raise the siege of Ptolemais, and 
 takes that city herself. 
 
 Cleopatra takes her daughter 
 Selene from Lathyrus, and makes 
 her marry Antiochus the Cyzice- 
 nian, 
 
 Alexander kills his mother Cleo- 
 patra. 
 
 Alexander is expelled, and dies 
 soon after. 
 Lathyrus is recalled. 
 
 Lathyrus ruins Thebes in E- 
 gypt, where the rebels he had 
 before defeated had taken refuge. 
 
 Death of Lathyrus. Alexander 
 IL son of Alexander I. under the 
 protection of Sylla, is elected king. 
 
 Death of Nicomedes king of 
 Bithynia. His kingdom is re- 
 duced into a Roman province; aa 
 is also Cyrenaica the same year. 
 
 Alexander is driven out of E. 
 gypt. Ptolemy Auletes, Lathy- 
 rus's natural son, is set in his 
 place. 
 
 The Romans depose Ptolemy, king of Cypius, and seize that island. Cato is charged with that com- 
 mission. 
 
 Ptolemy Auletes is obliged to fly from Egypt Berenice, the eldest of his daughters, is declared queen 
 in his stead. 
 
 Gabinius and Antony.restore Auletes to the entire possession of his dominions. 
 
 Death of Ptolemy Auletes. He leaves his dominions to his eldest son, and his eldest daughter the 
 famous Cleopatra. 
 
 Ponthinus and Achillas, the young king's guardians, deprive Cleopatra of her share in the govern- 
 ment, and drive her out of Egypt. 
 
 Death of the king of Egypt. Cjesar places Cleopatra upon the throne, with Ptolemy her voung 
 brother. 
 
 Cleopatra poisons her brother when becomes of age to share the sovereign authority according to the 
 laws. She afterwards declares for the Roman trium\'iri. 
 
 Cleopatra goes to Antony at I'arsus in Cilicia. She gains the ascendant over him, and carries him 
 with her to Alexandria. 
 
 Antony makes himself master of Armenia, and brings the king prisoner to Cleopatra. Coronation of 
 Cleopatra and all her children. 
 
 Rupture between Caesar and Antony. Cleopatra accompanies the latter, who repudiates Octavia at 
 Athens. • 
 
 Cleopatra flies at the battle of Actiumu Antony follows her,* and thereby abandons the victory t<s 
 Caesar. 
 
 Antony dies in the arms of Cleopatra. 
 
 Cffisar makes himself master of Alexandria. Cleopatra kills herself. Egypt is reduced into a Roman 
 province. 
 
 Cappadocia. 
 
 Parthian Empire. 
 
 Pontus. 
 
 The kingdom of Pontus was 
 founded by Darius the son of 
 Hystaspes, in the year 3190. Ar. 
 tabazus was the first king of it. 
 His successors, down to Mithru 
 dates, are little known. 
 
 Mithridates I. He is commonly 
 considered as the founder of the 
 kingdom of Pontus. 
 
768 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE, 
 
 A.C. 
 
 Cappadocia. 
 
 Parthmn E??zpire. 
 
 87 
 
 84 
 
 75 
 
 73 
 
 Ariarathes L was the first king 
 of Cappadocia. He reigned jointly 
 with his brother Holopheriies. 
 
 Ariarathes II. son of the first. 
 He was deprived of his dominions 
 by Perdiccas, who sets Eumenes 
 on the throne. 
 
 Ariarathes III. ascends the 
 throne of Cappadocia after the 
 death of Perdiccas and Eumenes. 
 
 Ariaranes. 
 
 Ariarathes IV. 
 
 Ariarathes V. 
 
 Ariarathes "VI. surnamed Phi- 
 Lopator. 
 
 Ariarathes VI I» 
 
 Ariarathes VIII. Mithridates, 
 king of Pontus, puts him to death, 
 and sets his son upon the throne. 
 Soon after Ariarathes IX. takes 
 Cappadocia from the son of Mith- 
 ridates, who is presently after re- 
 established by his father. 
 
 Sylla enters Cappadocia, drives 
 the Son of Mithridates out of it, 
 and sets Ariobarzanes I. upon the 
 throne. 
 
 Tigranes, king of Armenia, 
 drives Ariobarzanes out of Cap- 
 padocia, and reinstates the son ot 
 Mithridates. 
 
 Sylla obliges Mithridates to re- 
 store Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes. 
 Tigranes dispossesses him of it a 
 second time. After the war with 
 Mithridates, Pompey reinstates 
 Ariobarzanes. His reign, and the 
 very short one of his son, con- 
 tinues down to about the year 
 3953. 
 
 Arsaces I. founder of the Par- 
 thian empire. 
 Arsaces II. brother of the first. 
 Priapatius. 
 Phraates I. 
 
 Mithridates I. 
 Phraates II, 
 
 Artabanus. After a very short 
 reign, he is succeeded by Mithri- 
 dates 11, who reigns 40 years. 
 
 Mnaschires. and after him Sina- 
 troces. These two princes reign 
 about 20 years. 
 
 Phraates III. who assumes the 
 surname of the God. 
 
 Ariobarzanes. 
 years. 
 
 Mithridates II. 
 years. 
 
 He reigns 26 
 He reigns 35 
 
 Mithridates III. He reigns 36 
 years. The reigns of the three 
 kings who succeed him include 
 the space of a hundred years. The 
 last of them was Mithridates IV. 
 great grandfather of Mithridates 
 the Great. 
 
 Pharnaces, son of Blithridates 
 IV. 
 
 Mithridates V. surnamed Eu- 
 ergetes. 
 
 Mithridates VI. surnamed the 
 Great. 
 
 Mithridates seizes Cappadocia 
 and makes his son king of it. 
 
 Beginning of the war between 
 Mithridates and the Romans. 
 
 Mithridates causes all the Ro. 
 mans in Asia Minor to be mas- 
 sacred in one day. 
 
 Archelaus, one of the generals 
 of Mithridates, seizes Athens and 
 most of the cities of Greece. 
 
 Sylla is charged with the war 
 against Mithridates. He retakes 
 Athens after a long siege. 
 
 Victory of Sylla over the gene- 
 rals of Mithridates near Cheero- 
 nea. He gains a second battle 
 soon after at Orchomenus. 
 
 Ireaty of peace between Mith- 
 ridates and Sylla, which termi- 
 nates the war. 
 
 Mithridates puts his son to 
 death. 
 
 Second war between Mithri- 
 dates and the Romans. It sub- 
 sists something less than three 
 years. 
 
 Mithridates makes an alliance 
 with Sertorius. 
 
 Beginning of the third wat of 
 Mithridates against the Romans. 
 Lucullus and Cotta are placed at 
 the head of the Roman army. 
 
 Cotta is defeated by sea and 
 land, and forced to shut himself 
 up in Chalcedon. Lucullus goes 
 to his aid. 
 
 Mithridates forms the siege of 
 Cyzicum. Lucullus obliges him 
 to raise it at the end of two years, 
 and pursues and beats him near 
 the Granicus. 
 
 Mithridates defeated in the 
 plains of Cabiras. He retires to 
 Tigranes. 
 
 Lucullus declares war againsfc 
 Tigranes, and soon after defeats' 
 him, and takes Tigranocerta, the 
 capital of Armenia. 
 
 Lucullus defeats Tigranes and 
 Mithridates, who had joined their 
 forces near the river Arsamia. 
 
 Mithridates recovers all his do- 
 minions, in consequence of the 
 misunderstandings that take place 
 in the Roman army. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 A. M 
 393S 
 
 769 
 
 AC. 
 
 3939 65 
 3918 56 
 
 51 
 
 3973 
 
 3520 
 3523 
 3525 
 
 3532 
 3543 
 
 Cappadocicu 
 
 Parthian Empin 
 
 3607 
 
 3615 
 
 3646 
 3647 
 3654 
 
 503 
 
 404 
 
 Ariobarzanes IIL He is put 
 to death by Cassius. 
 Ariarathes X. 
 
 M. Antony drives Ariarathes 
 out of Cappadocia, and sets Ar- 
 ch^Iaus in his place. On the 
 death of that prince, which hap- 
 pened in the year of the world 
 4022, Cappadocia was reduced into 
 a Roman province. 
 
 Mithridates, eldest son of Phraa- 
 tes. 
 Orodes. 
 
 Unfortunate expedition of Cras- 
 sus agaiust the Parthians, 
 
 Ventidius, general of the Ro- 
 mans, gains a victory over the 
 Parthians, which retrieves the 
 honour they had lost at the battle 
 of Carrs. 
 
 Pontus. 
 
 Pompey is appointed to succeed 
 Lucullus. He gains many advan- 
 tages over Mithridates, and obliges 
 him to fly. 
 
 Tigranes surrenders himself to 
 Pompey. 
 
 Pompey makes himself master 
 of Caina, in which the treasures 
 of Mithridates were laid up. 
 
 Death of Mithridates. Phar- 
 naces his son, whom the army 
 had elected king, submits his per- 
 son and domiriions to the Ro- 
 mans. 
 
 Syracuse, 
 
 397 
 
 Syracuse is said to have been founded in the year 
 of the world 3295 ; before Christ 709. 
 
 Gelon's beginning. 
 
 Gelon is elected king of Syracuse. He reigns 5 
 or 6 years. 
 
 Hiero I. He reigns 1 1 years. 
 
 Thrasybulus. In a year's time he is expelled by 
 his subjects. 
 
 The Syracusans enjoy their liberty during sixty 
 years. 
 
 The Athenians, assisted by the people of Segesta, 
 undertake the siege of Syracuse under their general 
 Nicias. They are obliged to raise it at the end of 
 two years. The Syracusans pursue and defeat them 
 entirely. 
 
 Beginning of Dionj'sius the elder. 
 
 Dionysius, after having deposed the ancient ma- 
 gistrates of Syracuse, is placed at the head of the 
 new ones, and soon after causes himself to be de- 
 clared generalissimo. 
 
 Revolt of the Syracusans against Dionysius, upon 
 account of the taking cf Gela by the Carthaginians. 
 It is followed by a treaty of peace between the Car- 
 thaginians and Syracusans, by one of the conditions 
 of which Syracuse is to continue in subjection to 
 Dionysius. He establishes the tyranny in his own 
 person. 
 
 New troubles at Syracuse against Dionysius. He 
 finds means to put an end to them. 
 
 Dionysius makes great preparations for a new 
 war with the Carthaginians. 
 
 Massacre of all the Carthaginians in Sicily, fol- 
 lowed by a declaration of war, which Dionysius 
 caused to be signified to them by a herald, whom 
 he despatched to Carthage. 
 
 Dionysius takes Rhegium by capitulation. The 
 next year he breaks the treaty, and makes himself 
 master of it again by force. 
 
 Death of Dionysius the elder. His son, Diony- 
 sius the younger, succeeds him. By the advice of 
 Dion, his brother-in-law, he causes Plato to come 
 to his court. 
 
 Dion, banished by the order of Dionysius, retires 
 into Peloponnesus. 
 
 Dionysius makes Arete his sister, the wife of 
 Dion, marry Timocrates, one of his friends. That 
 treatment makes Dion resolve to attack the tjrant 
 with open force. 
 
 Dion obliges Dionysius to abandon Syracuse. He 
 sets sail for Italy. 
 
 Callippus causes Dion to be assassinated, and 
 makes himself master of Syracuse, where he reigns 
 about thirteen months, 
 
 Hipparinus, brother of Dionysius the younger, 
 drives Callippus out of Syracuse, and establishes 
 himself in his place foi two years. 
 
 Dionysius reinstated. 
 
 Carthage. 
 
 Carthage was founded in the year of the world 
 3158 ; before Christ 8 J 6. 
 
 First treaty between the Carthaginians and Ro. 
 mans. It appears that the Carthaginians had car- 
 ried their arms into Sicily before this treaty, as 
 they were in possession of part of it when it was 
 concluded : but what year they did so is not known. 
 
 The Carthaginians make an alliance with Xerxes. 
 
 The Carthaginians, under Amilcar, attack the 
 Greeks settled m Sicily. They are beaten by Gelon. 
 
 The Carthaginians send troops under Hannibal, 
 to aid the people of Segesta against the Syracusans, 
 
 Hannibal and Imilco are sent to conquer Sicily. 
 They open the campaign with the siege of Agri- 
 gentum. 
 
 The war made by the Carthaginians in Sicily is 
 terminated by a treaty of peace with the Syracu 
 sans. 
 
 Imilco goes to Sicily with an army to carry on 
 the war against Dionysius. It subsists four or five 
 
 Second treaty of peace concluded between the 
 Romans and Carthaginians. 
 
 3 C 
 
770 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 A. M. 
 
 Syracuse. 
 
 348 
 
 The Svracusans call in Timoleon to their aid. 
 
 365S 
 3672 
 
 3685 
 37:^4 
 3727 
 3729 
 
 3736 
 3741 
 
 374A 
 
 3749 
 3750 
 
 3756 
 3763 
 
 3767 
 8776 
 
 37S4 
 3786 
 
 Dionysius is forced by Timoleon to surrender 
 himself, and to retire to Corinth. 
 Timoleon abolishes t\T3nny al Syracuse, and 
 332 throughout Sicily, the liberty of which he rein- 
 states. 
 
 Agathocles makes himself tyrant of Syracuse. 
 A Roman legion seizes Rhegium by treachery. 
 
 34- 
 346 
 
 275 i Hiero and Artemidorus are made supreme magis- 
 trates bv the Svracusan troops. 
 268 j Hiero is declared king by the Svracusans. 
 
 Appius Claudius goes to Sicily to aid the I\Iamer- 
 tines against the Carthaginians. Hiero, who was 
 261 at first against him, comes to an accommodation 
 with him, and makes an alliance with the Romans. 
 
 Hiero sends the Caithaginians aid against the 
 foreign mercenaries. 
 
 Carthage. 
 
 3790 
 3792 
 
 3793 
 
 211 
 
 3794 
 
 210 
 
 3798 
 
 206 
 
 3799 
 
 205 
 
 3802 
 
 202 
 
 3803 
 
 201 
 
 3804 
 
 200 
 
 SSIO 
 
 
 3813 
 
 191 
 
 3816 
 
 188 
 
 3820 
 
 184 
 
 3822 
 
 182 
 
 3823 
 
 IS, 
 
 3&48 
 
 156 
 
 3855 
 
 149 
 
 3856 
 
 14S 
 
 3858 
 
 146 
 
 3859 
 
 145 
 
 Hiero goes to meet the consul Tib. Sempronius, 
 in order to offer him his services against the Car- 
 thaginians. 
 
 Death of Hiero. Hieronymus his grandson suc- 
 ceeds him. 
 
 HieronjTnus abandons the party of the Romans, 
 and enters into an alliance with Hannibal. He is 
 assassinated soon after. His ->eatli is followed with 
 great troubles to Syracuse. 
 
 Marcellus takes, Syracuse, after a siege of three 
 years. 
 
 The Carthaginians make a new attempt to seLze 
 Sicilv. They are defeated by Timoleon, sent by the 
 Corinthians to the aid of the Syracusans. 
 
 Hanno, citizen of Carthage, forms the design of 
 making himself master of his country. 
 
 Embassy of Tyre to Carthage, to demand aid 
 against Alexander the Great. 
 
 Beginning of the wars between the Carthaginians 
 and Agathocles in Sicily and Africa. 
 
 The Carthaginians send the Romans aid, under 
 Mago, against Pyrrhus. 
 
 Beginning of the first Punic war with the Ro- 
 mans. It subsists twentv-four years. 
 
 The Romans besiege the Carthaginians in Agri- 
 gentum, and take the city, after a siege of seven 
 months. 
 
 Sea-fight between the Romans and Carthagi- 
 nians, near the coast of 3Iyle. 
 
 Sea-fight near Ecnomus in Sicily. 
 
 Regulus in Africa. He is taken prisoner. 
 
 Xanthippus comes to the aid of the Carthagi- 
 nians. 
 
 Regulus is sent to Rome to propose the exchange 
 of prisoners. At his return the "Carthaginians put 
 him to death with the most cruel torments. 
 
 Siege of Lilvbaum bv the Romans. 
 
 Defeat of the Carthaginians near the island.* -le- 
 gates, followed by a treaty, that puts an end to the 
 first Punic war. 
 
 War of Libya against the foreign mercenaries. 
 It subsists three years and four months. 
 
 The Carthaginians give up Sardinia to the Ro- 
 mans, and engage to pay them 1200 talents. 
 
 Amilcar is killed in Spain. Asdrubal, his son- 
 in-law, succeeds him in the command of the army. 
 
 Hannibal is sent into Spain upon the demand of 
 his uncle Asdrubal. 
 
 Asdrubal's death. Hannibal is made general of 
 the arhiy in his stead. 
 
 Siege "of Saguntum. 
 
 Begiiming of the second Punic war, which sub- 
 sists seventeen years. 
 
 Hannibal enters Italy, and gains the battle of 
 Ticinus and Trebia. 
 
 Battle of Thrasymenus. 
 
 Hannibal deceives Fabius at the straits of Cas- 
 silinum. 
 
 Cn. Scipio defeats the Carthaginians in Spain. 
 Battle of Cannee. Hannibal retires to Capua after 
 this battle. 
 
 Asdrubal is beaten in Spain by the two Scipios. 
 
 Carthage. 
 
 The two Scipios are killed in Spain. 
 The Romans besiege Capua, 
 
 Hannibal advances to Rome, and besieges it. The Romans soon after take Capua. 
 Asdrubal enters Italy. He is defeated by the consul Livius, whom the other consul Nero had joined. 
 Scipio makes himself master of all Spain. He is made consul the year following, and goes to Africa, 
 Hannibal is recalled to the aid of his countrv. 
 
 Interview of Hannibal and Scipio in Africa, followed by a bloody battle, in which the Romans gam a 
 complete victory. 
 
 Treaty of peace between the Carthaginians and Romans, which puts an end to the second Punic war. 
 
 Fifty years elapsed between the end of the second and the beginning of the third Punic war. 
 
 Hannibal is made prEetor of Carthage, and reforms the courts of justice and the finances. After hav- 
 ing exercised that office two years, he retires to king Antiochus at Ephesus, whom he advises to carry 
 the war into It^Jy. 
 
 Interview of Hannibal and Scipio at Ephesus. 
 
 Hannibal takes refuge in the island of Crete, to avoid being delivered up to the Romans. 
 Hannibal abandons the island of Crete, to take refuge with Prusias, king of Bithynia. 
 Death of Hannibal 
 
 The Romans send commissioners into Africa, to decide the differences that arose between the Car- 
 thaginians and Masinissa, . ... ^ ,.m ... 
 
 Second embassy sent by the Romans into Africa, to make new inquiries into the ditlerences subsisting 
 between the Carthaginians and Masinissa. 
 
 Beginning of the third Punic war. It subsists a little more than four years. 
 
 Carthage is besieged by the Romans. , ^ 
 
 Scipio the younger is made consul, and receives the command of the army before Carthage. 
 
 Scipio takes and entirely demolishes Carthage. 
 
 END OF THE CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
GEOGRAPHICAL TABLE. 
 
 Ancient Names. Modern Names. 
 
 Abeste of Pliny, Drangiana Bost, S. W. of Candahar 
 
 A.bii, Scythi of Curtms . Scythians of the laxartes 
 
 A hV- S'^ythi of Ptolemy . Steppe of Ablay, Siberia 
 
 Abotis, Thebaid . . Aboutig, Said/or Upper 
 
 Abrostola, Phrygia Salutaris Severhissar 
 Abydos, Hellespont . Avido 
 Abydos, residence of Memnon, Madfuni Ruins. Said 
 Ihebaid 
 
 Acarnania, district of, north Carnia, and Karli lU 
 side of the Gulf of Corinth, 
 Greece 
 
 Acco, or Ptolemais . . St. Jean D'Acre 
 Acesines of Arrian, or San- Prevesa 
 
 dabilis of Ptolemy 
 Achelous river, Epirus and Aspropotamo 
 
 -iEtolia 
 
 Acheron river, Cassiope, River of Suli 
 Greece 
 
 Acherusia Palus, Epirus, Lake Glykys, mouth of 
 . ^f-reece the river of Suli 
 
 Acherusia, promontory of, Cape Baba 
 Bithynia 
 
 Acilisene, district of, Armenia ETcilis 
 
 Acis river. Sicily . , Castel D'laci 
 
 Acritas promontorium, Pelo- Cape Gallo 
 
 ponnesus, Greece 
 Acroceraunii Montes, Epirus, Mountains of Chimera 
 
 Greece 
 
 f^'i^ ^'^^ °^ t'^e Chunaub river, India 
 
 Cjuu of Ambracia. Greece 
 Ad Publicanos . Con flans, on the Isere, Sa- 
 
 , , voy 
 Adana, or Antiochia ad Sa- Adana 
 
 rum, Cilicia 
 Addramyttium, Troade . Edremit 
 Adiabene . . . Pashalic of Mosul, Koor- 
 ... . distaun 
 Adonis, river of, Syria . Nahar Ibrahim 
 Adranum, foot of iEtna, Si. Aderno 
 oily 
 
 Adriane, port of, Cyrene, Li- Bengazi 
 bya 
 
 Adulis portus. Mare Rubrum Erkiko, coast of Habbesh 
 ^g<e, or JEgsex, Cilicia . Ayasse, or Ajazzo 
 iJi^giha, isle of, near Cerigo, Cerigotto 
 Greece 
 
 ^gina, isle of, Attica, Greece Engia 
 ^gium, Achaia, Peloponne- Vostitza 
 
 sus, Greece 
 ^gusa, or Capraria, Insula Farignana 
 
 JEgddes 
 
 ^nos, or Apsynthos, Thrace Maronea, Romelia 
 ^olian, or Vulcanian Isles Islands of Lipari 
 ^sculapius, temple of, Greece lero 
 ftna, mount, Sicily . Monti Gibello 
 
 ?f' ^"^ Monastery of St. Nicholas 
 
 grove of the Muses, Bceotia, 
 
 Greece 
 
 Agathyrsi, country of . Transylvania 
 Agnanes river, Thrace . Ergine, Romelia 
 cilf ^" ™' or Agiagos, Si. Girgenti Vecchio 
 Alffisus river, Sicily . Fiume De Casonia 
 Alazonius river, Albania The Alazon, Daghestan 
 Albania, Asiatic . . Eastern Georgia, Daghes- 
 , . „ , tan, and Schirwan 
 
 Albania Pyte . . Pa^i^at the source of the 
 
 Albanopolis, Albani, Elimeo- Albassano^^^^^**^" 
 tis 
 
 Albanus river, Albania . Samura, Daghestan 
 Aleian plains, Cilicia . Level plain between the 
 ... „ , . Seihoon and Jeihoon 
 
 Alena Colonia, east side of Torri Di Aleria 
 
 Corsica 
 
 Aletium, Apulia, Magna Grs- Lezze, Terra di Otranto 
 Naples * 
 
 Ancient Names. 
 Alexandria ad Caucasum 
 Alexandria Troas, Troade 
 Alexandria, Kata Isson 
 
 ia 
 
 Modern Names. 
 Baumeeaun, Caubul 
 Eski Stamboul 
 Scanderoon, Syria 
 Lebano, Romelia 
 Valos, Romelia 
 Bas Alps 
 Mount Genevre 
 Little St. Bernard 
 Great St. Bernard 
 
 Alorus, city of, Macedoni 
 Alos, Thessaly 
 Alpes Maritimse 
 Alpes Cottise . 
 Alpes GraicB . 
 
 Alpes Pennine . ^^reat St. Bernai 
 
 Alpheus river, Peloponnesus, Kofeo, or Alfeo 
 Greece 
 
 Altus Portus, Colchis . Batouni 
 Alusta, Taurica . . Alusctha Crimea 
 AmanidesPyl^of Strabo, Ci-Demir Kapi, and Kara 
 
 . „ Kapi 
 Amantia river, Epirus, Greece Gradista 
 Amanus, mount, Syria . Bailan, or Alma Dagh 
 Amanus, Ix.wer Pass of . Pass of Bailan ^ 
 Amastris, Paphlagonia . Amassero 
 Amathos, Cyprus . . Limasol 
 Ambracia, Thesprotia,.Epirus, Arta 
 Greece 
 
 Amida, or Carcathiocerta 
 Amisus, Pontus 
 
 City of Diarbekir, Asiatic 
 
 Turkey 
 Samsoon, District of Dja- 
 
 nick 
 Amorgo 
 
 Amorgos, island of . . 
 Amphicffia, or Amphiclaa, Dadi 
 
 Phocis, Greece 
 Amphipolis, Macedonia . Emboli, Romelia 
 Amphissa, Locri Ozola;, Salona 
 
 Greece 
 
 Anactorium, entrance of the Azio 
 
 gulf of Ambracia 
 Anaphe isle, Cyclades, Greece Nouphio 
 Anchialus Thrace . Akkhiali, Romelia 
 Ancyra, Central Galatia . Angoura, District of An 
 
 Andranutzium, Armenia Ardanoudii 
 Andrapa, Galatia . . Kurshek 
 rS?v ^^f Cannibals, Polish Russia, and bank 
 
 country of of f^p Prvni^ti 
 
 Andros isle, Cyclades, Greece Andro 
 ^^emurium Promontorium, Cape Anamour 
 
 Annathon of Ammianus 
 Antffiopolis, Thebaid 
 
 Annah on the Euphrates 
 Kanil Kubbara, Said, or 
 
 Upper Egypt 
 Tortosa 
 Aspropiti 
 Antakia 
 
 Antaradus, Syria 
 Anticyra, Ba?otia, Greece 
 Antioch, Syria . . ^ntaKia 
 Antiochia JMygdonia, Mesopo. Nesbin, Jezeerah 
 tamia 
 
 Antiochia Margiana . Marou Shah Jehan, Kho- 
 Antiochia ad Masandrum, Ca- Yeughe" Sheher 
 
 Valley of Karpoot, Asi 
 
 atic Turkey 
 Talkhaun, Baulk 
 Viosa and Vojutza 
 Samara, or Saramanray, 
 
 Asiatic Turkey 
 Korna, at the junction of 
 the Tigris and Euphra- 
 
 Anzita, valley of, Armenia 
 
 Aornos, the Bactrian 
 Aous river, Epirus, Greece 
 Apamia Mesene of Pliny 
 
 Apamia Mesene of Ptolemy 
 
 Apamia, lake of, Syria . Pahr Famieh 
 Apamia, plain of Antioch Aphamia 
 Aparvartica Parthiene, Per- Abiwerd, or Bawerd on 
 A . „ . the Ochus 
 
 Aphrodisias, Caria . Gheyra 
 Aphroditopolis, or Asphynis, Asfun, Said, or Upper E- 
 
 Apollinopolis Magna. Thebaid Edfu, Said, or Upper E. 
 
 Apollinis, Minor Civitas, The- Sedlfe, Said, or Upper E- 
 gypt 
 
 Apollonia, Epirus, Greece Pollina 
 3 C2 
 
Apsarus, Pontus 
 
 Ancient Names. Modern yamcs. 
 
 Apollonia, lake of, Bith}Tiia Loupadi 
 ApoUonia, port of, Cyrene, Sasash 
 
 A^Juonian Mountains . Hamerine Mountains, 
 Koordistaun 
 Gounieh, district of Ta- 
 rabozan 
 
 Apsarus, Boas, Acampsis, or Shorak Su 
 
 Bathys „ 
 Ar.sus river, Epirus, Greere Kavroni 
 Arabah, cape of, of Nearchus Cape Urboo, district of Lus 
 Arabian Araxes of Xenoph on Khabour _ 
 Arabius river . . . Poorally, Persia 
 Arabrice, Armenia . . Aribkir 
 Arachosii Montes . . Range of Amraun Khoje 
 Aracthus river, Epirus, Greece River of" Arta 
 Aracynthos Oros, Acarnania, Mount Manina 
 
 Aradus insula, Svria . Ruad _ 
 Aragus river, Iberia . . Aragwi, Georgia 
 Ararat, mountain of, Armenia Agri Dagh _ 
 Ararus river . . . ^^T^h Moldavia 
 Araxes of Strabo . . West branch of the Ku- 
 
 raub, Persia 
 Araxum promontorium, Pe- Cape Papa 
 
 loponnesus, Greece ^. . „ ^ , ., . ■ ^■ 
 
 ArbeUtis, Assyria . . ^^'strict of Irbil, Asiatic 
 Turkey 
 
 Arbos of Ptolemy . . Island of Argo, Dongola 
 Archffiopolis, Colchis . Ruki 
 Archemorus. fountain of, Ar- Lycoris 
 
 golis, Greece 
 Ardiscus river, Thrace 
 Argffius, mount, Cappadocia 
 Aria, Ariana . 
 
 Aria Metropolis of, Ptolemy 
 Ariana palus, in Drangiana 
 
 Ariaspa, in Drangiana . 
 Ariathira, Pontus . 
 Armauria in Armenia . 
 Arnon river, Palestine 
 Arpi, Apulia, Magna Greecia 
 Arrapachitis Upper . 
 
 Arrapachitis, Assyria 
 
 Arda, Romelia 
 Argi Dagh 
 
 Province of Heraut, Per- 
 sia 
 
 City of Heraut, Persia 
 Lake of Zurrah, or Sees- 
 taun 
 
 Zarang, or Seestaun 
 Artikabad 
 Ruins of Armavir 
 Torrent of Modjeb 
 Foggia,Capitanata, Naples 
 Province of Ardelan, Per- 
 sia 
 
 Districts of Kirkook and 
 Solimania, Koordistaun 
 
 Arsacia Europos, or Rhages, Ruins of Roy, Persia 
 Media ^ , . 
 
 or Ar- Ak Su or Moosh river 
 
 Arsanias of Plutarch 
 sinius of Procopius 
 Arsanius of Ptolemy 
 
 Arsinoe, Cyprus 
 Arsinoe, Libya 
 Arsinoe, or Cleopatris, 
 
 A rzen river, vale of Diar- 
 
 bekir 
 Poll 
 
 Teuchira 
 Arabia Suez, city and port of 
 Arsissa palus, Armenia . Lake of Van Armenia 
 Arsitis of Ptolemy, Hyrcania District of San 
 Artagera, or Artagice'rta, Ar- Ardish 
 
 menia „ t,- 
 
 Artemisium, mount, Pelopon. MaUevo, Morea 
 nesus, Greece 
 
 Artemita, or Dustagherd . 
 Artemita 
 
 Arzis, city of, Armenia . 
 Ascania palus, Phrygia . 
 Ascra, Boeotia, Greece . 
 Asopus river, Boeotia, Greece 
 Aspadana of Ptolemy 
 Aspana, Galatia 
 Asphaltites, or 
 
 Ancient Names. 
 Aulis, port, Bceotia, Greece 
 Aulona, Epirus, Greece . 
 Auranitis, east of the Jordan 
 Auranitis, mountains of . 
 Auxume of Ptolemy 
 Axima, Gallia 
 Axius river, Macedonia . 
 Axiopolis, Lower Mcesia , 
 Azoia, Armenia 
 
 Modern Natnes. 
 Megala Vathi 
 Valona 
 Belad Hauran 
 Djebal Hauran 
 Auxuma,Tigre, Abyssinia 
 Ayme, Savoy 
 Vardar, Romelia 
 Rassovati, Bulgaria 
 Erzeroom 
 
 B. 
 
 Babylonia and Chaldaea . 
 Bactria, province of . 
 
 Baise, Campania 
 Baiboord, or Byaboot 
 Balisbiga on the Euphrates 
 Baohiros river, Macedonia 
 
 of 
 
 Iraca Arabi 
 
 Gaur, Baulk, and Buduk- 
 shaun 
 
 Baia, Campagna, Naples 
 Varutha, Armenia 
 Palo 
 
 Mauro Nero, or Black 
 Water, Romelia 
 Barbalissus of Xenophon, Syria Beles on the Euphrates 
 Barce, Libya . . • ^- . • * 
 
 Baris river, east of the Ther- Mehcherme, district 
 modon, Pontus _ ^^J^™,^'^ t^. ^ . 
 
 Barium Peucetia, Apulia, Ban, Terra Di Ban, Nj 
 
 Magna Greecia ^ ples 
 
 Basenia of Moses of Chorene, Baiazid 
 Armenia 
 
 Bashan, or Batansea . Bothm 
 Bayas, or Baice, Cilicia . Pias 
 Bazaria, in Sogdiana . Bochara, Usbec Tartary 
 Bazira, city and district of Distnct of Bijore, India 
 Beeshtera, or Bostra, Bashan Boustra Bothma 
 Belus rivet, Palestine . Nahar Halou . . ^ 
 Beneventum, prius Maleven- Benevento, principata Ul- 
 
 tum. Magna Grjscia ^--i'^" 
 Bereea, or Irenopolis, Thrace 
 Berenice, Libya 
 Bergintrum, Gallia . 
 Berhaea, Macedonia . 
 
 terior, Naples 
 Eski Zadra, Romelia 
 Bemic 
 
 St. Maurice, Savoy 
 Kara Veria, or Black Be- 
 
 r£ea, Romelia 
 Bairout 
 
 Kasr Shirin, in ruins 
 Van, Koordistaun 
 Argish 
 
 Lake of Burdoor 
 Sacra 
 Asopo 
 
 Ispalian, Irac Ajami 
 Kaman 
 
 Dead Sea, Sy- Al Motanah, or Stinking 
 Lake 
 
 Assacani, the country of . Ashenagur, Cauboul 
 Assos, Troad . . . Asso 
 AocvrU . Upper and Lower Koor- 
 
 • • distaun, Asiatic Turkey 
 
 Astaborus river, above Meroe, Tacazze and Atbara, Nu- 
 
 Ethiopia 
 Astacus sinus, Bithynia . 
 Astapus river . 
 
 Astusapes, or Astusobas . 
 
 Astypalcea 
 Athenion, Taurica 
 Athens, Attica, Greece . 
 Athos, mount, Macedonia 
 Atrakia ad Ossam, Thessaly 
 Aufidensis, Samnium 
 
 Augusta Pretoria, Gallia 
 
 bia 
 
 Gulf of Isnicmidt 
 
 Bahr al Arek, or blue ri 
 
 ver. Nubia 
 Bahr al Abiad, or white 
 
 river. Nubia 
 Stampalia 
 Uskut, Crimea 
 Setines 
 
 Hagion Oros, Romelia 
 Ambelakia, Romeha 
 Alfidena, Principata Ulte- 
 
 rior, Naples 
 Aoste, dutchy of Aoste, 
 
 Italv 
 
 Berytus, Phoenicia . . .. -p^^^ 
 
 Bessapara, canton of the Bessi,Tzapar Bazarjick, Rome- 
 
 Thrace lia 
 Bethoron, the Upper, Palestine Bethoor 
 Bethshan, or Scythopolis, Pa- Bysan 
 
 lestine 
 
 Beudos Vetus, Phrygia . Bayad 
 Bezabde, city of, Armenia JezeeraH 
 Billseus river, Bithynia . Boli Su 
 Birth a on the Euphrates . Beer Fortress 
 Bisanthe, or Rhffidestus, Rodosto, or Tekkiur Dagh 
 Thrac6 
 
 Bistonia, or Pyrgis, ruins of, Boar Kalis, Romelia 
 
 BiTtonlul Lacus, Thrace . Lake of Bouron Romelia 
 BithjTiia, west of the Sanga- Kcdja Hi, Anadoh 
 
 Eithj^ia, the Southern . Khudavendkiar, Anadoli 
 Bithynia the Eastern . Pashahc cf Boli Anadoh 
 Bithynium, or Claudiopolis, Bastan, Anadoli 
 
 city of 
 Bcebeis lake, Thessaly . 
 Bolba2an lake, Macedonia 
 Bolbitine, mouth of the Nile 
 Borvsthenes river 
 Bosphorus of Pliny . 
 Botrys, city of, SjTia 
 Bradanus river 
 Brauron, Attica, Greece . 
 Brepus, or Eressus 
 
 Esero 
 
 Bahr Beshek, Romelia 
 
 Rosetta, or Raschid 
 
 Dnieper 
 
 Kertch 
 
 Batroun 
 
 Bradano, Naples 
 
 Braura 
 
 Ash Kela, Armenia 
 
 Apulia, Magna Brindisi, Terra Di Otran 
 
 Brundusium, 
 GrEEcia 
 
 Brutia Sylva, Magna Graecia 
 Bubacene, in Bactria 
 Budini, country of . 
 
 Bumadus river 
 Buthrotum, city of, Epirus 
 Buthrotum, marsh of, Epirus 
 Byblos, Phoenicia 
 Bvla, Interior Pontus 
 Bylta? of Ptolemy . 
 Byzantium, Thrace . 
 
 to, Naples 
 Sila, Appenine 
 Budukshaun 
 
 District of Woronetz, 
 
 Russia 
 Hazir Su, Asiatic Turkey 
 Butrinto 
 Lake Pelodi 
 Djebail 
 Gemishkana 
 
 Baltistan, or Little Thibei 
 Constantinople, or Stam- 
 boul 
 
 Cabalaca of Plmy, Albania Kablas Var 
 Cabira, or Sebaste, Cappadocia Suvas 
 
 Tigris 
 
GEOGRAPHICAL TABLE. 
 
 773 
 
 Ancient Names. 
 Csesarea Mazaca, Cappadocia 
 Caianus Sinus, Bithynia . 
 Calachene 
 
 Modern Names. 
 Kaisarea 
 
 Gulf of Moudania 
 District of Julamerik, 
 j Koordjstaun 
 ' Calaris promontorium, Sard!- Cape Cagliari 
 } nia 
 
 Calaris, south-east division of Cagliari 
 I Sardinia 
 
 I Calatis, Lower Mcesia . Mankalia, Bulgaria 
 CallipidaB, or Callipodcs, Greek Lower course of the Bog 
 
 Scythians, country of 
 Callipolis on the Hellespont, Gallipoli, Romelia 
 Thrace 
 
 Calycadnus river, Cilicia . Kelikdni 
 Cal)Tnna Insula, Caria . Calmine 
 Camaches, or Clamassum, Kemak 
 
 Lesser Armenia 
 Camarina, south coast, Sicily Camarana 
 Cambunian mountains, Epirus Mount Imolika 
 1 Camicus river, Sicily . Fiume Di Platani 
 j Campania . . . Campagna, province of, 
 Naples 
 
 I Cans, city of, ^olis, Lydia Coloni, Sarou Khan 
 
 I Cannae, field of, near Canusi- Canosa, vicinity of, Naples 
 
 um. Magna Grzecia 
 I Canopus .... Abukeir 
 Canusium, Apulia, Magna Canosa, Naples 
 
 Greecia 
 
 Capotes, or Scydisses moimtain. Cop Dagh, Asiatic Turkey 
 Armenia 
 
 Capreee Insula 
 
 Isle of Capri, north side of 
 
 the bay of Naples 
 Little Zab, Asiatic Turkey 
 of, Kerempe Bouroxui 
 
 Caprus 
 
 Carambis, promontory 
 Paphlagonia 
 
 Carchemish, or Circesiiun, on Kirkisia, Asiatic Turkey 
 the Euphrates 
 
 Carcinus city Kammenomoist, Yedessan 
 
 Carduchia , . . District of Betlis, Asiatic 
 Turkey 
 
 Carmania . . . Kerman, Persia 
 Carmania Deserta . , Great Salt Desert, Persia 
 Carpathici Montes . . Mount Krapack 
 Carpathus, isle of . . Scarpanto 
 Carree, or Haran of the Scrip- Harran, Al-Jezeerah 
 
 tures, Mesopotamia 
 Carthage, New, in Spain . Carthagena 
 Carystus in Euboea, Greece Carysto 
 Casia of Herodotus . . Khaushkhaur 
 Casia Regio of Ptolemy, Soy- Kashgur, Eastern Toor- 
 
 thia extra Imaum kistaun 
 Casiarum Montes . . Karangou Tagh, Eastern 
 
 Toorkistaun 
 Casiura, near mount Casius Catieh 
 Casos isle, near Carpathos, Caso 
 
 Greece 
 
 Caspias Pylse . . Pass of Khowar, Persia 
 
 Caspias Pylffi, Albania . Derbend, or Demir Kapi, 
 Daghestan 
 
 Caspian mountains, Atropatia Mountains of Talish, Per- 
 sia 
 
 Cassiope, Epirus . . District of Suli 
 Castabala, Cappadocia , Enga Hissar Su 
 Castabala, Cil.cia . , Koord Kulaghi, or Kas- 
 
 tanlas, or Catabolo 
 Castamona, or Germanicopolis, Costamboul 
 
 Paphlagonia 
 Catabathmus Magnus, Libya Akabet al Salam 
 Catana, Sicily . . . Catania 
 CathaDi, or Catheri . . Rajpoots, or Cshatriyas 
 Cattaractes river. Paraphilia Duden Su 
 Caucasus, range of . . El Burz 
 Caucasus, Indian range of Hindoo Khoo 
 Caucasia Pylae . . . Pass of Dariel, Georgia 
 Caudinffl Furcie, Hirpini, Mag- Forchii, Principata Ulte- 
 
 na Graecia rior, Naples 
 
 Caunus, Caria, Percea Rhodio- Kaiguez 
 
 rum 
 
 Cava Persia of Strabo, Persia Vale of Merdasht, Fars 
 Cayster, or Caystrus river, Kutchuk Meinder 
 Ionia 
 
 Caystrus, plain of, of Xeno- Sakli, or Ketchluck 
 
 phon, Phrygia 
 Ceimarus promontorium, east Cape Spada 
 
 end of Crete 
 Celsnse, Phrygia 
 Celenderis, Cilicia . 
 Celethrum, Macedonia 
 Celydnus river, Epirus 
 Centrites of Xenophon 
 
 Centuripe, Sicily 
 Ceos, Cea, Cia, Greece 
 
 Sandukly 
 
 Kilnar or Kelenderi 
 Castorea, Romelia 
 River of Argyro Castro 
 River Khabour, Asiatic 
 
 Turkey 
 Centorbe 
 Zia 
 
 Ancient Names. Modem Names. 
 
 Cephalffidia, north-west coast, CephaJu 
 Sicily 
 
 Cephallenia, or Meleena, isle of, Cephalonia 
 Epirus 
 
 Cephissia on mount Penteli- Kevisia 
 
 cus, Attica, Greece 
 Cephissus river, Bceotia, Turcochorio 
 
 Greece 
 Cepce-Phanagoria 
 Ceramus, Caria 
 Cerasus of Lucullus, Pontus 
 
 CercetcB of Strabo 
 Cesamus, city of, Crete . 
 ChEeronjea, Bceotia, Greece 
 Chalcedon, Bithynia 
 Chalcis in Euboea, Greece 
 
 Sienna, isle of Taman 
 Ceramo 
 
 Keresoun, district of l a- 
 
 rabozan 
 The Circassians 
 Kisamo 
 Capranu 
 Kadyakoi 
 Egripo 
 
 Chaldeans of Xenophon, Ar. Mountaineers of the Tcliil- 
 
 menia der Dagh 
 
 Chaliat on the Arsissa palus, Aklat on the lake of Van 
 
 Armenia 
 
 Chalonitis . . . District of Ghilanee, AsL 
 atic Turkey 
 
 Chains river, " of Xenophon, Koik, or river of Aleppo 
 Syria 
 
 Chalybon, plain of Antioch Halep 
 
 Charac, Moab, Palestine . Kerek, or Al Krac 
 
 Chelonitis, promontory of, Pe- Cape Tornese 
 
 loponnesus, Greece 
 Chemnis, district of Thebaid Ekmim, Said, or Upper 
 Egypt 
 
 Chenohoscion, district of The- Casser Essaid, Said, or 
 baid Upper Egypt 
 
 Chersonesus portus, isle ofSpinalonga 
 Crete 
 
 Chersonesus of Strabo, Taurica Point of Phanari, Crimea 
 
 Chios, isle of . . . 
 Chitros, Cyprus 
 Choaspes'in Media . 
 Choaspes in Susiana . 
 Choatras mountains, Assyria 
 
 Chorasmia 
 
 Scio 
 
 Paloo Chitro 
 Al Hud, Persia 
 Kerah, Khooeistaun.Persia 
 Range of Solimania, Asi- 
 atic Turkey 
 Karasm, or country of the 
 
 Khieva Tartars 
 City of Kars 
 District of Kars 
 Scutari 
 
 Chorza, Armenia 
 Chorzene, Armenia . 
 Chrysopolis, Bithynia 
 Chn'sorrhoas river, or river of Barrady, Dimshik 
 
 Damascus 
 Cibyra, Milyas . . . Bura 
 Cilicia Trachea, district of Itchil, or Tas Wilieth 
 Cillaba of Pliny, Phasania ZawoiJah 
 Cimmerium of Strabo— Cini- Temrook, in ruins 
 
 bricus of Pliny 
 Cimmerian Bosphorus . Straits of Kaffa and Vospol 
 Cimolus, island of, Cyclades, Kimoli and Argentiera 
 
 Greece 
 
 Lameca 
 
 Kralichiovo, Romelia 
 
 Vourla 
 
 Kolzoum 
 
 River of Zagouri 
 
 Al Bekaa 
 
 Citium, Cyprus 
 Cittius mount, Thessaly 
 Clazomene, Ionia 
 Clysma, Arabia 
 Cocytus river, Epirus 
 Coele-syria, or Aulon 
 CcenopoUs, district of Thebaid Kenne, Said 
 Colchian Phasis . . Phash and Rione 
 Colchian mountains of Xeno. Mesjidi mountains 
 phon 
 
 Colchis, or Colchos, of the Mingrelia 
 Ancients 
 
 Colchis, Southern . . Province of Guriel 
 Colchos, lake of, Armenia Lake of Gurgick 
 Colonia Romana, Interior Khonak, or Koulyhissar 
 Pontus 
 
 ColossEe, city of, Phrygia . Village of Konous 
 
 Comana, Cappadocia . Ul Bostan 
 
 Comana Poiitica, Galatian Gumenick, in district of 
 
 Pontus Suvas 
 Comedi, mountains of the Range of Khumdaun 
 Comedi of Ptoleray . . Khauskhaur 
 Comisene, in Parthia . District of Kumish 
 Compsa, Hirpini, Magna Gr£e- Conza, Principata Ulteri- 
 
 cia or, Naples 
 
 Concpbar, Elymais . . Kunghevar, Persia 
 Consentium, Magna Graecia Cosenza, Calabria, Naples 
 
 Constantiana, Lower Mcesia 
 Coos, isle of . . 
 Copais lake, Bceotia, Greece 
 Cophenes of Arrian, river of 
 
 Chiustengi, Bulgaria 
 Stanch io 
 Lago Di Stive 
 Kaumeh, or river of PaL 
 
 shawer 
 Kous, Said 
 
 Coptos, district of Thebaid 
 Coracesium promontorium, Castel Ubaldo, or Alalah 
 Cilicia 
 
 Coralius river, Bceotia, Greece Corale 
 
74 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL TABLE. 
 
 Ancient Names. Modern Names. 
 
 Curcura of Ptolemy, or Deme- Kirkook, Asiatic Turkey 
 
 trias of Strabo 
 Corcyra, island of . . Corfu 
 Corfinium, Peligni, Magna San Ferino, Abruzzo Ul- 
 
 Grsecia .... tra, Naples 
 
 Corica, Cilicia . . . Korghos 
 Corona, Peloponnesus, Greece Coron 
 Coronea, Bceotia, Greece Corona 
 Coronua mount, Hyrcania Mountains of Mazande- 
 ran, Persia 
 
 Ruins of El Erzi on the 
 
 Euphrates 
 Korti, Turkish Nubia 
 
 Corsote of Xenophon 
 
 Corte, Dodecaschoenos 
 Corycus, portofjCiliciaTrachea Cured, Itchil 
 Cossffian mountains. Media Mountains of Looristaun, 
 Persia 
 
 Cotyora of Xenophon, Pontus Ordu, district of Djanick 
 Crathis, Brutium , . Crati, Calabria, Naples 
 Cratia, or Flavianopolis, Bithy- Geirida 
 nia 
 
 Cremna, Pisidia . . Kebrinas 
 Crete, island of . . Candia and Icriti 
 Crissa, Phocis, Greece . Crissu 
 Criu, Metopon, west end of Cape Crio 
 Crete, Greece 
 
 Criu, Metopon, Taurica Karadje Bouron, Crimea 
 
 Crocala, port of, mouth of the Coratchie, mouth of the 
 
 Indus Sinde 
 Croton, Magna Grascia . Crotona, Calabria, Naples 
 Ctenus of Strabo, Taurica Achtiar, Crimea 
 Ctesiphon, ruins of, on the Tauk Kesra 
 Tigris 
 
 Cucusus on mount Tauros 
 Cuma, or Cyme, iEolis 
 Cunaxa, Babylonia . 
 Cursum, Lower Moesia 
 Cybistra, Cappadocia 
 Cydamus of Pliny , 
 
 Cocso 
 Nemourt 
 Near Felujia 
 Kirshova, Bulgaria 
 Kara Hissar 
 
 Gadamis, north-west of 
 
 Germa, Fezzan 
 Canea 
 
 Cydonia, city of, Crete 
 
 Cyllene mount, Peloponnesus, Mount Zizicum 
 Greece 
 
 Cyllene, port of, Elis, Pelopon- Chiarenza 
 
 nesus, Greece 
 Cyparissus, Peloponnesus, Arcadia 
 
 Greece 
 
 Cyprus, isle of . . Kibris 
 Cyranis insula, Libya . Kerkhines island 
 Cyrene, Cyrenaica, Pentapolis, Kurin 
 Libya 
 
 Cyropolis, or Alexandria Ulti- Rhoojund on the laxartes 
 ma 
 
 Cyrus river, of Strabo . Pulwar river, Persia 
 Cyrus of Armenia and Iberia Kur in Georgia 
 Cyssus, Peninsula of Clazo- Chesme 
 mane, Ionia 
 
 Cyta, Colchis . . . Cotatib on the Phasis 
 Cytheria isle, Greece . Cerigo 
 Cyzicus on the Propontia Artaci 
 
 Dacia, Paphlagonia . 
 Dacibyza on the Propontis 
 Dadyana of Ptolemy, Armenia 
 DahEB .... 
 Damascus, Ccele-syria 
 Damascus, lake of, Syria . 
 Dandari, Abasci 
 Daphne, grove and temple of, 
 Syria 
 
 Daradax, fountain of 
 Daradax of Xenophon, Syria 
 Darantasia, Gallia . 
 Dargidus of Ptolemy, Bactria 
 Darms, bridge of, over the 
 
 Ister, or Danube 
 Darneans of Herodotus, coun- 
 try of 
 
 Darnis Cyrenaica, Pentapolis, 
 Libya 
 
 Dascylium on thr Propontis 
 Daunia district, Apulia, Mag- 
 na GrEEcia 
 Deborus, city of, Elimiotis, 
 Greece 
 
 Delos isle, Cycla( es, Greece 
 Delos river, Assyria 
 
 Delphi, Phocis, Gre 
 Demetrias, Thessaly 
 Diana, temple of. El ami 
 
 Ghebsa, or Ghivizah 
 Diadin, source of the Frat 
 Dahestaun, Persia 
 Dimshik 
 Bahr el Margee 
 Drandeli, Kuban Tartary 
 Beit ul Mei 
 
 Fay 
 
 River Rajik 
 Salines, Savoy 
 River Bunghee 
 Isakchi, Bulgaria 
 
 District of Derne, Koor- 
 
 distaun 
 Derne 
 
 Diaskillo 
 L'OfFanto 
 
 Dibra 
 
 Little Dili 
 
 The Deealla, Asiatic Tur- 
 
 key 
 Castri 
 
 Armiro, Romelia 
 Vicinity of Kunghevar, 
 Persia 
 
 Ancient Names. 
 Diana, temple of, ruins, Tau- 
 rica 
 
 Dictae mount, isle of Crete, 
 I Greece 
 
 Didymotichos, Thrace 
 
 Dioscurias, Colchis . 
 
 Diospolis Parva, Thebaid 
 
 Dium, Pieria, Macedonia 
 I Dium, island of, near Crete, 
 I Greece 
 
 ! DocimEeum, Phrygia 
 Dodecaschoenos, district of 
 Dorosteros, Lower Moesia 
 Dorylseum, Phrygia 
 Drabiscus, or Drabescus, 
 
 Thrace 
 Drangiana, or Sacastana . 
 Drapsaca, Bactria . 
 Drepanum on the Propontis 
 Drepanum, Sicily 
 Drinus flumen, lUyria, Greece 
 Dromos Achillis 
 Druentia flumen, Gallia . 
 Dura of Ammianus, on the 
 
 Tigris 
 
 Dyrrachiuro, or Epidamnus, 
 Taulantia, Greece 
 
 Ecbatana, city of. Media 
 Edessa, Mesopotamia . 
 
 Edessa or iEgse, Macedonia 
 Edipsus in Euboea, Greece 
 Egesta or Segesta, Sicily . 
 Elcea, port of Pergamus, Jiolis 
 Elatea, Phocis, Greece . 
 Elathj Gulf of the Red Sea 
 Elegeia on the Euphrates 
 Eleusis, Attica, Greece . 
 Eleutherus river 
 Elis, Peloponnesus, Greece 
 Elyraa, city of, Elimiotis, 
 
 Greece 
 Elymais, mountains of . 
 Emesa, plain of Antioch 
 Emesa, lake of . 
 Emporium, Spain 
 Enaria Insula, opposite Mise- 
 
 num 
 
 Enipeus river, Macedonia 
 
 Enna, interior of Sicily , 
 
 Enosis Insula, south-west of 
 Sardinia 
 
 Ephesus, Ionia . 
 
 Epidaurus, Argolis, Pelopon- 
 nesus, Greece 
 
 Epidaurus, Laconia, Greece 
 
 Epiphania, plain of Antioch 
 
 Epirus Nova 
 
 Eporedia, Gallia 
 
 Eragiza of Ptolemy, Syria 
 
 Erasinus, source of, in the 
 plain of Lerna, Peloponne- 
 sus, Greece 
 
 Eressus, Mitylene 
 
 Eretria, in Euboea, Greece 
 
 Erigone river, Macedonia 
 
 Errebantium promontorium, 
 north point of Sardinia 
 
 Erythr£e, ^olis 
 
 Eryx mount, Sicily , 
 
 Esepus river, Bithynia 
 
 Etanna, Gallia 
 
 Ethiopia, bordering on Egypt 
 
 Ethiopia, south of Sennaar 
 Ethiopia, in Asia, or Cush 
 Etymandrus river, Drangiana 
 Euboea isle, Greece . 
 Eudoxiana, Cappadocia . 
 Eulasus, or Ulai of Daniel 
 Eupatoria, Taurica . 
 Euphrates of Xenophon . 
 Euphrates, Northern 
 Eurotas river, Laconia, Greece 
 Eurymedon river, Pamphilia 
 Evenus river, -ffitolia and Lo- 
 
 cris, Greece 
 Evergeta; of Herodotus . 
 
 Modem Name&. 
 Aya Bouron, Crimea 
 
 Lasthi and Sethia 
 
 Demotica, Romelia 
 Isgaour, Mingrelia 
 How, Said 
 Katarina, Romelia 
 Stan Dia 
 
 Bardukly 
 Turkish Nubia 
 Silistria, Bulgaria 
 Eski Sheher 
 Pravista, Romelia 
 
 Seestaun, or Sigistauii 
 
 Anderaub 
 
 KaterU 
 
 Trapani 
 
 Drino 
 
 Narrow beaches of Tijitra 
 The river Durance 
 Imaum Dour 
 
 Durazzo 
 
 Hamadan, Persia 
 Orfa, city of, Asiatic Tur- 
 key 
 
 Vodina, Romelia 
 Dipso 
 
 lalia 
 Turcochoria 
 Aila 
 
 Elijak, near Erzeroom 
 Lessina 
 
 Nahar El Kebir 
 Gastouni 
 
 Arnaut Beligrad, or Berad 
 
 Bactiarii range, Persia 
 Hems 
 
 Bahr El Kades 
 Ampurias, in Catalonia 
 Ischia, isle of 
 
 Malathria, or Pellica, Ro- 
 melia I 
 Castro Giovanni 
 Isla Di San Pietro 
 
 Aiasaluck 
 Pidauro 
 
 Napoli De Malvasia 
 Hamah 
 
 Southern Albania 
 Ivree, Italy 
 Rajik 
 
 Khephalaria, or the Head. 
 
 Fjesso 
 Gravalinais 
 Vistriza, Romelia 
 Cape Logodun 
 
 Kytropoli 
 
 Monte San Juliano 
 
 Satalderi 
 
 Yenne, France 
 
 Nubia, Dongola, and Sen 
 
 naar 
 Abyssinia 
 Arabia Felix 
 Hindmeud, Khorassan 
 Negropont 
 
 Tocat, district of Suvas 
 Karoon, Persia 
 Koslof, Crimea 
 Morad Shai, Armenia 
 Kara Su, Armenia 
 Vasih Potamo 
 Capri Su 
 Fidari 
 
 Inhabitants of Seestau 
 Ftsrsia 
 
GEOGRAPHICAL TABLE. 
 
 775 
 
 Ancient Na?nes. Modern Names. 
 
 Ezion Geber, or Berenice of Kalaat Al Akaba 
 Ptolemy, Arabia 
 
 F. 
 
 i Forum of the Kramians, or Kutahiah 
 Cotyaeum, Phrygia 
 Frctum Siculum, Sicily . Strait of Messina 
 
 Gadasena, on the Halys . 
 Galilee, Palestine 
 Gallus river, Bithynia 
 Gamulza, Thrace 
 Gandarte of Ptolemy, west of 
 
 the Indus 
 Gandaris river, of Ptolemy 
 
 Gangra, interior of Paphlago- 
 nia 
 
 Ganos mount, Thrace 
 Garamantes 
 
 Garama Civitas of Pliny . 
 Garganus Mons, Apulia, Mag- 
 na Gr£ecia 
 Gargarus, summit of Ida 
 Gaulonitis, Palestine 
 Gaulos, isle of, near Malta 
 Gebalene, Palestine . 
 Gedrosia . . , . 
 Gedrosia Deserta 
 
 Gela, ruins of, Sicily 
 Geranion mount, isthmus of 
 
 Corinth, Greece 
 Gerasa, Batanaa 
 Gerraa Colonia, Phrygia . 
 Gerrhus river . 
 Getee of Herodotus, south of 
 
 the Danube 
 Getae of Herodotus, north of 
 
 the Danube 
 Getara of Ptolemy, Albania 
 Gilcad, mount of, Palestine 
 Gonnus, entrance of the vale of 
 
 Tempe, Thessaly 
 Gordium vel Pessinus, Phrygia 
 Gordyeean mountains 
 GorzubitEB of Procopius . 
 Granicus river . 
 Guraaus, west of the Indus 
 Gyarus insula, Greece 
 Gymnosophists of the Greeks 
 Gyndes of Herodotus 
 Gytheum, port of, Sparta, 
 
 Greece 
 
 H. 
 
 I labor of Scripture . 
 Haditha, or ^liopolis. Baby, 
 lonia 
 
 Hadrianopolis, Bithynia . 
 Heemi Extrema, Thrace . 
 Hasmus mount, Thrace . 
 Halah of Scripture . 
 Haliacmon river, Macedonia 
 Halicarnassus, Caria 
 Halisones, country of 
 Halonnis insula, Greece . 
 Halmyris lacus. Lower Mcesia 
 Halycia, interior, Sicily . 
 Halys river, Paphlagonia . 
 Harah of Scripture . 
 Harpasus of Xenophon, Ar- 
 menia 
 
 Hebron, and the south of Ju- 
 dea 
 
 Hebrus river, Thrace 
 Hecatompylos, in Comisene 
 
 Helicon mount, Boeotia, 
 
 Greece 
 
 Heliopolis, or city of the sun, 
 the On of Scripture 
 
 Heliopolis, Coele-syria 
 
 Hellespont, strait of . 
 
 Helorum, east coast, Sicily 
 
 Heraclea, near Olympus, Ma- 
 cedonia 
 
 Heraclea, city of, Bithynia Angori 
 
 Hajee Bektash 
 Belad el Bushra 
 Yeni Su 
 
 Gymmergine, Roraelia 
 Valley of Boonere 
 
 Burindoo, or river of Boo- 
 nere 
 Kiangari 
 
 Tekiur Dagh, Romelia 
 Fezzaners, or people of 
 
 Fezzan 
 Germa, or Phazania 
 Promontory of Gargano, 
 
 Capitanata, Naples 
 Kas Daghi 
 Tchaulan 
 Gozo 
 El Djebal 
 Mekran, Persia 
 Desert of Beloochistaun, 
 
 Persia 
 Near Terra Nuova 
 Granio 
 
 Dj crash 
 Jerma 
 
 A branch of the Dnieper 
 District of Dobrodgia, 
 
 Bulgaria 
 Bessarabia 
 
 Baku, Shirwan 
 Djebal, Edjlan 
 Baba 
 
 Beibazar 
 Range of Al ludi 
 Yourzouf, Crimea 
 Oostrola 
 
 River of Khauskhaur 
 loura 
 
 logees and Saniases 
 
 Al Hud, Asiatic Turkey 
 
 Colokythia 
 
 Heraub, Persia 
 
 Is, or Hit, Asiatic Turkey 
 
 Boli 
 
 Cape Emineh, Romelia 
 Emineh Dagh, Romelia 
 District of Chalcal, Persia 
 Indgi Karasu, Romelia 
 Bodroun 
 
 District of Halicz, Podolia 
 Saraguino and Pelagnisi 
 Lake of Karasu, Bulgaria 
 Saleme 
 Kizel Ermak 
 Ahar, Persia 
 
 Arpa Chai, or river of 
 
 Kars 
 El Khalil 
 
 Maritza, Romelia 
 Dameghaun, district of 
 
 Koumish 
 Zagara 
 
 Balbec 
 Dardanelles 
 Mari Ucci 
 
 Platamonos, Romelia 
 
 Ancient Names. 
 Heraclea Pontica, Bithynia 
 Heraclea Bithynia, Bithynia 
 Hermaeum promontorium 
 Hermopolis Magna, Thebaid 
 
 Hermas, or Saocoras 
 
 Heracleotic Chersonesus . 
 
 Herjeum, or temple of Juno 
 Greece 
 
 Hermione, Peloponnesus, Kastri 
 
 Greece 
 Hermon, mount of . 
 Hermonthis, Thebaid 
 
 Modern Nay/ia. 
 Erekli 
 Terekli 
 Cape Bona 
 
 Ashmunin, Said, or Ui>per 
 Egypt 
 
 Al Hualee, Asiatic Tur. 
 key 
 
 Isthmus between Achtiai 
 and Balaclava, Crimea 
 Phyti 
 
 Hermus river, Lydia 
 Hesperides, gardens of, Libya 
 Hiera Pytna, isle of Crete 
 Hiera vel Maritima Insula 
 Hieracum vel Accipitrum in- 
 
 sula, off Sardinia 
 Hierapolis, Phrygia . 
 Hieromax, or larmuchta 
 Hieron Oros, promontory of 
 
 Djebal el Shaik 
 Arment, Said, or Uppej 
 ^ Egypt 
 Sarabat 
 
 Wood of Bernic 
 
 Girapietra 
 
 Maretano 
 
 Isla di San Antiuchia 
 
 Bambouk, Kelasi 
 Yermuk 
 
 Cape Yoros, district of Ta- 
 rabozan 
 
 Hieron promontorium, Corsi- Punta Di Sagro 
 
 Hierosycammon, Dodecas- 
 
 choenos 
 Himera river, Sicily 
 Himera city, Sicily , 
 Hippici Montes, Caucasus 
 Hipponium, Magna Greecia 
 Hippos, or Horse river, Col- 
 chis 
 
 Homonada, Pisidia . 
 Hor mount, Arabia Petreea 
 Hormonasa, cape of, Pontus 
 
 Hormonasa, city of . 
 
 Horrea Margi, Dardania . 
 Hydaspes of Arrian, and Bi- 
 
 daspis of Ptolemy 
 Hydraotis of Arrian, Hyarotis 
 
 of Strabo, or Adris of Pto- 
 
 leniy 
 
 Hydrea, isle of, Greece . 
 Hydruntum, Apulia, Magna 
 
 Gr£Bcia 
 Hylaea, district of , , 
 
 Meharraka, Turkish Nu i 
 bia 
 
 Fiume Sa]so 
 Termini 
 
 Besh-Tau, Circassia 
 Bivo, Calabria, Naples 
 Ygenish Kale 
 
 Erminak 
 Djebel Hor 
 
 Cape Haromsa, district of 
 Tarabozan 
 
 Aga Kela, district of Ta- 
 rabozan 
 
 Morava Hissar, Servia 
 
 Ihylum, or river of Cash- 
 mire 
 
 Rauwee, India 
 
 Hydra 
 
 Otranto, Terra Di Otran- 
 to, Naples 
 , lamboyluk, or plain of 
 Yedessan 
 Attica, Monte Hymetto 
 
 Hymettus mount, 
 Greece 
 
 Hypacyris river, Hylaea . 
 
 Hypaspa, on the Cayster . 
 
 Hypanis river . 
 
 Hypanis river, Caucasus . 
 
 Hyphasis of Arrian, Hyi)anis 
 of Strabo, Bibasis of Ptole- 
 my, and Hypasis of Pliny 
 
 Hyphii Montes, Bithynia 
 
 Hypselis, Thebaid , 
 
 Hyrcania .... 
 
 Hysudrus of Arrian, Hesudrus 
 of Pliny, Zaradrus of Pto- 
 lemy, and Saranges 
 
 I. 
 
 lagonia, on the Halys 
 lapygia, or the Messenian 
 
 Peninsula, Magna Graecia 
 lapygium, or Salentinum pro- Cabo Di Leuca, Naples 
 
 montorium. Magna Graecia 
 latrus river, Triballi 
 laxartes river, Sogdiana 
 Iberia 
 
 Iberice Pyls 
 
 Kalouczac river, Yedessan 
 
 Berki 
 
 Bog 
 
 Kooban river, Circassia 
 Beyah, or Beypasha, India 
 
 Abbas Dagler 
 
 Sciobt, Said, or Upper 
 
 Egypt 
 Korcang, Persia 
 Sutlej, or Satadru river 
 
 Azah 
 
 Terra Di Otranto, Naples 
 
 Iberus river, in Spain 
 I caria 
 
 Iconium, Lycaonia . 
 I cos insula, Greece . 
 Ida mount, island of Crete 
 Imaus, range of 
 Imaus, versus ad Arctos 
 Imaus, northern range 
 Imbros 
 
 Inachus river, or Charadrus, 
 Greece 
 
 I antra 
 
 Sihoon, Iksaert, or Sirr 
 Imeritia and Georgia 
 Pass of Shaoorapo, Imefi- 
 
 tia 
 Ebro 
 Nicaria 
 Koniyah 
 Dipolis 
 Psiloniti 
 Heemalleh 
 Beloor Tagh 
 Mooz-Tagler 
 Imbro 
 Planitza 
 
776 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL TABLE. 
 
 Ancient Names. Modem Names. 
 
 luachus river, Acarnania, Fogo 
 
 Greece 
 Indus river 
 Indus of Pliny . 
 Insula Allobrogum . 
 
 lonopolis, Paphlagonia 
 
 los, isle of, Greece . 
 Ipsera, isle of, west of Chios, Ipsara 
 
 Greece 
 Iris river. Mar. Pontus . 
 
 Sinde, or Neelaub, India 
 River of Caubul 
 District of the Rhone and 
 Isere 
 
 Inchboli, district of Dja- 
 
 nick 
 Nio 
 
 Isauria, district of . 
 Isbarte, Phrys?ia Pacatiana 
 Iscodar or Scodra, lUyria 
 Ismaris lake, Thrace 
 Ismaros of Homer and Virgil, Mary- 
 Thrace 
 Issus, city of, Cilicia 
 
 lekel Ermak, district of 
 
 Djanick 
 Doulgadir Hi 
 Baris 
 
 Scutari, northern Albania 
 Lake Mary 
 
 Istropolis, Lower Mce^ia, 
 Ithaca, isle of, Greece 
 Ithome, citadel of, Greece 
 
 Ituraea, near Auranitis, Syria El Ledja 
 
 J. 
 
 Jabbok, brook of, Palestine 
 Jasonium, city of 
 
 Jasonium promontorium, Pon- 
 tus 
 
 Jassius Sinus, Ionia . . 
 Jassus, Ionia 
 
 Jenysus, desert of Palestine 
 
 Jericho, Palestine . 
 I Jomanes of Pliny, or Diamuna 
 I of Ptolemy 
 ; Joppa, Palestine 
 
 Jordan river, Palestine . 
 
 Jordan, valley of, Palestine 
 
 V.llage of Oseler, or Ka- 
 
 raboiat 
 Kara Kerman, Bulgaria 
 Theaki 
 
 Vulcano, Morea 
 
 Torrent of Zerka 
 Yassoun, district of Dja- 
 nick 
 
 Cape Yassoun, district of 
 
 Djanick 
 Assem Kalesi 
 Assum 
 Khan lonus 
 Erhah village 
 The Jumna river, India 
 
 Nahar a] Jarden 
 El Ghor 
 
 Karka of Amimanus, on the Kark, or Eski Bagdad 
 Tigris 
 
 Kartbirt, or Charpote, Armenia Fortress of Karpoot 
 Kersus river, of Xenophon Mahersey river, Syria 
 KoraUa, in Cappadocian Pon- Kierali, district of Tara- 
 tus bozan 
 
 Labeatis palus, Illyria 
 
 Lacinium promontorium. 
 
 Magna Gr^ia 
 Lacmus, Epirus 
 Laconia, district of, Greece 
 Lacus Uefrenus, plain of An- 
 
 tioch 
 
 Lacus Fucinus, Mar si 
 
 Lambata?, mountains of the 
 
 I^mia, Thessaly 
 Lampas, Taurica . 
 
 Lampsacus, entrance of Pro- 
 pontis 
 
 Lamus river, west limit of Ci- 
 licia 
 
 Laodicea, Phrygia . 
 Laodicea Combusta, Lycaonia 
 Laodicea, SjTia 
 Lapethos, Cyprus 
 Laranda, Lycaonia . 
 Larissa, on the Peneus, Thes- 
 saly 
 
 Larissa Pthiotica vel Cre- 
 
 maste, Thessaly 
 Latopolis, Thebaid, Egypt 
 
 Laus river, Lucania . 
 Lavisco, Gallia 
 Lebadea, Bocotia, Greece 
 Lebanus, and Antilibanus, th 
 
 I-ebanon of Scripture 
 Lectum promontorium, Tro- Cape Baba 
 
 ade 
 
 Leges, or Lcgjp, Caucasi^s 
 I^emincmn, Gallia . 
 
 Schiabek, or lake of Scu- 
 tari, Northern Albania 
 
 Cape Colorma, Calabria, 
 Naples 
 
 Tzumerka 
 
 Tzaconia 
 
 Ifrm 
 
 Lago De Celano, Abruzzo 
 
 Ultra, Naples 
 Range of Kaufereestaun, 
 
 India 
 Zeitun, Romelia 
 Lambat, near Aia Bou- 
 
 ron, Crimea 
 Tchardack 
 
 Lamuzo, district of La- 
 
 muzo 
 Eske Hissar 
 Jorgan-Ladik 
 Latakhia 
 Lapito 
 Caraman 
 
 Y''enesheher, Romelia 
 
 Larizzo, Palseo Castro,Ro- 
 melia 
 
 Esne, Said, or Upper E- 
 
 gJPt 
 Laino, Naples 
 Laisse, foot of the Alps 
 Livadia 
 Kesrawan 
 
 Lesgians, Daghestan 
 Chamberry, Savoy 
 
 Ancient Narnes. Modeiii Nan^. 
 
 Lemnos, isle of . . Stalbnene 
 Leontes river, between Leba- Leitane 
 
 nus and AntUibanus 
 Leontini, Sicily . . Lentini 
 Leptis Magna . . . Lebida 
 Leros, island of . . Lero 
 Lesa, south division of Sardi- Ales 
 
 nia 
 
 Lesbos, or Mitylene, isle of Metelin 
 
 Leucadia Neritos, Greece Santa Maura 
 
 Leuce island, mouth of Da- Han Adasi, or Serpenl 
 
 nube isle 
 Leuci Montes, Crete . Madura and Spacia 
 Leucosia, or Leucusia, Cyprus Nicosia 
 Leuctra, Bceotia, Greece Lefca 
 Liba of Polybius, and Lab- Lobeid, on the Tigris 
 
 bana of Ptolemy 
 Libyssa, place of Hannibal's Village of Malsum 
 death, Bithynia 
 
 Si- Cape Boco 
 
 LUybffium promontorium, 
 cily 
 
 LilybcBum, Sicily 
 Lipara insula 
 Lipsia, island of 
 
 ]\rarsala 
 Lipari 
 Lipsc 
 
 Liris river, north-west boun- II Fiume, Garigliano, Na- 
 
 dary of Campania . pies 
 Lissa, Argolis, Greece Lycurio 
 Lissus, IlU-ria . . . Alessio, Northern Albania 
 Locri Epizephyrii, Magna Burzano, Calabria, Naples 
 Grscia 
 
 Lotophagi, coast of, Libya Coast of Tripoli 
 Lucaia, Apulia, Magna Grs- Lucera, Capitanata, Na- 
 
 Lycaonum CoUes, Lycaonia 
 Lychnidas, Macedonia 
 Lycia and Pamphilia 
 Lycopolis, Thebaid, Egj'pt 
 
 pies 
 
 Foodhal Baba, Caramania 
 Ocrida, Romelia 
 Tekieh, Caramania 
 Assiout, Said, or Uppei 
 
 Eg}-pt 
 Lassiti 
 
 Lyctos, city of, isle cf Crete 
 Lycus of Armenia, a branch Bingheul Su 
 
 of the Euphrates 
 Lycus, a branch of the Morad River of Khanoos, Arme- 
 nia 
 
 Lycus, river of, Syria . Nahar Kelb 
 
 Lycus, south-east branch of River of Koulyhissar 
 
 the Iris, Pontus 
 Lycus river, Scjthia . Medweditza, a branch of \ 
 the Don, Woronetz, | 
 Russia i 
 Lydda, or Diospolis, Palestine Ludd j 
 Lydias river, Macedonia Kutchuk Karasu, Romelia 
 
 Lykostomon, northern mouth Kilia Nova, Bessarabia 
 
 of the Danube 
 Lyrceia, Argolis, Greece . Schoino Korio 
 
 M 
 
 Macomades Syrtis . 
 Macris, or Helena, or Crans, 
 
 isle of, Greece 
 Macrobians 
 
 Macronians, river of, Xeno- 
 phon 
 
 Madjtus Chersonesus, Thrace 
 IMfeander river, Lydia 
 Magnesia ad Mseandrum, Ly- 
 dia 
 
 Magnesia ad Sipylum, Lydia 
 Magnopolis, Mar. Pontus 
 
 Malseacum promontorium 
 Malli .... 
 
 Mamechia of Ptolemy, Albania 
 Mamertum, Magna Gr^cia 
 Mantinea, Arcadia, Greece 
 Mantinorum oppidum, Corsica 
 Maracanda, in Sogdiana 
 Marcianopolis, Lower Mcesia 
 Mardi, Calachene 
 Mardus, or Amardus river, the 
 
 Gozan of Scripture 
 Margiana, or district of the 
 
 Margus 
 Margus fiumen, Dardania 
 Maris river, AgathjTsi . 
 Martiana palus, or lake of 
 
 Spauta 
 MartjTopolis Armenia . 
 
 Masdoramus mount, Parthia 
 
 Sort or Serte 
 Macronisi 
 
 Ethiopians who inhabited 
 
 the modern Abyssinia 
 River Byaboot, or the 
 
 Shorak 
 Malta, Romelia 
 Minder Su 
 Guzel Hissar 
 
 Magnisa, Sarou Khan 
 Charshumba, district of 
 
 Djanick 
 Cape Malea, or St. Angelo 
 Inhabitants of Moultaun, 
 
 India 
 Shamaky, Shirwan 
 Oppido, "Calabria, Naples 
 Tripolizza 
 Bastia 
 
 Samarcand, L^sbec Tartary 
 Schiumla, Bulgaria 
 Amadia, Asiatic Turkey 
 Kizil Ozan, Persia 
 
 District of Marou, Kho- 
 
 rassan 
 Morava river, Servia 
 Marosch, Transylvania 
 Lake of Oormeeah, Persia 
 
 Maiafarekin, Asiatic Tur- 
 key 
 
 Range of Kanahoody, 
 Perisa 
 
GEOGRAPHICAL TABLE. 
 
 77 
 
 Ancient Names. 
 Masius, mountain of, Mesopo- 
 tamia 
 
 Massaga, city of, India . 
 Mauro Castrum, Armenia 
 
 Maxeres of Ptolemy 
 Maximianopolis, Thebaid 
 Mazarum, Sicily 
 Media Upper, or Superior 
 
 Media Inferior, or Rhagiana 
 Media of Xenophon . 
 
 Medus of Strabo, Persia . 
 Megalopolis, Arcadia, Greece 
 Megiste, isle of, opposite Lycia 
 Melanchlagni, country of . 
 
 Melantius river. Mar. Pontus 
 
 Melas river. Paraphilia . 
 Melas, or river of Mazaca 
 Melas river, Bceotia, Greece 
 Melite, or Melita insula . 
 Melitene, valley of, Cappadocia 
 
 Melos isle, Cyclades, Greece 
 Memphis, site of 
 Mense, Sicily 
 Meninx insula, Libya 
 Mermcris, Caria 
 Meroe, great island of 
 
 Meroe, city of . 
 
 Meroe, great temple of . 
 
 Meroe peninsula 
 
 i Mesembria, Thrace . 
 Mesene of Pliny 
 
 Messana, or Zanclc, Sicily 
 TMessene, ruins of, frontier of 
 
 Arcadia, Greece . 
 Messogis mount, Lydia 
 Metaurus river, Picenum 
 Methone, Macedonia 
 Methone, Greece 
 Misenum, Campania 
 
 Modern Names. 
 Kara Dagh, Asiatic Tur- 
 key 
 
 Mashanghur, Caubul 
 Malaz gherd, Asiatic Tur- 
 key 
 
 Mazanderaun, Persia 
 Nekradj, Said 
 Mazara 
 
 Province of Al Jebal, Per- 
 sia 
 
 District of Rey, Persia 
 Koordistaun, Asiatic Tur- 
 key 
 
 East branch of the Kuraub 
 
 Leonardi 
 
 Casteloryzo 
 
 Districts of Mohilow and 
 
 Orel, Russia 
 Booyuk Su, district of 
 
 Djanick 
 Menovgat Su 
 Kara Su 
 Mauro Nero 
 Malta 
 
 Valley of Malathya, Asia- 
 tic Turkey 
 Milo 
 
 Menuf, in ruins 
 Menio 
 
 Jerba, coast of Tripoli 
 Marmorice 
 
 Double bend of the Nile 
 betv/een Tinareh and 
 Darner 
 
 Merawe, Dongola 
 
 El Belial, Dongola 
 
 Country of the Shegya 
 
 Mesivrea, Romelia 
 Tract between the Didjel 
 
 and Tigris 
 Messina 
 
 Maura Matra, or Black 
 
 Eyes 
 Kistenous Dagh 
 Metauro, Naples 
 Leuterochori, Romelia 
 Modon 
 
 Cape Misena, Campagna, 
 
 Naples 
 Ooscat, district of Bouzok 
 Modoorly 
 Gebel Mokattam 
 
 Mithridatium, Phrygia 
 Moderne, Bithynia . 
 Mons Arabicus, range east of 
 the Nile 
 
 Mons Smaragdus, or Emerald Maaden Uzzulmurud 
 mountain 
 
 Montes Insani, or the Frantic Los Appeninos 
 
 mountains, Sardinia 
 Montula, Gallia 
 Mopsuestia, on the Py ramus 
 Morunda in Media . 
 Moschici Montes, Armenia 
 
 Moxoene, district of, Armenia 
 Musicani . , . ». 
 
 Mycense, ruins of, Peloponne- 
 sus, Greece 
 
 Myconos isle, Cyclades, Greece 
 
 Mylas, Argolis, Greece . 
 
 Mylze, north-west coast, Sicily 
 
 Mylaza, Caria . 
 
 Myos Hormos, port of. Red 
 Sea 
 
 N. 
 
 Nasthus, Brutium . , 
 I Naissus, Dardania . 
 ' Naparis river 
 
 Napata, city of, isle of Meroe 
 
 Naucratis, city of, Egypt . 
 
 Naulibe, or Naulibis of Ptole- 
 my 
 
 Naulochos, north-west coast, 
 Sicily 
 
 Naupactos, Locris Ozolea, 
 Greece 
 
 NTauplia, Peloponnesus, Greece 
 Naura, canton of 
 Nautaca, Sogdiaaa . . 
 
 Bourg Evescal, Savoy 
 Messis, or Masisiyah 
 Marant, Aderbijan 
 Tchilder Dagh, Asiatic 
 
 Turkey 
 Plain of Moosh, Asiatic 
 
 Turkey 
 Isle of Chandooky, be- 
 tween the Indus and 
 the Larkhanu 
 Krabata 
 
 Myconi 
 
 Themitto 
 
 Melazzo 
 
 Melazzo, or Marmora 
 Suffangheul Bahri 
 
 Neto, Calabria, Naples 
 Nissa, Servia 
 lalonitza, Wallachia 
 Djebel el Berkel, Dongola 
 Salhadjar 
 Neelaub, India 
 
 Diveto 
 
 Euebect and Lepanto 
 
 Najioli Di Romania 
 Nour, Usbec Tartary 
 Nekshab, district of Samar- 
 cand 
 
 Ancient Names. 
 
 Naxos, isle of, Cyclades, 
 Greece 
 
 Naxuane, Armenia . 
 
 Neapolis, west side of Sardi- 
 nia 
 
 Neapolis, Thrace 
 
 Neapolis, or Sichem, Palestine 
 
 Neapolis, Ionia 
 
 Ncmausus, in GaUia Narbo- 
 nensis 
 
 Nemea, ruins of, Argolis, 
 Greece 
 
 NeocEEsaria, Galatian Pontus 
 
 Nestus river, Thrace 
 Neuri, country of 
 Nice, or Nicsa, Bithynia 
 Nicephorius of Lucullus, Cor- 
 
 duene 
 Nicomedia, Bithynia 
 Nicopsis, Abasci 
 Nicopsis, Sindica 
 Nile river, of Ptolemy 
 
 Nile, great cataract of 
 
 Nineveh, ruins of 
 
 Niphates, mountain of . 
 
 Nisiea of Strabo, Hyrcania 
 Nisibis, or Zobah 
 Nisyros, isle of . 
 Nobatce, above Egypt 
 Nora, castle of, Cappadocia 
 Nuceria, Campania . 
 Nutum, east coast, Sicily 
 Nymph EBum, Taurica 
 Nymphius river, of Pliny 
 
 Nysa, foot of mount Messogis. 
 
 Lydia 
 Nyssa, Ga?atia . . 
 
 Modern Names, 
 Naxia 
 
 Nakhjowan, Aderbijan 
 Oristagni 
 
 Cavallo 
 Nablous 
 Scala Nova 
 Nismes 
 
 Colonna 
 
 Niksar, in district ot 
 
 Amassiah 
 Nesto, or Kara Su 
 Eastern Gallicia 
 Isnic 
 
 Khabour, or river of Sert 
 
 Isnicmidt 
 Anacopir, Abkhaz 
 Anacopir 
 
 Bahr al Abiad, or White 
 River, Nubia 
 
 Cataract of Ian Adel, Nu- 
 bia 
 
 Village of Nunia, Asiatic 
 
 I'urkey 
 Nimrond Dagh, Asiatic 
 
 Turkey 
 Nisa on the Ochus, Persia 
 Nesbin, Asiatic Turkey 
 Nisari 
 
 The Nubians 
 Yengi Bar, or Nour 
 Nocera,Campagna, Naples 
 Noto 
 
 Apook, Crimea 
 
 Batman Su, Asiatic Tur- 
 
 key 
 Nosti 
 
 Nousher 
 
 Oarus, or Rha river . 
 Oasis of Jupiter Ammon 
 Ocelum, Gallia 
 
 Ochus, or Arius river. Aria 
 
 Odessus, Lower Ma?sia . 
 GEno?, city of. Maritime Pon. 
 tus 
 
 CEnusfe Insulee, Greece . 
 Oiscus river, Triballi 
 Olana, castle of, Armenia 
 Olbia, or Attalia, Paraphilia 
 Olbia, or Olbiopolis, ruins of 
 
 Olbia Civitas, north side of 
 
 Sardinia 
 Olbiopolitee, and Eorystheni- 
 
 t£P, country of 
 Olgassys raount, Paphlagonia 
 Oliarus isle, Cyclades, Greece 
 Olyrapus, city of, Lycia . 
 Olyrapus, or Chimera moun- 
 
 tain, Lycia 
 Olyrapus mount, in Bithynia 
 Olympus, eastern range of, 
 
 Bithynia 
 Olyrapus, Galatian, Bithjniia 
 Olyrapus mount, isle of Cyprus 
 Olympus mount, Macedonia 
 
 Ombos, Thebaid, Egypt . 
 
 Onias, city and temple of 
 
 Opis, city of, Assyria 
 
 Oppidum Veneris, Cilicia 
 Orashik, Lower Moesia . 
 OrohoraenoR, Bceotia, Greece 
 Ordessus river . 
 Oreos, or Histiaea, Eubcea, 
 
 Greece 
 Orestia, Thrace 
 Oricum, Chaonia, Epirus, 
 
 Greece 
 
 i Orita:, district of the, Persia 
 
 Wolga 
 Seewah 
 
 Usseau, marquisate ot 
 Susa 
 
 Tedjend, or Poolimalan, 
 
 Persia 
 Varna, Bulgaria 
 Unieh, district of Djanick 
 
 Sapienza and Cabrera 
 Isker, Bulgaria 
 Alenjick,Persian Armenia 
 Satalia 
 
 At the junction of the 
 
 Bog and Dnieper 
 Terra Nuova 
 
 District of Jamboyluk, 
 
 Russia 
 Ulgus Dagh 
 Antiparos 
 Deliktash 
 Takhtalu Dagh 
 
 Domaun Dagh 
 Bainder Dagh 
 
 Koush Daghi 
 
 Monte Di Santa Croci 
 
 Olirabo and Samavat Eski, 
 
 or the Celestial House 
 Koum Ombo, Said, or Up 
 
 per Egypt 
 Tel-el- Jehud, in ruins 
 
 Delta of Egypt 
 Dokhala, Asiatic Turkel 
 
 P. of Bagdad 
 Porto Cavaliere 
 Rudschuk, Bulgaria 
 Screpu 
 
 Argis, Wall-achia 
 Orio 
 
 Adrianople, Romelia 
 Ericho 
 
 Lus 
 
778 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL TABLE. 
 
 Ancient Names. 
 Oroatis, or river Arosis 
 
 Orontes, mountain of. Media 
 Orontes river, Syria 
 Oropus, Boeotia, Greece . 
 Osmos river, Triballi 
 Osrhoene, or Anthemusea 
 
 Othrys mount, Thessaly . 
 Oxia of Herodotus, or Julia 
 Alba 
 
 Oxiana palus. Trans. Oxiana 
 Oxiana civitas . 
 Oxus river 
 
 Oxus of Ptolemy, Bactria 
 Oxycani .... 
 
 Oxydracaj 
 
 Oxyrinchus, Thebaid, Egypt 
 P. 
 
 Pachynvun promontorium, Si- 
 cily 
 
 Pagrs, city of, southern foot 
 of mount Amanus, Syria 
 
 Palania, west side of Corsica 
 
 Palibothra, capital of the Pra- 
 sii and Gangarids 
 
 Palus McBotis 
 
 Palus Coloe of Ptolemy, Ethi- 
 opia 
 
 Pamphilia and Lycia 
 Paneas, or C£esarea Philippi, 
 
 Palestine 
 Pangffius mount, Thrace . 
 Panormos portus, Epirus 
 Panormos, north-west coast, 
 
 Sicily 
 
 Panticapeum, Cimmerian 
 
 Paphlagonia Maritime 
 Paphos, city of, island of Cy. 
 prus 
 
 Parsetonium, Marmarica, Li- Al Bareton 
 bya 
 
 Paremboli, Dodecaschcenos 
 
 Modem Naynes. 
 The Tab, Farsistaun, Per- 
 sia 
 
 Range of El Wund, Persia 
 
 El Aasee 
 
 Oropo 
 
 Osmo, Bulgaria 
 Pashalic of Rolia, or Orfa, 
 
 Asiatic Turkey 
 Otridelechi, Romelia 
 Czetat Alba, or Bielgo- 
 
 rod 
 
 Lake of Aral 
 Termed, a pass on Oxus 
 Jihoon, or Ammoo 
 River of Budukshaun 
 Seweestaun, or district of 
 
 Hajycan, west of the 
 
 Indus 
 
 Inhabitants of Outch, In- 
 dia 
 
 Bahnasa, Said, or Upper 
 Egypt 
 
 Cape Passaro 
 
 Begrass 
 
 La Balagna 
 Bhagulpore 
 
 Sea of Azoff and Taganrog 
 Lake of Dambea, Abyssi- 
 nia 
 Tekieh 
 Baneas 
 
 Castagnas, Romeha 
 
 Panormo 
 
 Palermo 
 
 Kertch, residence of Mi- 
 
 thridates 
 Kastamooni 
 Baffo 
 
 Temple of Debot, Turkish 
 Nubia 
 
 mount, Phocis, Lakura 
 
 Parnassus 
 Greece 
 
 Parnes mount, Attica, Greece 
 Paroi)amisan mountains 
 Paros isle, Cyclades, Greece 
 Parthenium promontorium 
 Parthenium, Cimmerian Bos- 
 
 phorus 
 Parthenium, near Lampus 
 Parthenius river, Bithynia 
 Parthenope, or Neapolis, Cam- 
 
 pania 
 
 Parveti Montes, west of the 
 Indus 
 
 Paryadres range, south of In- 
 terior Pontus 
 
 Pasitigris river . 
 
 Patmos, island of 
 
 Patrffi, Achaia Propria, Greece 
 
 Pattalene, or Delta of the In- 
 dus, India 
 
 Pax£E insulas 
 
 PegasEB, Thessaly 
 
 Pelicum lake, Rlacedonia 
 
 Pella, Macedonia 
 
 Peloponnesus, Greece 
 
 Pelorum promontorium, Sicily 
 
 Pelusium, Egy^:)t 
 
 Peneus river, Macedonia 
 
 Pentelicus mount, Attica, 
 Greece 
 
 Peparethos insula 
 
 Pcr.-Ba, beyond Jordan, Pales- 
 tine 
 
 Pergamus, -Spoils, Lydia 
 j Perinthus, or Heraclea, Thrace 
 Persepolis, or Parsagadte . 
 Persepohs, palace of 
 
 Persia, province of . 
 Petilia, Magna Grsecia 
 Petra Nabathteorum, Arabia 
 
 Nozia 
 
 Mountains of Gaur, Persia 
 Paro 
 
 Aia Bouron, Crimea 
 Yenikale, straits of Kaffa^ 
 
 Crimea 
 Parthenit, Crimea 
 Bainder, or Bartin Su 
 Naples, city of, Naples 
 
 Range of Teerah and So- 
 
 limaun 
 Ildiz Daghi 
 
 The Jerahee, Persia 
 Patmosa, or Patina 
 Patras, gulf of Lepanto 
 Province of Sinde, or Tatta 
 
 Pachsu and Antipachsu 
 
 Volo, Romelia 
 
 Lake of Ocrida, Romelia 
 
 Yenidge, Romelia 
 
 Morea 
 
 Cape Faro 
 
 Tineh 
 
 Salambria, Romelia 
 Pendeli 
 
 Dromo 
 
 El Gaur and El Belkaa 
 
 Bergamo, Sarou Khan 
 Buyuk Erekli, Romelia 
 Ruins of Istakar 
 Ruins of Chilminar, oi 
 
 Takht-i-Jemshid 
 Farsistaun 
 
 Strongoli, Calabria, Naples 
 Wady Mousa, or Valley 
 of Moses 
 
 Anciait Names. 
 Petra Oxiana, Sogdia^ja . 
 Peuce district, and the Peucini 
 Peucelaotis, district of, India 
 Phanagoria, isle of . 
 
 Phanagoria, city of . 
 Pliarmatinus river, Pontus 
 
 Pharos of Mithridates 
 
 Pharsalia, Thessaly . . 
 Phasiani of Xenophon 
 Phasis of Xenophon 
 Phatraetic mouth, of the Nile 
 Phazemonia, Paphlagonia 
 
 Philadelphia, Cilicia 
 Philadelphia, north foot of 
 
 mount I'molus, Lydia . 
 Philippi, ruins of, Thrace 
 Philippopolis, Thrace 
 Philocaleea, Pontus 
 
 Philomelium, Phrygia 
 Philoteras, port of, Red Sea 
 Phlegreei Campi, Campania 
 
 Phlius, Sicyonia,Peloponnesus, 
 Greece 
 
 Phlius, ruins of, Argolis, 
 
 Greece 
 PhocEea, JEolis . 
 Pholegandrus isle, Cyclades, 
 
 Greece 
 Phorbantia insula, iEgates 
 Phycus promontorium, Libya 
 Physcus of Xenophon 
 Pictanus, city of 
 Pimolis, Paphlagonia 
 
 Pimplea, tomb of Oi-pheus, 
 Macedonia 
 
 Pindus mount, Epirus, Greece 
 
 Pindus, ridge at the source of 
 the Apsus 
 
 Pindus, ridge of, north of the 
 source of the Peneus, Mace- 
 donia 
 
 Pindus, head of the gulf of 
 
 Ambracia 
 Piraeus, port of, Attica, Greece 
 Pisidia .... 
 Pityus Magnus, Abasci - 
 Placentia . 
 
 Platcea, Boeotia, Greece . 
 Platea, isle of, Libj'a 
 Podandus, defile of. Upper Ci- 
 licia 
 
 Poestum, or Posidonia, Magna 
 
 Gra;cia 
 Poeus mount, Thessaly . 
 Polemonium, Pontus 
 Polybotum, Phrygia 
 Polytimetus of Curtius 
 
 Pompeiopolis, Paphlagonia 
 
 Poorah, Gedrosia 
 
 Populum, postea ViUa Eccle- 
 
 si£e, Sardinia 
 Porata, Pyreton, and Hierasus 
 Portus Pelodes, Epirus, Greece 
 Portus Symbolorum, Taurica 
 Potentia, Lucania, Magna 
 
 Gracia 
 
 Premis Parva, Dodecaschce- 
 nos 
 
 Premnis, or Premis Magna, 
 
 Dodecaschcenos 
 Promontorium Veneris, Cilicia 
 Propontis 
 
 Prusa ad Olympum, Bithynia 
 Prusa ad Hypium, I5ithynia 
 Pselcis, Dodecaschcenos . 
 Pselcis contra, Dodecaschcenos 
 Psibela, Lvcaonia 
 Pthur of PUny, Pthuris of Pto- 
 lemy 
 
 Ptolemais, Thebaid, Egypt 
 Ptolemais, Libya . " . 
 Puteoli, Campania . 
 
 Pydna, or Kydna, Macedonia 
 Pylos, Eliacus, Greece . 
 
 Modern Names. 
 Shadman, Usbec Tartary 
 Delta of the Danube 
 District of Puckholi 
 Taman, mouth of the Koa 
 
 5an, Russia 
 Taman, Russia 
 Baydar Su, district of Dja- 
 
 nick 
 
 Phanar, near Yenikale, 
 
 Crimea 
 Pharsa, Romelia 
 Plain of Passin, Armenia 
 Armenian Araxes, or Aras 
 Damietta 
 
 Marsawan, district of Dja. 
 nick 
 
 Mout, Caramania 
 Ala Sheher, Aidin 
 
 Drama, Romelia 
 Plnliba, Romelia 
 Euloi, district of Tarabo- 
 zan 
 
 Kadan Khan, Caramania 
 Cosseir, Thebaid 
 Vicinity of the city of Na- 
 ples 
 Staphlisa 
 
 Near Agios Giorgios 
 
 Fcchia 
 Policandro 
 
 Livenzo 
 
 Cape Ras al Sem 
 Kufri Su, Asiatic Turkey 
 Fortress of Bailan 
 Osmanjik, district of Ki- 
 
 aiigaii 
 Village of Spee, Romelia 
 
 Metzovo 
 Mount Gromos 
 
 Mavronoros, or Black 
 Mountain 
 
 Macronoros, or the Great 
 
 Mountain 
 Porto Leone 
 Hamid, Caramania 
 Bitcliwinta, Abkhaz 
 Placeriza, Italy 
 Palaso Castro 
 Isle of Bomba 
 Podando, Caramania 
 
 Pesti, Calabria, Naples 
 
 Miloni, Romelia 
 
 Fatsa, district of Djanick 
 
 Bulwudun 
 
 River of Sogd, Usbec Tar- 
 tary 
 
 Tash, or Vizir Kupri 
 Fohrej, Mecran, Persia 
 Villa Di Iglesia 
 
 The Pruth, Moldavia 
 Mouth of the Pclodi 
 Balaclava, Crimea 
 Potenza, Calabria, Naplet 
 
 Ibrim, Turkish Nubia 
 
 Shubuk, Turkish Nubia 
 
 Cape Cavaliere 
 Sea of Marmora 
 Boursa 
 Uskubi 
 
 Dakke, Turkish Nubia 
 Kobban, Turkish Nubia 
 Bin Eglisa 
 
 Ebsambul ruins, Turkish 
 
 Nubia 
 Menshie, Said 
 Tolometa 
 
 Puzzuolo, Campagna, Na- 
 pies 
 
 Kitros, Romelia 
 Zanchio, or Avaranlo 
 
GEOGRAPHICAL TABLE. 
 
 779 
 
 Ancient Names. Modern Names. 
 
 Pylos, in Messenia, Pelopon- Navarin 
 
 nesus, Greece 
 Pj'ramus river, Cilicia 
 
 Jeihoon 
 
 Raca, Callinicum, Nicephori- Ralckah on the Euphrates 
 um, or Leontopolis 
 
 Rabbath Ammon, or Philadel- 
 phia, Palestine 
 
 Ramah, Palestine 
 
 Regio Vandabanda of Ptole- 
 my, Sogdiana 
 
 Resene, Osrhcene 
 
 Rhegium Brutium, Magna 
 Grfficia 
 
 Rhenaea, or Rhene isle, Cy. Great Dili 
 
 clades 
 Rhinocolura 
 
 Rhitymnse, city of, isle of Crete 
 Rhizseum, Pontus . 
 
 Ruins of Amman, on the 
 
 Zerka 
 Al Ramlah 
 
 Plateau of Pamer, Usbec 
 
 Tartary 
 Ras al Ain, province of 
 Orfa 
 
 Reggio, Calabria, Naples 
 
 Rhodope mount, Thrace . 
 Rhodopeian plain, the Great, 
 Thrace 
 
 Rhombites Major flumen, Asia 
 Rhombites Minor, Asia . 
 Rhyndacus river 
 Roscianum, Magna Grascia 
 Rosologium, on the Halys 
 Rupes Maurensis, on the 
 Rhone 
 
 a 
 
 Sac£e, near the sources of the 
 
 laxartes and Oxus 
 Sacrum promontorium, Lycia 
 Sacrum promontorium, Corsi- 
 ca 
 
 Sagalassus, Milyas . 
 Saguntum, in Spain 
 Sais, city and temple of . 
 Salamis, city of, Cyprus . 
 Salamis, isle of, Greece . 
 Salapia, Apulia, Magna Greecia 
 Samaria, city of, Palestine 
 Samaria, district of, Palestine 
 Samochonites, lake of 
 Samomum promontorium, 
 
 north side of Crete, Greece 
 Samos, island of 
 Samosata, in Comagene . 
 Samothrace, island of, Pro- 
 
 pontis 
 
 Sandalium, Phrygia Pac. 
 Sangarius river, Bithynia 
 Sarapana, Colchis 
 Sardis, plain of, or Cilbienus 
 
 Campus 
 Sardis, Lydia . . . 
 Sarepta, Phoenicia . 
 Sarpedonium, cape of, Cilicia 
 Sarus river, Cilicia . 
 SauromatcB, country of . 
 
 Scomius mount, Macedonia 
 Scylaaum promontorium, Ar- 
 
 golis, Greece 
 Scylleum, east coast. Magna 
 
 Grfficia 
 
 Scylleum, straits of Sicily, 
 Magna Graecia 
 
 Scymnia, frontier of Colchis 
 
 Scyros, island of, Cyclades, 
 Greece 
 
 Sebastopolis, Cappadocia 
 
 Seleucia, Pieria, Syria 
 
 Seleucia Trachea, Cilicia Tra- 
 chea 
 
 Selinon, Thebaid, Egypt . 
 Selinus, Cilicia 
 Selinus, or Sslinuntum, Sicily 
 Selinus river, Sicily . 
 Selymbria, Thrace , 
 Sepphoris, Palestine 
 Seriphos isle, Cyclades, Greece 
 Serrium, or Cicones of Homer, 
 Thrace 
 
 Sestos, on the Hellespont, 
 Thrace 
 
 El Arish 
 Retimo 
 
 Irizeh, district of Tarabo- 
 
 zan 
 Karowlan 
 Tchouagilarkir 
 
 Ae river, below AzofF 
 Tschabbash river 
 Susonghirli 
 
 Rassano, Calabria, Naples 
 Kara Khai 
 Roquemaure 
 
 Sakita, Toorkistaun 
 
 Cape Chelidoni 
 Cape Corso 
 
 Karadjouk 
 Murviedro 
 Sals, Egypt 
 Salinus 
 Colour! 
 
 Salpe, Capitanata, Naples 
 
 Areta and Nablous 
 Lake of Houie 
 Salamone 
 
 Samo 
 
 Someisat, or Simsat, Syria 
 Samothraki 
 
 Kebrina 
 Sacaria 
 Shorapan 
 Durguz 
 
 Sart 
 Sarfond 
 
 Lissan el Kahpeh 
 Seihoon 
 
 District of Astracan and 
 
 the Don Cossacks 
 Maleshivo, Romelia 
 Skilico 
 
 SquiUaci, Calabria, Naples 
 
 Sciglio, or SciUa, Calabria, 
 
 Naples 
 Letskoumi, Mingrelia 
 Skyro 
 
 Turcal, district of Sciras 
 
 Suedia 
 
 Selefke 
 
 Selin, Upper Egypt 
 Selenti 
 
 Terte Di PoUuce 
 Madcuni river 
 Selivria, Romelia 
 Sapphuro 
 Serpho 
 
 Shepshe, Romelia 
 Zemenic, Romelia 
 
 Ancient Names. 
 Shat al arab, mouth of . 
 Sicinus isle, Cyclades, Greece 
 Sicyon, gulf of Corinth, Greece 
 Side, Paraphilia 
 Sidena, or river of Satala, Ma- 
 ritime Pontus 
 Siderocapsa, or Sidrus, Thrace 
 Sidicenum Teanum, Campania 
 Sidon, Phoenicia 
 Sigceum promontorium,Troade 
 SigEBum, town of, Troade 
 Silarus river, Picentini and 
 
 Lucani 
 Silsilis, Thebaid, Egypt . 
 
 Simcethus river, east coast, Si- 
 cily 
 
 Sinai mount, Arabia 
 Sindomanni 
 
 Singara, Mesopotamia 
 Sinope, Paphlagonia 
 Sintica, district of, Thrace 
 Sinus Glaucus, Lycia 
 Sinus Strymonicus, Thrace 
 Sinus Thermaicus, Macedonia 
 
 Sinus Singiticus, Macedonia 
 
 Sinus Toronaicus, Macedonia 
 
 Sinus Maliacus, Thessaly 
 Sinus Pegasaus, Thessaly 
 Sinus Crisseeus, Greece . 
 Sinus Saronicus, Attica, Greece 
 Sinus Argolicus, Greece . 
 Sinus Laconicus 
 Sinus Messeniacus, Greece 
 Sinus Ambracicus, Greece 
 Sinus Carcinitis 
 Sinus Casalus, Corsica 
 Sinus Calaritanus, Sardinia 
 Sinus Neapolitanus, Sardinia 
 Sinus Heeroopoliticus, Arabia 
 Sipontum, or Sipus, Magna 
 Grcecia 
 
 Siphnos isle, Cyclades, Greece 
 Sipylus mons 
 
 Sitacene .... 
 
 Skapto Hyla of Thucydides, 
 
 Thrace 
 Skiathos insula, Greece . 
 Skopelos insula, Greece . 
 Smyrna, Ionia . 
 Sogdaia, or Sidagios, Taurica 
 Sogdi and Sabracee 
 
 Sogdiana .... 
 
 Sol£e, Cyprus 
 
 Soli, ancient Pompeiopolis, Ci- 
 licia 
 
 Sophene, vaUey of, Armenia 
 
 Scphit^ .... 
 Sophon, lake of, Bithynia 
 Sophon, city of, Bithynia 
 Sora, city of, Paphlagonia 
 Sparta, site of ancient, Greece 
 Sperchius river, Thessaly 
 Stadysis of Pliny, Dodecaschce- 
 nos 
 
 Stagyra, Macedonia . 
 Stena, Pelagonia, Epirus, 
 Grewe 
 
 Stenyclarus river, source of, 
 Greece 
 
 Stobi, Pelagonia, Macedonia 
 Stratonice, Caria, Perfea Rho- 
 
 diorum 
 Strongyle insula 
 Strophades insula, Greece 
 Strymon river, Thrace 
 
 Stymphalus, plain of, Arcadia, 
 Greece 
 
 Stymphalus lake, Arcadia, 
 Greece 
 
 Stymphal'is, city of, Arcadia, 
 
 Greece 
 
 Modern Names. 
 Cossisa Bonny, Persia 
 Sikino 
 Basilico 
 Alanieh 
 
 Fatsa Su, district of Tara 
 
 Syrus, Romelia 
 
 Tiano, Campagna, Naples 
 
 Saide 
 
 Cape Janissary 
 Yeni Sheher 
 Silaro, Naples 
 
 Djebal Al Silsili, Upper 
 
 ^ Egypt 
 
 Giaretta 
 
 Djebal Tor 
 
 Inhabitants of the Brahoo- 
 ick range, west of the 
 Indus 
 
 Sinjar, Asiatic Turkey 
 Sinoube 
 
 Plain of Serres, Romelia 
 Gulf of Macri 
 Gulf of Contessa, Romelia 
 Gulf of Salonicha, Rome- 
 lia 
 
 Gulf of Monte Santo, Ro- 
 meija 
 
 Gulf of Cassandra and 
 Aiomaura, Romelia 
 
 Gulf of Zeitun, Romelia 
 
 Gulf of Volo, Romelia 
 
 Gulf of Corinth 
 
 Gulf of Engia 
 
 Gulf of Napoli 
 
 Gulf of Colokythia 
 
 Gulf of Coron 
 
 Gulf of Arta 
 
 Ulu Degniz, or Dead S<'!i 
 
 Gulf of Calvi 
 
 Bay of Cagliari 
 
 Bay of Oristagni 
 
 Gulf of Suez, Red Sea 
 
 Manfredonia, Capitanata, 
 Naples 
 
 Siphanto 
 
 Sipuli Dagh 
 
 District between the Dce- 
 allah and Hud, Asiatic 
 Turkey 
 
 Skipsilar, Romelia 
 
 Skiatho 
 Skopelo 
 Ismir 
 
 Sudak, Crimea 
 
 Shikarpoor and district of 
 Bekkhur, India 
 
 Vale of Sogd, Usbec Tar- 
 tary 
 
 Solia 
 
 Mezetlu 
 
 Valley of Diarbekir, Asia. 
 
 tic Turkey 
 Hindoo Bramins 
 Lake of Sabaujah 
 Sabaujah 
 Hajee Abbasee 
 Palceochori 
 Hellada, Romelia 
 Amara ruins, Turkish 
 
 Nubia 
 Stauros, Romelia 
 Defile of Klissoura 
 
 Nisi 
 
 Monastir, Romelia 
 Eski Hissar 
 
 Strombolo, Lipari isles 
 Strivali 
 
 Strumona, or Emboli, Ro* 
 
 melia 
 Katabathron 
 
 Zaracca 
 
 Cliionc 
 
780 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL TABLE, 
 
 Aiicieni Natnes. 
 Suani, canton of the, Cauca. 
 sus 
 
 Suastene, dis'^rict of, west of 
 Indus 
 
 Suastus of Ptolemy, river 
 Suche, port of, or Theon Sote- 
 ron 
 
 Suessa Aurunca, Campania 
 
 Sukkiim, or Troglodytes, coun- 
 try of, Mare Rubrum 
 
 Sulci, south of Sardinia . 
 
 Sulmo, native city of Ovid, Pe- 
 ligni 
 
 Sunium promontorium, Atti- 
 ca, Greece 
 Syeiie .... 
 Syndicus Portus, Sindica . 
 Syra';uie, Sicily . . 
 Syrgis river 
 
 Syria, maritime pass of . 
 Syros isle, Cyclades, Greece 
 Syrtis Greater, Maritime Libya 
 Syrtis Lesser, Maritime Libya 
 Sythenus isle, Cyclades, 
 Greece 
 
 T. 
 
 Modern Names. 
 Suaneti 
 
 District of Sewad, India 
 
 River of Sewad, India 
 Suakin, coast of Habbesh 
 
 Sezzo, Campagna, Naples 
 Coast of Habbesh, Red 
 
 Sea 
 Sulchi 
 
 Sulmona, Abruzzo Ultra, 
 
 Naples 
 Cape Colonna 
 
 Assouan 
 
 Soundjick, or Anapa 
 Saragosa 
 
 Choper, a branch of the 
 Don 
 
 Pass of the Mahersey 
 Syra 
 
 Syrte Al Kibbcer 
 Gulf of Kabes 
 Thermia 
 
 Tabridium of Pliny . . Taboo, south-west of Ger- 
 ma, Fezzan 
 
 Tacapa, coast of the Lotopha- Kabes, coast of Tripoli 
 gi, Libya 
 
 Tffinarium promontorium. Cape Matapan 
 Greece 
 
 Talmis, Dodecaschcenos . Kalabshe, Turkish Nubia 
 Tamyrus river, Syria . Nahar Damur 
 Tanagra, Boeotia, Greece Grimathi 
 Tanagra, plain of, Boeotia, Naera 
 Greece 
 
 Tanais river . . , Danaetz, or Donetz, west 
 
 branch of the Don 
 Tanis, or Zoan of Scripture San 
 Tanis, lake of . . . Menzale 
 Taochi of Xenophon, Armenia District of Tahoskari 
 Taphis, Dodecaschcenos . Tafa, Turkish Nubia 
 Taphras of Strabo, Taphros of Or Kapi, or Perekop 
 Ptolemy 
 
 Taphros, or the Trench, south Strait of Bonifacio 
 
 side of Corsica 
 Tapuri, or Tapyri . . Tabristaun, Persia 
 Tarentum, Apulia, Magna Taranta, La Puglia, Na. 
 
 Graecia pies 
 Tavium, or Tavia, Trocmean Tchoroum 
 
 Galatia 
 
 Tauranitis of Tacitus . District of Taro, Armenia 
 Tauri of Herodotus, country of Crimea 
 Taurini, GalJia . . . District of Turin, Pied- 
 mont 
 
 Taurominium, Sicily . Taormino 
 Taurus Cilician . . Ramadan Oglu, Balakklar 
 Taygetus mount, Laconia, Pente Dactylon 
 Greece 
 
 Tearus river, on the Euxine, Deniadari, on the Black 
 Thrace Sea, Romelia 
 
 Tegea, Arcadia, Peloponnesus, Peali 
 Greece 
 
 Teleboas of Xenophon . Ak Su, or river of Moosh, 
 
 Asiatic Turkey 
 Telmessus, north-west frontier Macri 
 of Lycia 
 
 Telos, isle of . . . Piscopia 
 Tempe, defile of, Thessaly Tembi, Romelia 
 Tenedos, isle of, Cyclades, Tenedo 
 Greece 
 
 Tenos, isle of, Cyclades, Greece Tina 
 Tentyra, district of Thebaid Dendera, Said 
 I'eos, birth place of Anacreon, Sigagik 
 Ionia 
 
 Termessus, pass to the interior Estcnaz 
 
 of Phrygia 
 Terva, Armenia . . Erivan 
 Thasos, isle of, Greece . Thassos 
 Thaumacia, Thessaly . Thaumaco, Romelia 
 Thebes, Boeotia, Greece . Thive 
 Themiscyra, city cf. Maritime "Village of Terme, district 
 
 Pontus of Djanick 
 
 Theodosia, Taurica, Crim Stara, Crimea 
 Theodosiopolis, Armenia Hassan Cala 
 1'hera, isle of, Cyclades, Greece Santorini 
 Tliermtfi Selinuntiee, Sicily Sciacca 
 Ihermodon river. Mar. Pontus Terme, in district of Dja- 
 nick 
 
 Thermopylffi, defile of.Thessaly Bocca Di Liipo^ Romelia 
 
 Ancient Names. Modem Names. 
 
 Thespia, Boeotia, Greece . Phria 
 Thessalonica, or Therma, Ma- Salonicha, Romelia 
 cedonia 
 
 Thoaris river, Mar. Pontus Askyda, district of Djanick 
 Thospia, or Arzaniorum oppi- Erzen, on the Batman Su- 
 
 dum, Ai-menia 
 Thrasimena, lake of, Etruria LagoDi Perugia, Tuscany 
 Thronium, Locri Epicnemidii, Bodonitza 
 
 Greece 
 
 Thyamus river, Epirus, Greece Kalama 
 Thyatira, Lydia . . Ak Hissar 
 Thymbrium, or Antiochia ad Ak Sheher 
 
 Pisidiam, Phrygia 
 Thymbrius river, Bithynia Poorsac Su 
 Thynnias, on the Euxine, Ineada, on the Black Sea, 
 
 Thrace 
 ThyrsagetEB, residence of 
 Tiarantus river 
 Tiberias, Galilee 
 Tibiscus river . 
 
 Romelia 
 Banks of the Wolga 
 Alauta, Wallachia 
 Tabariyah 
 
 Theysse, Transylvania and 
 Upper Hungary 
 Tibula civitas, north side of Longo Sardo 
 Sardinia 
 
 Ticinus flumen, Gallia . Tesino, Dutchy of Milan 
 Tieranocerta,cityof, Corduene Casaban of Sert, Asiatic 
 Turkey 
 
 Tigris of Xenophon . . Suzan, or Hazel Su, Asi- 
 atic Turkey 
 Tigris of Pliny, or the Nym- The Batman Su 
 phius 
 
 Tigris of Ptolemy . . River of Diarbekir 
 Tiparenus, Argolis, Greece Specie, or Spezzia 
 Tiphsali, or Thapsacus, on the Ul Der, Asiatic Turkey 
 Euphrates 
 
 Titanus mons, Ionia . Bisbharmach 
 Tithorea, Phocis, Greece Velitza 
 Titianus Portus, west side of Porto Di Tizzano 
 Corsica 
 
 Tmolus mons, Lydia . Bouz Dagh, or the Cold 
 Mountain 
 
 Tochari, in Bactria . . Tocharistaun 
 Tom.arus, range of, between Tzumerka 
 
 the Aracthus and the Ache- 
 
 lous 
 
 Tomarus mount, Epirus, Tomhr, and Tomerit 
 Greece 
 
 Ovid, 
 
 Tomi, residence of 
 
 Lower Moesia 
 Tonzus river, Thrace 
 Tornadotus river 
 Tottaium, Bithynia . 
 Trachonitis and Ituraea 
 Ti-apezus, Pontus 
 Trapezus mons of Strabo 
 
 of. 
 
 Tret us, defile 
 
 Greece 
 Tricca, Thessaly 
 Trimithus, Cyprus 
 
 Tom.ijwar, or Baba, Bui- 
 
 garia 
 Tonza, Romelia 
 Odorneh, Asiatic Turkey 
 Shughut 
 Beled Shekyf 
 Tarabozan, or Trebisond 
 Tchatyr Dagh, south-east 
 coast of Crimea 
 Argolis, Trito 
 
 Tricala, Romelia 
 Trimitusa 
 
 Triopium promontorium,I)oris Cape Crio 
 Tripoli, in Phoenicia . Tarabolos 
 Tripoli, river of, SjTia . Nahar Kades 
 Tripoli, Cappadocian, Mar. Tereboli, district of Tara- 
 
 Pontus bozan 
 Tritcea, Achaia, Peloponnesus, Tritri 
 
 Greece ^ _ 
 
 Triton river, Libj a . . El Hammar, coast of Tu- 
 nis 
 
 Tritonis Palus, Libya . Lake of Lowdcah, coas 
 of Tunis 
 
 Troezen, Peloponnesus, Greece Damala 
 Turris Libisonis, north side of Porto Di Torro 
 Sardinia 
 
 Turullus, Thrace . . Tchorlou, Romelia 
 Tutzis, Dodecaschcenos . Gyrshe, Turkish Nubia 
 Tyana, or Dana, Tyanitis, Tchekisla 
 
 Cappadocia 
 Tymphrestus mount, Phocis, Agrafa 
 
 Greece 
 
 Tyndaris, north-west coast of Tyndari 
 
 Sicily . 
 Tyras, Turla, or Danaster Dniester, Moldavia 
 Tyri Getje, residence of . Banks of the Dniester 
 Tyriaeum of Xenophon, Phry- Eilgoun 
 
 gia 
 
 Tzitzis, Dodecaschcenos 
 
 Meryo, Turkish Nubia 
 
 U. 
 
 Urcinium civitas, Corsica Ajazzo 
 
 Uscopia, Macedonia . . Scupi, Romelia 
 
 Uscudama Bessica, Thrace Statimaka, Romelia 
 
 Utus river. TribalU . . Vid. Bulgaria 
 
GEOGRAPHICAL TABLE. 
 
 781 
 
 Ancient Names. 
 
 Modem Names. 
 
 Na- 
 
 Etchmiazin 
 Venafro, Campagna, 
 pies 
 
 Venusia, native city of Ho- Venoso, on the Oflanto 
 
 Valarsapata, Armenia 
 Venafrum, Campania 
 
 race. Magna Greecia 
 Vienna Allobrogum, Gallia 
 Vulcania insula, Lipari isles 
 Vultumus river, Campania 
 
 Zabatus of Xenophon 
 
 Capitanata, Naples 
 Vienne, Dauphiny, France 
 Vulcano 
 
 Volturno, Campagna, Na- 
 ples 
 
 Great Zab 
 
 Ancient Names. 
 Zabdicene, Armenia 
 
 Zacynthus insula 
 Zadracarta, or Hyrcana, Me- 
 tropolis 
 Zagros mountains, Assyria 
 
 Zariaspa, or Bactra . 
 Zariaspis of Ptolemy 
 
 Zepliyrium promontorium, 
 Pontus 
 
 Zeugma, or bridge of the Eu- 
 phrates 
 
 Modern Names. 
 District of Jezeerah.ul- 
 
 Omar, Asiatic Turkey 
 Zante 
 
 Sari, Persia 
 
 Aiagha Dagh, Asiatic 
 
 I'urkey 
 Baulk, city of 
 River of Baulk and Bau- 
 
 meearu 
 Cape Kara, district of Ta- 
 
 rabozan . 
 Castle of Roumkala 
 
 The above Table contains only the names of such regions and cities, &c. as are mentioned in this Edition of 
 RoLLiN's Ancient History— it does not therefore pretend to be a general Table of Ancient and Modern History.— 
 The ancient political Divisions mentioned, are those which existed prior to the era of Roman conquest or Roman 
 political nomenclature. — Many of the Cities mentioned in ancient history have utterly perished, and left no traces of 
 ' their past existence— these consequently it would have been useless to insert. — Of cities whose remains exist, those 
 j only are inserted whose sites have been clearly ascertained.— Such cities as have preserved their ancient names ob- 
 ! viously did not require to be enumerated. In constructing a Table of this kind it is impossible to attain that degree \ 
 ! of accuracy and fulness which could be wished. Even tne best geographers are almost utterly ignorant of the great ! 
 i interior of the Asiatic peninsula — as also of the interior of Macedonia, Thessaly, Epirus, and lUyria— and until great | 
 I political changes shall have laid these and other ancient countries open to the view of the learned and scientific tra- 
 i veJier, every Table of this kind must of necessity be greatly defective. — Ed. 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Note— 2%^ numerals r^er to the Volume— figures to the Fage—the articles marked N, will be 
 found ill the Notes. 
 
 ABANTinAS makes himself tyrant of Sicyon, ii. 35S. 
 Abas, king of Argos, i. 264. 
 
 Abdolonymus is placed upon the throne of Si don 
 against his will, ii. 103. his answer to Alexander, 104. 
 
 Abelox, a Spaniard, his treachery, i. 84. 
 
 Abian Scythians, inquiry respecting the, ii. 177. N. 
 
 Abradates, king of Susiana, engages in Cyrus's service, 
 i. 165. he is killed in the battle of Thymbra, 168. 
 
 Abraham goes to Egypt with Sarah, i. 21. the Scripture 
 places him very near Nimrod; and why, 125, 
 
 Abrocomas, one of the generals of Artaxerxes Mne- 
 mon's army, marches against Cyrus the Younger, i. 470. 
 
 Absalom, brother of Alexander Janneeus, ii. 645. he is 
 taken jirisoner at the siege of Jerusalem, 646. 
 
 Abutites, governor of Susa for Darius, surrenders that 
 place to Alexander, ii. 129. he is continued in his govern- 
 ment, ibid. 
 
 Abydos, a city of Asia, besieged by Philip, iL 427, &c. 
 tragical end of that city, 428. 
 
 Ab-zal, a Persian river, called Ulai in Scripture, and 
 Eulffius in classical geography, i. 194. N. 
 
 Academy, founded at Alexandria under the name of 
 Mus£eum, ii. 301, 
 I Acarnanians, people of Greece, their courage, iL 408. 
 
 Acesines, river of, described, ii. 190 — 192, and 288. N. 
 
 Achffians, settled by Acha;us in Peloponnesus, i. 266. 
 institution of their commonwealth, ii. 358. their govern- 
 ment, cities, of which the Achasan league is formed at first, 
 ib. several cities join it afterwards, ib. chiefs who rendered 
 
 that republic so flourishing, 411. The Achceans enter 
 
 into a war with Sparta, 371. after many losses they call in 
 Antigonus to their aid, 373. in a war with the ^tolians 
 they have recourse to Philip, 394. they declare for the 
 Romans against that prince, 436. they join with the Ro- 
 mans against Antiochus, 4^3. their cruel treatment of 
 many Spartans, 485. they subject the Messenians, 499. 
 they send deputies to Rome concerning Sparta, 501. Cal- 
 
 licrates, one of their deputies, betrays them, ib. &c. 
 
 The Achasans resolve to share with the Romans in the 
 dangers of the war against Perseus, 558. they are sus- 
 pected by the Romans, 588. cruel treatment of them by 
 the Romans, 589, &c. troubles in Achaia, 596. the 
 Achseans declare war against the Lacedsemonians, ib. 
 they insult the Roman commissioners, 597. they engage 
 Thebes and Chalcis to join them, ib. they are defeated by 
 Metellus, ib. and afterwards by Mummius, 598, &c. 
 Achaia is reduced into a Roman province, ib. 
 Achasmenes, brother of Xerxes, i. 320. 
 Acha;menes, brother of Artaxerxes Mnemon, is placed 
 at the head of the army sent by that prince against 
 Egypt, i. 361. he is killed in a battle, ib. 
 Achffius, son of Xuthus, founder of the Achseans, i. 266. 
 Achaeus, cousin of Seleucus Ceraunus, has the admin- 
 istration of the affairs of Egj-pt, ii. 381. he avenges the 
 death of that prince, ib. he refuses the crown, and pre- 
 serves it for Antiochus the Great, ib. his fidelity to that 
 prince, 382. he revolts against Antiochus, 386. his power, 
 ib. he is betrayed and delivered up to Antiochus, and put 
 to death, 392. 
 
 Achaia, so called from AchiEus.— See Acha;ans, i. 266. 
 Acharnians, comedy of Aristophanes : extract from it. 
 I. 582. 
 
 Achillas, young Ptolemy's guardian, ii. 739, he assassi. 
 nates Pompey, ib. he is put to death, 741. 
 Achoris, king of Egypt, i. 498. 
 
 Achradina, one of the quarters of the city of Syracuse, 
 description of it, i. 418. 
 
 Acichorius, general of the Gauls, makes an irruption 
 Into Macedonia, then into Greece, ii. 313. he perishes 
 there, 314. 
 
 Acilius (Manius) is appointed to command in Greece 
 igainst Antiochus, ii. 463. he defeats that prince near 
 lliermopyla;, 461. he subjects the jEtolians, 465, &c. 
 
 Acilius, a young Roman, his stratagem to make Pcar- 
 seus quit his asylum, ii. 570. 
 Acrisius, king of Argos, i. 264. 
 
 Acrotatus, son of Areus, king of Sparta, ii. 3.32. valour 
 of that young prince, 333. 
 Actium, city famous for Antony's defeat, ii. 749. 
 Ada continued in the government of Caria after the 
 death of Idreseus her husband, ii. 87. 
 
 j--dana, (Magarsus, or Megornes) city in Cilicia, de- 
 scribed, ii. 221. N. 
 
 Aderbijan, Morrier's map of, commended, i. 466. N. 
 Adherbal, general of the Carthaginians, defeats the 
 Romans at sea, i. 63. 
 
 Adimantes is appointed general of the Athenians after 
 the battle of ArginusEe, i. 442. by what means he escapes 
 death after his defeat at .SIgospotamos, 445. 
 
 Admetus, king of the Molossians, gives Themistocles 
 refuge, i. 350. he is intimidated by the Athenians, and 
 sends him away, 356. 
 
 Admetus, othcer in Alexander's army, ii. 108. 
 Adonis. Feasts celebrated in honour of him at Athens, 
 i. 415. 
 
 Adore. Etymology of that word, i. 233. 
 JCacides, son of Arymbas, king of Epirus, is driven out 
 of his dominions by the intrigues of Philip king of Ma- 
 cedonia, he reascends the throne, ii. 59. 
 
 iEacides, king of Epirus, is banished by his own sub. 
 jects, ii. 253. 
 
 jEgeus, king of Athens, i. 264. 
 iEgina, little island near Athens, i. 313. 
 ^gospotamos, famous for Lysander's victory over the 
 Athenians, i. 444. 
 ^gyptiis, name given to Sesostris, i. 22. 
 iEmilia, sister to Paulus ^milius : riches left by her to 
 Scipio, at her death, i. 111. 
 
 iEmilius (Paulus; is chosen consul, ii. 561. he sets out 
 for Macedonia, 563. exact and severe discipline which he 
 establishes in his army, 565. he gains a famous victory 
 over Perseus near the city of Pydna, 569, &c. he pursues 
 Perseus in his flight, 570. that prince puts himself into 
 his hands, 571. Paulus JEmilius is continued in the com. 
 mand of the army in Macedonia, 572. during the winter- 
 quarters he visits the most famous cities of Greece, ib. 
 upon his return to Amphipolis he imparts to the Macedo. 
 nians the regulations made by himself and the senate in 
 respect to Macedonia, 573, &c. he gives a great feast 
 there, 574. he sets out for Rome, and passes through Epi. 
 rus, the cities of which he abandons to be plundered by 
 the troops, 577. he enters Rome in triumph, 578, &c. 
 
 iEmilius, deputy from the Romans, goes to Philip, who 
 was besieging Abydos, and exhorts him in the name of 
 the senate to lay down his arms, ii. 428. he goes to Egypt 
 to take possession of the guardianship of the king in the 
 name of the Roman people, ib. 
 
 ^milius (L. Paulus) is elected consul with Varro, i. 84 
 he is killed at the battle of Cannae, 85. 
 iEna, a very rich temple in Media, ii. 420. 
 .iEneas, supposed by Virgil contemporary with Dido, 
 i. 44. 
 
 JEnobarbus (Domitius), consul, declares for Antony 
 and retires to him, ii. 747. 
 .a:olus, son of Hellen, reigns in Thessaly, i. 65. 
 jEra of Nabonassar, i. 132. eera of the Seleucida>, ii". 262. 
 .iEschines, Athenian orator, suffers himself to be cor- 
 rupted by Phihp's gold, ii. 56, &c. he accuses Demos- 
 thenes, 69. he is cast and retires into banishment, ib. 
 
 iEsop the Phrygian : his history, i. 288, he goes to the 
 court of Croesus, ib. he is supposed to have been the in. 
 ventor of fables, 289. 
 
 .aitna, mount, its elevation, i. 411, N. house built near 
 its summit by British officers, ib. 
 .iEtoHa, one of theprinciual parts of Greece, i, 260, 
 .a:tolians. War of the JEtoIians against the Achjean 
 
784 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 and Philip, ii. 393. treaty of peace oetween them, 405. 
 the ^tolians join the Romans against Philip, 407, they 
 make peace with that prince, 420. they declare agamst 
 him for the Romans, 437. they condemn the treaty made 
 between Philip and the Romans, 451. they form a resolu- 
 tion to seize Demetrias, Chalcis, and Lacedtemon, by 
 treacherv, 460. they call in the aid of Antiochus against 
 the Romans, 461. they ofFer to submit to the Romans, 
 465 and cannot obtain peace, 466. the senate, at the re- 
 quest of the Athenians and Rhodians, grant it them, 484, 
 cruel treatment of them by the Romans, 587, &c. remarks 
 on this, 577. N. character of the ^toUans, 455. N. 
 Afghanistaun mountains described, ii. 201. N, 
 Africa, circumnavigated in the reign of Nechao, L 28. 
 Hanno sails round it by order of the senate of Carthage, 
 40. 
 
 Agamemnon, king of Mycens, i. 264. 
 
 Agarista, wife of Megacles. Her father's conduct m 
 choosing her a husband, i. 280. 
 
 Agathoclea, concubine of Ptolemy Philopator, il 392. 
 miserable end of that woman, 425. 
 
 Agathocles seizes the tyrant of Syracuse, i. 53. his ex- 
 peditions against the Carthaginians in Sicily and Africa, 
 lb he brmgs over Ophelias to his side, and then puts him 
 to death, 56. miserable end of that tyrant, ib. 
 
 Agathocles, governor of Parthia for Antiochus, u. 341. 
 
 Agathocles, brother of Agathoclea, ii. 392. his ascen- 
 dant over Ptolemy Philopator, ib. his measures for ob- 
 taining the guardianship of Ptolemy Epiphanes, 425. he 
 perishes miserably, ib. 
 
 Agatsbashee, see Aggia Dagler. 
 
 A^elas of Naupactus, ambassador from the allies to 
 PhilTp. Wisdom of his discourse, ii. &c. _ 
 
 Agesilaus is elected king of Sparta, i. 483. his ^ucation 
 and Character, ib. he sets out for Asia, ^36. he differs with 
 Lvsander, 487. his expeditions m Asia, 488, &c. Sparta 
 appoints him generalissimo by sea and land 489 he com- 
 niissions Pisander to command the fleet in his stead, 490 
 his interview with Pharnabazus, ib. the Ephori recaU 
 him to the aid of his country, 402. his ready obedience, 
 ib he gains a victory over the Thebans at Coronffia, in 
 which he is wounded, 494. he returns to Sparta, ib. he al- 
 ways retains his ancient manners, ib^ he discovers the 
 conspiracy formed by Lysander, ib. different expeditions 
 of Aiesillus in Greece, 495. he causes his brother Teleu- 
 tias to be appointed admiral, ib. Sphodnas is acquitted by 
 his means ii. 7. Antalcidas rallies him upon his 
 bdnr wounded by the Ihebans, ib. dispute between 
 SefilaTs and Epaminondas in the assembly of the al les 
 rfiparta, 8. he causes war to be declared against the 
 Thebans 9. he finds means to save those who have fled 
 iSm the battle of Leuctra, 10 his conduct m the two ir- 
 ruptions of the Thebans into the territory of Sparta 11. 
 SpSa sends aid to Tachos, king of Egypt who had re- 
 volted against Persia, 25. actions of Agesilaus in Egypt 
 ib he declares for Nectanebus against lachos, ib. he dies 
 
 ^"A^lS^unronl^h?^^^^^ side to Agis king of 
 Sparta, ii. 365. he abuses that prince's confidence 367. 
 violence which he commits when one of the Ephori, 368. 
 he is wounded, and left for dead, lb. . 
 
 Aeesinolis king of Sparta with Agesilaus, il 1. dif- 
 fertSetween tLse tlo kings, ib^ he coimnands the 
 army sent against Olynthus, 3. his death, ib. 
 
 Agesipolis reigns at Sparta with Lycurgus, n. 396. he is 
 de5ironed by Lycurgus, 449. he retires to the camp of the 
 
 ^Tgesistrata. mother of Agis, king of Sparta, ii. 369. her 
 "^"'Aggi? Dagler, a mistake respecting it in V. i. 466. N. 
 'T^S, 'widow ""of Agis king of Sparta - forced by 
 Leonidas to marry Cleomenes, ii. 370. death of that prin- 
 
 """"AgFs^ L son of Eurysthenes, king of Sparta, enslaves 
 the inhabitants of Elos, i. XXXV . c ; aiq h« 
 
 Aeis II son of Archidamus, king of Sparta, i. 418. he 
 makS war against the people of Elis 484 he acknow- 
 ledges Leotychides for his son at his death, ib. 
 
 Aeis III. son of another Archidamus, king of Spar a, 
 commands the army of the Lacedaemonians agamst the 
 Macedonians, and is killed in a battle, n- 149. 
 
 Aeis IV son of Eudamidas, reigns at Sparta u. 364. he 
 endeavours to revive the ancient institutions of Lycurgus, 
 365 he effects it in part, ib. &c. only Agesilaus prevents 
 ^e final execution of that design, 367. he is sent to aid 
 the AchLns against the iEtolians, ib. on his return to 
 Sparta he finds I total change there, 363. he is condemn- 
 ed to die, and executed, 369, &c. 
 
 Agonothetse, a name given to those who presided in 
 the public games of Greece, 1. 569. , , .f^^-. 
 
 Agriculture. Esteem that the ancients had for it, e.pe- 
 ciallf in Egypt, i. 16. in Persia, 219. and in ^^cily 3-9 
 
 A-^rigentum. (now Girgenti. 1. 46. N.) Foundation of 
 
 that city, 412. it is subjected first by the Carthaginians, 4H 
 and afterwards by the Romans, 56. 
 Agron, prince of Illyria, ii. 363. 
 
 Ahasuerus, name given by the Scriptures to Astyages, 
 as also to Cambyses and Darius.— See the names of the 
 last two. 
 
 Ahaz, king of Judah, becomes vassal and tributary to 
 Tiglath-Pilesar, i. 132. 
 
 Albanians. Their origin, i. 257. N. situation of their 
 country, ii. 729. they are defeated by Pompey, 731. 
 
 Alcffius, son of Perseus, king of Mycens, and father of 
 Amphitryon, i. 264. 
 
 Alcasus, Greek poet, i. 285. 
 
 Alcander, young Lacedsemcnian, puts out one of Ly. 
 curgus's eyes, i. 269. Lycurgus 's manner of being reveng- 
 ed on him, ib. , , ^, 
 Alcetas, king of the Molossians, great-grandfather both 
 of Pyrrhus and Alexander the Great, ii. 48. 
 
 Alcibiades. When very young he carries the prize of 
 valour in the battle against the Potidaan.-, i. 374. charac- 
 ter of that Athenian, 407. his intimacy with Socrates, ib. 
 his versatility of genius, 408. his passion for ruling alone, 
 
 409 Alcibiades begins to attract notice at Athens, i. 
 
 407 his artifice for breaking the treaty with Sparta, 409. 
 he engages the Athenians in the war with Sicily, 410. he 
 is elected general with Nicias and Lamachus, 413. he is 
 accused of having mutilated the statues of Mercury, 415. 
 he sets out for Siciiy, without having been able to bring 
 that affair to a trial, ib. he takes Catana by surprise, 417. 
 he is recalled by the Athenians to be tried, ib. he flies, 
 and is condemned to die for contumacy, ib. he retires to 
 Sparta, 418. he debauches TimcPa, the wife of Agis, and 
 has a son by her, ib. he advises the Lacedsmonians to 
 
 send Gylippus to the aid of Syracuse, 420. Alcibiades 
 
 retires to Tissaphernes, 432. his influence with that 
 satrap, 433. his return to Athens is concerted, 434. he is 
 recalled, ib. he beats the I^ceda;monian fleet, 436. he 
 goes to Tissaphernes, who causes him to be seized and 
 carried prisoner to Sardis, ib. he escapes out of prison ib. 
 he defeats Mindarus and Pharnabazus by sea and land 
 the same day, ib. he returns in triumph to Athens, 437. 
 and is declared generalissimo, ib. he causes the great 
 mysteries to be celebratea, 438. he sets sail with the fleet, 
 ib. Thrasybulus accuses him at Athens of having occa- 
 sioned the defeat of the fleet near Ephesus, 440. the com- 
 mand is taken from him, ib. he comes to the Athenian 
 generals at ^gospotamos, 445. the advice he gives them 
 ib he retires into the province of Pharnabazus, 450. that 
 satrap causes him to be assassinated, ib. his character, ib. 
 
 Alcibiades, one of the Spartan exiles, is reinstated by 
 the Achajans, and sent deputy to Rome with complaints 
 against them, iL 496. the Ach^ans condemn him to die, 
 497. they soon after annul that sentence, 498. 
 
 Alcimus is placed at the head of Demetrius Soler s 
 army against the Jews, ii. 613. 
 
 Alcmseon, 1. 279. t>- . . i. • <x2fi 
 
 Alcmseonidffi expelled Athens by Pisistratus, i. 280. 
 they take upon themselves the care of building the new 
 temple of Delphi, 281. their aim in that undertakmg ib. 
 
 Alcyoneus, son of Antigonus, carries the head of 
 Pyrrhus to his father, ii. 334. , ^ ^ 
 Alenjick, fortress of, noticed, n. /27. >i. _ 
 Alexamenes is sent by the ^tolians to seize Sparta, il 
 460. his avarice occasions the miscarriage of that design, 
 ib. he is killed in Sparta, ib. 
 
 Alexander I. son of Amyntas I. king of Macedon 
 avenges the affront his mother and sisters had received 
 from the Persian ambassadors i. 306 he makes proposals 
 of peace to the Athenians from the Persians, 339 he 
 gives the Greeks intelligence of the designs of the Per- 
 
 Alexander IL son of Amyntas 1 1, reigns in Macedonia, 
 and dies at the end of one year, u 15. „f p^nm 
 
 Alexander III. surr.amed the Great, son of Philip. 
 His birth ii 48. happy inclinations of that prince, 76 he 
 S Aristotle for his preceptor, ?7. Alexander's esteem 
 S affSn for that p^hilosopher, ib he breaks Bucepha. 
 
 lus 78 Alexander ascends the throne of Wace- 
 
 donia 79 he reduces and subjects the people bordering 
 upon hi kingdom, who had revolted, 80. he enters Greece , 
 Jo dissolve the league which had been formed agamst , 
 him Yb his rapid march an eminent instance of his 
 J rmptitude and vigour, 84 N. he defeats the 1 hebans in a [ 
 great battle, ib. and takes their city, which he destroy., 81. 
 he pardons the Athenians, ib. he summons a diet at Co- 
 rhith and causes himself to be declared generalissimo ot h e 
 Greeks against the Persians, ib. he returns into Maceuon a | 
 S^^and makes preparations for his expedition again.t e 
 Persians, 83. he appoints Antipater to govern Macedonia 
 
 IS his vicerov, ib. Alexander sets out for Asia, itJ. ar- 
 
 ri vP al lhon where he renders great honours to the me- 
 morv of aX'iIcs 84 he passes the Granicus, and gains a 
 great vfcfo?"ove'r the Persians, 85 their lo- exagg^raU 
 ed 86. N. he besieges and takes Miletus, 86. tncn Haii 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 785 
 
 camassus, 87. and conquers almost all Asia Minor, ib. he 
 besieges and takes the fortress of the Marmarians, 87, N. 
 marches to Perga, 89. N. takes Aspendus, ib. Pass of 
 Telmessus abandoned to him, ib. takes Celaenae, ib. marches 
 by Anerya, Paph]agonia, Halys and Mount Taurus to Ci- 
 Hcia, ib. he takes the city of Gordium, where he cuts the 
 famous Gordian knot, 89. he passes the straits of Cilicia, 
 90. he arrives at Tarsus, where he has a dangerous ill. 
 ness, occasioned by bathing in the river Cydnus, 92. he is 
 cured of it in a few days, 93. he marches against Darius, 
 and gains a famous victory over that prince near Issus, 
 9(5. &c. tired with pursuing Darius, he comes to that 
 prince's camp, which his troops had just before seized, 
 100. Alexander's humanity and attention to Sysigambis 
 
 and the other captive princesses, 101. Alexander enters 
 
 Syria, 102. the treasures laid up in Damascus are deliver- 
 ed to him, ib. Darius writes him a letter in the most 
 haughty terms, ib. he answers it in the same style, 103. 
 the city of Sidon opens its gates to him, ib. he besieges 
 Tyre, 104, &c. after a long siege he takes that place by 
 storm, 108. his dreadful cruelty to the Tyrians, 109. N. to 
 Belis, governor of Gaza, 116. N. he receives a second let- 
 ter from Darius, 112. he marches to Jerusalem, ib. hon- 
 ours paid by him to the high priest Jaddus, 113. this ac- 
 count proved fabulous, ib. N. he enters Jerusalem and 
 offers sacrifices there, 114. Daniel's prophecies relating to 
 hira are shown him, ib. he grants great privileges to the 
 Jews, 116. and refuses the same to the Samaritans, ib. he 
 besieges and takes Gaza, ib. enters Egypt, 117. makes 
 himself master of it, ib. and begins to build Alexandria, 
 118. he goes into Libya, ib. visits the temple of Jupiter 
 Ammon, ib. and causes himself to be declared the son of 
 
 that god, 119. he returns to Egypt, ib. Alexander on 
 
 his return to Egypt, resolves to advance against Darius, ib. 
 on setting out, he is informed of the death of that prince's 
 wife, ib. he causes her to be interred with great magnifi- 
 cence, ib. he passes the Euphrates, 120. then the Tigris, 
 122. he comes up with Darius, and gains a great battle, 
 near Arbela, 126. he takes Arbela, 127. Babylon, 128. his 
 march to Susa, i. 206. N. he takes Susa, 129. subdues the 
 Uxii, 130, &c. seizes the pass of Susa, 131. arrives at Per- 
 Bepolis, of which he makes himself master, ib. &c. and 
 burns the palace of that city in a drunken frolic, 132. the 
 circumstances attending that transaction critically ex- 
 amined, ib. N. Alexander pursues Darius, 138. Bes- 
 
 sus's treatment of Darius, makes him hasten his 
 march, 146. interesting discussioa respecting the coun. 
 tries traversed on this march, 155 — 163. N. Alexander's 
 grief on seeing the body of Darius, who had just before 
 expired, 147. he sends it to Sysigambis, ib. he marches 
 against Bessus, 149. Thalestris, queen of the Amazons, 
 comes from a remote country to see him, 150. he aban- 
 dons himself to pleasure and excess, 151. he continues his 
 march against Bessus, 1.52. he puts Philotas to death 
 upon suspicion of having entered into a conspiracy against 
 him, 154. and Parmenio his father, ib. he subdues several 
 nations, 156. he arrives in Bactriana, ib. his cruel treat- 
 ment of the Branchidaj, 163. Bessus is brought to him, 
 
 ib. Alexander takes many cities in Bactriana, ib. &c.and 
 
 builds one near the laxartes, to which he gives his name, 
 164. he marches against the Sogdians, who had revolted, 
 and destroys many of their cities, ib. the Scythians send 
 ambassadors to him, who speak with extraordinary free- 
 dom, ib. remarks on this speech, 178. N. he passes the lax- 
 artes, 165. gains a victory over the Scythians, 166. and 
 treats the conquered favourably, ib. he quells a revolt of 
 the Sogdians, ib. he sends Bessus to Ecbatana to be pun- 
 ished, ib. he takes the city of Petra, 167, &c. he abandons 
 himself to the pleasure of hunting, in which he is in great 
 danger, 168. he gives Clitus the command of the provin. 
 ces which had formerly been under Artabazus, ib. he in. 
 vites that officer to a feast, and kills him, ib. &c. he un. 
 dertakes various expeditions, 170. he m.arries Roxana, 
 daughter of Oxyartes, ib. he resolves to march into India, 
 and makes preparations for setting out, ib. he endeavours 
 to make his courtiers adore him after the Persian man- 
 ner, ib. he puts the philosopher Callisthenes to death, 
 
 172. Alexander sets out for India, ib. he takes many 
 
 cities there that seemed impregnable, and frequently en- 
 dangers his life, 180, &c. he grants Taxilus his protection, 
 132. he passes the river Indus, ib. and then the Hydaspes, 
 18.3. and gains a famous victory over Porus, 184. he re- 
 stores that prince to his kingdom, 185. he builds Nica;a 
 and Bucephalia, ib. he advances into India, and subjects 
 many nations, ib. he forms the design of penetratiiig as far 
 as the Ganges, 196. general murmur of his army, ib. he 
 renounces that design, and gives orders to prepare for re- 
 turning, !98. excess of vanity which he shows in giving 
 thanks to the gods, ib. remarks on these campaigns, 191. 
 
 N. Alexander sets out on his march to the ocean, ib. 
 
 is in extreme danger at the city of the Oxydracce, ib. he 
 subdues all he meets in his way, 200. arrives at the ocean, 
 ib. prepares for his return to Europe, 201. he sufFers ex- 
 tremely by famine in passing desert places, ib. and 204. N, 
 
 remarks on Curtius' account of his loss, 207. N. equipage 
 in which he passes through Carmania, 203. remarks on 
 this, 208. N. he arrives at Pasagarda, 210. honours ren- 
 dered by him to the ashes of Cyrus, 213. he puts Orsines 
 satrap of the province to death, 211. remarks on this event' 
 ib. N. he marries Statira, the daughter of Darius, 213. he 
 pays the debts of his soldiers, ib. he appeases a mutiny 
 amongst them, 215, &c. he recalls Antipater, and substi- 
 tutes Craterus in his stead, ib. his grief for Hephsestion's 
 death, ib. &c. he conquers the Cosseans, 216. — -Alexan- 
 der enters Babylon, notwithstanding the sinister predic- 
 tions of the Magi and other soothsayers, ib. he celebrates 
 Hephasstion's funeral with extraordinary magnificence 
 217. he forms various designs of expeditions and con' 
 quests, 218. he sets people at work upon repairing the 
 banks of the Euphrates, ib. and rebuilding the temple of 
 Belus, 220. he abandons himself to excessive drinking 
 which occasions his death, 221, &c. pomp of his funeral' 
 241. his body is carried to Alexandria, 242. judgment to 
 be passed on Alexander, 223. character of that prince ib 
 &c. compared with other warriors, 228. N. the commort 
 story of his weeping because there were other worlds 
 which he could not conquer, a mere fable, 227. N politi- 
 cal state of the world at his death, 279—285. N. inquiry as 
 to his probable success had he invaded Italy, 228, &c. 
 N. Daniel's prophecies concerning Alexander, 114, &c 
 
 Alexander, son of Alexander the Great, is electe'd king 
 ii. 234. Cassander first deprives that prince of the sove. 
 reignty, 254. then puts him to death, 263. 
 
 Alexander, son of Cassander, disputes the crown of 
 Macedonia with his brother Antipater, ii. 293. he is killed 
 by Demetrius, whom he had called in to his aid, ib 
 
 Alexander I., king of Epirus, marries Cleopatra, daugh- 
 ter of Philip, king of Macedonia, ii. 70. 
 
 Alexander Bala forms a conspiracy against Demetrius 
 Soter, ii. 614. he ascends the throne of Syria, 615. he mar- 
 ries Cleopatra, the daughter of Ptolemy Philometer, ib. 
 he abandons himself to voluptuousness, 616. Ptolemy de- 
 clares against him in favour of Demetrius Nicanor, 62o" 
 Alexander perishes, ib. 
 
 Alexander Zebina dethrones Demetrius king of Syria, 
 ii. 631. he is defeated by Antiochus Grypus, and soon 
 after killed, 632. 
 
 Alexander I., son of Physcon, is placed upon the throne 
 of Egypt, ii. 635. he causes his mother Cleopatra to be put 
 to death, 637. he is expelled by his subjects, and perishes 
 soon after, 638. 
 
 Alexander II., son of Alexander I., reigns in Egypt 
 after the death of Lathyrus, ii. 638. he marries Cleopatra 
 called Berenice, and kills her nineteen days after, ib. the 
 Alexandrians dethrone him, 641. he dies, and declares at 
 his death the Roman people his heirs, ib. 
 
 Alexander Jannsus reigns in Judaaa, ii. 646. he attacks 
 the inhabitants of Ptolemais, 635. Lathyrus marches to 
 the aid of that city, and defeats Alexander near the Jor. 
 dan, ib. &c. Alexander's revenge upon Gaza, 646. quarrel 
 between that prince and the Pharisees, 641. he receives 
 a gross affront at the feast of tabernacles, 647. vengeanca 
 which he takes for it, ib. civil war between that prince and 
 his subjects, ib. after having terminated it, he abandons 
 himself to feasting, and dies, ib. 
 
 Alexander makes himself tyrant of Pherse, ii. 15. he en- 
 deavours to subject the people of Thessaly, ib. Pelopidas 
 reduces him to reason, ib. he seizes Pelopidas by treachery, 
 and puts him in prison, ib. Epaminondas obliges him to 
 release his prisoner, 17. he is defeated near Cynoscephale, 
 ib. tragical end of that tyrant, 18. his diversions, 17. 
 
 Alexander, son of ^ropus, forms a conspiracy against I 
 Alexander the Great, ii. 89. he is piot to death, ib. 
 
 Alexander, son of Polysperchon, accepts the office of 
 governor-general of Peloponnesus, ii. 254. he is killed in 
 Sicyon, ib. 
 
 Alexander, governor of Persia for Antiochus the Great, 
 ii. 382. he revolts, and makes himself sovereign in his 
 province, ib. he perishes miserably, 383. 
 
 Alexander, deputy from the .^tolians to the assembly 
 of the allies held at Tempe, ii. 440. 
 
 Alexander, pretended son of Perseus, is driven out of 
 Macedonia, where he had usurped the throne, ii. 596. 
 Alexander, son of Antony and Cleopatra, ii. 747. 
 Alexandra, wife of Alexander Jannteus, reigns over the 
 Jewish nation, ii. 641. &c. 
 
 Alexandria, a city of Egypt, built by Alexander tho 
 Great, ii. 118. famous libraries of Alexandria, 301. &a 
 fate of those libraries, ib. &c. the burning of them doubt- 
 ful, 301. N. 
 
 Alexandria, built by Alexander the Great, upon the 
 laxartes, ii. 164. 
 Alexandrian Caucasus, see Caucasus. 
 Alexis, governor of the citadel of Apamsa, betrays 
 Epigenes, Antiochus's general, ii. 38a 
 
 Algebra, that science is part of the mathematics, and 
 ought not to be neglected, ii. 676. 
 
 Al-hymer, a mound near Babylon, described, i. 189. N 
 3D 
 
78G 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Allobroges, extent of their country, i. 77. 
 Al-mamoun, curious register of his revenue, i. 
 Alpis Graia, or little St. Bernard, the pass by which 
 Hannibal entered Italy, i. 75. N . 
 Alps, mountains famous for Hannibal's passing them, 
 
 ^' A^iwend, or Orontes, a mountain in Media, the site_ of | 
 the city of Ecbatana or Hamaden, i. 143. N. its extensive 
 and luxuriant gardens, Ui. N. _ , I 
 
 Amasia, the birth place of Strabo, u. 696. N. 
 
 Amasis, officer of Apries, is proclaimed king of Egypt, 
 i 30 he is confirmed in the possession of the kingdom by 
 Nabuchodonosor, 31. he defeats Apries, who had marched 
 against him, takes him prisoner, and puts him to death, 
 ib. he reigns peaceably in Egypt, 32. his method for ac- 
 quirin-' the respect of his subjects, ib. his death, ib. his 
 
 EoiV 'fi „ie„ ;ut Of hi, Wb, .ha burnt by or<,er i A„.ro=Saur.?SS „7.i;eToh..„,"ii: 
 
 ventius, 596- he is twice defeated by Metellus, ib. he 13 
 taken, and sent to Rome, ib. he serves to adorn the tiK 
 umph of Metellus, 600. 
 
 Androcles, son of Codrus, king of Athens, 1. 266. 
 Andromachus, governor of Syria and Palestine for 
 I Alexander, ii. 119. sad end of that governor, ib. 
 
 Andromachus, father of Achaus, is taken and kept 
 prisoner by Ptolemy Euergetes, ii. S81. Ptolemy Philopa- 
 tor sets him at liberty, and restores him to his son, 386. 
 
 Andronicus, general of Antigonus, makes himself mas. 
 ter of Tyre, ii. 5^60. he is besieged in that place by Pto- 
 lemv, and forced to surrender, 261. 
 
 Andronicus, Perseus's officer, put to death, and why, 
 ii 560 
 
 Andronicus of Hhodes, to whom the world is indebted 
 for the works of Aristotle, ii. 706. ^ . , . 
 
 Andrcsthenes, commander for Philip at Corinth, is de- 
 
 369. his 
 
 264. 546. 
 ib. their 
 
 Cambyses, i. 207. 
 
 Ambassadors. Fine example of disinterestedness in 
 certain Rom ambassadors, ii. 335. speech of Scythian 
 ambassadors to Alexander, 165. apparently manufactured 
 by his historian, 178. N. ^ j 4. 
 
 Araenophis, king of Egypt, i. 22. his manner of educat- 
 ing his son Sesostris, ib. this king is the Pharaoh of scrip- 
 ture who was drowned in the Red Sea, ib. 
 
 Amestris, wife of Xerxes. Barbarous and inhuman re- 
 venge of that princess, i. 344. &c. .. 
 
 AmJsus, a citv of Asia, besieged by Lucullus, 11. <09. 
 the eno-ineer Callimachus, who defended it, sets it on hre, 
 and burns it, 710, now a small village, 696. N. 
 
 Ammianus Marcellinus, remarks on his partiality to 
 Julian, ii. 730. N. , , . oaq xt 
 
 Ammonians, i. 207. who, and where situate, 203. N. 
 famous temple of that people, ii. 1 17. 
 
 Amnesty, famous one at Athens, i. 4o2. occasions when 
 amnesties are necessary, ib. . ^ ■ 
 
 Amorges, bastard of Pissuthnes, revolts against Darms 
 Nothus, i. 432. he is taken and sent into Persia, ib. 
 Araorium, destruction of the city of, ii. 487. N, 
 Amosis, king of Egypt. See Thethmothis. _ 
 Amphares, one of the Spartan Ephori, n, 
 treachery and cruelty to king Agis, ib. 
 Amphictvon, king of Athens, i. 264. 
 Amphictvons. Institution of that assembly, : 
 their power, ib. oath taken at their installation 
 condescensions for Philip occasioned the diminution of 
 vheir authority, ib. famous sacred war undertaken by or- 
 der of this assembly, ii. 50. 
 ' Amphipolis, city oi Thrace, besieged by Cleon, general 
 ' of the Athenians, i. 406. Philip takes that city from the 
 i Athenians, and declares it free, ii. 46. it is soon after 
 ' taken possession of by that prince, 47. ., ^ . ,oo vr 
 I Amran, a mass of ruins at Babylon described, 1. 183. M. 
 
 Amyntas 1. king of Macedonia, submits to Darius, 1. 306. 
 I Amyntas II., king of Macedonia, father of Philip, u. 
 
 ^Amynfas^ son of Perdiccas, excluded from the throne 
 of Macedonia, ii. 45. ■ 
 
 Amyntas, deserter from Alexander's army, seizes the 
 government of Egypt, ii. 117. he is killed there, ib.__ 
 
 Amyntas, one of Alexander the Great's othcers, 11. 128. 
 
 Amvrteus, one of the generals of the Egyptians, who 
 had revolted agains* Artaxerxes Longimanus, u 06I. he 
 is assisted by the Athenians, 368. he drives the Persians 
 out "'of Egypt, and is declared king of it, 404. he dies, ib. 
 
 Amvtis, wife of Nabuchodonosor, i. 127. _ 
 
 Anabasis, the, much improved by gradual accessions of 
 eeographical science, i. 455. N. its numerous errors in 
 Oie march of Cyrus, and the retreat of the 10,000 Greeks, 
 corrected in the notes, 454 — 169. ^ , 
 
 Anacharsis, of the Scytho-isomades by nation, one ot 
 the seven sages, i. 288. his contempt for riches, ib. 
 
 Anacreon, Greek poet, i. 2S6. 
 
 Anaitis. Fate of one of the statues of this goddess, 11. 
 746 
 
 Anaxagoras, his care of Pericles, i. 364, his doctrine, 
 376 the first ohilosopher who asserted the existence of 
 an intelligent cause, ib. N. his opinion of matter, of the 
 sun, moon, and stars, ib. caution to unlearned readers re- 
 specting ancient philosophy, ib. 
 
 Anaxander, king of Laceda;monia, 1. xxxviu. 
 
 Anaxilaus, tyrant of Zancle, i. 382. 
 
 Anaximenes, in what manner he saved his country, 11. 
 
 81 
 
 Ancyra (or Angora) city of Galatia, description of, ii. 
 290. N.— its history, ib. manufactures and commerce, ib. 
 remarkable goats a'nd cats, ib. 
 
 Andranodorus, guardian of HieronjTnus, king of byra- 
 cn%o ii 678. his strange abuse of his autnority, ib. aiter 
 the ticath of Hieronvmus, he seizes part of Syracuse, 6*9. 
 he forms a conspiracy for ascending the throne, 680. he is 
 accused and put to death, ib. j , . e 
 
 Andriscns of Adraniyttium, pretends himself son ot 
 Perseus, and is declared king of M;:cedonia, 11. 595. he 
 •lefeats the Roman army, commanded by the prstor Ju- 
 
 441. 
 
 Angels. t)pinions of the Pagans concerning tbem, i | 
 
 Anicius, Roman prsetor, is charged with the war against 
 Gentius, king of lUvria, ii. 562. he defeats that prince, 
 takes him prisoner, and sends him to Rome 56o. he re- 
 ceives the honour of a triumph, 579. , V T. ' 
 
 Antalcidas, Lacedcemonian, concludes with tV^e J er- , j 
 sians a peace disgraceful to the Greeks, i. 495, &c. 1 
 Antigona, Philotas's mistress, accuses him to Alexan- j 
 dcr, ii. 153. _ , - i 
 
 Antigone, the daughter-in-law of Ptolemy, wife of ; 
 Pyrrhus, ii 292. ^ ^ ^ ^ 
 
 Antigonia, city built by Antigonus, ii. 278. and destroy • j 
 ed Ly Seleucus, ii. 285. . ^. i 
 
 Antigonus, one of Alexander's captains, divides the | 
 empire of that prince with the rest of them, 11. 234. he 
 makes war against Eumenes, and besieges hira m Nora, | 
 245 he marches into Pisidi"a against Alcetas and Atta.us, 
 ib. he becomes very powerful, 247. he revolts against the 
 kings, and continues the war with Eumenes, who adheres 
 to them, 251. he is defeated by that captain, 2oo. he gets 
 Eumenes into his hands by treachery, and causes him to 
 perish in prison, ib. a league is formed against him, ^o9. 
 he takes Syria and Phoenicia from Ptolemy, ib. and makes 
 himself master of Tyre, after a long siege, ^60. he 
 marches against Cassander, and gains great advantages 
 over him, ib. he concludes a treaty with the confederate 
 princes, 263. he forms the design of restoring liberty to 
 Greece, 265. he besieges and takes Athens, ib. &c. exces- 
 sive honours paid him there, 266. he assumes the title oJ 
 king, 269. he makes preparations to invade Egy-pt> ib. hi? 
 enterprise is unsuccessful, ib. he loses a great battle at Ip- 
 sus, and is kiUed in it, 278 and 279. N. 
 
 Antigonus Gonatas offers himself as a hostage for IJe- 
 metrius his father, ii. 300. he establishes himselt in Ma- 
 cedonia, 318. Pvrrhus drives him out of it, 331. he re- 
 tires into his maritime cities, ib. sends troops to the 
 aid of the Spartans against Pyrrhus, 333. marches to 
 the assistance of Argos, besieged by ithat prince, ib. he 
 takes the whole armv and camp of Pyrrhus, and cele. 
 brates the funeral of that prince with great magnificence, 
 334. besieges Athens, 336. and takes it, ib. his death, 
 
 Antieonus Doson, as Philip's guardian, reigns m Mace- 
 donia, u. 357. the Achseans call him in to their aui against 
 Sparta, 373. he occasions their gaining several advantages. 
 3'/5, &c. he is victorious in the famous battle of Selasia 
 against Cleomenes, 377. he makes himself master of 
 Sparta, and treats it with great clemency, 379. he marches 
 against the Illyrians, and dies after having gained a vie 
 torv over them, ib. , 
 
 Antigonus, nephew of Antigonus Doson, Philip s ta- 
 vourite, discovers to that prince the innocence of his son 
 Demetrius, and the guilt of Perseus, ii. 515. I'hilip's in- 
 tentions in respect to him, ib. 
 
 Antigonus, a Macedonian lord in the court of Perseus, 
 ii. 564. . A 
 
 Antigonus, the brother of Aristobulus I., is appointed 
 by his brother to term.inate the war in Itursa, 11. Clo. at 
 his return his brother puts him to death, 646. 
 
 Antigonus, son of Aristobulus II., is sent to Rome by 
 Pompcy, ii. 650. he is set upon the throne of Judsa, 6ol, 
 he is besieged in Jerusalem, 652. he surrenders and is put 
 to death, ib. 
 
 Antilibanus, (the Hermon of Scripture) a ridge of moun- 
 tains separating Palestine from Syria, ii. 106. 388. N.__ 
 Antimachus, officer in the army of Perseus, u. 001. 
 Antioch, city built by Seleucus, upon the Orontes, 11. 
 285. historical account and description, 228. N. 
 
 Antiochus, lieutenant of Alcibiades, attacks the Lace- 
 dEEmonians with ill conduct, and is defeated with great 
 loss, i. 439. r, ■ ^ 
 
 Antiochus I., surnamed Soter, reigns in SjTia, and mar. 
 ries Stratonice, his father's wife, ii. 310. he endeavours to 
 seize the kingdom of Pergamus, 338. he is defeated by 
 Eumenes, ib. he puts one of hia sons to death, and diob 
 himself soon after, 339- 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 787 
 
 I Antiochus II., surnamed 'i heos, ascends the throne of 
 i Syria, ii. 339. he delivers Miletus from tyranny, ib. he 
 : Carries the war into Egypt against Ptolemy, 340. the pro- 
 vinces of the East revolt against him, 341. he loses most 
 I of those provinces, 313. he makes peace with Ptolemy, 
 ! and marries Berenice, the daughter of that prince, after 
 ^ having repudiated Laodice, 346. he repudiates Berenice, 
 and takes Laodice again, who causes him to be poisoned, 
 ; 319, Daniel's prophecies concerning him, ib. 
 I Antiochus Hierax commands in Asia Minor, ii. 319. 
 he enters into a league with his brother Seleucus against 
 i : Ptolemy, 351. he declares war against Seleucus, gives him 
 : battle, and defeats him with great danger of his life, 352. 
 
 he is attacked and defeated by Eumenes, ib. he retires to 
 ' Ariarathes, who soon after seeks occasion to rid himself | 
 of him, 355. he takes refuge with Ptolemy, who imprisons 
 him, 356. he escapes from prison, and is assassinated by i 
 : robbers, ib. 
 
 I Antiochus III. surnamed the Great, begins to reign in ' 
 Syria, ii. ,382. fidelity of Achseus towards him, ib. he ap- I 
 points Hermias his prime minister, ib. Molo and Alex, 
 ander, whom he had appointed governors of Media and i 
 Persia, revolt against him, ib. he marries Laodice, the ' 
 daughter of Mithridates, ib. he sacrifices Epigenes, the ' 
 most able of his generals, to the jealousy of Hermias, 383. i 
 he marches agamst the rebels, and reduces them, ib. parti- 
 cular account of his route, 384. N. he rids himself of Her- 
 mias, 386. he marches into Coele-Syria, and takes Seleu- 
 cia, 337. Tyre, and Ptolemais, ib. he makes a truce with 
 Ptolemy, 388. The war breaks out again, 390. Antiochus 
 gains many advantages, ib. he loses a great battle at Ra- 
 ; phia, 391. he makes peace with Ptolemv, ib. he turns his 
 ; arms against Achseus, who had re volted,'392. Achseus is put 
 1 iiito his hands by treachery, and executed, i. expeditions 
 I of Antiochus into Media, 420. Parthia, 421. Hyrcania, 423. 
 Bactriana, ib. and even into India, ib. and 422. N. he en- 
 ters into an alliance with Philip to invade the kingdom of 
 Egypt, 426. and seizes Ccele-Syria and Palestine, ib. he 
 makes war against Attalus, 433. upon the remonstrances 
 of the Romans he retires, ib. he recovers Ccele-Syria, 
 I which Aristomenes had taken from him, ib. Antiochus 
 ! forms the design of seizing Asia Minor, 431. wi(h this 
 view prepares a large fleet, 444. N. sketch of his maritime 
 
 expedition along the southern coast of Asia Minor, 444 
 
 ; 447, N. he takes many places there, 444. (see the notes) an 
 embassy is sent to him from the Romans on that head, ib. 
 ; Hannibal retires to him, 449. the arrival of that general 
 determines him to engage in a war with the Romans, 452- 
 cause of this war, 453 — 155, N. he marches against the 
 ' Pisidians, and subjects them, 457. he goes to Greece at 
 the request of the .a:tolians, 461. he attempts to bring 
 j over the Achsans in vain, ib. and afterwards the Bceo- 
 I tians, 463. he makes himself master of Chalcis, and all 
 j Eubcea, ib. the Romans declare war against him, ib. he 
 I makes an ill use of Hannibal's counsels, ib. he goes to 
 I Chalcis, and marries the daughter of the person in whose 
 ! house he lodges, 469. he seizes the straits of Thermopyla;, 
 j ib. he is defeated near those mountains, and escapes to 
 ! Chalcis, 465. on his return to Ephesus, he ventures a sea- 
 ! fight, and loses it, 467. his fleet gains some advantage 
 : over the Rhodians, 468. he loses a second battle at sea, 
 471. his conduct after this defeat, 472. he makes pro- 
 i posals of peace, 473. which are rejected, ib. remarks on 
 his conduct to the Romans, ib. N. he loses a great battle 
 I near Magnesia, 475, &c. remarks on his defeat, 476. N. 
 i he demands peace, 477. he obtains it, and on what condi- 
 ' tions, ib. in order to pay the tribute to the Romans, he 
 - plunders a temple in Elymais, 488. he is killed, ib. doubts 
 I respecting the manner of his death, 479 — 192. N. character 
 I of Antiochus, 488. Daniel's prophecies concerning that 
 i prince, ib. 
 
 Antiochus, the eldest son of Antiochus the Great, dies 
 1 in the flower of his youth, ii. 457. character of that young 
 i prince, ib. 
 
 j Antiochus IV. surnamed Epiphanes, goes to Rome as a 
 hostage, ii. 477. he ascends the throne of Syria, 517. dis- 
 I pute between that prince and tlie king of Egypt, 518. he 
 I marches towards Egypt, 519. and gains a first victory over 
 I Ptolemy, ib. then a second, ib. he makes himself master 
 I of Egypt, ib. and takes the king himself, 520. upon the 
 I rumour of a general revolt, he enters Palestine, ib. be- 
 I sieges and takes Jerusalem, ib. where he exercises the 
 ' most horrid cruelties, ib. &c. Antiochus renews the war j 
 in Egypt, 521. he replaces Ptolemy Philometor upon the 
 throne, and with what view, 522. he returns to Syria, ib. 
 he comes back to Egypt, and marches to Alexandria, 523. 
 Popilius, the Roman ambassador, obliges him to quit it, 
 
 ib. Antiochus, incensed at what happened in Egypt, 
 
 vents his rage upon the Jews, 524. he orders Apollonius, 
 one of his generals, to destroy Jerusalem, ib. cruelties com. 
 mitted there by that general, ib. Antiochus endeavours to 
 abolish the worship of the true God at Jerusalem, ib. he 
 mters Judeea, and commits horrible cruelties. 532, &c. he 
 
 ' celebrates games at Daphne, near Antioch, 534. several 
 of his generals defeated by Judas Maccabecus, ib. he goes 
 
 i to Persia, attempts to plunder the temple of Elymais, and 
 is shamefully repulsed, 5.37. upon receiving advice of the 
 defeat of his armies in Juda!a, he sets out instantly with 
 design to exterminate the Jews, ib. he is struck by the 
 hand of God on his way, and dies in the most exquisite 
 torments, ib. Daniel's prophecies concerning this prince, 
 ib. particular enquiry respecting these, 540 — 515. N. 
 
 Antiochus V. called Eupator, succeeds his father An- 
 tiochus Epiphanes in the kingdom of Syria, ii. 606. he 
 continues the war with the Jews, 607. his generals and 
 himself in person are defeated by Judas Maccabreus, ib. 
 he makes peace with the Jews, and destroys the fortifica- 
 tions of the temple, 610. Romans discontented with Eu- 
 pator, 612. his soldiers deliver him up to Demetrius, who 
 puts him to death, 613. 
 
 Antiochus VI. surnamed Theos, is placed on the throne 
 of Syria by Tryphon, ii. 622. he is assassinated soon after, 
 ib. 
 
 Antiochus VII. surnamed Sidetes, marries Cleopatra, 
 wife of Demetrius, and is proclaimed king of Syria, ii. 
 624. he dethrones Tryphon, who is put to death, ib. he 
 marches into Judeea, ib. besieges John Hyrcanus in Je- 
 rusalem, ib. the city capitulates, 62.5. he turns his arms 
 against Parthia, 628. where he perishes, 629. an adventure 
 of this prince in hunting, ib. 
 
 Antiochus VIII. surnamed Grypus, begins to reign in 
 Syria, ii. 632. he marries Tryphena, the daughter of Phys- 
 con, king of Egypt, ib. defeats and expels Zebina, ib. 
 his mother Cleopatra endeavours to poison him, and is 
 poisoned herself, ib. Antiochus reigns some time in peace, 
 ib. war between that prince and his brother Antiochus of 
 Cyzicum, 633. the two brothers divide the empire of Syria 
 between them, ib. Grypus marries Selene, the daughter 
 t)f Cleopatra, and renews the war against his brother, 636. 
 he is assassinated by one of his vassals, ib. 
 
 Antiochus IX. s^urnamed the Cyzicenian, makes war 
 against his brother Antiochus Grypus, ii. 6.33. he marries 
 Cleopatra, whom Lathyrus had repudiated, ib. after se- 
 veral battles, he comes to an accommodation with his 
 brother, and divides the empire of Syria with him, ib. he 
 goes to the aid of the Samaritans, and is unsuccessful in 
 the war, 634. after his brother's death he endeavours to 
 possess himself of his dominions, 637. he loses a battle 
 against Seleucus the son of Grypus, who puts him to 
 death, ib. 
 
 Antiochus X. surnamed Eusebes, son of Antiochus the 
 Cyzicenian, causes himself to be crowned king of Syria, 
 and deposes Seleucus, ii. 637. he gains a battle against 
 Antiochus and Philip, brother of Seleucus, ib. he marries 
 Selene, the widow of Grypus, ib. he is entirely defeated 
 by Philip, and obliged to take refuge amongst the Par. 
 thians, ib. by their aid he returns into Syria, ib. hp. is 
 again expelled, and retires into Cilicia, where he ends his 
 days; 638. 
 
 Antiochus XI. son of Grypus, endeavours to revenge 
 the death of his brother Seleucus, ii. 637. he is defeated 
 by Eusebes, and drowned in endeavouring to pass the 
 Orontes, ib. &c. 
 
 Antiochus XII. surnamed Dionysius, seizes Ccele-Syria, 
 and reigns a very short time, ii. 637. 
 
 Antiochus XIII. called Asiaticus, sent by Selene, his 
 mother, to Rome, ii. 639. on his return he passes through 
 Sicily, and receives an enormous affront from Verres, ib. 
 he r.eigns some time in Syria, 640. Pompey deprives him' 
 of his dominions, ib. ; 
 
 Antipas, or Antipater, Kerod's father, excites great I 
 troubles in Judsea, ii. 649, &c. he sends troops to aid Ca,-- j 
 sar, besieged in Alexandria, ii. 742. 
 
 Antipater, Alexander's lieutenant, is appointed by that 
 prince to govern Macedonia in his absence, ii. 83. he de- 
 feats the Lacedemonians, who had revolted against Ma- 
 cedonia, 149. Alexander takes his government from him, 
 and orders him to come to him, 215. suspicions entertain' 
 ed of Antipater in respect of Alexander's death, 221. 
 Antipater's expeditions into Greece, after Alexander's 
 death, 236. he is defeated by the Athenians near Lamia, 
 to which he retires, 237. he surrenders that place by ca 
 pitulation, ib. he seizes Athens, and puts a garrison into 
 it, 238. he puts Demosthenes and Hyperides to death, ib. 
 he gives Phila, his daughter, to Craterus in marriage, 240. 
 he is appointed regent of the kingdom of Macedonia, in 
 the room of Perdiccas, 244. death of Antipater, 246. 
 
 Antipater, eldest son of Cassander, ii. 293. dispute be- 
 tween that prince and his brother Alexander for the 
 crown of Macedonia, ib. he kills his mother Thessalonica, 
 who favoured his younger brother, ib. Demetrius drives 
 him out of Macedonia, ib. he retires into Thrace, and dies 
 there, 294. 
 
 Antiphon, courtier of Dionysius. Witty saying whicl- 
 cost him his hfe, i. 601. 
 
 Antony (Mark) contributes by his valour to the re. 
 3D2 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 ostablishmpnt of Auletes upon the throne of Egypt, n. 
 738, &c. when triumvir, he cites Cleopatra before him, 
 and why, 743. his passion for that princess, 744. her as- 
 ceiidancv over him, ib. she carries him with her to Alex- 
 andria, 745. Antony returns to Rome, and m.arries Octa- 
 via, Ca;sar's sister, ib. he makes some expeditions against 
 the Parthians, 746. then goes to Phoenicia to meet Cleopa- 
 tra, ib. his injurious treatment of Octavia, ib. he makes 
 himself master of Armenia, and returns to Alexandria, 
 v/hich he enters in triumph, ib. he celebrates there the 
 coronation of Cleopatra and her children, 747. open rup- 
 ture between Cffisar and Antony, ib. Antony puts to sea, 
 accompanied by Cleopatra, 748. he is entirely defeated in 
 a sea-fight off Actium, 749. all his troops surrender them- 
 selves to Cffisar, ib. he returns to Alexandria, ib. he sends 
 ambassadors to treat of peace with Csesar, ib. seeing him- 
 self betrayed by Cleopatra, he sends to challenge Caesar to 
 a single combat, 750. believing Cleopatra had killed her- | 
 self, he falls upon his sword, ib. he expires in Cleopatra's 
 arms, 751. that princess celebrates his funeral with great 
 magnificence, 752. 
 
 Ants, Indian, fabulous account of, ii. 288. N. 
 
 Anysis, king of Egypt, i. 26. 
 
 Aornos, a rock of India, described, ii. 188. N. besieged 
 and taken by Alexander, 181. 
 
 Apame, the daughter of Antiochus Soter, and widow of 
 Magas, ii. 340. 
 
 Apamea, city of, noticed, ii. ?91. TST. 
 
 Apaturia. Feast celebrated at Athens, i. 442. 
 
 Apaturius, officer of Seleucus Ceraunus, forms a conspi- 
 racy against that prince, and poisons him, ii. 381. he is put 
 to death, ib. 
 
 Apega, an infernal machine, invented by Nabis, ii. 419. 
 
 Apelles, courtier of Philip, ii. 397. abuses his power, ib. 
 he endeavours to humble and enslave the Achseans, 398. 
 he perishes miserably, 403. 
 
 Apelles, Perseus's accomplice in accusing Demetrius, is 
 sent ambassador to Rome by Philip, ii. 511. after the death 
 of Demetrius, he escapes into Italy, 515. 
 
 Apelles, officer of Antiochus Epiphanes, endeavours to 
 make Mattathias sacrifice to idols, ii. 531. Mattathias kills 
 him with all his followers, 532. 
 
 Apcllicon, an Athenian, library erected by him at 
 Athens, ii. 705. 
 
 Apis, an ox adored under that name by the Egyptians, 
 i. 12. killed by Cambyses, 209. 
 
 Apis, king of Argos, i. 264. . , , • • 
 
 Apollo. Temple erected in honour of him at Delphi, i. 
 563. 
 
 Apollocrates, eldest son of Dionysiusthe younger, com- 
 mands in the citadel of Syracuse, in the room of his fa- 
 ther, i. 612. he surrenders that place to Dion, and retires 
 to his father, 615. 
 
 Apollodorus, of Amphipolis, one of Alexander's officers, 
 li. 128. 
 
 Apollodorus, friend of Cleopatra, favours the entrance 
 of that princess into Alexandria, and in what manner, ii. 
 740 
 
 Apollodorus, governor of Gaza for Lathyrus, defends 
 that place against Alexander Jannsus, ii. 646. he is assas- 
 sinated by his brother Lysimachus, ib. 
 
 Apollonian hills, where, ii. 385. N. 
 
 Apollonides, officer in the army of Eumenes, occasions 
 the loss of a battle, ii. 245. he is seized and put to death, 
 
 Apollonides, magistrate of Syracuse, ii. 681. his wise 
 discourse in the assembly of the peoj^le, ib. 
 
 Apollonius, a lord in the court of Antiochus Epiphanes, 
 is sent ambassador by that prince, first to Egypt, ii. 518. 
 then to Rome, ib. Antiochus sends him with an army 
 against Jerusalem, with orders to destroy that city, 524. 
 his cruelties there, ib. he is defeated by Judas Maccaba^us, 
 and killed in the battle, 534. . . 
 
 Apollonius, governor of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, 
 marches against Jonathan, and is defeated, ii. 620. he 
 forms a plot against the life of Ptolemy Philometor, ib. 
 
 Apollophanes, physician of Antiochus the Great, dis- 
 covers to that prince the conspiracy formed against him 
 by Hermias, ii. 386. salutary advice which he gives Anti- 
 ochus, ib. 
 
 Appius (Claudius) Roman consul, is sent into Sicily, to 
 aid the Mamertiiies, i. 58. he defeats the Carthaginians 
 and Svracusans, ib. 
 
 Appius (Claudius), Roman senator, prevents the senate 
 fi-om accepting the offers of Pyrrhus, ii. 325. 
 
 Appius (Claudius), Roman, commands a body of troops, 
 and is beaten near Uscana, against which he marched 
 with design to nlunder it, ii. 557. 
 
 Aprics ascends the throne of Egypt, i. 29. success of 
 that prince, SO. Zedekiah, king of Judah, implores his 
 aid, ib. he declares himself protector of Israel, ib. Egypt 
 r<-volts against him, ib. and sets Amasis on the throne, ib. 
 he is obliged to retire into Upper Egvpt, ib. Amasis de- 
 feats him in a battle, in which he is taken prisoner, and 
 put to death. SI. 
 
 Apsarus, Armenian river, description of, ii. 694. N. 
 
 Aquilius (Manius), Roman proconsul, is defeated in a 
 battle by Mithridates, who takes him prisoner, and puts j 
 him to death, ii. 699. , .. 
 
 Arabians (Nabathsean) character of that people, ii. 262, , 
 
 Arachosia, province of, described, ii. 257. N. origin of the j 
 name, ib. I 
 
 Aracus, LacedEemonian admiral, i. 444. 
 
 Araspes, a Median nobleman, is appointed by Cyrus to | 
 keep Panthsea prisoner, i. 164. passion which he conceives ' 
 for that princess, ib. goodness of Cyrus in respect to hi-an, | 
 ib. he does that prince great service in going as a spy | 
 amongst the Assyrians, ib. ( 
 
 Aratus, son of Clinias, escapes from Sicyon, to avoid | 
 the fury of Abantidas, ii. 358. he delivers that city from | 
 the tyranny, ib. and unites it with the Ach^an league, 
 359. be appeases a sedition upon the point of breaking out j 
 at Sicyon, 360, &c. he is elected general of the Acha;ans, ; 
 ib he takes Corinth from Antigonus, 362, &c. he makes | 
 several cities enter into the AchsEan league, ib. he hag 
 not the same success at Argos, 363. he marches against | 
 the iEtolians, 368. Cleomenes, king of Sparta, gains seve, ] 
 ral advantages over him, 371. Aratus's envy of that prince, , 
 372. he calls in Antigonus to aid the Achteans against the 
 Lacedemonians, 373. he marches against the iEtoliaiis, 
 and is defeated near Caphyffi, 394. Philip's affection for 
 Aratus, ib. Anelles, Philip's. minister, accuses him falsely 
 to that prince', 398. he is declared innocent, ib. he accom- 
 panies Philip into iEtolia, his expeditions against the 
 ^tolians, Lacedaemonians, and Eleans, 399. Philip causes 
 him to be poisoned, 406. his funeral solemnized magnifi- 
 cently, ib. . , . . ' 
 
 Aratus the younger, son of the great Aratus, is chief [ 
 magistrate of the Achaans, ii, S96. Philip causes him to i 
 be poisoned, 406. ..-r , , 1 
 
 Araxes, a name of several rivers, i, 303. N. the Chabo- 
 ras of the Romans, and Khabour of the Arabs, 457. N. 
 
 Arbaces, governor of the Medes for Sardanapalus, re- 
 volts against that prince, and founds the kingdom of Me- 
 dia, i. 131. 
 
 Arbaces, general in the army of Artaxerxes Mnemon, 
 against his brother Cyrus, i. 471, 
 
 Arbela, city of Assyria, site of, ii. 127, N. famous for 
 Alexander's victory over Darius, 126. 
 
 Arcesilas, Alexander's lieutenant. Provinces that fell 
 to his lot after that prince's death, ii. 234. 
 
 Arch, a remarkable one betwixt Nineveh and Ecbata- 
 na, i. 129. N. Inquiry into the antiquity of arches, 228, 
 N, 
 
 Archagathus, son of Agathocles. commands in Africa 
 after his father's departure, i. 56. he perishes there mise- 
 rably, ib. 
 
 Archelaus, governor of Susa for Alexander, ii. 129. 
 
 Archelaus, general for Antigonus, marches against 
 Aratus, who besieged Corinth, and is taken prisoner, ii. 
 362. Aratus sets him at liberty, ib. 
 
 Archelaus, one of the generals of Mithridate.s, takes 
 Athens, ii. 700. he is driven out of it by Sylla, 701. he is 
 defeated by the same captain, first at Chajronea, 703. and 
 then at Orchomenus, ib. he escapes to Chalcis, ib. and has 
 an interview with Svlla, near Delium, 704. Archelaus goe^ 
 over to Murffina, 706. he engages the latter to make war 
 against Mithridates, ib. 
 
 Archelaus, son of the former, is made high priest and 
 sovereign of Comana, ii. 732. he marries Berenice, queen 
 of Egypt, 738. he is killed in a battle with the Romans, ib. 
 
 Archelaus, son of the latter, enjoys the same dignities 
 as his father, ii. 668. he marries Glaphyra, and has two 
 sons by her, ib. 
 
 Archelaus, second son of Archelaus and Glaphyra, as- 
 cends the throne of Cappadocia, ii. 668. Tiberius does him, 
 great services with Augustus, ib. he draws the revenge of 
 Tiberius upon himself, 669. he is cited to Rome, and why, 
 ib. he is very ill received there, ib. he dies soon after, ib. 
 
 Archias, a Corinthian, founder of Syracuse, i. 384. 
 
 Archias, a Theban, is killed by the conspirators at a 
 feast given by Phillidas, one of them, to the Eceotarchs, 
 ii 5 
 
 Archias, comedian, delivers up the orator Hypeiides 
 and several other persons to Anti])ater, ii. 239. 
 
 Archibius. His attachment to Cleopatra, ii. 753. 
 
 Archidamia, Lacedsemonian lady. Heroic action 
 hers, ii. 332. she is put to death by order of Amphares, 
 370 
 
 Archidamus, king of Sparta, i. 366. he saves the Lace- 
 da>monians from the fury of the Helots, ib. he commands 
 the troops of Sparta at the beginning of the Peloponnesian 
 war, 387 he besieges Plattea?, 393. 
 
 Archidamus, son of Agesilaus, gains a battle against 
 the Arcadians, ii. 13. his valour during the siege of Sparta 
 by Epaminondas, 19. he reigns in Sparta, 26. 
 
 Archidamus, brother of Agis, escapes from Sparta to 
 avoid the fury of Leonidas, ii. 370. Cleomenes recalls 
 him, 371. he is assassinated in returning home, ib. 
 
 Archidamus, ambassador of the iEtolians, endeavours 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 789 
 
 I to engage the Achceans to declare for Antiochus, ii. 
 
 I 4;2. 
 
 I Archilochus, Greek poet, inventor of Iambic verses, i. 
 j 284. character of his poetry, ib. 
 
 I Archimedes, famous geometrician, ii. 676. he invents 
 j many machines of war, ib. prodigious effects of those ma- 
 ) chines, 681-. he is killed at the taking of Syracuse, 687. his 
 I tomb discovered by Cicero, ib. 
 
 I Architecture, oriental, its excellence overrated by 
 RoUin, i. 228. N. 
 
 Archon, one of Alexander's officers. Provinces that 
 fell to him after that prince's death, ii. 234. 
 
 Archon is elected chief magistrate of the Achajans, ii. 
 558. wise resolution which he makes that people take, ib. 
 
 Archons instituted at Athens, i. 514. their functions, ib. 
 
 Ardericca, site of, i. 314. N. called also Aricca and Are- 
 cha, ib. 
 
 Ardesht or Aj-dachal, account of, ii. 727. N. 
 Ardys, king of Lydia, i. 149. 
 
 Areopagus : its establishment, 1 543. authority of that 
 senate, ib. Pericles weakens its authority, 544. 
 733^"^^*^^^^' ^^^^ Arabia Petraaa, submits to Pompey, ii. 
 
 Arete, daughter of Dionysius the tyrant, first married 
 to her brother Theorides, and afterwards to her uncle 
 I Dion, i. 605. during the banishment of the latter she is 
 I married to Timocrates, 609. Dion receives her again, 615. 
 j her death, 617. 
 
 Arethusa, a fountain famous in fabulous history, i. 418. 
 
 Areus, one of the Spartan exiles, is reinstated by the 
 Achceans, and carries accusations against them to Rome, 
 iL 496. the AchEeans condemn him to die, 497. his sen- 
 tence is annulled by the Romans, 498. 
 
 Areus, grandson of Cleomenes, reigns at Sparta, ii. 332. 
 
 Areus, another king of Sparta, ii. 364. 
 
 Argajus, mount, notice of, ii. 670. N. 
 
 Arga;us is placed by the Athenians upon the throne of 
 Macedonia, ii. 45. is defeated by Philip, 46. 
 
 The Agilian : a name given to the slave who discover- 
 ed Pausanias's conspiracy, i. .349. 
 
 ArginusjB. Isles famous for the victory of the Athe- 
 nians over the Lacedaemonians, i. 441. 
 
 Argo, king of Lydia, i. 149. 
 
 Argos, foundation of that kingdom, 1. 264. kings of Ar- 
 gos, ib. war between the Argives and Lacedcemonians, i. 
 XXXV. they refuse to aid the Greeks against the Persians, 
 
 i. 483. Argos besieged by Pyrrhus, ii. 334. Aratus endea- 
 vours to bring that city into the Achaan league, 364. 
 but without success, ib. Argos is subjected by the Lace- 
 dffimonians, 374. and afterwards by Antigonus, ib. Argos 
 surrenders to Philocles, one of Philip's generals, 436. the 
 latter puts it again into the hands of Nabis, 438. it throws 
 off the yoke of that tyrant, and re-establishes its liberty, 
 451. 
 
 Argus, king of Argos, i. 364. 
 
 Ariaius, of Alexandria, philosopher : Augustus Cassar's 
 esteem for him, ii. 751. 
 
 Ariseus commands the left wing of Cyrus's army at the 
 battle of Cunaxa, i. 471. he flies upon advice of that 
 prince's death, 472. the Greeks offer him the crown of 
 Persia, 474. he refuses it, and makes a treaty with them, 
 ib. 
 
 Aria Palus (the ancient Ochus) river of, described, ii. 
 157. N. V , , 
 
 Arise, (now Heraut) city and province of, described, ii. 
 155, 156. N. 
 
 Ariamnes, an Arabian, deceives and betrays Crassus, 
 
 ii. 656. 
 
 Ariamnes, king of Cappadocia, ii. 666. 
 
 Ariana and Aria, distinction of, uncertain, ii. 155. N. 
 
 Ariarathes 1. king of Cappadocia, ii. 665. 
 
 Ariarathes II., son of the former, reigns over Cappa- 
 docia, ii. 665. he is defeated in a battle by Perdiccas, who 
 seizes his dominions, and puts him to death, ib. 
 
 Ariarathes III. escapes into Armenia after his father's 
 death, ii. 665. he ascends the throne of his ancestors, 
 666. ' 
 
 Ariarathes IV. king of Cappadocia, ii. 666. 
 
 Ariarathes V. marries Antiochis, daughter of Antio- 
 chus the Great, ii. 35.5. the Romans lay a great fine upon 
 him for having aided his father-in-law, 488. he sends his 
 son to Rome, and with what view, 549. he declares for 
 the Romans against Perseus, 550. death of Ariarathes, 
 590. 
 
 Ariarathes VI. goes to Rome, and why, ii. 549. he re- 
 fuses to reign during his father's life, 590. after his fa- 
 ther's death he ascends the throne of Cappadocia, ib. he 
 renews the alliance with the Romans, 591. he is dethron- 
 ed by Demetrius, ib. he implores aid of the Romans, ib. 
 Attains re-establishes him upon the throne, ib. he enters 
 into a confederacy against Demetrius, 667. he marches to 
 aid the Romans against Aristonicus, and is killed in that 
 war, ib. 
 
 Ariarathes VII. reigns in C^ippadocia, ii. 667. his bro. 
 
 ther in-law Mithridates causes him to "be assassinat- 
 I ed, ib. 
 
 Ariarathes VIII. is placed upon the throne of Cappa- 
 docia by Mithridates, ii. 667. he is assassinated by that 
 prince, ib. 
 
 Ariarathes IX., king of Cappadocia, is defeated by 
 Mithridates, and driven out of his kingdom, ii. 667. 
 
 Ariarathes X. ascends the throne of Cappadocia, ii. 
 668. Sisinna disputes the pos.session of it with him, and 
 carries it against him, ib. Ariarathes reigns a second time 
 in Cappadocia, 668. 
 
 Ariarathes, son of Mithridates, reigns in Cappadocia 
 ii. 695. he is dethroned by the Romans, 698. he is rein 
 stated a second, ib. and then a third time, ib. 
 
 Ariaspes, son of Artaxerxes Mnemon, deceived by his 
 brother Ochus, kills himself, ii. 27. 
 
 Aridffius, bastard brother of Alexander, is declared 
 king of Macedonia after the death of that prince, ii. '222. 
 Olympias causes him to be put to death, 253. 
 
 Arimanius, a deity adored by the Persians, i. 233. 
 
 Arimazes, Sogdian, governor of Petra Oxiana, refuses 
 to surrender to Alexander, ii, 167. he is besieged in that 
 place, ib. he submits to Alexander, who puts him to 
 death, ib. 
 
 Ariobarzanes, satrap of Phrygia, under Artaxerxes 
 Mnemon, ascends the throne of Pontus, i. xliv. he revolts 
 against that prince, ii. 26. • 
 
 Ariobarzanes I. is placed upon the throne of Cappa- 
 docia by the Romans, ii. 667. he is twice dethroned by 
 Tigranes, ib. Pompey reinstates him in the quiet posses- 
 sion of the throne, ib. 
 
 Ariobarzanes II. ascends the throne of Cappadocia, and 
 is killed soon after, ii. 667. 
 
 Ariobarzanes III. reigns in Car)padocia, ii. 667. Cicero 
 suppresses a conspiracy forming against him, ib. he sides 
 with Pompey against Czesar, 668. the latter lays him 
 under contribution, ib. he refuses an alliance with Cesar's 
 murderers, ib. Cassius attacks him, and having taken him 
 prisoner, puts him to death, ib. 
 
 Ariobarzanes, governor of Persia for Darius, posts 
 himself at the T)ass of Susa, to prevent Alexander from 
 passing it, ii. 130. he is put to flight, 131. 
 _ Aristagoras is established governor of Miletus by His- 
 tiasus, i. 306. he joins the lonians in their revolt against 
 Darius, 308. he goes to Lacedyemon for aid, ib. but inef- 
 fectually, 309. he goes to Athens, ib. that city grants him 
 some troops, ib. he is defeated and killed in a battle, 310. 
 
 Aristander, a soothsayer in the train of Alexander, 11 
 124. 
 
 Aristazanes, officer in the court of Cchus, ii. 36. 
 
 Aristeas, citizen of Argos, gives Pyrrhus entrance into 
 that city, ii. 334. 
 
 Aristenes, chief magistrate of the Achaans, engages 
 them to declare for the Romans against Philip, ii. 435, 
 &c. 
 
 Aristides, one of the generals of the Athenian army at 
 Marathon, resigns the command to Miltiades, i. 315. he 
 distinguishes himself in the battle, ib. he is banished, 318. 
 he is recalled, 329. he goes to Themistocles at Salamis, 
 and persuades him to fight in that strait, 336. he rejects 
 the offers of Mardonius, 339. he gains a famous victory 
 over that general at Flatseee, 342. he terminates a diffe- 
 rence that had arisen between the Athenians and Lace- 
 dsemonians, ib. confidence of the Athenians in Aristides, 
 347. his condescension for that people, ib. he is placed at 
 the head of the troops sent by Athens to deliver the 
 Greeks from the Persian yoke, 348. his conduct in that 
 war, ib. he is charged with the administration of the pub 
 lie revenues, 350. his death and character, 352. 
 
 Aristides, painter, his works greatly esteemed, ii. 599. 
 
 Aristion usurps the government at Athens, and acts 
 with great cruelty, ii. 700. he is besieged in ths-t city by 
 Syila, ib. he is taken and put to death, 701. 
 
 Aristippus, philosopher, his desire to hear Socrates, i. 
 508. 
 
 Aristippus, citizen of Argos, excites a sedition in that 
 city, ii. 333. he becomes tyrant of it, 363. he is killed in a 
 battle, 364. continual terrors in which that tyrant lived, 
 363. 
 
 Aristobulus I. son of John Hyrcanus, succeeds his fa. 
 ther in the high-priesthood and sovereignty of Juda3a, ii. 
 645. he assumes the title of king, ib. he causes his mother 
 to be put to death, ib. then his brother Antigonus, 646. 
 he dies soon after himself, ib. 
 
 Aristobulus II. son of Alexander Jannseus, reigns in 
 Judffia, ii. 648. dispute between that prince and his bro- 
 ther Hyrcanus, 649. Pompey takes cognizance of it, ib. 
 Aristobulus's conduct makes him his enemy, ib. Pompey 
 puts him in irons, 650. and sends him to Rome, ib. 
 
 Aristocracy, form of government, i. 266. 
 
 Aristocrates commands the left wing of the Athenians 
 at the battle of Arginusse, i. 441. 
 
 Aristodemus, chief of the Heraclidse, possesses himsell 
 of Peloponnesus, i. 266. 
 
 1 
 
790 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Aristodemus, guardian of Agesipolis, king of Sparta, i. 
 
 Aristodemus of Miletus is left at Athens by Demetrius, 
 IL 263. his dialogue with Socrates examined, i. 526. N. 
 
 Aristogenes, one of the generals of the Athenians at 
 the battle of Arginusse, i. 441. 
 
 Aristogiton conspires against the tyrants of Athens, i. 
 281. his death, ib. statues erected in honour of him by 
 the Athenians, '282. 
 
 Aristomache, sister of Dion, is married to Dionysius 
 the t>Tant, i. 594. 
 
 Aristomacnus, tjTant of Argos, ii. 363. his death, ib. 
 
 Aristomenes, Messenian, offers his daughter to be sacri- 
 ficed for appeasing the wrath of the gods, i. xxxvi. he 
 carries the prize of valour at the battle of Ithome, 
 xxxvii. he is elected king of the Messenians, ib. he beats 
 the Lacedemonians, and sacrifices 300 of them in honouc 
 of Jupiter of Ithome, ib. he sacrifices himself soon after 
 upon his daughter's tomb, ib. 
 
 Aristomenes, second of that name, king of Messene, 
 gains a victory over the LacedEemonians, i. xxxvii. bold 
 action of that prince, xxxviii. he is beaten by the Lace- 
 daemonians, xxxix. his death, ib. 
 
 Aristomenes, Acarnanian, is charged with the educa- 
 tion of Ptolemy Epiphanes, ii. 428. he quashes a conspi- 
 racy formed against that prince, 448. Ptolemy puts him to 
 death, ib. 
 
 ' Ariston of Syracuse, comedian, discovers the conspi- 
 racy formed by Andranadorus against his country, ii. 
 680. 
 
 Ariston, pilot : counsel which he gives the Syracusans, 
 L 428. 
 
 Aristonicus possesses himself of the dominions of Atta- 
 ins, ii. 627. he defeats the consul Crassus Mucianus, and 
 takes him prisoner, ib. he is beaten and taken by Perpen- 
 
 j na, ib. the consul sends him to Rome, ib. he is put to 
 
 j death there, 628. 
 
 j Aristophanes, famous poet, i. 582. character of his 
 ; poetry, ib. &c. faults with which he may justly be re- 
 ! proached, ib. extracts from some of his pieces, 583. 
 
 Aristophon, Athenian captain, accuses Iphicrates of 
 treason, ii. 31. 
 
 Aristotle. Philip charges him with the education of 
 Alexander, ii. 48, 77. his application in forming that 
 prince, ib. suspicions of him in respect to the death of 
 Alexander, 221. fate of his works, 705. 
 
 Arraenes, son of Nabis, goes a hostage to Rome ii. 
 i 452. 
 
 I Armenia, province of Asia, i. xxx. it was governed by 
 j kings, xliv. 
 
 Arms, used by the ancient Persians, i. 224. 
 Arphaxad, name given by the Scripture to Phraortes. 
 See Phraortes. 
 
 Arrian, biographical notice of, iL 338. N, his tomb dis- 
 covered, ib, 
 
 Arrichion, Pancratiast. Combat of that athleta, i. 570. 
 
 Arsaces, son of Darius. See Artaxerxes Mnemon. 
 
 Arsaces I. governor of Parthia for Antiochus, revolts 
 against that prince, ii. 343. he assumes the title of king, 
 356. 
 
 Arsaces II king of Parthia, takes Media from Antio- 
 j chus, ii. 4-20. he sustains a war with that prince, 653. he 
 I comes to an accommodation with Antiochus, who leaves 
 him in peaceable possession of his kingdom, ib. 
 
 Arsames, natural son of Artaxerxes Mnemon, is assas- 
 sinated by his brother Ochus, ii. 27. 
 
 Arses reigns in Persia after the death of Ochus, ii. 38. 
 Bagoas causes him to be assasshiated, ib. 
 
 Arsinoe, daughter of Ptolemy Lagus, is married to 
 Lysimachus, king of Thrace, ii. 291. after the death of 
 that prince, her brother Ceraunus marries her, 312. fatal 
 sequel of that marriage, ib. she is banished into Samo- 
 thracia, ib. 
 
 Arsinoe, another daughter of Ptolemy Lagus, marries 
 her brother Ptolemy Philadelphus, ii. 336. death of that 
 princess, 347. 
 
 Arsinoe, sister and wife of Ptolemy Philometor, ii. 391. 
 her death, 393. 
 
 Arsinoe, daughter of Ptolemy Auletes : Cassar's sen- 
 tence in her favour, ii. 741. she is proclaimed queen of 
 Egypt, ib. Ccesar carries her to Rome, and makes her 
 serve as an ornament in his triumph, 743. Antony, at 
 the request of Cleopatra, causes her to be put to death, 
 744. 
 
 Arsinoe, wife of Magas. See Apame. 
 
 Arsites, satrap of Pln-ygia, occasions the defeat of the 
 Persians at the Granicus, ii. 84. he kills himself through 
 despair, 85. 
 
 Art. See Arts. 
 
 Artaban, uncle of Phraatcs, causes nimself to be crown- 
 ed king of Parthia, and is killed soon after, ii. 630. 
 
 Artabanes, brother of Darius, endeavours to divert that 
 prince from liis enterprise against the Scythians, i. 301. he 
 is made arbiter between the two sons of Darius, in re- 
 
 spect to the sovereignty, 3l9. his wise discourse toXcrxes 
 upon that prince's design to attack Greece, 325, &c. 
 
 Artabanus, the Hyrcanian, captain of the guards to 
 Xerxes, conspires against that prince, and kiUs him, L 
 353. he is killed himself by Artaxerxes, ib. 
 
 Artabarzanes, after the death of Darius, disputes the 
 throne of Persia with Xerxes, i. 319. he continues in | 
 amity with his brother, and loses his lite in his service at I 
 the battle of Salamis, 320. 
 
 Artabarzanes, king of Atropatene, submits to Antio- 
 chus, ii. 385. 
 
 Artabazus, a Persian lord, officer in the army of Mar- 
 donius, i. 341. his counsel to that general, ib. he escapes 
 into Asia after the battle of Plattes, ib. Xerxes gives 
 him the command of the coasts of Asia Minor, and with 
 what view, 34S. he reduces the Egyptians, who had revolt- 
 ed against Artaxerxes, 361. 
 
 Artabazus, governor of one of the provinces of Asia 
 for Ochus, revolts against that prince, ii. 29. supported by 
 Chares the Athenian, he gains several advantages, ib. he 
 is overpowered, and retires into iVIacedonia, 30. Ochus re- 
 ceives him again into favour, 37, &c. his fidelity to Da- 
 rius, 14(). 
 
 Artagerses, officer of Artaxerxes Mnemon, is killed in 
 the battle of Cunaxa, i. 472. j 
 
 Artainta, niece of Xerxes, i. 345. violent passion of that 
 prince for her, ib. fatal sequel of that passion, ib. 1 
 
 Artaphernes, governor of Sardis for his brother Darius, 
 wishes to compel the Athenians to reinstate Hippias, i. 
 282. he marches against the island of Naxos, with design 
 to surprise it, 308. he is besieged in Sardis by the Athe- 
 nians, 309. he discovers the conspiracy of Histiceus, 310. 
 he marches against the revolted lonians, ib. 
 
 Artaphernes, ambassador of Artaxerxes to the Lace- 
 dsmonians, i. 401. 
 
 Artarius, brother of Artaxerxes Longimanus, i. 362. 
 
 Artavasdes, king of Armenia, ii. 654. 
 
 Artaxata, its site, ruins, &c. ii. 727. N. 
 
 Artaxerxes I. surnamed Longimanus, by the instiga- 
 tion of Artabanes, kills his brother Darius, and ascends 
 the throne of Persia, i. 353. he rids himself of Artabanes, 
 ib. be destroys the party of Artabanes, 355. and that of 
 Hystaspes his elder brother, ib. he gives Themistocles re- 
 fuge, 356. his joy for the arrival of that Athenian, ib. 
 alarmed by the conquests of the Athenians, he forms the 
 design of sending Themistocles into Attica at the head of 
 an army, 360. Egypt revolts against him, 361. he compels i 
 it to return to its obedience, ib. he gives up Inarus to his | 
 mother, contrary to the faith of a treaty, 362. he permits 
 Ezra to return to Jerusalem first, and then Nehemiah, ib. 
 he concludes a treaty with the Greeks, 368. he dies, 402. 
 
 Artaxerxes II. surnamed Mnemon, is crowned king of 
 Persia, i. 448. Cyrus his brother attempts to murder him, ; 
 ib. Artaxerxes sends him back to his government of Asia j 
 Minor, ib. he marches against Cyrus advancing to de- 1 
 throne him, 470. gives him battle at Cunaxa, ib. and kills i 
 him with his own hand, 472. he cannot force the Greeks 
 in his brother's army to surrender themselves to him, | 
 474 he puts Tissaphernes to death, 489. he concludes a i 
 treaty with the Greeks, 495. he attacks Evagoras, king of j 
 Cy|)rus, 497, &'C. he judges the afiair of Tiribazus, his ex- \ 
 pedition against the Caducians, 500, &c. 
 
 Artaxerxes sends an ambassador into Greece to recon. 
 cile the states, ii. 13. he receives a deputation from the 
 Greeks, ib. honours which he pays to Pelopidas, 14. he 
 undertakes to reduce Egypt, 23. that enterprise miscar- 
 ries, 24. he meditates a second attempt against Egypt, 25. 
 most of the provinces of his emp re revolt against him, 
 26. troubles at the court of Artaxerxes concerning liis ; 
 successor, ib. death of that prince, 27. ] 
 
 Artaxerxes III. before called Ochus. See Ochus. 
 
 Artaxias, king of Armenia, ii. 535. 
 
 Artemidorus invested with the supreme authority at 
 Syracuse, ii. 671. 
 
 Artemisia, quc-en of Halicarnassus, supplies Xerxes 
 with troops in his expedition against Greece, i. 328. her 
 courage in the battle of Salamis, 335. 
 
 Artemisia, wife of Mavisolus, reigns in Caria after the 
 death of her husband, ii. 33. honours which she renders 
 to the memory of Mausolus, ib. she takes Rhodes, 34. her 
 death, ib. | 
 
 Artemisium, promontory of Euboea, famous for the 
 victory of the Greeks over the Persians, i. 333. 
 
 Artemon, Syrian. Part that queen Laodice makes him 
 play, ii. 349. 
 
 Artistona, daughter of Cyrus, wife of Darius, i. 290. 
 
 Artoxares, eunuch of Darius Nothus, forms a conspi. 
 racy against that prince, i. 403. he is put to death, 404. 
 
 Arts. Origin and progress of the arts, L 228. arts 
 banished from Sparta by Lycurgus, 274. and had in ho- 
 nour at Athens by Solon, 279. 
 
 Artyphius, son of Megabyzus, revolts against Ochus, i. 
 403. he is suflbcated in ashes, ib. 
 
 Aruspices. See Augury. 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 791 
 
 j Arymhas, king of Epirus, ii. 59. | 
 Asa, king of Judah, defeats the army of Zara, king of 
 1 ^Ethiopia, i. 26. 
 
 Asdrubal, Hamilcar's son-in-law, commanris the Car- 
 thaginian army in Spain, i. 69. he builds Carthagena, ib. 
 he is killed treacherously by a Gaul, ib. 
 I Asdrubal, surnaraed Calvus, is made prisoner in Sardi- 
 ! nia by the Romans, i. 87. 
 
 I Asdrubal, Hannibal's brother, commands the troops in 
 j Spain after his brother's departure, i. 72. he receives 
 i orders from Carthage to march to Italy to the aid of his 
 brother, 88. he sets forward, and is defeated, 89. he loses 
 a great battle near the river Metaurus, and is killed in 
 it, ib. 
 
 I Asdrubal, Gisgo's brother, commands the Carthaginian 
 I troops in Spain, i. 90. 
 
 I Asdrubal, surnamed Hcedus, is sent by the Carthagi- 
 
 ; nians to Rome to demand peace, i. 92. 
 
 j Asdrubal, Masinissa's grandson, commands in Carthage, 
 during the siege of that city by Scipio, i. 105. another 
 
 j Asdrubal causes him to be put to death, 106. 
 
 ! Asdrubal, Carthaginian general, is condemned to die ; 
 
 ; and wherefore, i. 102. the Carthaginians appoint him ge- 
 
 I neral of the troops without their walls, 105. he causes 
 another Asdrubal, who commanded within the city, to be 
 put to death, 106. his cruelty to the Roman prisoners, ib. i 
 after the taking of the city, he intrenches himself in the 
 temple of ^sculapius, 108. he surrenders himself to Sci- 
 pio. ib. tragical end of his wife and children, ib. 
 
 I Ashes. Smothering in ashes a punishment amongst the j 
 
 ! Persiaiis, i. 403. 
 
 Asia. Geographical description of it, i. xxix. and ii. 
 693. N. considered as the cradle of the sciences, i. 228. 
 
 Asia Minor, description of its southern coasts, ii. 444— 
 417. N. 
 
 Asia Prsetorium or the Pergamenian kingdom, account 
 of, ii. 713, 714. N. 
 
 Asmonean family. Duration of their reign in Judsea, 
 ii. 652. 
 
 Aspasia, celebrated courtesan, i. 373. she marries Peri- 
 cles, 376. accusation formed against her at Athens, ib. her 
 great knowledge occasions her being ranked amongst the 
 sophists, ib. 
 
 Aspic, serpent whose bite is mortal, ii. 309. 
 
 Aspis, governor for Artaxerxes in the neighbourhood 
 of Cappadocia, revolts against that prince, i. 502. he is 
 punished soon after, ib. 
 
 Aspis and Clypea, different names of a small town in 
 Africa, i. 59. N. 
 
 Assur, son of Shem, who gave his name to Assyria, i. 
 124.-1 18. N. 
 
 Assyria, now called Koordistaun, origin of its name, 
 i. 124. N. its extent, 123. N. critical inquiry into the anti- 
 quity of the Assyrian empire, 117. N. not founded by 
 Nimrod, but by Assur, 118. N. arguments against its al- 
 leged antiquity, ib. the evidence from Scripture (Gen. x. 
 U. Micah v. 6. Isa. xxiii. 13.) considered, ib. 
 
 Assyrians. First empire of the Assyrians, i. 117. dura- 
 tion of that empire, ib. kings of the Assyrians 118, &c. 
 second empire of the Assyrians, both of Nineveh and Ba- ! 
 bylon, 132. subversion of that empire by Cyrus, 174. 
 
 Aster, of Amphipolis, shoots out Philip's right eye, ii. 
 51. that prince puts him to death, ib. 
 
 Astrology, Judicial: falsehood of that science, i. 231. 
 
 Astronomy. Nations that applied themselves first to it, 
 i. 16. 231. 
 
 Astyages, king of the Medes, called in Scripture Aha- 
 suerus, i. 148. he gives his daughter in marriage to Cam- 
 byses, king of Persia, ib. causes Cyrus his grandson to 
 come to his court, 156. 
 
 Astymedes, deputy to Rome by the Rhodians, endea- 
 vours to appease the anger of the senate, .ii. 586. 
 
 Asychis, king of Egypt, author of the law concerning 
 loans, i. 25. famous pyramid built by his order, ib. 
 
 Atheas, king of Scythia, is defeated by Philip, against 
 whom he had declared war, ii. 64. 
 
 Athensa, or Panathensea : feasts celebrated at Athens, 
 i. 558. ! 
 
 Athenffius, general of Antigonus, is sent by that prince 
 against the Nabathsean Arabians, ii. 262. he perishes in 
 that expedition, ib. 
 
 Athenasus, brother of Eumenes, is sent ambassador by 
 that prince to Rome, ii. 503. 
 
 Athenfflus, governor for Antiochus in Judasa and Sa- 
 maria, to establish that prince's religion in them, ii. 527. 
 
 Athenion, courtier of Ptolemy Euergetes, goes to Je- 
 rusalem by order of that prince, ii. 357. 
 
 Athens. Athenians. Foundation of the kingdom of 
 Athens, i. 264. kings of Athens, ib. the Archons succeed 
 them, 265. Draco is chosen legislator, 276, then Solon, ib. 
 Pisistratus, tyrant of Athens, 280, &c. the Athenians re- 
 cover their liberty, 282. Hippias attempts in vain to re- ! 
 establish the tyranny, 283. the Athenians, in conjunction 
 with the lonianSjburn the city of Sardis, 309. Darius pre- 
 
 pares to avenge that insult, ib. famous Athenian captains 
 at that time, 311. Darius's heralds are put to death there, 
 314. the Athenians under Miltiades gain a famous victory 
 over the Persians at Marathon, 315. moderate reward 
 granted Miltiades, 317. The Athenians, attacked by 
 Xerxes, choose Themistocles general, .329. they resign the 
 honour of commanding the fleet to the LacedsEmonians, 
 330. they are reduced to abandon their city, 334: Athens 
 is burnt by the Persians, a35. battle of Salamis, in which 
 the Athenians acquire in.finite glory, ib. they abandon 
 their citj a second time, 339. the Athenians and Lacedai- 
 monians cut the Persian army to pieces near PlatiEJE, .341. 
 they defeat the Persian fleet ,it the same time near My. 
 cale, 344. they rebuild the walls of their city, 345. the 
 command of the Greeks in general transferred to the 
 
 Athenians, 348. The Athenians, under Cimon, gain a 
 
 double victory over the Persians near the river Euryme- 
 don, 359. they support the Egj'ptians in their revolt against 
 Persia, 361. their considerable losses in that war, ib seeds 
 of division between Athens and Sparta, 367. peace re. 
 established between the two states, ib. The Athenians 
 gain several victories over the Persians, wliich obliges 
 Artaxerxes to conclude a peace highly gloriovis for the 
 Greeks, 368. jealousy and differences between Attica and 
 Sparta, 372. treaty of peace for thirty years between the 
 two slates, 373. the Athenians besiege Samos, ib. they 
 send aid to the Corcyrasans, 374. they besiege Potidsea, ib. 
 open rupture between Athens and Sparta, 376. beginning 
 of the Peloponnesian war, .386. reciprocal ravages of Atti. 
 
 ca and Peloponnesus, 388. Plague of Athens, 390. 
 
 The Athenians seize Potidcea, 392. they send forces 
 against the isle of Lesbos, 394. and make themselves mas. 
 ters of Mitylene, 396. the plague breaks out again at 
 Athens, 398. the Athenians take Pylus, 399. and are be- 
 sieged in it, ib. they take the troops shut up in the isle of 
 Sphacteria, ib. they make themselves masters of the island 
 of Cythera, 404. they are defeated by the Thebans near 
 Delium, 405. truce for a year between Athens and Sparta, 
 ib. the Athenians are defeated near Amphipolis, 406. 
 treaty of peace for fifty years between the Athenians and 
 Lacedaemonians, 407. The Athenians, at the instiga- 
 tion of Alcibiades, renew the war against Sparta, 410. 
 they engage, by his advice, in the war with Sicily, ib. 
 Athens appoints Alcibiades, Nicias, and Lamachus, ge- 
 nerals, 413. triumphant departure of the fleet, 41.5. it ar- 
 rives in Sicily, 417. the Athenians recall Alcibiades, and 
 condemn him to die, ib. after some actions, they besiege 
 Syracuse, 419. they undertake several works that reduce 
 the city to extremities, 422. they are defeated by sea and 
 land, ib. &c. they hazard a second battle by sea, and are 
 defeated, 428. they resolve to retire by land, ib. they are 
 reduced to surrender themselves to the Syracusans, 430. 
 their generals areput to death, ib. consternation of Athens 
 
 upon this defeat, 431. The Athenians are abandoned 
 
 by their allies, 432. the return of Alcibiades to Athens is 
 concerted, 433. the Four Hundred invested with full au- 
 thority at Athens, 435. their power is annulled, 436. Alci- 
 biades is recalled, ib. he occasions the gaining of several 
 great advantages by the Athenians, ib. the Athenians 
 elect him generalissimo, 437. their fleet is defeated near 
 Ephesus, 439. the command is taken from Alcibiades, 
 440. they gain a great victory over the Lacedemonians 
 near the Arginusaj, 441. they are entirely defeated by the 
 latter near ^Egospotamos, 414. Athens besieged by Lysan- 
 
 der, capitulates and surrenders, 446. Thirty tyrants 
 
 appointed to govern Athens, by Lysander, 451. she reco- 
 vers her liberty, 452, &c. she enters into the league formed 
 against the Lacedaamonians, 491. Conon rebuilds the walls 
 of Athens, 495. the Athenians aid the Theban exiles, ii. 
 4. they repent it presently after, 6. they renew the alii, 
 ance with the Thebans, 7. they declare against the latter 
 for the Lacedffimonians, 13. many of the Athenian allies 
 revolt, 30. generals employed to reduce them, ib. &c. alarm 
 of the Athenians, occasioned by the preparations for war 
 made by the king of Persia, 32. they send aid to tlie Me- 
 galopoHtans, 33. and afterwards to the Rhodians, 34.— 
 The Athenians suffer themselves to be cajoled by Philip, 
 47. Demosthenes endeavours in vain to rouse them from 
 their lethargy, 52, &c. Athens joins the Lacedaemonians 
 against Philip, 60. the Athenians under Phocion drive 
 Philip out of Euboea, ib. &c. they oblige that prince to 
 raise the siege of Perinthus and Byzantium, 63. they form 
 a league with the Thebans against Philip, 66. they lose 
 the battle of Chasronea, 67. they make a treaty with 
 Philip, 68. immoderate joy of Athens upon that prince's 
 death, 71. the Athenians form a league against Alexan, 
 der, 80. that prince pardons them, 81. conduct of the 
 
 Athenians in respect to Harpalus, 214. Commotions at 
 
 Athens upon the news of Alexander's death, 23G. tbe 
 Athenians march against Antipater, ib. they are victorious 
 at first, 237. and are afterwards reduced to submit, 2.38. 
 Antipater makes himself master of their city, ib, Phocion 
 is condemned to die by the Athenians, 247. Cassander 
 takes Athens, 250. he makes choice of Demetrius Phale- 
 
792 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 reus to govern the republic, ib. Athens taken by Deme. 
 trius Poliorcetes, 265. excessive honours paid to Antigo- 
 nus and his son Demetrius by the Athenians, 266. Athens 
 besieged by Cassander, and delivered by Demetrius, 276. 
 excessive flattery of Demetrius by the Athenians, 277. 
 Athens shuts its gates against Demetrius, 287. he takes 
 that city, 293. Athens declares against Antigonus Gona- 
 tas, 336. and is taken by that prince, who puts a garrison 
 
 into it, ib. The Athenians carry their complaints 
 
 against Philip to Rome, 429. that prince besieges their 
 city, ib. decrees of Athens against Philip, 432. she sends 
 three famous philosophers upon an embassy to Rome, and 
 wherefore, 592. Athens taken by Archelaus, 700. Aristion 
 makes himself tyrant of that city, ib. his cruelties there, 
 
 ib. it is besieged and retaken by Sylla, ib. &c. Govern- 
 
 Inent of Athens, i. 540. foundation of the government in- 
 stituted by Solon, ib. abuses introduced into the govern- 
 ment by Pericles, 365. inhabitants of Athens, 541. senate, 
 543. Areopagus, ib. magistrates, 544. assemblies of the 
 people, ib. other tribunals, 546. revenues of Athens, 547. 
 education of youth, ib. different species of troops of which 
 the armies of Athens were composed, 551. choice of the 
 generals, ii. 73. equipment of galleys at Athens, 41. ex- 
 emptions and honours granted by that city to those who 
 had rendered it great services, 42. orations pronounced by 
 order of the state in honour of those who had died for 
 their country, 69. of religion, i. 557. feasts of the Panathe- 
 
 neea, 558. Bacchus, 559. and Eleusis, 550. Peculiar 
 
 character of the people 'of Athens, 554. easily enraged, 
 and soon appeased, ib. sometimes ungrateful to their ge- 
 nerals, and those who had served them best, 440. humane 
 to their enemies, 453. taste of the Athenians for the arts 
 ?.nd sciences, 555. their passion for the representations of 
 the theatre, 577. common character of the Athenians and 
 Lacedffiraonians, 556. 
 
 Athleta;. Etymology of the word, i. 568. exercises of 
 the Athletse, 569. trial through which they passed before 
 they fought, ib. rewards granted to them when victorious, 
 574. 
 
 Athlothetffi, their function, i. 569. 
 
 Athos, famous mountain of Macedonia, i. 323. the ac- 
 count of its perforation hyperbolical, 324. N. Xerxes' let- 
 ter to the mountain, a Greek fable, ib. 
 
 Atossa, wife of Artaxerxes Mnemon, ii. 26. 
 
 Atossa, daughter of Cyrus, and wife of Cambyses first, 
 and after of Smerdis the Magian, i. 212. she is last mar- 
 ried to Darius, 290. Democedes cures her of a dangerous 
 distemper, 292. she persuades Darius to send him into 
 Greece, and why, ib. she is called Vashti in Scripture, 
 294. 
 
 Atreus, son of Pelops, king of Mycenee, i. 2G4. 
 
 Atropates, one of Alexander's generals : provinces 
 which fell to him after that prince's death, ii. 234. causes 
 himself to be declared king of them, 245. 
 
 Atropatia (now Aderbijan) notice of, ii. 385. N. 
 
 Attains I. king of Pergamus, ii. 352. war between that 
 prince and Seleucus, 381. Attains joins the Romans in the 
 war against Philip, 407. gains several advantages over that 
 prince, 426. dies, 438. his magnificent use of his riches, ib. 
 
 Attains II. surnamed Philadelphus, prevails upon the 
 Achteans to revoke their decree against his brother, iL 
 558. comes ambassador to Rome, 583. reigns in Cappado- 
 cia as guardian to Attains his nephew, 591. war between 
 Attalus and Prusias, ib. death of Attalus, 626. 
 
 Attains III. surnamed Philometor, goes to Rome, and 
 why, ii. 591. ascends the throne of Cappadocia, after the 
 death of his uncle, and causes him to be much regretted 
 through his vices, 62(5. dies, and by his will leaves his do- 
 minions to the Roman people, 627. 
 
 Attalus, Syracusan, discovers the intelligence held by 
 Marcellus in Syracuse to Epicydes, ii. 685. 
 
 Attalus, Philip's lieutenant, is sent by that prince into 
 Asia Minor, ii. 70. marriage of his niece Cleopatra with 
 Philip, ib. Alexander's quarrel with Attalus in the midst 
 of the feast, ib. Alexander causes him to be assassinated, 
 80. 
 
 Attica divided by Cecrops into twelve cantons, i. 264. 
 gee Athens. 
 
 Attock, site of, ii. 189. N. 
 
 Atyadas, descendants of Atys, i. 149. 
 
 Atys, son of Croesus, good qualities of that prince, L 
 152. his death, ib. 
 
 Augury: puerilities of that science, i. 562. 
 
 Augustus. See Caisar Augustus. 
 
 Autophradates, governor of Lydia for Artaxerxes 
 Mnemon, is charged by that prince with the war against 
 Datames, i. 502, is defeated, 503. retires into his govern- 
 ment, ib. joins with the provinces of Asia in their revolt 
 gainst Artaxerxes, ii. 26. 
 
 Axiochus, Athenian, takes upon him the defence of 
 the generals condemned to die after the battle of Arginu. 
 s«,443. 
 
 Axithea, wife if Nicocles, kills herself, ii. 261. 
 
 Azarias, one of the three Hebrews miraculously pre< 
 
 served in the midst of the flames, L 139. 
 Azotus, a city of Palestine, i. 28. 
 
 B 
 
 Baal. See Bel. 
 
 Babel, description of that tower, i, 127. not the temple 
 of Belus, 120. N. 
 
 Babylon, Babylonians : the kingdom of Babylon found- 
 ed by the Assyrians, i. 119. N. inquiry respecting the site 
 of Babylon, 180. N. foundation of the city of Babylon, 
 117. description of that city, 126. kings of Babylon, 132, 
 duration of its empire, ib. siege and taking of that city by 
 Cyrus, 176. it revolts against Darius, 294. tliat prince re- 
 duces it to obedience, 295. Alexander makes himself mas- 
 ter of Babylon, ii. 128. Destructionof Babylon foretold in se- 
 veral parts of the Scripture, i. 174. curse pronounced against 
 that city, 178. eagerness of princes to destroy it, 179. inte- 
 resting description of its ruins illustrating the Scripture 
 prophecies, 180. N. its dimensions, population, &c. com- 
 pared with London, Pekin, &c. 187. N. The Babylonians 
 laid the first foundation of Astronomy, 231. 
 
 Babylonia, its flourishing state in Xenophon's time now 
 completely changed, i. 461. N. principal causes of this, ii. 
 294. N. 
 
 Bacchidas, eunuch of Mithridates, ii. 710. 
 
 Bacchides, governor of Mesopotamia under Antiochus 
 Epiphanes and Demetrius Soter, is defeated in many en- 
 gagements by Judas Maccabeus, ii. 613, &c. 
 
 Bacchis, whose descendants reigned at Corinth, i. 265. 
 
 Bacchus, feasts instituted at Athens in honour of him, 
 i. 559. 
 
 Bacchylides, Greek poet, i. 381. 
 
 Bactriana, province of Upper Asia, i. xxix. its extent 
 and boundaries, ii. 173. and 345. N. origin and language 
 of the Bactrians discussed, 173. N. 
 
 Btetica, part of old Spain, i. 45. 
 
 Bagdad, its site and name, ii. 296. N. 
 
 Baghistan, a mountain in Assyria dedicated to Belus, 
 i. 128. N. remarkable sculptured rock there, called Be-si- 
 toon, ib. cheap living, 129. N. 
 
 Baghtegan, lake of, described, ii. 134. N. 
 
 Bagoas, eunuch of Ochus, commands a detachment 
 during that prmce's expedition against Egypt, ii. 36, poi, 
 sons Ochus, 37. places Arses upon the throne of Persia, 
 38. causes that prince to be put to death, and places Da- 
 rius Codomanus upon the throne in his stead, ib. falls 
 into the hands of Alexander, 150. gains an ascendancy 
 over that prince, ib. causes by his intrigues Orsines to be 
 put to death, 211, &c. 
 
 Bagophanes, governor of the citadel of Babylon, sur. 
 renders to Alexander, ii. 128. 
 
 Bagorazus, Artaxerxes's eunuch, is put to death by 
 order of Xerxes, i. 402. 
 
 Baharam-Shah, prince of Ghazua, anecdote of, ii. 579. N. 
 
 Bailan, pass of, where situate, ii. 98. N. 
 
 Bala. See Alexander Bala. 
 
 Balk, capital of Bactria, and its vicinity described, ii. 
 173. N. its history, ib. 
 
 Baleares islands : why so called, i. 45. 
 
 Banyan tree of immense size, account of a, ii. 287, N. 
 
 Barca. See Hamilcar, surnamed Barca. 
 
 Barsina, wife of Alexander, ii. 235. Polysperchon puts 
 her to death, 263. 
 
 Basket. Procession of the basket at Athens, i. 561. 
 
 Bastards : law of Athens against them, i. 392. 
 
 Bastarnse, people of Sarmatia in Europe; their charac- i 
 ter, ii. 546. 
 
 Battalion, sacred, of the Thebans, ii. 8. 
 
 Battles and Combats celebrated in ancient history. 
 Near the coasts of My\e, i. 58. near Ecnomus, 59. of Tici- 
 nus, 79. of Trebia, 80. of Thrasyraenus, 81. of Cannae, 84. 
 of Zama, 91. of Thymbra, 168. of Marathon, 319. of Ther- 
 mopylffi, 331. of Artemisium, 333. of Salamis, 334. of Pla- 
 tseffi, 339. of Mycale, 344. of the river Eurymedon, 359. of 
 Arginusffi, 441. of jEgospotamos, 444. of Cunaxa, 471. of 
 Leuctra, ii. 9. of Mantinea, 19, &c. of Chaeronea, 67. of the i 
 Granicus, 84. of Issus, 95. of Arbela, 124. of the Hydaspes, 
 182. of Ipsus, 278. of Selasia, 377. of Raphia, 391. of Ca- 
 physe, 394. of Elis, 409, &c. of Octolophos, 431. of Cynos- 
 cephalffi, 439. of mount Corycbus, 467. of Elea, 469. of 
 Myonnesus, 472. of Magnesia, 474. of Bethsura, 536. of 
 the river Peneus, 654. of Pvdna, 567. of Leucopetra, 598. 
 of Carras, 658. of Cabiree, 709. of Arsamia, 720. of Actmm, 
 749. 
 
 Bazira, (now Bijore or Bajour) city ^nd district o^ 
 described, ii. 183. N. j 
 
 Bee ; name given to Sophocles, i. 580. 
 
 Bel, divinity adored by the Assyrians ; temple erected 
 in honour of him, i. 127. 
 
 Belesis, king of Babylon. See Nabonassar, 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 793 
 
 Bclgius, at the head of llie GauLs makes an irruption 
 into Macedonia, ii. 312. defeats Ceraunus, andissoon after 
 defeated himself, ib. 
 
 Belshazzar, king of Babylon, called also Labynit, or 
 Nabonid, i. 141. is besieged in Babylon by Cyrus, 177. 
 gives a great feast to his whole court the same night 
 that city is taken, ib. he is killed in his palace, 178. his 
 death foretold in Scripture, 177. 
 
 Belus, name given to Araenophis, i. 22. and to Nimrod, 
 118. RoUin's opinion of this controverted, lU). N. sup- 
 posed to have been originally the Sun, afterwards Pul, 
 king of Assyria, 120. N. description of the temple of Be- 
 lus, 1 19. N. 
 
 Belus, the Assyrian, i. 118. 
 
 Berenice, wife of Ptolemy Soter, ii. 300. influence of 
 that princess over her husband, ib. 
 
 Berenice, daughter of Ptolemy Philadelphus, marries 
 Antiochus 'rheos, ii. 346. Antiochus repudiates her, 349. 
 Laodice causes her to be put to death, ib. 
 
 Berenice, wife of Ptolemy Euergetes, ii. 350. Ptolemy 
 Philopator causes her to be put to death, 387. Berenice's 
 hair, 350. 
 
 Berenice, daughter of Ptolemy Lathyrus. See Cleo- 
 patra. 
 
 Berenice, daughter of Ptolemy Auletes, reigns in Egypt 
 during her father's absence, ii. 736. marries Seleucus 
 Cybiosactes, and then causes him to be put to death, 738. 
 marries Archelaus, ib. Ptolemy puts her to death, ib. 
 
 Berenice, wife of Mithridates, ii. 710. unhappy death 
 of that princess, ib. 
 
 Berosus, historian, ii. 339. 
 
 Be-sitoon, a remarkable sculptured rock, part supposed 
 
 10 represent Semiramis and her guards, i. 128. N. another 
 part supposed to refer to Shalmanezer, king of Assyria, 
 and Hoshea, king of Israel, 136. N. particular description 
 of 14 groupes of figures, ib. remarks on it, ii. 344. N. 
 
 Bessus, chief of the Bactrians, betrays Darius, and puts 
 him in chains, ii. 143. assassinates that prince, 146. 
 is seized and delivered up to Alexander, 163, that prince 
 causes him to be executed, 166. 
 
 Bestia (Calpurnius) is sent by the Romans against Ju- 
 gurtha, i. 114. his conduct in that war, ib. 
 
 Bethulia, city of Israel: siege of that city by Holo- 
 l)hernes, i. 146. 
 
 Bias, one of the seven sages of Greece, i. 287. 
 
 Bibius, commander in ^Etolia for the Romans, ii. 687. 
 his conduct in that province, ib. 
 
 Biblos, city of Phoenicia, ii. 103. 
 
 Bibulus (M. Calpurnius), is appointed by the Romans 
 Vo command in Syria after the defeat of Crassus by the 
 Parthians, ii. 663. his incapacity, ib. 
 
 Birs-Nemroud, a mass of ruins at Babylon, supposed 
 to have been the temple of Belus, described, i. 185, 188. 
 N. 
 
 Bisaltse, people of Thrace : valiant action of one of the 
 kings, i. 331. 
 
 Bithynia, province of Asia Minor, i. xxix. historical 
 inquiry respecting its name, extent and population ii. ,'337. 
 N. its political state, 338. N. kings of Bithynia, xliii. 
 Mithridates possesses himself of it, ii. 699. it is reduced 
 into a province of the Roman empire, 707. 
 
 Biton and Cleobis, Argives, models of fraternal friend- 
 ship, i. 150. 
 
 Blasphemy, proper definition of, ii. 650. N. 
 
 Bocchus, king of Mauritania, Jugurtha's father-in-law, 
 I. 115. delivers up his son to the Romans, ib. 
 
 Bceotarch, principal magistrate of Thebes, ii. 4. 
 
 Bceotia, part of Greece, i. 260. unjust prejudice against 
 that counti y, ii. 21. 
 
 Boeotians. See Thebans. 
 
 Bochart corrected respecting Ard, i. 155. N. Bumadus, ii. 
 127. N. Caucasus, 159. N. Ctesiphon and Chalne, 297. N. 
 
 Boges, governor of Eione for the king of Persia, i. 358. 
 his excess of bravery, ib. 
 
 Bolis, Cretan : his stratagem and treason to Achseus, ii. 
 392. 
 
 Bomilcar, Carthaginian general, makes himself tyrant 
 of Carthage, i. 55. is put to death, ib. 
 
 Bore, a sudden influx of the tide in the Indus, Ganges, 
 and Maranon, ii. 195. N. 
 
 Borysthenes, or Dnieper, river described, i. 297. N. its 
 cataracts, ib. 
 
 Bosphorus, Cimmerian, country subject to Mithridates, 
 
 11 731. 
 
 Bostar, commander of the Carthaginians in Sardinia, 
 is murdered by the mercenaries, i. 68. 
 
 Brachmans, Indian philosophers, iL 185. their opi- 
 nions, employments, and manner of living, ib. &c. 
 
 Brahooick mountains described, ii. 202. N. 
 
 BranchidcB, family of Melitus, settled by Xerxes in the 
 Upper Asia, and destroyed by Alexander the Great, ii. 
 160 
 
 Brasidas, Lacedaemonian general, distinguishes himself 
 at the siege of Pylos, i. 399. his expedition.9 into Thrace, 
 
 404. takes Amphlpolis, 4^J5. defends that place against 
 Cleon, and receives a wound of which he dies, 406. 
 
 Brennus, general of the Gauls, makes an irruption into 
 Pannonia, ii. 312. Macedonia, 313. and Greece, ib. 
 perishes in the last enterprise, 314. his conduct defended 
 against Rollin's reflections, 314. N. 
 
 Bruchion, quarter of the city of Alexandria, ii. 741 
 its museum described, 302. N. 
 
 Brydone, strictures on his philosophy, ii. 512. N. his 
 account of the visible horizon of Mount iEtna absurd, 
 511. N. 
 
 Bucephalia, city built by Alexander, ii. 79. 
 
 Bucephalus, war-horse, backed by Alexander, ii. 78 
 wonders related of that horse, 79. 
 
 Budukshaun, site and description of, 179. N. 
 
 Burial of the dead in the earth, i. 240. burial of kings 
 amongst the Scythians, 299. care of the ancients to pro- 
 cure burial for the dead, 442. customs among the Per- 
 sians, 240. N. horrible manner of treating the dead among 
 the Parsees at Surat, ib. 
 
 Burning-glass, by the means of which Archimedes is 
 said to have burnt the Roman fleet, ii. 684. 
 
 Busiris, king of Egypt, i. 21. 
 
 Busiris, brother of Amenophis, infamous for his cru- 
 elty, i. 24. 
 
 Byblos, city of the isle of Prosopitis, i. 361. 
 
 Byrsa, name of the citadel of Carthage, i. 106. 
 
 Byzantium, city of Thrace, delivered by the Greeks 
 from the power of the Persians, i. 348. submits to the 
 Athenians, 437. besieged by Philip, ii. 62. 
 
 C 
 
 Cabir^e, city of Asia, famous for LucuUus's victoiy 
 over Mithridates, ii. 709. 
 Cadiz, city of Spain, i. 45. 
 
 Cadmus, Phoenician, seizes Bo°otia, and builds Thebef-- 
 there, i. 265. it was he who introduced the use of letters 
 into Greece, i. 24. 
 
 Cadusians, people of Assyria : submit to Cyrus, i. 166. 
 revolt against Artaxerxes, 500. Tiribazus makes them re- 
 turn to their duty, 501. 
 
 Cadytis, name given to the city of Jerusalem by Hero- 
 dotus, i. 29. N. 
 
 Cffllestis, Urania, or the moon, goddess of the Cartha- 
 ginians, i. 34. 
 
 Csense, the modern Senu, i. 462. N. 
 
 Cajsar (Julius), his power at Rome, ii. 724. restores 
 Ptolemy Auletes, 735. goes to Egypt in hopes of finding 
 Pompey there, 739. makes himself judge between Ptolemy 
 and his sister Cleopatra, 740. his passion for that princess, 
 ib. battles between his troops and the Alexandrians, 
 741. he gives the crown of Egypt to Cleopatra and Pto- 
 lemy, 743. confirms the Jews in their privileges, ib. gains a 
 great victory over Pharnaces, and drives him out of the 
 kingdom of Pontus, ib. is killed soon after, ib. 
 
 CsEsar (Octavius), afterwards surnamed Augustus, joins 
 with Antony and Lepidus to avenge Ctesar's death, ii. 
 743. quarrels with Antony, 746. gains a great victory over 
 him near Actium, 749. goes to Egypt, 750. besieges Alex- 
 andria, ib. interview of Caesar and Cleopatra, 752. is 
 deceived by that princess, v/hom he was in hopes of de- 
 ceiving, ib. 
 
 Cassaria Mazaca, description of, ii. 669. N. 
 
 Ca;sarion, son of Julius Ca?sar and Cleopatra, ii. 742. is 
 proclaimed king of Egypt, jointly with his mother, 747. 
 
 Caina, city of Pontus, taken from Mithridates by Pom- 
 pey, ii. 731. 
 
 Cairo, its famous castle in Egypt, i. 2. 
 
 Calanus, Indian philosopher, comes to the court of 
 Alexander the Great, ii. 189. dies voluntarily upon a fu- 
 neral pile, 212, &c. 
 
 Calchidffius, in the name of the Laeedsemonians, con- 
 cludes a treaty with Tissaphernes, i. -132. 
 
 Callas, son of Harpalus, officer in Alexander's army, ii 
 83. 
 
 Callias, citizen of Athens, is cited before the judges 
 upon account of Aristides, i. 351. is appointed plenipo. 
 tentiarv for Athens to Artaxerxes, 368. 
 
 Callibius, Spartan, is appointed governor of the citadel 
 of Athens, i. 447. 
 
 Callicrates, Spartan, kills Epaminohdas in the battle of 
 Mantinea, ii. 20. 
 
 Callicrates, deputed by the Achasans to Rome, betrays 
 them, ii. 501. prevents the Achseans from aiding the two 
 brothers, the Ptolemies, against Antiochus, 522. impeach- 
 es to the Romans all the Achaans who had seemed to fa- 
 vour Perseus, 588. 
 
 Callicratidas succeeds Lysander in the command of the 
 Lacedemonian fleet, i. 440. goes to the court of Cyrus 
 the Younger, 441. is defeated near the islands of Argmu 
 see, and killed in the battle, ib. &c. 
 
 Callimachus, polemarch at Athens, joins the party of 
 Miltiades, i. 315. 
 
794 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Callimachus, governor of Amisus for Mithri dates, de- 
 fends that city against Lucullus, and then sets it on fire, 
 ii. 710. 
 
 Callippus, Athenian, assassinates Dion, and seizes the 
 tyranny of Syracuse, i. 616, &c. is soon after assassinated 
 himself, ib. 
 
 Callisthenes, philosopher in the train of Alexander, ii. 
 170. that prince causes him to be put to death, 172. cha- 
 I cacter of that philosopher, ib. 
 
 I Callixenes, Athenian orator, accuses the Athenian ge- 
 nerals faJsply in the senate, i. 442. is punished soon after, 
 443. 
 
 Calpumius Bestia. See Bestia. 
 
 Calvinus (Domitius) commands in Asia for Caesar, ii. 
 741. 
 
 Calumniators, or false accusers, punisnment of them in 
 EgjT-t, i. 1 1. 
 
 Calycadnus, river of, its source and course, ii. 445. N. 
 
 Cambylus, general in the service of Antiochus, betrays 
 Acha^us, and delivers him up to that prince, ii. 392. 
 
 Cambyses, father of Cyrus, king of Persia, i. 153. 
 
 Cambyses, son of Cyrus, ascends the throne of Persia, 
 L. 206. enters Egypt with an army, ib. and makes himself 
 master of it, 207. his rage against the body of Amasis, ib. 
 his expedition against iEthiopia, 208. extent of his 
 march, 207. N. on his return he plunders the temples of 
 the city of Thebes, 209. kills the god Apis, ib. puts his 
 brother Smerdis to death, 210. kills Meroe, his sister and 
 wife, ib. prepares to march against Smerdis the Magian, 
 i who had usurped the throne, 211. dies of a wound which 
 he gives himself in the thigh, ib. 
 
 Camisares, Carian, governor of Leuco-Syria, perishes 
 in the expedition of Artaxerxes against the Cadusians, i. 
 501. 
 
 Canaanites : origin of that people, i. 21. 
 
 Canals between the Euphrates and Tigris, i. 458, 459. N. 
 
 Candaules, king of Lydia, i. 149. 
 
 f^andia, islands. See Crete. 
 
 Canidius, Antony's lieutenant, ii. 749. 
 
 Canigau, mountain of, its height, ii. 512. 
 
 Cannae, city of Apulia, famous for Hannibal's victory 
 over the Romans, i. 84. 
 
 Caphis, Phoccean, Sylla's friend, is sent by that general 
 to Delphi, to receive the treasures of it, ii. 700. religious 
 terror of Caphis, ib. 
 
 Caphyas, a city of Peloponnesus, known by the defeat of 
 Aratus, ii. 394. 
 
 Cappadocia, province of Asia Minor, i. xxx. kings of 
 Cappadocia, xliv. it is reduced into a Roman province, ii. 
 669. 
 
 Capua, a city of Italy, abandons the Romans, and sub- 
 mits to Hannibal, i. 86. is besieged by the Romans, 87, 
 the tragical end of its principal inhabitants, 88. 
 
 Caranus, first king of Macedonia, i. 265. 
 
 Carbo : oppressions committed by him at Rome, ii. 704. 
 
 Carchemish of Scripture, now Kirkisia, position of, i. 
 457. N. 
 
 Cardia, city of the Chersonesus, ii. 58. 
 
 Carducia, or Corduene, account of, ii. 714, 72^730. N. 
 
 Caria, province of Asia Minop, i. xxix. 
 
 Caridemus, of Orea, is banished Athens, ii. 81. perse- 
 cuted by Alexander, and retires to Darius Codomanus, 
 ib. his sincerity occasions his death, 94, &c. 
 
 Carmande, now called Hit, where Cyrus crossed the 
 Euphrates, i. 458. N. 
 
 Carmania, province of Persia, ii. 203. 
 
 Carrse, a city famous for the defeat of Crassus, ii. 658. 
 
 Carthage, Carthaginians. Foundation of Carthage, i. 
 42. origin of its name, 43. N. its extent, 44. N. its aug- 
 mentation, 44. conquests of the Carthaginians in Africa, 
 ib. in Sardinia, 45. they possess themselves of the Balea- 
 rian isles, ib. in Spain, ib. they land in Spain, 46. and in 
 Sicily, ib. first treaty between Rome and Carthage, 47. 
 the Carthaginians make an alliance with Xerxes, ib. are 
 defeated in Sicily by Gelon, ib. take several places in Si- 
 cily under Hannibal, 48. and Imilco, ib. make a treaty 
 with Dionysius, 49. war between the Carthaginians and 
 Dionysius, ib. they besiege Syracuse, 50. are defeated by 
 Dionysius, ib. the plague rages in Carthage, ib. second 
 treaty between the Romans and Carthaginians, 51. the 
 Carthaginians endeavour to seize Sicily after the re-esta- 
 blishment of Dionysius the Younger, ib. are defeated by 
 Timoleon, 52. war of the Carthaginians with Agathocles, 
 at first in Sicily, 53. and after in Africa, ib. they sustain 
 a war in Sicily against Pyrrhus, 56. are called in to aid 
 the Mamertines, who give them possession of their cita- 
 del, 57. are driven out of it by the Romans, 58. send a 
 ! numerous army into Sicily, ib. lose a battle, which is fol- 
 lowed by the taking of Agrigentum, their place of arms, 
 ib. are beaten at sea, first near the coast of Myle, ib. and 
 after at Ecnomus, 59. sustain the war against Regulus in 
 Africa, ib. punishment inflicted by them upon that gene- 
 ral, 62. they Jose a battle at sea, in sight of Sicily, ib. 
 their ardour in defence of Lilybaeum, 63. their fleet is 
 
 entirely defeated near the islands iEgates, 64. they make 
 a treaty of peace with the Romans, which terminates this 
 war, ib. war of the Carthaginians with the mercenaries, 
 65. The Carthaginians are obliged to abandon Sardinia 
 to the Romans, 68. besiege and take Saguntum, 71. war 
 renewed between the two states, ib. the Carthaginians 
 pass the Rhone, 76. then the Alps, 77. their entrance into 
 Italy, 78. they gain several victories over the Romans, 
 near the Ticinus, 79, &c. near Trebia, 80. near Thrasy- 
 menus, 81. lose several battles in Spain, 84. gain a famous 
 victory over the Romans at Cann£B, ib. Livy's account 
 exaggerated, 89. N. bad success of the Carthaginians, 87. 
 &c. they are attacked in Africa by the Romans, 89. recall 
 Hannibal from Italy, 90. are entirely defeated at Zama, 
 91. demand peace of the Romans, 92. and obtain it, ib 
 disputes between the Carthaginians and Masinissa, lOO, 
 third war of the Carthaginians and Romans, 102. Car. 
 thage sends deputies to Rome to declare that it submits tc 
 the discretion of the Romans, 103. the latter order the 
 Carthaginians to abandon their city, 104. the Carthagi- 
 nians resolve to defend themselves, 105. the Romans be- 
 siege Carthage, ib. it is taken and demolished by Scipio, 
 108. remarks on the conduct of the Romans to the Car- 
 thaginians, ii. 581 — 58 1, N. Carthage is rebuilt by Cassar, 
 
 110. the Saracens destroyed it entirely, ib. Carthage 
 
 formed upon the model of Tyre, 33. religion of the Car- 
 thaginians, ib. their barbarous worship of Saturn, 34. go- 
 vernment of the Carthaginians, 35. SufFetes, 36. senate, 
 ib. people, ib. tribunal of the hundred, ib. defects in the 
 government of Carthage, 37. the courts of justice and the 
 finances reformed by Hannibal, ib. wise custom of tJie 
 Carthaginians in sending colonies into different countries, 
 38. commerce of Carthage, the principal source of its 
 riches and power, ib. discovery of the gold and silver 
 mines in Spain by the Carthaginians, second source of the 
 riches and power of Carthage, 39. military power ol 
 Carthage, ib. arts and sciences in little esteem there, 40. 
 character, manners, and qualities of the Carthaginians, 
 41. 
 
 Carthagenia, city of Spain, i. 69. 
 
 Carthalo, commander of the auxiliary troops of the 
 Caithaginiaas, declared guilty of treason, and why, i. 102. 
 
 Cassander, general of the Thracians and Pseonians, iu 
 the army of Alexander, ii. 83. 
 
 Cassander, son of Antipater, ii. 221. provinces which 
 fell to him after Alexander's death, 234. he puts De- 
 mades and his son to death, 246. is associated with Poly- 
 sperchon in the regency of the kingdom of Macedonia, 
 ib. takes Athens, 250. and establishes Demetrius Phale- 
 reus in the government of it, ib. puts Olympias to death, 
 253. confines Roxana, the wife of Alexander, with Alex- 
 ander her son, in the castle of AmphipoJis, 254. re-esta- 
 blishes the city of Thebes, ib. enters into the league 
 formed against Antigonus, 259. concludes a treaty witJ> 
 him, and breaks it immediately, 260. puts to death the 
 young king, Alexander, with his mother Roxana, 263. 
 besieges Athens, of which Demetrius Poliorcetes had 
 made himself master, 277. the latter obliges him to raise 
 the siege, and defeats him near Thermopylee, ib. Cassan- 
 der concludes a league against Antigonus and Deme- 
 trius, ib. after the battle of Ipsus, he divides the empire 
 of Alexander with three other princes, 279. his death, 
 292. 
 
 Cassander, Macedonian, by Philip's order massacres the 
 inhabitants of Maroneea, ii. 426. that prince causes hhn 
 to be put to death, ib. 
 
 Cassius (Lucius), Roman general, is defeated by Mithn- 
 dates, ii. 699. 
 
 Cassius, qusestor of Crassus's army in the war with the 
 Parthians, ii. 656. puts himself at the head of the remains 
 of that army, and prevents the Parthians from seizing 
 Syria, 662. forms a conspiracy against Cssar, 743. is en- 
 tirely defeated by Antony, ib. 
 
 Castabala, the modern Castanlee, ii. 92. N. 
 
 Cat, vsneration of the Egyptians for that animal, i. 206. 
 remarkable cats at Ancyra, ii. 90. 
 
 Cataracts of the Nile, i. 5. of the Dnieper. 297. N. 
 
 Cato (M. Porcius), surnamed the Censor, serves as lieu- 
 tenant-general under the consul Acilius, ii. 464. his va. 
 lour at the pass of Thermopylse, ib. he speaks in favour 
 of the Rhodians in the senate, 586. obtains the return of 
 the exiles for the Acha;ans, 589. his conduct in respect 
 to Carneades, and the other Athenian ambassadors, 592. 
 
 Cato, son of the former, acts prodigies of valour at the 
 battle of Pydna, ii. 569. 
 
 Cato (Uticensis) is appointed by the comm.onwealth to 
 depose Ptolemy king of Cyprus, and to confiscate his 
 treasures, ii. 643. 
 
 C. Cato, tribune of the people, opposes the re-esta- 
 ■ blishment of Ptolemy, ii. 736. 
 
 ; Caucasus, the Indian, (the modern Hindoo Khoo), cri- 
 I tical inquiry into its name, situation, fabled wonders, &c. 
 I ii. 159—162. N. particular account of Alexander's inarcl 
 thither, 155—157. N. 
 
GENERAL INDEX, 
 
 Caystrus, city of, now Sakli, called Ketchleeck by Kin- 
 nier, i. 446. N. description of its plain, ib. 
 ^^Caytheans, people of India, subjected by Alexander, ii. 
 
 Cebalinus discovers the conspiracy of Dymnus against 
 I Alexander, ii. 152. 
 
 Cecrops, founder of Athens, i. 264 he institutes the 
 Areopagus, ib. 
 
 Celjenae, a city in Phrygia, ii. 324 Site uncertain, but 
 supposed to be now occupied by Sandukly, 324 N. Sup- 
 posed route of Xerxes from Celcenae to Sardis, ib. famous 
 for the river of Marsyas, ii. 89. 
 
 Cendebasus, general of Antiochus Sidetes, is defeated 
 hi Jerusalem by Judas and John, ii. 625. 
 j Censorinus (L. Marcus;, consul, marches against Car- 
 i thage, i. 103. notifies the senate's orders to that city, 104 
 : forms the siege of Carthage, 105. 
 
 I Centrites, the modern Khabour or Betlis, L 464. N. ac- 
 count of its source and course, ii. 715. N. 
 j Ceracesium (now Alaia) description of, ii. 445. N. 
 
 Cerasus, a city of Cappadocia, famous for its cherries, i. 
 I 479. 
 
 j Ceres, goddess : feasts instituted in honour of her at 
 ! Athens, i. 560. 
 
 I Cerethrius, one of the generals of the Gauls, who made 
 j an irruption into Greece, ii. 312 
 j Ceryces, priests at Athens, i. 560. 
 I Cesar. See Cssar. 
 
 I Cestus, offensive arms of the Athletce, i. 570. 
 
 j Chabrias, Athenian, without order of the common- 
 wealth, accepts the command of the auxiliary troops of 
 
 : Greece in the pay of Achoris, ii. 23. is recalled by 
 the Athenians, 24 serves Tachos again without the con- 
 eent of his republic, 25. the Athenians employ him in the 
 
 ; war against their alhes, 30. he dies at the siege of Chio, 
 31. praise of Chabrias, SO. 
 
 Chffirephon, disciple of Socrates, i. 507. 
 
 I Cheeronea, a city of Bceotia, famous for Philip's victory 
 
 _ over the Athenians and Thebans ; and for that of Sylla 
 
 1 over the generals of Mithridates, ii. 67. 
 
 I Chalcal, Chalach, or Chalacho, a district in Media, 
 same as Halah, 1 Chron. v. 26. i. 134. N. 
 i Chalcicecos, a temple of Minerva at Sparta, ii. 367. 
 i Chalcis, city of ^toiia, i. 260. 
 
 I ChaldcEans defeated by Cyrus, i. 161. N. critical inquiry 
 
 I who they were, ib. and 467. Xenophon's account of them, 
 
 I 167. N. addicted to the study of judicial astrology, 231. 
 
 I the sect of Sabaans formed of them, 235. 
 
 I Cham, son of Noah, worshipped in Africa under the 
 
 : Dame of Jupiter Ammon, i. 21. 
 
 j Chaos, doctrine of a, taught by ancient Pagan and 
 I ; by some modern philosophers, i. 524. N. received also by 
 1 ; some Christians, ib. its absurdity shown, ib. 
 I Charae, the ancient Haran, ii. 660. N. 
 j Chares, one of the generals of the Athenians in the war 
 j with the allies, ii. 31. his little capacity, ib. he writes to 
 Athens against his two colleagues, ib. suffers himself to 
 be corrupted by Artabazus, ib. is recalled to Athens, ib. 
 sent to the aid of the Chersonesus, 62. the cities refuse to 
 open their gates to him, ib. is defeated at Ch^ronea by 
 Philip, 67. ^ 
 Chares, of Lindus, makes the Colossus of Rhodes, ii. 
 275. 
 
 Charilaus made king of Sparta by Lycurgus, i. 267. 
 
 Chariots armed with scythes much used by the ancients 
 in battles, i. 224. 
 
 Charitimis, Athenian general, supports Inarus in his 
 revolt against the Persians, i. 361. 
 
 Charles XII. ruined by imitatmg the Macedonian hero, 
 iL 118. N. 
 
 Charon : his boat ; origin of that fable, i. 15. 
 Charon, Theban, receives Pelopidas and the conspira- 
 tors into his house, ii. 4 is elected Bceotarch, 6. 
 
 Charondas is chosen legislator at I'huriuin, i. 384 kills 
 ! himself upon his having broken one of his own laws, 385. 
 Chase, or hunting; exercise much used among the an- 
 cients, i. 548. 
 
 Chelidonis, daughter of Leotychidas and wife of Cleo- 
 nymus, ii. 332. her passion for Acrotatus, ib. 
 
 Chelonis, wife of Cleombratus, ii. 368. her tenderness 
 for her husband, ib. 
 
 Cheops and Cephrenus, kings of Egypt, brothers equally 
 inhuman and impious, i. 25. 
 
 Chilo, one of the seven sages of Greece, i. 286. 
 I Chilo, Laceda;monian, attempts to ascend the throne of 
 Sparta, but ineffectually, ii. 397. 
 
 Chimera, (now Taktalu) a mountain famous in poetic 
 mythology, ii. 88. N. brilhant fliame emitted by it, ib. ori- 
 gin of the fables connected with it, ib. 
 
 Chio, a Grecian island famous for its excellent wine, i 
 g62. 
 
 Chirisophus, Lacedaemonian, is chosen general by the 
 troops that made the retreat of the ten thousand, i. 480. 
 C;hittim, son of Javan, and father of the Macedonians, 
 
 Chleneas, deputy from the iEtolians to Sparta to per- ' 
 suade that city to enter into the treaty concluded with i | 
 the Romans, ii. 208. | I 
 
 Choaspes, a river of Babylonia, famous for the goodness i 
 of its waters, ii. 129. I 
 
 Choenix, measure of corn amongst the ancients, i. 399. i 
 
 Chorasmia, the modem Karazm, ii. 178. N. 
 
 Chorus incorporated with tragedy, i. 578. } 
 
 Christianity, the influence of, mitigates the horrors of 
 war, ii. 117. N. i I 
 
 Christians : the refusal of the Jews to work in rebuild. I 
 ing the temple of Belus, a lesson of instruction for many ' | 
 Christians, ii. 220. 
 
 Chrysantas, commander in the ai-my of Cyrus at the 
 battle of Thymbra, i. 170. { 
 
 Chynaladanus. See Saracus. j 
 
 Cicero, (M. Tullius), his military exploits in Syria, ii. ' 
 663. he refuses a triumph, and why, 634. by his influence I 
 he causes Pompey to be appointed general against Mithri- I 
 dates, 724. his counsel to Lentulus, upon reinstating Pto- I 
 lemy Auletes, 737. he discovers the tomb of Afthimedes, 
 688. parallel between Cicero and Demosthenes, 240. 
 
 Cilicia, province of Asia Minor, i. xxx. description and < 
 history of the country, ii. 91. N. different opinions about ! 
 the pass of Cilicia, i. 456. N. account of the Cilician pirates, 
 ii. 445. and 446. N. i 
 
 Cilles, Ptolemy's lieutenant, loses a battle against De- i 
 metrius, who takes him prisoner, ii. 261. 
 
 Cimmerians, people of Scythia. They are driven out ' 
 of their country, and go to Asia, i. 149. Halyattes, king i 
 of Lydia, obliges them to quit it, ib. I 
 
 Cimon, son of Miltiades, when very young signalizes I 
 himself by his piety to his father, i. 318.' encourages the I 
 Athenians by his example to abandon their city, and to i 
 embark, 334 distinguishes himself at the battle of Sala- I 
 mis, 337. commands the fleet sent by the Greeks to deli- I 
 ver their allies from the Persian yoke, in conjunctior } 
 with Aristides, 348. the Athenians place Cimon at the ■ 
 head of their armies after Themistocles retires, 357. he ! 
 makes several conquests in Thrace, and settles a colony I 
 there, 358. makes himself master of the isle of Scyros, I 
 where he finds the bones of Theseus, which he brings to | 
 Athens, ib. his conduct in the division of the booty with } 
 the alUes, ib. he gains two victories over the Persians, I 
 near the river Eurymedon, in one day, 359. worthy use 
 which he makes of the riches taken from the enemy, ib. ' 
 he makes new conquests in Thrace, ib. marches to the i 
 aid of the Laceckemonians, attacked by the Helots, 367. is ! 
 banished by the Athenians, ib. quits his retreat, and re- ' 
 pairs to his tribe to fight against the Lacedemonians, ib. I 
 is recalled from banishment, ib. re-establishes peace be- ' 
 tween Athens and Sparta, ib. gains many victories, which i 
 oblige the Persians to conclude a treaty highly glorious 
 for the Greeks, 368. dies during the conclusion of the 
 treaty, ib. character and praise of Cimon, 357. use which 
 he made of riches, 358. 
 
 Cineas, Thessalian, famous orator, in the court of Pyr- 
 rhus, ii. 323. his conversation with that prince, ib. Pyrrlius 
 sends him ambassador to Rome, 325. his conduct during | 
 his stay there, 326. idea which he gives Pyrrhus of the I 
 Roman senate, ib. i 
 Cinna, his oppressions and cruelties at Rome, ii. 704 
 Cios, city of Bithynia. Philip's cruel treatment of the ' 
 inhabitants of that city. ii. 426. 
 
 Claros, city of Ionia, famous for the oracles of Apollo. ! 
 1.563. 
 
 Claudius (Appius). See Appius. 1 
 
 Claudius (Cento), Roman officer, is sent by Sulpitius to ' 
 the aid of Athens, ii. 429. ravages the city of Chalcis, ib. i 
 
 Claudius (C.) sent by the Romans into Achaia: his ! 
 conduct towards that i)eoi)le, ii. 588. 
 
 Clazomense, city of Ionia, i. 266. i 
 
 Cleades, Theban, endeavours to excuse the rebellion of ' 
 his country to Alexander, ii. 80. 
 
 Cleander, Alexander's lieutenant in Media, assassinates 
 Parmenio by his order, ii. 154. ; 
 
 Clearchus, Lacedeemonian captain, takes refuge with ■ 
 Cyrus the Younger, i. 462. is placed at the head of the i 
 Grepk troops in that prince's expedition against his bro- 
 ther Artaxerxes, 469. is victorious on his side at the bat. 
 tie of Cunaxa, 471. commands the Greek troops in their 
 retreat after the battle, 474. is seized by treachery, and 
 sent to Artaxerxes, who causes him to be put to death 
 476. praise of Clearchus, ib. remarks on his character, il ' 
 282. N. I 
 
 Cleobis and Biton, brothers, model of fraternal affection, 
 i. 150. 
 
 Cleobulus one of the seven sages of Greece, i. 287. 
 
 Cleocritus, of Corinth, appeases the dispute between 
 the Athenians and Lacedaemonians after the battle of 
 Platffiae, i. 42. 
 
 Cleombrotus, king of Sparta, marches against the The- 
 bans, ii. 9. is killed at the battle of Leuctra, 10. 
 
 Cleombrotus, son-in-law of Leonidas, causes himself to i 
 be elected king of Sparta to the pr^dice of his father-in- 1 
 
TOG 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 law, ii, 31?/. Is dethroned soon after by Leouidas, 368, and 
 banished from Sparta, 369, 
 
 Cleomenes, governor of Egypt for Alexander, ii. 218. 
 
 Cleomenes, king of Sparta, refuses to join the lonians 
 in their revolt against the Persians, i. 309. marches against 
 the people of iEgina, 313. effects the expulsion of his col- 
 league Demaratus from the throne, ib. reduces the peo- 
 ple of .angina, and dies soon after, ib. 
 
 Cleomenes, son of Leonidas, marries Agiatis, ii. 370. 
 a.scends the throne of Sparta, 371. enters into a v/ar with 
 the AcliEeans, ib. gains many advantages over them, ib. 
 reforms the government of Sparta, and re-establishes the 
 ancient discipline, ib. gains new advantages over the 
 AchaBans, 372, &c. sends his mother and children as hos- 
 tages into Egypt, 37.5. takes Megalopolis by surprise, ib. 
 is defeated at Selasia by Antigonus king of Macedonia, 
 378, &c. retires into Egypt, 379. Ptolemy's reception of 
 him, ib. he cannot obtain permission to return into his 
 country, 395. unfortunate death of Cleomenes, ib. his 
 character, 370, 
 
 Cleon, -Athenian, his extraction, i. 388. by his influence 
 with the people he prevents the conclusion of a peace be- 
 tween Sparta and Athens, 399. reduces the T^aceda^mo- 
 nians, shut up in the island of Sphacteria, 40a marches 
 against Brasidas, and advances to the walls of Amphipo- 
 lis, 404 surprised by Brasidas, he flies and is killed by a 
 soldier, 406. . 
 
 Cleonnis commands the troops of the Messenians in the 
 first war with Sparta, i. xxxvi. after the battle of Ithome, 
 he disputes the prize of valour with Aristomenes, xxxvii. 
 he afterwards disputes the crown with him on the death 
 of king Euphaes, ib. 
 
 Cleonymus, Spartan, being disappointed of the throne, 
 retires to Pyrrhus, and engages him to march against 
 Sparta, ii. 332. history of this Cleonymus, ib. 
 
 Cleopatra, niece of Attains, marries Philip, king of 
 Macedonia, ii. 70. 
 
 Cleopatra, Philip's daughter, is married to Alexander, 
 king of Epirus, ii. 70. Antigonus causes her to be put to 
 death, ii. 264. 
 
 Cleopatra, daughter of Antiochus the Great, is promis- 
 ed, and then given in marriage, to Ptolemy Epiphanes, ii. 
 434. after her husband's death she is declared regent of the 
 kingdom, and her son's guardian, 503. death of that prin- 
 cess, 518, 
 
 Cleopatra, daughter of Ptolemy Epiphanes, makes an 
 accommodation between her brothers Philometor and 
 Euergetes, ii. 518. after the death of Philometor her hus- 
 band, she marries Physcon,620. that prince puts her away 
 to marry one of her daughters, 630. the Alexandrians 
 place her upon the throne in Physcon's stead, ib, she is 
 obliged to take refuge in Syria, ib. 
 
 Cleopatra, daughter of Ptolemy Philometor, is married 
 to Alexander Bala, ii. 615. her father takes her from 
 Alexander, and marries her to Demetrius, 620. whilst her 
 husband is kept prisoner by the Parthians, she marries 
 Antiochus Sidetes, 624. after the death of Sidetes, she 
 returns to Demetrius, 631. causes the gates of Ptolemais 
 to be shut against him., ib. kills Seleucus her eldest son, 
 632. dies of poison which she intended to give her second 
 son Grypus, ib. 
 
 Cleopatra, Philometor's daughter, marries Physcon, ii. 
 620. after her husband's death, she reigns in Egypt with 
 her son Lathyrus, whom she first obliges to repudiate his 
 eldest sister Cleopatra, and to marry his youngest sister 
 Selene, 633. she gives her son Alexander the kingdom of 
 Cyprus, ib. takes from Lathyrus his wife Selene, drives 
 him out of Egypt, and sets his younger brother Alexan- 
 der upon the throne, 635. aids this prince against his bro- 
 ther, ib. marries Selene to Antiochus Grypus, 636, Alex- 
 ander causes her to be put to death, 637. 
 
 Cleopatra, Physcon's daughter, and wife of Lathyrus, is 
 repudiated by her husband, ii. 632. gives herself to Antio- 
 chus the Cyzicenian, 633. Tryphana her sister causes her 
 to be murdered, ib. 
 
 Cleopatra, daughter of Lathvrus. See Berenice. 
 
 Cleopatra, daughter of Ptolemy Auletes, ascends the 
 throne of Egypt in conjunction with her eldest brother, ii. 
 739. is dethroned by the young king's guardians, ib. raises 
 troops to reinstate herself, ib. repairs to Cassar, and with 
 what view, 740. Cassar establishes her queen of P^gypt 
 jointly with her brother, 74,3. she puts her brother to 
 death, and reigns alone in Egypt, ib. after Csesar's death 
 she declares for the Triumvirs, ib. goes to Antony at Tar- 
 sus, 744. carries him to Alexandria, 745. her jealousy of 
 Octavia, 746. coronation of Cleopatra and her children, 
 747, she accompanies Antony in his expedition, ib. the 
 Romans declare war against her, 748, she flics at the bat- 
 tle of Actium, 749. and returns to Alexandria, ib. endea- 
 vours to gain Augustus, and designs to sacrifice Antony 
 to him, ib. retires into the tombs of the kings of Egypt 
 to avoid Antonv's fury, 751. that Roman expires in her 
 arms, ib. she obtains permission from Ca>sar to bury An- 
 tony, 752. has a conversation with Ceesar, ib. to avoid 
 
 serving as an ornament in Caesar's triumph ghe dies bj 
 the bite of an aspic, ib. character of Cleopatra, 744, 75t 
 her arts to keep Antony in her chains, 746. the taste she 
 retained for polite learning and the sciences in the midst 
 of her excesses, 745, 
 
 Cleophe, mother of Assacanus, king of Massaga, reigns 
 after the death of her son-, ii. 181. surrenders to Alexan- 
 der, who reinstates her in her dominions, ib. 
 
 Cleophon, Athenian orator, animates the Athenians 
 against the Lacedaemonians, i. 437. his character, ib. 
 
 Climax Megala, the pass of Ourtchiny, ii. 356. N. 
 
 Clinias, citizen of Sicyon, is put to death by Abantidas, 
 ii. 358. 
 
 Clinias, Greek of the island of Cos, commands the Egyp- 
 tians in their revolt against Ochus, and is kil'sd in a bat- 
 tle, ii. 36. 
 
 Chsthenes, a tyrant of Sicyon : his mode of choosing a 
 son-in-law, i. 279. 
 
 Clisthenes, of the family of the Alcm.-eonidffi, forms a 
 faction at Athens, i. 282. is obliged to quit that place, but 
 returns soon after, ib. 
 
 Clitomachus, Carthaginian philosopher, i. 40. 
 
 Clitus, one of Alexander's captains, saves the life of 
 that prince at the battle of the Granicus, ii. 85. Alexander 
 gives him the government of the provinces of Artabazus, 
 168. and kills him the same day at a feast, 169, &c. 
 
 Clitus, commander of Antipater's fleet, gains two victo- 
 ries over the Athenians, ii. 238. Antigonus takes the go- 
 vernment of Ljdia from him, 247, 
 
 Clodius, Roman, is taken by pirates, against whom he 
 had been sent, ii. 643. requests Ptolemy, king of Cyprus, 
 to send him money for paying his ransom, ib. in resent- 
 ment to Ptolemy, he obtains an order from the Roman 
 people for dispossessing him of his dominions, ib. 
 
 Clodius (Appius) is sent by Lucullus to Tigranes, to de- 
 mand Mithridates, ii. 710, 712. his discourse occasions 
 the army to revolt against Lucullus, 723. character of Clo- 
 dius, 721. 
 
 Clondicus, general of the Gauls, called in by Perseus to 
 his aid, ii. 54S. 
 
 Clypea and Aspis, different names of a small town in 
 Africa, i. 59. N. 
 
 Cnidos, a maritim.e city of Asia Minor, famous for Co. 
 non's victory over the Lacedaemonians, i. 493. 
 
 Coche, suLurb of Ctesiphon, distinct from Seleucia, ii. 
 295. N, 
 
 Cocytus, a river famous in Grecian Mythology, now 
 called Zagouri, i. 259. N. 
 
 Codrus, the last king of Athens, i. 264. 
 
 Ccele-syria, province of Asia Minor, i. xxx, 
 
 Coenus, one of Alexander's captains, speaks to him in 
 behalf of his soldiers, ii. 197. his death, 198. his eulogy, ib. 
 
 Colchis, province of Asia, i. xxix. 
 
 Colonies, advantages derived from them by the ancients, 
 i. 38. 
 
 Colossa^, once a rich and populous city, its site now oc- 
 cupied by the village of Konous, i. 455. N. 
 
 Colossus of Rhodes, description of it, ii. 275. fate of that 
 famous statue, 380. 
 
 Colyaium, ruins of its castle, i. 455. N. 
 
 Combats, celebrated, of the ancients. See Battles. 
 
 Combats, public ones of Greece, i. 567, &c. why encou- 
 raged, ib. rewards granted to the victors, 574. difference 
 of the Greeks and Romans in their taste for these com- 
 bats, 575. disputes for the prizes of poetry, 576. 
 
 Comedian. Ihe profession of a comedian not disho- 
 nourable amongst the Greeks, i. 576, &c. 
 
 Comedy: its earlv stage and origin, i. 581. comedy di- 
 vided into three classes ; the ancient, the middle, and the 
 new, ib. 
 
 Conon, Athenian general, is shut up by Callicratidas in 
 the port of Mitylene, i. 442. is dclivere(! soon after, ib. re. 
 tires into Cyprus, after the defeat of the Athenians at 
 .aSgospotamos, 484. goes to Artaxerxes, who makes him 
 admiral of his fleet, 493. defeats the Lacedemonians near 
 Cnidos', ib. rebuilds the walls of Athens, 495. is sent by 
 the Athenians to Tiribazus, who im^^risons him, ib. death 
 of Conon, ib. immunities granted by the Athenians to 
 himself and his children, ii. 42. 
 
 Conon, of Samos, mathematician, ii. 350. 
 
 Conquerors- in what light the conquerors so much 
 boasted in liistory are to be considered, i. 201, &c. 
 
 Conscience, inquiry respecting its nature, ii. 317. N. not 
 an infallible judge, 318. mischief arising from ignorance, 
 ib. 
 
 Constantine shuts up the Pagan temples, ii. 321. N. 
 
 Consuls, Roman; solemnity of their setting out upon 
 expeditions, ii. 552. 
 
 Cophenes, inquiry respecting the river of, n. 187. N. 
 
 Corcyia, island in the Ionian sea, with a city ot the 
 same name, i. 261. its inhabitants promise aid to the 
 Greeks against thePeisians, 329. dispute between Corcyra 
 and Corinth, 373. 
 
 Corduene, see Carducia. 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 797 
 
 Coiica, (now Korghos), site of, ii. 444 N. 
 Corinth, city of Greece; its different forms of govern.. 
 ment, i. 265. dispute between this city and Corcyra, which 
 occasions the Peloponnesian war, 374. Corinth sends aid to 
 the Syracusans besieged by the Athenians, 450. enters into 
 fl league against Sparta, 491. is besieged by Agesilaus, 
 495. sends I'imoleon to the aid of Syracuse against Diony- 
 j sius the Younger, 619. is obliged by the peace of Antalci- 
 I das to withdraw her garrison from Argos, ii. 3. gives 
 i Alexander the freedom of the city, 217. enters into the 
 I Achajan league, .363. insults the deputies sent by Metel- 
 ; lus 'o appease the troubles, 597. the Romans destroy Co- 
 rinth entirely, 598. 
 
 Cornelia, Roman lady, mother of the Gracchi, rejects 
 Physcon's proposal to marry her, ii. 611. 
 ; Cornelia, Porapey's wife, sees her husband assassinated 
 
 before her eyes, ii. 739. 
 j Coronea, city of Eceotia, famous for the victory of 
 
 Agesiiaus over the Thebans, i. 493. 
 i Corsote, ruins of, i. 458. N. 
 
 Corvus (or Crane), machine of war, i. 58. 
 Coryphaeus, person employed in theatrical representa- 
 tions, i. 579. 
 
 j Cos, island of Greece, Hippocrates's country, i. 390. 
 I Cosis, brother of Grodes, commands the army of the 
 ' Albanians, ii. 730. Pompey kills him in a battle, 731. 
 I Cosmi, magistrates of Crete, i. 5,39. 
 
 Cossseans, a very warlike nation of Media, subjected by 
 Alexander, ii. 216. his conduct misrepresented, ib. N. 
 Cothon, name of the port of Carthage, i. 108. 
 Cotta, Roman consul, is defeated by Mithridates, ii. 
 708. his cruelties in Heraclea, 713. 
 
 Cotys, king of the Odrysas in Thrace, declares for Per- 
 seus against the Romans, ii. 550. 
 
 Courier. Invention of couriers, i. 220. 
 Course, or racing. Exercise of it by the Greeks, i. 571. 
 of the foot-race, 572. of the horse-race, ib. of the chariot- 
 race, ib. 
 
 Cranaus, king of Athens, i. 264. 
 
 Crassus, consul, marches against the Parthians, ii. 654. 
 he plunders the temple of Jerusalem, ib. 655. continues 
 his march against the Parthians, ib. is entirely defeated 
 near Carras, 657. the Parthians, under pretence of an in- 
 terview, seize and kill him, 662. 
 
 Crassus, son of the fc rmer, accompanies his father in 
 his expedition against the Parthians, ii. 654. perishes in 
 the battle of Carras, 6.59. 
 
 Craterus, one of the principal officers of Alexander, 
 draws on the rum of Philotas by his discourse, ii. 153. 
 speaks to Alexander in the name of the army, and upon 
 what occasion, 199. appointed to command a division of 
 the army on its return from India, 201. N. inquiry re- 
 specting his route, 203. N Alexander gives him the go. 
 vernment of Macedonia, which Antipater had before, 
 215. provinces which fell to him, after Alexander's death, 
 2,34. marries Phila, Antipater's daughter, 240. is defeated 
 by Eumenes, and killed in the battle, 244. 
 
 Cratesiclea, mother of Cleomenes, king of Sparta, is 
 bent by her son as a hostage into Egypt, ii. 375. generous 
 sentiments of that princess, ib. 
 
 Cratesipolis, wife of Alexander, the son of Polysper- 
 chon, corrects the insolence of the Sicyonians, who had 
 killed her husband, and governs that city with wisdom, 
 ii. 254. 
 
 Creation of the world ex nihilo, the object of faith, not 
 of reason, i. 525. N. a problem too difficult for unassisted 
 reason, .522. N. solved only by Revelation, 524. N. in- 
 quiry whether taught by Socrates, 522. N. remarks on 
 Rom. i. 20. 525. N. 
 
 Cresphontes, one of the chiefs of the Heraclidce, re- 
 enters Peloponnesus, where Messina falls to him by lot, i. 
 265. ^ ' 
 
 Crete, island near Greece, description of it, i. 262. laws of 
 Crete, instituted by Minos, 536, &c. the Cretans refuse to 
 jom the Greeks attacked by Xerxes, 28. they passed for 
 the greatest liars of antiquity, 540. 
 
 Crispinus (Q.) succeeds Appius, who commanded with 
 Marcellus at the siege of Syracuse, ii. 684. 
 
 Critias, one of the thirty tyrants at Athens, causes 
 Theramenes, one of his colleagues, to be put to death, i. 
 451. prohibits the instruction of the youth by Socrates, ib. 
 is killed fighting against Thrasybulus, 452. 
 
 Crito, intimate friend of Socrates, cannot persuade him 
 to escape out of prison, i. 516. 
 
 Critolaus, Peripatetic philosopher, his embassy to 
 Rome, ii. 592. 
 
 Critolaus, one of the chiefs of the Acha?ans, animates 
 them against the Romans, ii. 596, &c. is killed in a battle, 
 597. 
 
 Crocala, (the modern Corachie) port of, noticed, ii. 195. I 
 
 Crocodile, amphibious animal adored in Egji^t, i. 13. | 
 Crorsus, king of Lydia, i. 150. his conquests, ib. his ' 
 means to try the veracity of the oracles, 152. deceived by J 
 
 the answer of the oracle of Delphi, ho undertakes a war 
 with the Persians, ib. loses a battle against Cyrus, 163. is 
 defeated near Thymbna, 172. Cyrus besieges him in Sar- 
 dis, 173. and takes him i>risoner, ib. in what manner he 
 escaped the punishment to which he had been condemn- 
 ed, 174. character of Croesus, 151. his riches, 150. his pro- 
 tection of the learned, ib. his reception of Kolon, ib. his 
 conversation with tiiat philosopher, ib. on what occasion 
 he dedicated a statue of gold, in the temple of Delphi, to 
 the woman who baked his bread, i, 566. 
 
 Cromwell. His death compared with that of Diony- 
 sius the Tyrant, i. 604. 
 
 Croton, city of Greece built by Myscellus, i. 384.. 
 Crowns granted to the victorious combatants in the 
 games of Greece, i. 567. 
 
 Ctesias, of Cnidos, practises physic in Persia with gre;it 
 reputation, i. 484. his works have caused him to be placed 
 in the class of historians, ib. 
 
 Ctesiphon, city of, distinct from Seleucia, ii. 295. N. its 
 site, &c. 296. N. 
 
 Cunaxa, city famous for the battle between Artaxerxes 
 and his brother Cyrus, i. 471. description of it, 458. N. 
 
 Curtius, Quintus, his character as an historian, ii. 196. 
 N. remarks on two of his wonderful stories, 207. N. — on 
 his story of the death of Orsines, 211. N. on his love of 
 fiction, 212. N. 
 
 Cyaxares I. reigns in Media, i. 146. forms the siege of 
 Nineveh, ib. an irruption of the Scythians into Media 
 obliges him to raise the siege, 147. besieges Nineveh 
 again, and takes it, ib. his death, 148. 
 
 Cyaxares II. called in Scripture Darius the Mede, as- 
 cends the throne of Media, i. 148. sends to demand aid of 
 Persia against the Assyrians, 157. expedition of Cyaxares 
 and Cyrus against the Babylonians, 1C2. Cyaxares gives his 
 daughter to Cyrus in marriage, 167. goes to Bab\lon with 
 that prince, and forms in concert with him the plan of the 
 whole monarchy, 192. death of Cyaxares, 193. 
 
 Cycliadus, president of the assembly of the Achzeans 
 held at Argos, eludes Philip's proposal, ii. 430. 
 
 Cylon, known by taking the citadel at Athens, i. 375. 
 Cynsegirus, Athenian. His tenacious fierceness against 
 the Persians in a sea-fight with them, i. 316. 
 
 Cynisca, sister of Agesiiaus, disputes the prize in the 
 Olympic games, and is proclaimed victorious, i. 574. 
 
 Cynoscephale, a hill in Ihessaly, famous tor the victory 
 of the Romans over Philip, ii. 459. 
 
 Cyprus, island in the Mediterranean, delivered from the 
 Persian yoke by the Greeks, i. 348. revolt of that island 
 against Ochus, ii. 35. it submits, 3ii. horrible and bloody 
 tragedy that occurs there at the death of Nicocles, 260, 
 I 261. after having been governed sometimes by the kings 
 j of Egypt, and sometimes by the kings of Syria, it is 
 seized by the Romans, ii. 643. 
 I Cypselus, Corinthian, usurps tlie supreme authority at 
 
 Corinth, and transmits it to his son, i. 265. 
 I Cyrene, city upon the coast of the Mediterranean; in 
 i what manner the dispute between this city and Carthage, 
 concerning their limits, terminated, i. 44. 
 
 Cyropolis, city of Sogdiana, (the modern Khocjund) 
 site of, ii. 178. N. destroyed by Alexander, 164. 
 
 Cyrus, son of Cambyses king of Persia : birth of that 
 prince, i. 15'i his education, 155. he gees to the court of 
 his grandfather Astyages, 156. his return into Persia, 
 157. he marches to the aid of his uncle Cyaxares against 
 the Babylonians, ib. reduces the king of Armenia, 161. 
 gains a first advantage over Croesus, and the Babylonians, 
 163. his conduct towards Pantha:a. 164. he challenges the 
 king of the Assyrians to a single combat, 166. returns to 
 Cyaxares, ib. that prince gives him his daughter in mar- 
 riage, 167. — Cyrus marches to meet the Babylonians, 168, 
 gains a famous victory over them and Crcesus at the Lat- 
 tle of Thymbra, 172. makes himself master of Sardis, 
 and takes Croesus prisoner, 173. advances to Babylon, 174. 
 and takes it, 178. conduct of Cyrus after the taking of 
 Babylon, 180. introduces Eunuchism, 191. N. shows 
 himself with great pomp to the newly conquered people, 
 191. goes to Persia, 192. at his retvirn he carries Cyaxares 
 to Babylon, and forms the plan of the whole monarchy in 
 concert with him, ib. after the death of Cyaxares, he 
 reigns over the Medes and Persians, 193. passes a famous 
 edict in favour of the Jews, ib. last years of Cyrus, 1S8. 
 his death, and discourse with his children before Jiis 
 death, ib. his tomb rifled by Orsines, ii. 211. N. remarks 
 on this, 212. N. eulogy and character of Cyrus, i. 169, &c. 
 inconsistencies in his character, 215. N. Eollin's picture 
 of him overdrawn, ib. his continual attention to render 
 to the Divmity the worship he thought due to him, 200. 
 difference between Herodotus and Xenophon in respect 
 to Cyrus the Great, 201, and 215. N. 
 
 Cyrus the younger son of Darius, is made governor in 
 chief of all the provinces of Asia Minor by his father, i, 
 404. his father recalls him, 444. after the death of Darius, 
 he forms the design of assassinating his brother, 448. i« 
 sent back into Asia Minor, 449. secretly raises troops 
 
798 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 against his brother, 460. sets out from Sardis, 469. his 
 march to Colossi, Celsena?, Peltae, Forum of the Kra- 
 mians, Caystrus, Thymbrium, Tyriaeum, Iconium, and 
 Heraclea, 455. N. to Tarsus, 456. N. he divides his army, 
 ib. marches to Sarus, Pyramus or Jeihoon, Syrian Strait, 
 Myriandrus, Chalus, Daradox, Thapsacus, Araxes, and 
 Desart of Sinjar, 457. N. to Carsote, Carmande, and PylaJ, 
 468. N. enters the plains of Babylonia and reviews his army, 
 ib. the banie of Cunaxa, 470. he is killed in it, 472. eulogy 
 ! of Cyrus, 473. 
 
 Cyssus ^the modern Chisme) famous for a naval victory, 
 I 467. N. 
 
 Cyth era, island of Greece, facing Laconia, i. 4M. 
 
 D 
 
 Dacter's opinion of Socrates refuted, i. 520. N. 
 Dasdala, a country of India, subjected by Alexander, 
 11 181. 
 
 Dsemon, or familiar spirit of Socrates, i. 506. 
 
 Dahffl, a Tartar tribe, notice of, ii. 186. N. 
 
 Damascus, site and description of, ii. 387, N. its anti- 
 quity and importance, ib. beauty of its environs, ib. pre- 
 tended antiquities exhibited, 388. N. description of its 
 castle, gate, mosques, &c. 388, 389. N. its population, 
 manufactures, &c. 389. N. its political history, 390. N. 
 
 Damavend, peak of, described, ii. 160. N. 
 
 Damippus, Syracusan, sent by Epicydes to negotiate 
 with Philip, king of Macedonia, ii. 685. 
 
 Damis disputes with Aristomenes the succession to the 
 kingdom of Messenia after the death of Euphaes, i. 
 xxxvii. 
 
 Damocles learns by his own experience that the life of 
 Dionysius the tyrant was not so happy as it seemed, i. 604. 
 
 Damocritus deputed to Nabis by the ^tolians, ii. 456. 
 his insolent answer to Ouintius, 460. is made prisoner of 
 war at the siege of Heraclea, 465. 
 
 Damocritus, chief magistrate of the Ach^ans, causes 
 war to be declared against the Lacedasmonians, ii. 596. 
 
 Damon, friend of Pythias. Trial to which their friend- 
 ship was put, i. 603. 
 
 Danaus forms a design to murder Sesostris his brother, 
 
 i. 24. retires into Peloponnesus, where he seizes the king, 
 dom of Argos, ib. 
 
 Dancing, cultivated by the Greeks, i. 547. 
 
 Daniel the prophet, is carried into captivityto Babylon, 
 1. 139. explains Nabuchodonosor's first dream, ib. and the 
 second, 140. is raised to the principal offices of the state, 
 139. discovers the fraud of the priests of Bel, and causes 
 the dragon to be killed, 141. visions of the prophet Daniel, 
 194. he explains to Belshazzar the vision which that 
 prince had at a banquet, 141. is made superintendent of 
 the affairs of the empire, 192. thrown into the lion's den, 
 ib. at his request Cyrus grants the edict whereby the Jews 
 are permitted to return to Jerusalem, 193. Daniel's skill 
 in architecture, 194. reflections upon the prophecies of 
 Daniel, ib. particular inquiry respecting chap. xi. 33 — 45, 
 
 ii. 540. N. Rollin's opinion confuted, 541. N. chap. xi. 19. 
 considered, 490 — 492. N. chap. viii. 5 — 12. considered, ib. 
 
 D'Anville mistaken respecting Kirmasir, Sardsir, and 
 Berdasheer. ii. 205. N. the breadth of Asia Minor, 692. K. 
 
 Danube, the river, described, i. 296. N. passed by Da- 
 rius, 302. N. 
 
 Daphne, description of the village, grove, and temple of, 
 iL 289. N. 
 
 Darabgerd, remarkable sculptured rock near, ii. 136. N. 
 Daricks, pieces of gold, struck by Darius the Mede, i. 
 
 i9a 
 
 Darius the Mede: Cyaxares II. king of the Medes, is 
 so called in Scripture. See Cyaxares. 
 
 Darius, son of Hystaspes. He enters into the conspi- 
 racy against Smerdis the Magian, i. 212. runs him through 
 with a sword, ib. is made king of Persia by an artifice of 
 his groom, 213. the esteem he acquires by his wisdom and 
 prudence, 216. he quits the nameof Ochus to assume that 
 of Darius, 290. marriages of Darius, ib. his method for 
 transmitting to posterity the manner in which he attained 
 the sovereignty, ib. order which he establishes in the ad- 
 ministration of the finances, ib. his moderation in impos- 
 ing tributes, 291. the Persians give him the surname of 
 the Merchant, ib. he sends Democedes the physician into 
 Greece, 292. confirms the edict of Cyrus in favour of the 
 Jews, 293. his gratitude to Syloson, whom he re-establishes 
 
 king of Samos, 294. Darius reduces Babylon after a 
 
 siege of twenty months, ib. expedition of Darius against 
 the Scythians, 301. the number of his troops exaggerated, 
 302. N. extent of his march, 304. N. utility of the Ionian 
 fleet, 303. N. Artabanus's remonstrances to Darius, 301, 
 &c. barbarous action of Darius to tlie three children of 
 CEbasus, 302. Darius crosses the Danube, ib. N. conquers 
 India, .306. these conquests probably confined to the Pun- 
 jaub, 307. N. Darius conceives the design of making himself 
 master of Naxus, 308. the lonians revolt against Darius, 
 
 ib. he re-establishes the Tyrians in their ancient privile- 
 ges, ib. his resentment against the Athenians, who had 
 shared in the burning of Sardis, 309. his expedition against 
 Greece, 311. he sends heralds into Greece to sound the 
 states, and demand their submission, 313. his army is de- 
 feated at Marathon, 314, &c. he resolves to go in person 
 against Egypt and Greece, 318. chooses his successor, 339. 
 his death, 320. his epitaph, ib. his character, ib. &c. dis- 
 pute between two of his sons for the crown, 319. 
 
 Darius, the eldest son of Xerxes. His marrif ge with 
 Artainta, i. 45. he is murdered by his brother Artaxerxcs, 
 353. 
 
 Darius Nothus takes arms against Sogdianus, and puts 
 him to death, i. 403. ascends the thi-one of Persia, and 
 changes his name from Ochus to Darius, ib. causes 
 his brother Arsites, who revolted against him, to Ik; 
 smothered in ashes, ib. puts a stop to the rebellion of Pi- 
 suthnes, ib. and punishes the treason of Artoxares his 
 principal eunuch, 404. quells the revolt of Egypt, ib. and 
 that of Media, ib. gives the government of Asia Minor to 
 Cyrus his younger son, ib. the instructions which he gives 
 him on sending him to his government, 438. he recalls 
 Cyrus to court, 4i-l-. death of Darius Nothus, 447. his me. 
 morable words to Artaxerxes, his successor, at his death, 
 448. 
 
 Darius, son of .A.rtaxerxes Mnemon conspires against 
 his father's life, ii. 27. his conspiracy is discovered and 
 punished, ib. 
 
 Darius Codomanus is placed by Bagoas upon the throne 
 of Persia, ii. 38. loses the battle of the Granicus against 
 Alexander, 85, &c. orders Memnon the Rhodian to carry 
 the war into Macedonia, 89. resolves to command in per- 
 son, 90. Garidemus, his free remonstrance to Darius, 94, 
 &c. march of Darius's army, ib. famous victory of Alex- 
 ander over Darius near the city of Issus, 95, &c. -inter- 
 
 view of Alexander with the wife and family of Darius, 101. 
 Darius's haughty letter to Alexandei-, 102. second let- 
 ter of Darius to Alexander, 112. Darius receives advice 
 of his wife's death, 119. his prayer to the gods upon being 
 told in what manner she had been treated by Alexander, 
 120. Darius proposes new conditions of peace to Alexan. 
 der, which are not accepted, 123. famous battle of Arbela, 
 wherein Darius is defeated, 125, &c. retreat of Darius 
 after that battle, 127. he quits Ecbatana, 139. his speech 
 to his principal officers to induce theirj to march against 
 the enemy, ib. he is t>etrayed and laid in chains by Bessus 
 and Nabarzanes, 146. unhappy death of that prince, 147. 
 his last words, ib. 
 
 Darius, king of the Medes, is subdued by Pompey, ii. 
 731. 
 
 Datames, Carian, succeeds his father Camisares in the 
 government of Leuco-Syria, i. 501. reduces Thyus, go- 
 vernor of Paphlagonia, who had revolted against the king 
 of Persia, 502. receives. the command of the army design- 
 ed against Egypt, ib. is ordered to reduce Aspis, ib. revolts 
 against Artaxerxes, ib. and gains several advantages over 
 the troops sent against him, ib. is assassinated by order of 
 Artaxerxes, 503. 
 
 Datis comm.ands the army of the Persians at the battle 
 of Marathon, i. 314. 
 
 Debts. Law of the Egyptians in respect to those who 
 contracted debts, i. 11. Solon's law for anniliilating debts, 
 277. 
 
 Decelia, fort of Attica, i. 420. is fortified by the Lace- 
 demonians, 424. 
 
 Deidamia, daughter of ^Eacides, marries Demetrius, 
 son of Antigonus, ii. 286. her death, 291. 
 
 Eejoces forms the design of ascending the throne of 
 Media, i. 142. is elected king by unanimous consent, ib. 
 conduct of Dejoces in governing his kingdom, ib. he 
 bui-lds Ecbatana, 143. means used by him for acquiring the 
 respect of his subjects, 145. 
 
 Dejotarus, prince of Galatia: Pompey gives him Ar- 
 menia Minor, 732. 
 
 Delium, place in Bopotia. Battle there between the 
 Athenians and Thebans, i. 405. 
 
 Delos, one of the Cyclades. The common treasures of 
 Greece deposited in that island, i. 350. the Athenians 
 send a ship every year to Delos, 516. Archelaus subjects 
 Delos, and restores it to the Athenians, ii. 700. Delos a 
 principal mart for slaves, 4rl5. N. 
 
 Delphi, city of Phocis, famous for Apollo's oracle 
 there, i. 563. the Pythia and Sibyl of Delphi, 564, &c. 
 temple of Delphi burnt and rebuilt, 566. plundered by 
 Sylla and by Nero, ii. 320. N. 
 
 Delta, or lower Egypt, i. 8. 
 
 Deluge of Deucalion, i. 264. that of Ogyges, ib. 
 
 Demades opposes the advice of Demosthenes, ii. 54. is 
 taken prisoner at the battle of Ch^ronea, 67. goes ambas- 
 sador to Alexander from the Athenians, 81. prepares the 
 decree for tlie death of Demosthenes, 238. Demades with 
 his son killed by Cassander, 246. 
 
 Demarata, wife of Andrancdorus : persuades her bus- 
 band not to submit to the senate of Syracuse, iL 680. is 
 killed. 681. 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 709 
 
 Demaratus, king of Sparta, expc'led the throne by Cle- 
 omenes, his colleague, i. 313. his fine and noble answer to 
 Xerxes, 3-^8. vain and insolent demand of Demaratus to 
 Artaxerxes, 357. 
 
 Demetrius (Phalereus), is obliged to quit Athens, and 
 is condemned to die in his absence, ii. 248. Cassaiider set- 
 tles him there to govern the republic, 250. his wisdom 
 and ability in the government, ib. &c. 255. statues are 
 erected to him out of gratitude, 265. reflection upon the 
 great number of statues erected in honour of Demetrius 
 Phalereus, 267. he retires to Thebes after the taking of 
 Alhens by Demetrius Poliorcetes, 265. his statues are 
 thiown down and he is condemned to die at Athens, 267. 
 takes refuge with Cassander, and afterwards in Egypt, ib. 
 is made superintendant of king Ptolemy's library, 304. his 
 death, 309. character of his eloquence and writings, ib. 
 
 Demetrius, son of Antigonus, surnamed Poliorcetes: 
 his character, iL 270, &c. he begins to distinguish himself 
 in Asia Minor, 260. loses a battle at Gaza against Ptolemy, 
 261. gains one soon after against Cilles, the same Pto- 
 lemy's lieutenant, ib. is sent by his father to Babylon to 
 oppose Seleucus, 262. makes Ptolemy raise the siege of 
 Halicarnassus, 263. makes himself master of Athens, 
 265. and re-establishes the democratical government, 266, 
 &c. excessive gratitude of the Athenians to him, ib. he 
 besieges Salamis, 26S. and takes it, ib. receives the title of 
 
 King, ib. his conduct in war and peace, 270. Demetrius 
 
 forms the siege of Rhodes, ib. &c. makes Cassander raise 
 the siege of Athens, 277. excessive honours which he re- 
 ceives in that city, ib. he marries Deidamia, ib. is pro- 
 claimed general of the Greeks, and initiated into the 
 greater and lesser mysteries, ib. is defeated at the battle of 
 Ipsus, 273. Athens shuts her gates against him, 287. he 
 takes that city, 293. forms the design of subjecting the 
 Lacedemonians, ib. loses almost at the same time all his 
 dominions in Asia, ib. Demetrius called in to the aid of 
 Alexander, Cassander's son, destroys him, and is pro- 
 claimed king of Macedonia, ib. he makes great prepara. 
 tions for recovering his father's empire in Asia, 296. is 
 obliged to abandon Macedonia, 297. surrenders himself to 
 Seleucus, who keeps him prisoner, 300. his death, ib. 
 
 Demetrius, brother of Antigonus Gonatas, is put to 
 death in Apamea's bed, ii. 340. 
 
 Demetrius, son and successor of Antigonus Gonatas, i. 
 xliii. his death, ii. 362. 
 
 Demetrius of Pharus, prince of Illyria, ii. 363. advises 
 Philip, king of Macedonia, to carry the war into Italy, 
 
 Demetrius, son of Philip, king of Macedonia, is given 
 as a hostage to the Romans, ii. the Romans send him 
 back to his fatlier, 4^i6. Philip sends Demetrius ambassador 
 to Rome, 497. Demetrius justifies his father to the Ro- 
 mans, 503. returns into Macedonia, 504. Perseus's secret 
 plot against his brother Demetrius, 50,5. he accuses him 
 to his father, ib. Demetrius's defence against the accusa- 
 tions of Perseus, 508. Philip causes him to be put to 
 death, 511. 
 
 Demetrius Soter, after having been long a hostage at 
 Rome, demands permission to return into Syria in vain, 
 ii. 607. escapes from Rome, 613. ascends the throne of 
 Syria, and receives the surname of Soter from the Baby- 
 lonians, ib. makes war against the Jews, ib. &c. places 
 Holophernes upon the throne of Cappadocia, 614. the Ro- 
 mans acknowledge him king of Syria, ib. he abandons 
 himself to feasting and voluptuousness, ib. conspiracy 
 against him, ib. he endeavours to engage the Jews in his 
 \nterests, ib. is killed in a battle, 615. 
 
 Demetrius Nicator, son of Demetrius Soter, claims the 
 crown of Syria, ii. 620. marries the daughter of Ptolemy 
 Philometor, ib. drives Alexander the usurper out of Syria, 
 and remains in quiet possession of the throne, ib. excesses 
 of Demetrius, 621. Jonathan sends him aid against the 
 people of Antioch, ib. he is driven out of Syria, 622. his 
 manner of living at Laodicea, whither he had retired, 
 623. he is taken prisoner in an expedition against the Par- 
 thians, ib. Justin's account of this expedition fictitious, 
 ib. N. Demetrius marries Rhodoguna, daughter of Mithri- 
 dates, king of Parthia, 624. makes ineffectual attemjjts to 
 return into his kingdom, 628. recovers his dominions, 
 629. is defeated in a battle by Alexander Zebina, 631. his 
 death, ib. 
 
 Demetrius Eucheres is established king of Damascus, 
 ii. 637. 
 
 Demiurgi, magistrates among the Achajans, ii. 436. 
 
 Dcmocedes, physician of Crotona; he cures Darius, i. 
 292. history of that physician, ib. he returns into Greece, 
 ib. settles at Crotona, where he marries the daughter of 
 Milo the Athleta, 293. 
 
 Demochares, one of the murderers cf Agis. kine of 
 Sparta, ii. 369, &c. ^ 
 
 Damocles, surnamed the Fair, ii. 277. throws himself, to 
 elude the violence of Demetrius, into a vessel of boiling 
 v. ater prepared for a bath, in. 
 
 Demophantes, general of the horse to the Elteans i6 
 killed by Philopocmen before the city of p:iis, ii. 409. * , 
 
 Demosthenes is chosen by the Athenians commander of 
 a fleet for the aid of Nicias in Sicily, i. 424. makes an at. 
 tempt against Syracuse without success, 426. is reduced to ' 
 surrender at discretion to the Syracusans, 430. is put to 
 death, 431. 
 
 Demosthenes, the orator. Abridgment of his life to the 
 time when he begins to appear in the tribunal of ha- 1 
 rangues, ii. 38, &c. he appears for the first time in public, i 
 and encourages the Athenians against the preparations for 
 war made by Artaxerxes, 32. his oration in favour of the ' 
 Megalopolitans, 33. he speaks for the Rhodians, 34. pro- ; 
 poses and occasions the passing of a law for the equip- i 
 ment of fleets, which annuls another very heavy upon the i 
 poorer citizens, 41. his discourse in defence of the law i 
 that granted exemptions, 42, &c, upon occasion of Philip'ti ' 
 attempt to seize Thermopylse, he harangues the Athe- i 
 nians, and animates them against that prince, 52. is sent 
 ambassador to Philip, 56. his oration upon the peace, 58. ' 
 that upon the Chersonesus, 59. he presses the Athenians \ 
 to declare for the Lacedemonians against Philip, 60. his ; 
 Philippics, 61. his oration to frustrate the effects of ' 
 Philip's letter to the Athenians, 63. his advice after the , 
 taking of Elatjsa by that prince, 65. Sec. he is sent upon 
 an embassy to Thebes, 66. flies in the battle of Chaeronea, ' 
 61. is cited to a trial before the people, who acquit him, 
 and pay him great honours, 68. ^schines accuses him, 69! 
 generosity of Demosthenes to his accuser, 70. his immo- ' 
 derate joy for Philip's death, 71. he animates the people \ 
 against Alexander, 80. dissuades the Athenians from de- i 
 liveringup the orators to Alexander, 81. suffers himsell i 
 to be bribed by Havpalus, 214. is condemned and banish- ' 
 ed, ib. is recalled from banishment, 236. quits Athens be- 
 fore the arrival of Antipater, 238. is condemned to die, ib 
 puts an end to his life by poison, 239. the Athenians erect ' 
 a statue of brass to him, ib. 
 
 Dercyllidas, surnamed Sisyphus, receives the command 
 of the Lacedemonian troops in the room of Thymbron, i. 
 483. takes ^Eolia from Midas, who had possessed himself 
 of it by putting his mother-in-law Dania to death, ib. 
 shuts up the isthmus of the Thracian Chersonesus, ib. 
 truce concluded between Dercyllidas, Pharnabazus, and 
 Tissaphernes, 484. i 
 
 Des Cartes, his theory of innate ideas confuted, ii. i 
 316. N. 
 
 Deucalion, king of Thessaly, i. 265 deluge of Deuca- I 
 lion, ib. 
 
 Deucetius, chief of the people called Sicilians. His his- ' 
 tory, i. 382. | 
 
 Diaeus, one of the chiefs of the Achaeans, soavs discord 
 amongst them, ii. 596, &c. takes upon him the command ' 
 of the anmy in the room of Critolaus, 597. his unfortunate i 
 end, 598. 
 
 Diagoras, the Melian, is condemned at Athens for ; 
 teaching atheism, i. 417. ' 
 
 Dialects. The four dialects of the Greeks, i. 266. ! 
 
 Dicearchus, formerly admiral of PhiUp, king of Mace- | 
 donia, and accomplice with Scopas in the conspiracy 
 against Ptolemy Epiphanes, ii. 448. 
 
 Dicearchus, brother of Thoas, general of the .S;tolians, ' 
 is deputed by them to Antiochus, 456. 
 
 Didas, governor of Pasonia, puts Demetrius to deatV ' 
 by order of Philip, ii. 514. ' 
 
 Dido : her history, i. 42, &c. 
 
 Dinocrates, architect, presides in building the temple of 
 Diana at Ephesus, ii. 86. singular design of a temple pro. 
 posed by him to Ptolemy Philadelphus. 348. 
 
 Dinomenes, one of the commanders of the army sent 
 by the Syracusans to the aid of Marcellus, ii. 682. 
 
 Dinon, governor of Damascus, ii. 388. : 
 
 Diodes, one of the generals of the Syracusans; his ad- 
 vice concerning the Athenians taken prisoners in Sicily, i. 
 
 Diodes, vEtolian, takes Demetrius, ii. 460. I 
 
 Diodorus, Athenian, opposes the putting to death of 
 the inhabitants of Mitylene, i. 396 i 
 
 Diogenes the Cynic refuses to be initiated in the my»- ! 
 teries of Ceres Elcusina, i. 560. he receives a visit from j 
 Alexander the Great, ii. 82. | 
 
 Diogenes, Stoic philosopher, is sent on an embassy to 
 Rome by the Athenians, ii. 592. i 
 
 Diognetus, admiral of Antiochus the Great, ii. 387. [ 
 
 Diomedon, one of the generals condemned by the 
 Athenians to die for having left unburied the bodies of 
 those who were killed in the battle of Arginusaj. His 
 speech before his death, i. 443. 
 
 Dion of Syracuse ; his character and friendship with 
 Plato, i. 595. he persuades Dionysius the Elder to have ' 
 some conversation with Plato, ib. his marriage with Arete, : 
 daughter of Dionysius, 602. his magnanimous generosity j 
 to Dionysius the Younger, 604, &-c. he becomes odious to 
 the courtiers, ib. induces Dionysius to invite Plato to his 
 „ourt, 605. the courtiers spare no pains to discredit him I 
 
800 
 
 GENERAL INDEX 
 
 AAith Dionysius, 606. he is banished, 607. resides at i 
 Athens, 60S. visits the other cities of Greece, ib. Diory- 
 sius causes Dion's estate and effects to be sold, 609. and 
 makes his wife Arete marry Timocritus, ib. Dion deter- 
 mines to attack him with open force, ib. &c. embarks on 
 board two merchant ships for Syracuse, 610. appears be- 
 fore the walLs of the city, 611. success of his enterprise, 
 ib. he defeats the troops of Dionysius, ib. ingratitude of 
 the Syracusans to Dion, 612. he retires to Leontium, 613. 
 is recalled by the Syracusans, ib. delivers Syracuse, and 
 pardons his enemies, 614, &c. enters the citadel, which is 
 surrendered to him by the son of Dionysius, and is recon- | 
 ciled to his wife Arete, 615. reflection upon Dion's mo- 
 desty, ib. he suffers Heraclides to be put to death, 616. 
 Calippus conceives the design of assassinating Dion, and 
 puts it in execution, ib. &c. 
 
 Dion, famous philosopher, sent by the Egyptians am- 
 bassador to Rome against Ptolemy Auletes, ii. 736. 
 
 Dionysius the Elder, tyrant of Syracuse: his peculiar 
 characteristic, i. 533. means which he uses for possessing 
 himself of the tyranny, 539, &c. is appointed generalissi- 
 mo with unlimited power, 591. succeeds in having guards 
 assigned him, ib. and establishes himself tyrant, ib. at- 
 tempts at Syracuse and in Sicily against him, 592, &c. he 
 makes preparations for a war with the Carthaginians, 
 593, &c. the people of Rhegium refuse to ally themselves 
 with the tyrant, 594. he marries two wives at the same 
 time , ib. his friendship and deference for Dion, 595. he 
 besieges and takes Motya, 59fl is defeated at sea, ib. the 
 Syracusan troops gain an advantage over the Carthagi- 
 nians in the absence of Dionysius, ib. new movements at 
 Syracuse against him, 597. he entirely defeats the Cartha- 
 ginians, and obliges them to quit Sicily, 598, &c. punishes 
 the inhabitants of Rhegium, 599, &c. violent passion of 
 Dionysius for poetry, 599. 601, &c. reflections upon that 
 taste of his, 600. he sends his brother Thearides to Olym- 
 pia to contest in his name the pri.ies of the chariot- race 
 and poetry, ib. new enterprises of Dionysius against the 
 Carthaginians, 602. he carries the prize of poetry at 
 Athens, ib. death of Dionysius, ib. his character, ib. &c. 
 
 Dionvsius the Younger succeeds his father, i. 604. his 
 conduct in the beginning of his reign, ib. his good quali- 
 ties, 605. Dion induces Dionysius to cause Plato to come 
 ' to his court, ib. in what manner Plato is received there, 
 606. wonderful change occasioned by the presence of that 
 philosopher, ib. Dionysius banishes Dion, 607. dismisses 
 I Plato, ib. presses him to return to Syracuse, witn which 
 i Plato complies, 608. Dionysius grants Plato permission to 
 return into Greece, 609. embassy from Dionysius to Dion, 
 who had possessed himself of Syracuse, 611. defeat of 
 Dionysius's troops, ib. method which he uses for render- 
 ing Dion suspected, 612. he retires into Italy, ib. reas- 
 cends the throne, 618. Icetas obliges him to shut himself 
 up in the citadel of Syracuse, 619. Dionysius treats with 
 Timoleon, who sends him to Corinth, 620, &c. wise an. 
 swer of Dionysius to a stranger, 621. 
 
 Diophanes, Achsan, compels Seleucus to raise the 
 siege of Pergamus, ii. 470. 
 
 Diopithes, chief of the colony sent by the Athenians 
 into the Chcrsonesus, makes an irruption into the lands 
 of Philip, king of Macedonia, ii. 58. is accused by Philip's 
 pensioners, and defended by Demosthenes, 59. 
 
 Discoboli. Those who exercised themselves in throw- 
 ing the discus, i. 571. 
 
 Discus. Kind of athletic combat, i. 571. 
 
 Distribution of lands instituted at Sparta by Lycurgus, 
 1. 263. reflections upon that institution, 272. 
 
 Divinity. Idea of the Divinity implanted in the hearts 
 of all mankind, ii. 314. See God. 
 
 Dnieper, river described, i. 297. N. 
 
 Dniester or Tyras, river described, i. 296. N. 
 
 Dodanim, the fourth of the sons of Javan, i. 263. 
 
 Dodona. Where situate, i. 259. N, oracle of Dodona, 
 563. 
 
 Dogs, Indian, size and ferocity of, ii. 287. N. dogs of 
 Thibet, ^83. N. of Bischur, ib. of Newfoundland, ib. 
 Dolphins, machine of war, i. 426. 
 
 Domitius .ffinobarbus, sent commissioner by the Ro- 
 mans into Achaia, where he commits the most enonnous 
 oppressions, ii. 588, &c. 
 
 Don, river, described, i. 297. N. 
 
 Donations. How regulated by Solon, i. 278. 
 
 Doric dialect, i. 266. 
 
 Dorimachus, general of the JEtolians, ii. 397. 
 Doris, country of ancient Greece : origin of its inhabi- 
 tants, i. 269 
 Doris, wife of Dionysius the Elder, i. 594. 
 Dorus, second son of Helen, gives his name to Doris, i. 
 
 Dorylaus, one of Mithridates's generals, is defeated by 
 Sylla in the plains of Orchomenus, ii. 703. 
 
 Doryphori. Body of troops, guards of the kmgs of 
 Persia, i. 224. 
 
 Draco, legislator of Athens, i. 275. his laws are annull- 
 ed by Solon, 277. 
 
 Drangiana, Sustan or Sigistan, once a rich tract but 
 now desolated, and why, ii. 157. N. 
 
 Drapsaca (the modern Anderaub), ii. 172. N. 
 
 Drepanum, province in Sicily, why so called, i. 411. N. 
 
 Drypetis, Hephzestion's widow. She is destroyed perfi- 
 diously by Roxana, ii. 235. 
 
 Duilhus, consul, commands the first fleet fitted out by 
 the Romans, i. 58. is the first of the Romans who tri- 
 umphed for a victory at sea, ib. 
 
 Dymnus conspires against Alexander, ii. 152. runs him- 
 self through with his sword, ib. 
 
 Dynasty of Egypt, i. 20. 
 
 Dyrrachium, See Epidamnum. 
 
 E 
 
 EcBATANA, now Called Hamadan, i. 143. N. capital city 
 of Media : its foundation, ib. description of that city, ib. 
 See Hamadan. 
 
 Ecnomus, a city of Sicily, famous for a victory of the 
 Romans over the Carthaginians, i. 59. 
 
 Education of children, amongst the Persians, i. 155. at 
 Sparta, 269. in Crete, 537. at Athens, 550. fatal effects of 
 a bad education, especially to princes, 243. 
 
 Eetion, admiral of the Athenians, is defeated by Chtus, 
 commander of the Macedonian fleet, ii. 238. 
 
 Egesimachus, officer in Alexander's army. Rashness 
 that costs him his life, ii. 182. 
 
 Egesta, city of SicUy : its foundation, i. 412. its inha- 
 bitants implore the aid of Athens against the Syracusans, 
 
 Eggs, manner in which the Egyptians hatch them with, 
 out hens, i. 17. 
 
 Egypt divided into three parts, i. 1. Upper Egypt, oi 
 Thebais, ib. Middle Egypt, or Heptanomis, 2. Lower 
 Egypt, or Delta, 7. fertility of Egypt, 18. Egyptian mo- 
 narchy, 20. Egypt subjected by the Persians, 206. by the 
 Macedonians, ii. 117. and by the Romans, 285. N. 
 
 Egyptians : manners and customs of the Egyptians, i. 
 9. of their kings and government, ib. of their laws, 10. of 
 the priests and religion of the Egjq^tians, 11. absurd vror- 
 ship of different divinities, 12. reasons for this worship, 
 13. funeral ceremonies, 14. of the soldiery and wars of 
 the Egyptians, 15. of the manner in which they cultivated i 
 the arts and sciences, 16. of their husbandmen, shep- ) 
 herds, and artisans, ib. their conversion to Christianity 
 predicted, ii. 618. N. 
 
 Eion, city of I'hrace : unhappy fate of that city, i. 358. 
 
 Elam (see Persia") province of Elymais, now called Loo- 
 ristaun, i. 145. N. its boundaries, 154. N. 
 
 Elatffia, city of Phocis, falls into Philip's hands, ii, 65. 
 
 Eleazar, Simon's brother, high-priest of the Jews, exer- 
 cises that office during the minority of Onias, ii. 295. 
 
 Eleazar, doctor of the law, prefers death to eating ira- 
 pure meats, ii. 532. 
 
 Eleazar, one of the sons of Mattathias, sacrifices him- 
 self in a battle to deliver his people, ii. 610. | 
 
 Eleazar, of the sect of the Pharisees, forms a false ac- | 
 cusation against Hyrcanus, ii. 63-1. i 
 
 I- lcctryon, king of Mycenee, i. 264. 
 
 Elephants; description of those animals, ii. ISO. man | 
 ner of taking them, ib. &c. mistake of the Quarterly , 
 Review respecting their use in Persia, corrected, 423. N. | 
 
 Eleusis, a small city of Attica, where the Athenians 
 celebrated a feast in honour of Ceres, i. 560. ^ , 
 
 Elis, province of Peloponnesus, where the Olymp'c j 
 games were celebrated, i. 484. 
 
 Elisa. See Dido. . 
 
 >£lishah, son of Javan, settles in Peloponnesus, i. 263. | 
 
 Elohim, meaning of the word, ii. 532. N. j 
 
 Eloquence ; definition of it, i. 370. of what eloquence 
 united with the love of the public good is capable, n. (i6. 
 how necessary it is to a prince or a statesman, CO. it was 
 the principal study of the youth of Athens and Rome, i j 
 549. defects contrary to true eloquence, ii. 09. 1 
 
 Elos, city in the territory of Sparta, subjected by the j 
 Lacedaemonians, i. xxxv. ^ | 
 
 Elymaeans, account of the, ii. 492. N. 
 
 Elvmais, a city of Persia, supposed to be very rich, ii. 527. ; 
 
 Ernbalming. Manner of embalming bodies among the 
 Egyptians, i. 14. 
 
 Emilius (Q.) gives Pyrrhus advice of the design to poi. 
 son him, ii. 329. i 
 
 Empedocles, of Agrigentum, Pythagorean philosopher, 
 having gained the prize in the Olympic games, regalts 
 the people, i. 574. 
 
 Empires. See Kingdom. 
 
 Envy, a disease of the mind scarce ever cured, ii. 
 
 Epaminondas, Theban, his character, ii. 3. his conduct 
 in the conspiracy against the tyrants of Thebes, 4. fie ^ 
 goes to Sparta to treat of peace, 8. gains a great victory ; 
 
801 
 
 over the Lacodsmonians near Leuctra, 10. ravages La- 
 wjnia, I I. and advances to the gates of Sparta, 12. at his 
 return he is accused before the people and acquitted, ib. 
 marches against Alexander, tyrant of Phers, and delivers 
 l elopidas out of his hands, 17. returns to Thebes, ib. is 
 placed at the head of the Theban army, 18. his second 
 attempt agamst Sparta, ib. his famous victory at Manti- 
 '^^2; mortally wounded in the battle, ib. his 
 
 death, 21. and eulogy, ib. 
 
 Eperatus, by the influence of Apelles, Philip's minis, 
 ter, IS appomted general of the Ach^ns, ii. 398. he is 
 held ni universal contempt, 403. 
 Ephesus, city of Ionia, i. 266. 
 
 Ephialtes, orator, endeavours to [)revent the Athenians 
 from aiding the Lacedemonians, i. 366. 
 
 Ephori, magistrates of Sparta : their institution, i. 268. 
 their authority, ib. 
 
 ii ^P^^^^^^^S' of Cyrene : his generosity to the Athenians, 
 Epic poem, its origin, i. 577. 
 
 Epicrates, one of the generals of Antiochus the Cyzi- 
 oenian, betrays the interests of that prince, and treats se- 
 cretly with Hyrcanus, ii. 634. 
 
 Epicrates, porter at Athens ; raillery of that Athenian 
 upon the deputies that had been sent into Persia, ii. 14 
 
 Epicydes, Athenian. His little courage and avarice, i. 
 cles iV" himself to be brought over by Themisto- 
 
 Epicydes, Carthaginian, sent by Hannibal to Hierony- 
 mus, remains with that prince, ii. 679. after the death of 
 I Hieronymus, he demands to return to Hannibal, 680 is 
 elected magistrate of Syracuse, 681. marches to the aid 
 of Leontium, and is put to llightby MarceUus, 682. usurps 
 the supreme authority at Syracuse, after having caused 
 the magistrates to be put to death, ib. retires to Agri- 
 gentum, when he sees Marcellus master of Syracuse, 686 
 
 Epidamnum, or Dyrrachium, a maritime city of Mace- 
 donia, 1. 373. 
 Epigoni: signification of that word, ii. 213. 
 Epipolffi, part of the city at Syracuse, i. 419. 
 Epirots, remarks on the conduct of ihe Romans to- 
 wards them, ii. 576. N. 
 
 Epirus: geographical description of, i. 258. its cities, 
 di^ricts and rivers, ib. N. history of its kings, xliv. 
 
 Episthenes of Ampliipolis, officer in the army of Cyrus 
 fche Younger, i. 472. 
 
 Equality. It is the soul of popular governments, h 27 
 It is the basis and tie of liberty, 536. 
 
 Erasinides, one of the Athenian captains who gained 
 the battle of Arginusa, i. 441. on his return he is con- 
 demned to die with his colleagues, 443. 
 
 Erasistratus, physician, famous for his address and pe- 
 netration in discovering the cause of Antiochus's sick- 
 ness, ii. 310. 
 Erectheus, king of Athens, i. 264 
 
 Eretria, city of Eubosa, supports the lonians in their 
 revolt against the Persians, i. S09. it is destroyed by the 
 Persians, 314. 
 
 Erginus, Corinthian, supplies Aratus with the means 
 of seizing the citadel of Corinth, ii. 360. 
 
 Erzeroom, its longitude, as stated by various authors, 
 compared, i. 466. N. 
 
 Esarhaddon ascends the throne of Assyria, i. 137 
 makes himself master of Babylon and the land of Israel' 
 138. carries away Manasseh, king of Judah, ib. his death, 
 lb. ' 
 
 Esculapius, inventor of medicine, i. 230. his knowledge 
 occasions his being ranked in the number of the gods, ib 
 
 Esther causes the fatal edict of Ahasuerus against the 
 Jews to be revoked, i, 218. 
 
 Ethiopians, enquiry respecting the, i. 207. N. 
 
 Etolia. See^tolia. 
 
 Etolians. See .^tolians. 
 
 Evagoras, king of Salamis, i. 497. brief history of that 
 pnnce, ib. his war with Artaxerxes Mnemon, 498 cha- 
 racter and panegyric of Evagoras, 499. 
 
 Evagoras, son of Nicocles, is deprived of the throne of 
 Salamis by Protagoras, ii. 35. he demands in vain to be 
 reinstated, 36. tragical end of that prince, ib. 
 
 Evalcus, general of the Lacedemonian cavalry, is kill- 
 ed in a battle by Pyrrhus, ii. 333. 
 
 Evander of Crete, general of the Auxiliaries to Per- 
 seus, IS sent by that prince to assassinate Eumenes, ii. 549 
 he prevents Perseus from improving the advantage he 
 had gained over the Romans, 556. attachment of Evander 
 to Perseus, 570. that prince causes him to be killed, 571 
 
 Euboea, isle of Greece, i. 261. subjected by the Athe- 
 nians, 3/3. the Lacedzemonians seize it, 436. Antiochus 
 takes that island, ii. 463. it is soon after taken from him 
 ^ by the consul Acilius, 465. 
 
 Euchidas, of Plataeas, undertakes to bring the sacred 
 fire from Delphi, i. 343. he dies at his return, ib. 
 
 Euclid, of Megara, founder of the Megarean sect, his 
 ardour to hear Socrates, i. 508. 
 
 Euclidas, Laceda;monian. His brother Cleomenes, 
 king ot Sparta, makes him reign with him, ii. 372. he is 
 
 routed at the battle of Selasia, where he commanded oarf 
 of the army, 378. ^ 
 
 Eudamidas, Lacedemonian, commands in the war 
 against Olynthus, ii. 1. 
 Evergets, a people of Persia, why so called, ii 157 X 
 Evil-merodach, king of Babylon, i. 141. 
 Euleus, eunuch : bad education which he gives Pto- 
 lemy Philoraetor, whose governor he was, ii. 520. 
 
 Eumenes, general in Alexander's army. Provinces 
 that fell to him after that prince's death, ii. 234 his mar 
 riage with Barsina, 235. he retires to Perdiccas, who puts 
 him in possession of Cappadocia, 242. victory of Eume- 
 nes over Neoptolemus, and then over Craterus and Neon 
 tolemus together, 243. he kills the latter with his .>vva 
 hand m the battle, 244. is defeated by Antigonus, and re- 
 tires into the castle of Nora, where he is besieged, 245 is 
 betrayed by his troops, 258. delivered up to Antigonus,'ib 
 and put to death, ib. praise of Eumenes, ib. 
 
 Eumenes I. nephew of Philet^erus, succeeds his uncle 
 m the kingdom of Pergamus, ii. 337. he gains a great vie- 
 tory over Antiochus Soter, who came to possess himself 
 of his dominions, 338. attacks Antiochus Hierax who 
 was engaged in a war against his brother, 352. abandons 
 himselt to excesses, which occasion his death, ib. 
 
 Eumenes II. succeeds his father Attalus in the king, 
 dom of Pergamus, ii. 438. he refuses the aUiance of An- 
 tiochus, 456. is besieged in his capital by Seleucus, 469. 
 the Romans deliver him, 470. dispute between Eumenes 
 and the Rhodians, concerning the Greek cities of Asia 
 478, and 481. N. &c. he offers a considerable sum to the 
 Acheans, and with what view, 494. war of Eumenes 
 with Prusias, 500. and Pharnaces, 503. he sends deputies 
 to Rome to complain of Philip, ib. goes to Rome himself 
 to inform the Romans of the secret intrigues of Perseus 
 548. Perseus endeavours to rid himself of Eumenes, first 
 by assassination, 549. and then by poison, ib. Eumenes 
 gives ear to the proposals of Perseus, 564. he is suspected 
 by the Romans, and cannot obtain permission to enter 
 Rome, 590. the senate sends commissioners to enquire 
 into his conduct, 591. death of Eumenes, ib his pane- 
 gyric, ib famous library founded by him at Pergamus, ib. 
 
 Eumolpidffi, priests of Ceres, successors of Eumolpus' 
 who first exercised that office, i. 560. ' 
 
 Eunomus, king of Sparta, is killed in a popular commo- 
 tion, i. XXXV. 
 
 Eunuchs. The use of them introduced by Cyrus in 
 the East, i. 191. influence and power wh^ch they ac 
 2^2'^N ^'^^^^ princes, ib. remarks on Eunuchism, 
 
 Euphaes, king of Messenia, is attacked by the Lace- 
 demonians, i. xxxvi. he is wounded in battle near 
 Ithome, lb. adjudges the prize of valour to Aristomenes 
 xxxvii. dies of his wounds, ib. 
 
 Euphrates, river, different names given to it, i 466 
 N. Its source and course, 458. N. its breadth and depth at 
 Babylon, 189. N. at Thapsacus, 457. N. inquiry re'spectine 
 Its mouth, ii. 208. N. its channel, 219. N. compared with 
 the Tigris and Thames, i. 461. N. many canals oetwixt it 
 and the Tigris, 458, 459. N. inquiry where passed bv 
 Alexander, ii. 122. N. f ^ uy 
 
 Eupolis, comic poet, i. 583. 
 
 Euripidas heads a detachment of the Eleans to ravage 
 ^i'.e. territory of Sicyon, ii. 397. he falls into the hands of 
 Philip, lb. 
 
 Euripides, tragic poet, i. 580. character of that poet, ib. 
 
 &c, 
 
 Euriptolemus undertakes the defence of the generals 
 condemned by the Athenians after the battle of the Ar- 
 ginuse, i. 443. 
 
 Eurybiades, Laceda?moniaii, is appointed generalissimo 
 of the Greeks in preference to Ihemistocles, i. 330. the 
 latter persuades him to fight in the stiaits of Salamis, 
 ""'6. the Lacedemonians decree him the prize of valour, 
 
 Eurydice, wife of Amyntas, king of Macedonia, pre- 
 vails upon Iphicrates, by her entreaties, to reinstate her 
 children upon the throne of their father, ii. 45. 
 
 Eurydice, wife of Arideus : Glympias causes her to bp 
 put to death, ii. 216. 
 
 Eurydice, Athenian, wife of Ophelias, ii. 265. after her 
 husband's death she marries Demetrius, ib. 
 
 Eurydice, widow of Ptolemy Soter, marries her daugh- 
 ter Ptolemais to Demetrius, ii. 299. 
 
 Euryelus, an eminence near Syracuse, leading to Ei i- 
 pole, i. 419. o i 
 
 Eurylochus, chief magistrate of the Magnetes, influ- 
 ences them against the Romans, ii. 459. 
 
 Eurymedon, general of the Athenians, is condemned to 
 pay a great fine, and why, i. 411. goes into Sicily to tlie 
 aid of Nicias, 424. is killed in a battle, 428. 
 Eurysthenes king of Sparta, i. xxxv. 
 Eurystheus, king of Mycene, famous for the twelve la- 
 bours which he made Hercules undertake, i, £64. 
 
 Eurytion, or Eurypon, king of Sparta, renounces some 
 part of the absolute power of the kings in favour of th< 
 people, i. xxxv, 3 E 
 
Futhycratcs, chief magistrate of Glynthus, puts that 
 
 "^^SjcSS^lS^^'^the Athenians to comn^and^ 
 ioimlv with Mciis, forces that general to engage in a sea- 
 S; wherein he is worsted, L 4>5. his dialogue with bo- 
 
 '^^^'^i'^'^ari., makes an honourable 
 pcac" Sth Antiochus, who intended to dethrone hun, ii. 
 
 ^"Exemption, or Immunities, gr&nted by the Athenians, 
 toThol^ who had rendered their country great serv ices, lu 
 
 *^Exenetes, of Agrigentum, victor in the Olympic games, 
 enters that city in triumph, i. 
 
 ExUes name given the citizens expeUed by ^abii> from 
 SpSa ilTia supported bv the Acha^ans, they commit 
 cruelties at Sjarta, 4S5 they accuse the Acha^ans 
 It Rome, 496. consequence of that accusation, 501, &c 
 Kxodus vi. 3. remarks on, ii. 3-25. N. paraphrased, ooO V 
 Ezra obtains permission of Artaxerxes l^ng.manu^ to 
 i return to Jerusalem, i. 36± arranges the Holy bcnptuic^ 
 ! into their proper order, 3o3. 
 
 Fabiits Maximus CQuintus\ is appointed f relator ^ S 
 his cautious conduct in respect to Hannibal, ib. f^c the 
 D^Dle "ive Alinucius, general of the horse, equal power 
 ^h him, Sa Fabius' extricates him out of a danger in 
 which his ill conduct had engaged ^,-Hna,nches 
 
 Fab'us Alaximus, son of Paulus JEmilius, distmgui^hes 
 himself in the war against Perseus, u. o6-. 
 
 Fables \uthors to whom the invention of them 
 ascribed,' i. '^S use of fables in respect to the education 
 °'F^Sci"' ^deputed by the Romans to Pyrrhus, iL 326. 
 
 •^^Sf '^l^iShr^^rSS r s^tSt m and a 
 qu!mv essential to a prince 4S0, breach of faith often one 
 of the principal causes of the rum of empire^, 244 &c 
 Famine in £gvpt in the time of the emperor Irajan, . .9 
 FaS\c/, Roman officer, distinguishes himselt at 
 
 ^'IS:^ S^SS^pSe who pay little regard to 
 merit, i. 547, kc. their want of humamty, il ,10. 
 
 Fatsa, river, notice of the, u. bl'^- . 
 
 Festivals, celebrated at Athene, i.ooS, &c. and at i^ace- 
 
 ''^SriSonimander of the Romans in Asia, defeats 
 the troops of Mithridates, iL 703. kills Flaccus, seizes that 
 con'uFs armv and marches against Mithridates, .Uo. upon 
 tehS abandoned by his troops, he kiUs hiiuseli in despair, 
 
 *\laccus (L. Valerius) is elected consul, and marche 
 
 nvpr Hilt Drince, 434. different expeuitu-ns of Flaimnuius 
 ^ Phoc^^43f remarks on his conduct at the siege or 
 T^mia 4^fe N' is continued in the command as proconsul, 
 has^i ineffectual interview with PhiUp, ib, gams a 
 er^t victory over that prince near fccotu.a and Qno - 
 rPiTali 440 and concludes a peace with him, 441. 
 holurs'anl'applauses which he receives in the sthmian 
 pame.s 442. makes war against Nabis, 449. ^e^iege» hm_ 
 inSfa'-ta, 450. and grants him peace, 4ol. enter, hoa.e 
 
 ■"^riSus tc), consul, marches against Hannibal, i. Si. 
 is defXd and kUled near the lake of T^rasymenus b2 
 
 ilatterv. Causes of the propensity of prmces to be re- 
 duced bv'flattery, i. 151. 
 
 Fortirications of the ancients i. 22/ ^„fhnritv at 
 
 Fmir hundred men invested with aU authority at 
 At^ie^s, and abuse it tyrannically, L 435. their power is 
 
 "'^Frendi.^fdeas which people entertained of the ancient 
 GajrU 4S6, &-c. what passed at the siege of Phihp>- 
 bu,"h ought to undeceive those who have the same idea 
 of the modern French, ib. see Gauls. 
 
 Friend^hip, fundair.ental law of it, i. 4teo. 
 
 Fulvia, /AtonVs wife, very active at Rome for her 
 
 ''"SSli"''^Sem\'^emonies in Egypt, i. 14 at 
 Athens, 3S9. see Burial 
 
 GABi.N-irs, Pompey's lieutenant, ^"^3^*1]^^ ^ "f^^^^th^ 
 ii 7-^1 commands there as proconsul, -o/. upon tne 
 Larne' t r^ueTt of Pompey, he re-establi.hes Ptolemy Au- 
 letes upon the throne ot Fgypt, /3S. 
 
 OadaTas tirince of As.-vria, submits to Cyru>, i. ito. 
 
 Stfa, Mas'nlssa's father iJins the Carthaginians agamst 
 I he Romans, i. 100. 
 
 Galatia, or Gallo-Grrpcia, a province of Asia Minoi, j 
 inhabited bv the Gauls after their irruiition mto Greece, 
 u. 317. its boundaries and extent, 48,. >. 
 
 Galba : fine saying of that emperor, u. ^46. 
 
 Galley. See Ship. . tc- 
 
 Games, part of the religion of the ancients, i. so. 
 lemn games of Greece : the Olympic, the Py-th an, the ^ 
 XemJan, the Isthmian, ^b. rewards granted to t e yc^ 
 tors in those games, 574. ladies admitted to dispute the 
 prize in the Olympic games, 494. ^v,;iia<! and 
 
 Ganvmedes, Ptolemy's eunuch, supplants Achillas and 
 becomes prime minister of Egypt m his place, m /41. liis 
 stratagems against Cffisar during his war in EgJT*' 
 
 Gaos, admiral to Artaxerxes, revolts against that , 
 prince, and on what occasion, 1. oLN). _ ! 
 
 Gardens. Hanging gardens of Babylon, 
 Gaugamela, or Camel's house, place tamous for Alex- 
 ander's second victory over Darius, i. 30o. 
 
 Gauls Thev dispute the passage of the Alps witsi 
 Hannlal, i 77,-&c. irruption of the Gauls into Greece, 
 ii 3 3 t l e r attemot against the temple ot Delphi ib. 
 their conduct defended aga^^t RoUin's reflections, 314. 
 
 ^ G^'afhrPalestine, besieged and taken by Alexander, 
 ii 116 his cruel treatment of Behs, the governor, ib. N. 
 destruction of Gaza by Alexander Jann£U^&4b 
 
 Gedrosia or ^lukran, province of, described, ii. 20o. N. 
 Gela, citv of Sicily, i. 412. 
 Gelanor, king of Argos, i. 264. 
 
 peUias, citizen of Agrigentum, his noble use of nches, 
 
 Geion possesses himself of supreme authoritv at Sj-ra- 
 ruse i 378 reasons that prevent him from aiding the 
 G^eek'' when attacked bv Xerxes, 329. he defeats HamiU 
 car! general of the Carthaginians, 48. the Syvacusans po- 
 clairS him king. 379. his wise conduct during hi. reign 
 ib his death, 380. respect which the Syracusans retained 
 
 '^^G^S.'r 6f Siero, espouses the P-tyj^/^the ^arih- 
 
 ^s;^^"mffi^r^th^yncS^s^r»s, 
 
 f/a ns the Romans, and imprisons their ambassadors, 
 the Romanf sen I the praetor Anicius against him, ib. 
 Sif us is obUsed to throw himself at his leet, and im- 
 J;^™e his merely, ib. Anicius sends him to Rome with all 
 
 ^"Geo'^Shv-necessityof its cultivation, i, .454. inu- 
 tih^v of mere erudition in geographical enquiries, ib. go- 
 crr--,iihv and chrono ogy the two eyes of History, id. gra 
 lua'UcceSions of geographical ^^--ledg^^.^-r 4 ' 
 
 ScVtMa N Sicilv, 410. X. -^exander's campaipis A 
 i^\C%&-m and 201-209. X Bithynia, g7. N. 
 Hvrcania, 352. N. campaigns of Aiitiochus ^. I^^. 
 
 ^e^io-T, " Jlineial and Mosaic geology compared" bj 
 '''SciSrpSl.leS'.hi.n the Inveation of that sci 
 
 ence is attributed, i. 16. , . ^- vr 
 
 g:;r son"AffiS?te S't^ Six generals of 
 
 ""^Sc^cll^fa Tartar tribe, account of; ii^lSG. N. 
 Ghilanee, the Chalneh of Scripture, u. 29-. ^. 
 
 gsr his^di^s his 
 
 gir^^of ^f^SSs punished for his father's ill 
 
 of the mercenaries, L 65. Spendius, their general, puts 
 
 ^''riI°o'^ endeavours to prevent the Carthaginians from 
 acJ^ptlng theTordirion peace proposed by Scipio, . 
 
 ^'ri.hrio (Man \cilius^ obtains Bithynia and Pontus for 
 ''o.auco, a young :«l>o"-". ji'''™/ "E?'!'' i *S 
 
 i."j:^i;;'"eSon%^^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 city for them, ib. 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 80iJ 
 
 Goat, origin of this device on the royal standard of the 
 Macedonian kings, ii. 115. N. * 
 rv,;?^'!!^^' Assyrian nobleman, puts himself and fa- 
 ^ iL hf^*^/ protection of Cyrus, i. 165. puts himself 
 ?7fi L.f w^.^'''^y°^*''°°P^^t the siege of Babylon, 
 • oio u"^^° conspiracy against Smerdis the Ma! 
 & the' Scy^hlans:?o"'''"" °' present given to Darius 
 Gobryas, a Persian nobleman, commands in the army 
 of Artaxerxes at the battle of Cunaxa, i. 471 
 ,. ^"swer of Simonides to a prince who asked him 
 
 what Goo was 1 381. one supreme God acknowledged by 
 Socrates, 510. this controverted, 519. N. the word Theos 
 ! or God equivocal as used by Pagans, 522. N. view of the 
 names and attributes of God, ii. 524-532. N. authors who 
 have treated on the Hebrew name of God. 532 N 
 Gordiana, see Carducia. 
 
 Hn^f^'!' h'?'i,?;?'*A^ Ph'^ygia, famous for the cha- 
 
 not to which the Gordian knot was tied which Alexander 
 dium ib ^^^^'^t opinions on this, 01. N. site of Gor- 
 
 Gorgias sophist is sent deputy from the Leontines to 
 Athens to demand aid against the Syracusans, i. 411 
 
 Gorgias, officer of Antiochus Epiphanes, marches with 
 ?uTto fliSrsi:^''''^' Maccab^ur,^!. 535.' his troops are 
 of Thlberii?^''^"' Pelopidas to expel the tyrants 
 child,T3(» °^ Cleomenes : smart saying of that 
 
 Government Different kinds of government, i. 532. 
 government! £ P"'"''*' 
 
 Gozan, river of, now Kizal Ozan, in the north of Per- 
 6ia, whither the ten tribes were carried captive, i. 134 N 
 ^^i^^cchus (Tiberius) distinguishes himself at the siege 
 of Carthage, i. 109. being tribune of the people, he pro- 
 poses a law concerning the will of Attalus, and is killed 
 Boon sttGrj 11. \)iCi, 
 Grandees. Example, how little their friendship is to 
 
 — ^^ctjix^^it: iiuw iiLue rneir inendshiD is to 
 
 be rehed on, i. 325. blindness too common to the^great 
 353 mistaken ambition sufficiently common to the freat,' 
 u. 255, &c. See Princes, Kings 
 
 Granicus, river of Phrygia, now called Oostrola, ii 84 
 N, famous for the victory of Alexander over the PersiP^.s! 
 84. description of it, ib. cxoic^js,. 
 Gratitude : the principal virtue of the Egyptians, i 11 
 Gravitation, various theories on, i. 5-J3 N ' 
 . S^f^'^^ Geographical description of ancient Greece 
 i' Jf oi^^'m "^^^/^o'i^P^I?" boundaries and ex! 
 
 tions 24^9=.^ ^^^-1^: mountains and their eleva- 
 \r , • • gfolog'cal compositions, ib. rivers, 
 ^5J, 252. N plains, valleys and physical aspect, ib. see! 
 nery, climate and mineralogy, 253, 254, N. agriculture 
 and pasturage, ib. animals and produce, ib. population 
 ! ancient and modern, 256. N. proportion of Turks, Alba! 
 ! S'TIt''"^- P^^*^^Jv^^- cities, architectural remains, &c 
 I ^aH. JN. history of Greece divided into four ages 26->' nri 
 I mitwe origin of the Greeks, 263. different states of which 
 Greece was composed, 264. migrations of the Greeks into 
 [ Asia Minor, 265, &c. settlement of the Greeks in Sicilv 412 
 i manners and customs of the Greeks, 532, &c. republican 
 government instituted almost universally in Greece 266- 
 I Monsieur Bossuet's reflections up of govern, 
 
 i f^f Rnr%°^ ^'^^'^^ P^^^'i^'^ characteristic of 
 
 Ssl N di^i^^V "'''^'^'•y °f "--ercenary soldiers, 
 
 of ^h^VriS. of troops that composed the armiel 
 
 Jf rt?^^''^^' H\ 'h'P^' "aval forces, 552. people 
 of Greece very warlike in aU times, 549. origin and cause 
 
 rfli'.ion'n?ffi'^r™'^l''y- the Greeks, 550 
 
 idStrv ifi^^P'^'^'' V-^^^'/'i^ 257. N. superstition and 
 tfanf 1^7 M -/f^P"'''"" Mohammedans and Chris, 
 tians, 2o/. N. of the auguries, 562. of the oracles, 563 
 
 Sp n/fhTr'"^'°™^^*' °f ^67- difference of 
 
 !f of the Greeks and Romans in respect to public 
 shows 5/5. disputes for the prize of wit, shows, and re 
 tiS hid°fh "''''^ theatre, '576. illustrious men^holL 
 thP^rvS 9fi^'^^-^?' ™°'t in arts and sciences amongst 
 f^n!.? "^'^'f ^^ts of the Greeks, 266. See the Ir- 
 
 ticles Athenians and Lacedcemonians, for what relates 
 to the wars of Greece with the Persians and Macedo! 
 ni^n,. Greece becomes a Roman province, ii. 598. reflec 
 nf r>"L°" rnn't"'"' the grandeur, decline, and ruTn 
 of Greece, 600, &c. see notes, 454, 455. 
 
 bat?fp n/Tifn"'''"' the 10,000 Greeks after the 
 
 snJrHno fhp v^""' interesting geographical inquiries re- 
 Retreat ' ^^^^^ see 
 
 site or^^^fe^fii^^^N '''"'"^ ^^^P^^""^ '""^ 
 
 Grypus. See Antioc^nus Grypus. 
 
 Gulussa, son of Masinissa, divides the kingdom with 
 his two brothers after his father's death i 113 
 
 Guraeus, now Khaskhaur, river of, described, ii. 188. N. 
 
 Gyges kills Candaules, king of Lydia, whose priticipa. 
 officer he was, and ascends the throne in his stead, i 149 
 what Plato says of his ring, ib. 
 
 _ Gygis, one of Parysatis's women, confesses the poison, 
 ing of Statira, i. 482. is put to death, ib. 
 
 Gylippus, Lacedemonian, goes to the aid of Syracuse, 
 besieged by the Athenians, i. 422. his arrival in Sicilv 
 changes the face of things, ib. he obliges the Athenians 
 to surrender at discretion, 430. his sordid avarice sullies 
 the glory of his great actions, 446. 
 
 Gymnastic, art of forming the athlete;, i. 568. 
 
 GynjEcea, or apartments of the ladies amongst the 
 Greeks, 1. 568. 
 
 Gyndes, river of, critical discussion respecting it, i. 202, 
 N. believed to be the modern Hud, 203. N. Karasu, ano- 
 ther name for the saiae, ib. 
 
 H 
 
 H^Mus, mountain between Thrace and Thessaly, ii, I 
 511. inquiry respecting the extensive prospect from its 
 summit, lb, N. 1 
 Hair of Berenice, ii. 350. | 
 Haliartus, city of Boaotia, sides with Perseus, ii. 551 ' 
 the prffitor Lucretius takes and entirely demolishes it, i 
 
 .u^u-^^'^u"^f®^"^' eity of Doris, i. 262. famous as being 
 the birth place of Herodotus, Dionysius, Heraclitus and ! 
 Calimachus, ii. 87, N. besieged and taken by Alexander, j 
 
 Halyattes, king of Lydia, i. 149. war of that prince 
 with Cyaxares, 147. he continues the siege of Miletus 
 begun by his father, 150, raises the siege of that city, and 
 wherefore, ib. ° 
 26? I?^' the largest river in Asia Minor, i. 146. N, ii, 
 
 • ?.o™xT^"' (fo™erly Ecbatana) description of the city, 
 1. 143. N, and plain, 144. N. affords great room for anti! 
 quarian research, ib. curious platform supposed to have 
 been a tomb or altar, ib. mysterious stone called Gunj 
 JNameh, ib. curious inscriptions supposed 2S00 years old. 
 il). other antiquities, 145. N. * 
 Hamestris, ^ife of I'eriteuchmes, i. 449 
 Hamilcar commands the army sent by the Carthag'- 
 mans into Sicily at the request of Xerxes, i. 47. it is de- 
 teated by Gelon, tyrant of Syracuse, ib. his death, ib 
 
 Wamilcar, son of Gyscon, commands the Carthaginian 
 ?;™y.agf inst Agathocles, and gains a great victory over 
 ^: ^^'^^ alive into the hands of the Syracusans 
 whilst besieging their city, 55. is put to death, ib 
 
 Haniilcar, surnamed Barca, general of the Carthagi- 
 nians, 1. 65. boldness and ability of that general, ib he 
 commands the army against the mercenaries, 67. and de- 
 ff. i^T.-^""''-l!y'-^?-.pes to Spain, which he conquers 
 in a short time, ib. is killed in a battle, ib. 
 ■ /"^amilcar, surnamed Rhodanus, a Carthaginian goes 
 into the camp of Alexander by order of Carthage i 56 
 at his return he is put to death, ib. h , • . 
 
 Hamriim hills, extent and direction of the, ii. 385 N 
 see Apollonia. 
 
 c«^l""il!''H'°"u ^ Placed at the head of the troops 
 
 sent by the Carthagmians into Sicily to the aid of the peo- 
 
 fP^^'.'-i^- f^^^^"^ ot'that general in Sicilv, ib, 
 he dies there of the plague, ib 
 
 fe«^PH"h?fh''°'"™^"'i^*M^ Carthaginian fleet, and is de. 
 
 Hln-^ , • •^^^'eges the mercena. 
 
 ries m I unis,67. falls into their hands and is crucified, ib 
 Hannibal, surnamed the Great, at nine vears of age 
 goo.s with his father, who was sent to command in Spain 
 1. 70 IS appointed to command there after Asdrubal'l 
 '^Tl.l'A-. y}^'' conquests he besieges Saguntum, 
 
 ;f;iv -f-^^' .'V he prepares for his march into 
 •-o XT dissertation on his celebrated march to Italy 
 i4 comparison of the narratives of Polybius and' 
 J^ivy, lb. compendious account from general Melville by 
 the younger De Luc, 73, N. he goes to Cadiz, and witfi 
 what view /2. begins his march, 74. his expeditions as ' 
 far as the Rhone, 76, he passes that river, ib. his march 
 afterward lb. he passes the Alps, ib. enters Italy, 78. de, 
 teats the Romans near the river Ticinus, 79. then at Tre 
 bia, 80. marches to Tuscany, 81. loses an eve in passing 
 S^pn^^^TQ"'"^'' IV^'"' ^ battle near the lake of 'l hras>? 
 menus, 82 concludes a treaty with Philip, and sends am- 
 bassadors to him, 11. 405. his conduct in regard to Fabius 
 cf V extricating himself from the wrong 
 
 step he had taken at Cas^ilinum, 83. he gains a famou5 
 victory near Canns, 85, &c. sends deputies to Carthag^ 
 ^1^, oJ"^^-^?^ ^^'^tory, and to demand reinforce, 
 ments 86, winters at Capua, ib. and suffers the courage 
 fh r^fntP^^'P'/'' enervated by the luxury of that place, 
 lb, makes a treaty with Hieronymus, ii, 675.— His bad 
 success, 1. 87, he flies to the aid of Capua, besieged by the 
 Romans, lb to make a diversion, he marches suddenly 
 back agamst Home, 88. after various attempts, he aban- 
 
804^ 
 
 genehal index. 
 
 dons that enterprise, ib. is recalled into Africa, 90. has an 
 Interview with Scipio, 91. followed by a battle m which he 
 is defeated, 92. escapes to Carthage, ib. causes a peace to 
 be concluded with the Romans, ib. undertakes and eltects 
 the reformation of the courts of justice and finances at 
 Carthage, 94. pursued by the Romans, he retires to A nti- 
 ochus, 95. his discourse to that prince, and the advice he 
 gives him, ib. goes into Syria and Phoenicia to fetch ships 
 from thence, ii. 467. is defeated at sea by the Rhodians, 
 471 retires first to the island of Crete, i. 97. then to Pru- 
 lias, ib. does that prince great services, ib. betrayed by 
 Prusias. he poisons himself, ib. inquiry respecting the 
 ()lace and manner of his death, ii. 500. N. Hannibal's cha- 
 racter and panegyric, ib. 
 
 Hannibal, young Carthaginian, sent to Hieronymus by 
 Hannibal the Great, ii. 679. ,^ ^ . 
 
 Hanno, citizen of Carthage, forms the design of making 
 himself master of the commonwealth, i. 52. is discovered 
 and punished, ib. . , . t_ j r 
 
 Hanno, Carthaginian, is placed at the head of the 
 troops against Agathocles, i. 54. is killed in battle, ib 
 
 Hanno, general of the Carthaginians, is defeated by 
 the Romans near the islands iEgates, i. 64. the Cartha- 
 ginians give him the command of their troops against the 
 mercenaries, 66. the command is taken from him, ib. the 
 Carthaginians place him again at the head of their troops, 
 67. Hanno opposes in vain the undertaking ot the second 
 
 Punic war, 70. , , . ^ r a^t, ^ ; 
 
 Harmodius conspires against the tyrants of Athens i. 
 281. his death, ib. statues erected in honour of him by the 
 
 ■^HtrmCnif,^Jife of Themistus, is put to death by order 
 of the people of Syracuse, ii. 681. , . . 
 
 Harpagus, officer of Astyages, is ordered by that prince 
 to make away with Cyrus, i. 201 rage of Astyages upon 
 discovering that Harpagus had disobeyed his orders, and 
 the revenge he takes on him, ib. . 
 
 Harpalus, governor of Babylon for Alexander, quits 
 the service of that prince, and retires to Athens, ii. ^U 
 succeeds in bribing Demosthenes with his presents, 214. 
 the Athenians drive Harpalus out of their city, ib. 
 
 Harpatus, son of Tiribasus, assassinates Arsaiues by 
 order of Ochus, ii. 27. _ r ■• «nn \r 
 
 Harran in Mesopotamia, notice of the city of, n. 600. N. 
 
 Hecatfflus, one of Alexander's officers, causes Attains 
 to be assassinated by that prince's order, ii. 80. 
 
 Hecatomi)ylos, city of, noticed, ii. 155 345. N 
 
 Hegelochus, Physcon's general, defeats the Alexan. 
 drians, and takes their general Marsyas prisoner, ii. 630. _ 
 
 Hegesipyla, wife of Miltiades, and mother of Cimon, i. 
 
 Hegetorides, Thasian, exposes his life for the safety of 
 his ritv besieged bv the Athenians, i. 360. 
 ^^^nSna daughter of Tyndarus, and wif of Menelaus 
 carried away by Paris, son of Priam, king of Troy, i. 
 
 Heraclea, in molia, besiegea and taken by the consul ] 
 Acilius, ii. 465. ^ ., r tr-« ; 
 
 Heraclea, wife of Zqippus, of the family of Hiero. is i 
 massacred with her children, by order of the people of , 
 Svracuse, ii. 681. , mu . 
 
 "Heraclida;, or descendants from Hercules. They suc- 
 ceed the Atyadffi in the kingdom of Lydia i 149- f^.^ ; 
 Peloponnesus, and are soon after driven out of it, 264 re- 
 enter Peloponnesus, and seize Lacedsmon 266. endea- 
 vour to oppose the aggrandizement of the Athenians, who , 
 defeat them in a battle, ib. ^ rp. . i 
 
 Heraclides, minister of Seuthes, king of Thrace . his j 
 
 ^^Heraclides%xile of Syracuse, comes to the aid of his 
 
 country against Dionysius, i. 612. the Syracusans choose j 
 
 him admiral, ib. his envy of Dion ib. he is obhged to c^all , 
 
 in Dion to the aid of Syracuse, 614. and to put himsalt in- t 
 
 to his hands, 615. Dion restores him the command in chief • 
 by sea, ib. Heraclides renews his intrigues against Dion, 
 
 -!-<:_„ :„ „v,i:„«^ ciiffor h\m tn he killed. DlO. 
 
 Helenus, son of Pyrrhus, accompanies his father to the 
 sie-e of Argos, ii. 334. enters the city with a body of 
 troops; which occasions a confusion, in which his father 
 
 ^^HdlpoUs, machine of war invented by Demetrius, ii. 
 
 ^Helicon of Cysicus, mathematician i. 609. 
 
 Heliodorus, prime-minister to Seleucus Philopator, 
 goes to Jerusalem to take away the treasures of the tem- 
 ple, ii. 516. chastisement which he receives from God on 
 that account, ib. doubts respecting the miracle said to 
 have been wrought on him, 520. N. he poisons Seleucus 
 and usurps the crown, 517. is expelled by Eumenes ik 
 
 Heiiopolis, city of the Lower Egypt famous for its tem- 
 ple dedicated to the sun, i. 8. furious actions of Cam.byses 
 
 ""Hellinodicffi: name of those who presided in the ath- 
 
 HeflXson o?Sal\on,'king of Thessaly, from whom 
 the Greeks derive their name"ExXtjvi?, i. 265. 
 
 Hellespont, strait between Europe and Asia, i- 325. 
 
 Helots. Origin and condition of the Helots i. xxxv 
 cause of their degraded state, 366 N. cruelties of the 
 Lacedemonians in respect to them, 275. revolt of the He- 
 lots against the Lacedajmonians, 366. r.^»v= 
 
 Hemerodromi : runners or couriers among the Greeks, 
 
 "'Hephaistion, Alexander's favourite : mistake of the 
 captive princesses in respect to him, ii. 101. he receives a 
 wound it the battle of Arbela 126 Alexander makes 
 him marry Darius's youngest daughter, 213. his death, 
 Alexander's esteem for that favourite, 215. extraordmary 
 honours which that prince causes to be paid him atter his 
 death, 217, &c. , • ^t- r • o 
 
 Heptanomis, or Middle EgjTt: description of it, i. 2 
 Heraclea, city of Pontus: tyrants who governed it 
 kIv. destruction of that citv bv Cotta. ii. 713. 
 
 ib. Dion is obliged to suffer him to be killed, bib. 
 
 Heraclides, Philip's minister, his character, "•^432. 
 Philip sacrifices him to gain the affection of the l^iace- 
 
 "^"Heracltdes, of Byzantium, is deputed by Antiochus to 
 Scipi-o Africanus, ii. 473. . ^ -d r,, 1^,1 
 
 Heraclides, treasurer of the province of Babylon, is 
 banished by Demetrius Soter, ii. 613. is appomtoi by 
 Ptolemy, Attains, and Ariarathes to prepare Alexander 
 Bala for personating the son of Antiochus Epiphanes in 
 order to his reigning instead of Demetrius, 614. carries 
 him to Rome, where he succeeds in causing him to be 
 acknowledged king of Syria, ib. 
 
 Heraut (the ancient Ana) province of, described, n. 155. 
 N. description of the city, 156. N. 
 
 Herbessus, city of Sicily, i. 592. „u;„m^^ tn 
 
 Hercules, son of Jupiter and Alcmena, subjected to 
 Eurvstheus by the fraud of Juno, 1. 264. 
 
 Hercules, son of Alexander and Barsina, 11. 235. is put 
 to death by Polysperchon, 263. 
 
 Herippidas, Spartan ; his too rigid exactness compels 
 Spithridktes to abandon the party of the Lacedemonians, 
 
 ^' Hermias, Carian, is declared prime minister of Anti- 
 ochus the Great, ii. 382. his character, ib. he removes 
 Epigenes, the most able of Antiochus's generals, 383. 
 Antiochu.3 causes him to be assassinated, ib. 
 Hermon of Scripture, (now Antilibanus) described, 11. 
 
 ^^Hemocrates, Syracusan, encourages bis citizens to 
 defend themselves against the Athenians, 1. 420. is elected 
 
 ^'He'rmotus, officer in the train of Alexander, conspires 
 against that prince, ii. 171. is discovered and punished, 172. 
 
 Herod, Idumean, is made governor of Galilee, 11. 6d1 
 escapes from Jerusalem to avoid falUng into the hands of 
 the Parthians, ib. goes to Rome, and is declared king of 
 Jud£a by the'senfte, ib. forms the siege of Jerusalem 
 652. goes to Samaria, and espouses Manamne ib 
 makes himself master of Jerusalem, and ascends the 
 
 throne of Judeea, ib. „i, . 
 
 Herodicus, one of the principal persons of Thessaly : 
 unhappy fate of that prince and his family, u. 504. 
 
 Herodotus, Greek historian : his birth, 1. 3^0. applauses 
 which he received at the Olympic games on readmg hu 
 
 '"SSSSndof Demetrius, son of Philip, is seized 
 on tharprince's account, ii. 514. is put to the rack, and 
 
 %Zfs%\i^Tr!oS- famous for the history of the 
 heroes! i 264 Tescription of most of the heroes so much 
 boasted of in history, 201. 
 
 Hesiod, Greek poet, i. 284. , lor, 
 
 Hezekiah, king of Judah is cured miracu ousl^ l 137 
 shows the ambassadors of the king of Babylon h^^^^^^^^ 
 and his palace, ib. God menaces him by his prophet, ib. 
 accomplishment of those threats, 138 . 
 Hidarnes, Persian of great quality, Statira s tatner, 1. 
 
 ^Hiempsal, son of Micipsa, king of Numidia, i. 1)3. 
 '^^:TT^:&^s^^u}^er to Phy. 
 
 ^°"Hii^;oT-li'?Lf oTSl'rlTgJs afte?him in Syracuse 
 i Srhis characterVib^ suspicions which he forms against 
 lif bro her 'b He attracts learned men about him 
 Ssi.Sfgoodnesstothe children of Anaxilaus, 382. his 
 
 *^^H?er?lI His birth, ii. 671. he is chosen captain-gene- 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 I to the Romans in the second Punic war, 671, (i75. takes 
 i advantage of the skill of Archimedes, who makes abun- 
 dance of machines of war for him for the defence of a 
 place, 676. galiey which Archimedes builds for him, 677. 
 ; he dies at a great age, much lamented by his people, 678. 
 I Hierocles, father of Hicro, causes his son to be exposed, 
 j and then to be brought back to his house where he edu. 
 1 cates him with great care, ii. 671. 
 I Hieroglyphics : signification of the word, i. 2. 
 
 Hieronymus, Hiero's grandson, reigns after him at Sy- 
 racuse, and by his vices causes him to be much regretted, 
 ii. 678. makes an aUiance with Hannibal, 679. is killed in 
 a conspiracy, ib. 
 
 Hierophantes : name given the person who presided at 
 the ceremony of the feast of Eleusis, i. 560. 
 Hillah, the scat of ancient Babylon, i. 180. N. 
 Himera, city of Sicily ; its foundation, i. 412. its de- 
 stmction, 47. 
 
 Himereus, brother of Demetrius Phalereus, is delivered 
 up to Antipater, who puts him to death, ii. 239. 
 J Himilcon, Carthaginian general, comes to Sicily to 
 drive the Romans out of it, ii. 684 perishes there, 686. 
 
 Hindoo Bramins, their similarity to the Persian magi, 
 L 234. N. 
 
 Hippacra, city of Africa, refuses at first to join the 
 mercenaries, i. 66. and joins them afterwards, 67. 
 
 Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus, governs at Athens after 
 his father's death, i. 281. his taste for literature, ib. is 
 killed in the conspiracy of Harmodius and Aristogiton, ib. 
 
 Hipparinus, brother of Dionysius, drives Callippus out 
 of Syracuse, and reigns there two years, i. 617. 
 
 Hippias, son of Pisistratus, retains the sovereignty after 
 the death of his father, i. 281. finds means to frustrate 
 the conspiracy formed by Harmodius and Aristogiton, ib. 
 IS compelled to quit Attica, and goes to settle in Phrygia, 
 282. takes refuge in Asia with Artaphernes, 283. engages 
 the Persians in the war against the Greeks, and serves 
 them as a guide, 314. is killed at Marathon, fighting 
 against his country, 316. 
 
 Hippocrates, famous physician : his great ability, i. 230. 
 his disinterestedness, 390. 
 
 Hippocrates, native of Carthage, is sent by Hannibal to 
 Hieronymus, and resides at his court, ii. 679. becomes 
 one of the principal magistrates of Syracuse, 681. marches 
 to the aid of Leontium, 682. and is forced to fly, ib he 
 and Epicydes possess themselves of all authority at Syra- 
 cuse, lb. he makes war in the field against Marcellus, 
 684, 685. the plague destroys him and his troops, ib. 
 
 Hipponax, satiric poet, known by his verses against Bu- 
 palus and Athenis, i. 284. 
 
 Hobhouse, his travels recommended, ii. 84. N. 
 Kolophcrncs, general for the king of Assyria, marches 
 against the Israelites, and besieges Bethulia, i. 146 Ju- 
 dith cuts of his head, ib. 
 
 Holophernes, supposed brother of Ariarathes, of Cap- 
 padocia, dethrones him, and reigns in his stead, ii. 666 is 
 driven out by Attalus, and retires to Antioch, ib. enters 
 into a conspiracy against Demetrius his benefactor, ib. 
 that prince imprisons him, ib. 
 
 Homer, famous poet, i. 283, &c. to what perfection he 
 carried the species of poetry to which he applied himself, 
 ib. his Iliad suited to produce feelings of revenge and 
 cruelty, iL 117. N. 
 
 Hophra, king of Egypt. See Apries. 
 Horizon, visible, method of ascertaining its limits, ii 
 512. N. 
 
 Horses : the Horse, or the Knights, a comedy of Aris- 
 tophanes, i. 582. 
 
 Hoshea, king of Samaria, revolts against the king of 
 Assyria, i. 133. is laden with chains by Salmanasar, and 
 put in prison for the remainder of his life, ib. 
 
 Hud, Karasu and Gyndes, the same river, i. 205. N. 
 
 Human agency being used by the Deity to punish "hu- 
 man crime, does not exculpate the actors, ii. 500. N. 
 
 Hyacinthus : feasts celebrated in honour of him at La- 
 cedcemon, i. 340. 
 
 Hybla, a city of Sicily, famous for its honey, i. 412 
 
 Hydaines commands the Persians called the Immor- 
 tals, in the army of Xerxes, i. 328. 
 
 Hydaspes, river of, described, ii. 190, 192. N. 
 
 Hydraotes, river of India, ii. 185. described, 190, 192 N 
 
 Hypacyris, a river, now called Kalouczac, described i' 
 296. N. 
 
 Hypanis, or Bog, river of, describefl, i. 296. N. 
 
 Hyperbolus, Athenian : his character, i. 410. he endea- 
 vours to irritate the people against Nicias and Alcibiades, 
 lb. is banished by the ostracism, ib. 
 
 Hyjjhasis, river of, described, ii. 191. N. 
 
 Hypsicratia, one of the wives of Mithridates : her mas- 
 culine courage, ii. 726. 
 
 Hyrcania, description and history of, ii. 352—355. N 
 famed for fertility, 353. N. 
 
 Hyrcanians, people in the neighbourhood of Babylonia, 
 su'ijccted by Cyrus, L 163. 
 
 Hyrcanus, son of Joseph, is sent by his father to the 
 court of Alexandria, to compliment the king upon the 
 birth of his son Philometor, ii. 493. distinguishes himself 
 there by his address and magnificence, ib. 
 
 Hyrcanus (John), son of Simon, is declared high-priest 
 and prince of the Jews after his father's death, ii. CrM is 
 besieged by Antiochus Sidetes in Jerusalem, ib. ana sur- 
 renders by capitulation, ib. renders himself absolute and 1 1 
 independent, 629. renews the treaty with the Romans, 
 631. augments his power in Judaoa, 633. takes Samaria, 
 and demolishes it, 634. becomes an enemy to the Phari- 
 sees, 635. dies, ib. 
 
 Hyrcanus, son of Alexander Jannsus, is made high, 
 priest of the Jews, ii. 647. after the death of Alexandra, 
 he takes possession of the throne, 648. is obliged to sub- 
 mit to Aristobulus his younger brother, ib. has recourse 
 to Pompey, who replaces him upon the throne, 649, &c. is 
 again dethroned by Pacorus, son of Orodes, and delivered 
 up to Antigonus, who causes his ears to be cut off, 651. 
 the Parthians carry him into the East, ib. he returns to 
 Jerusalem, where Herod puts him to death, ib. 
 
 Hystaspes, father of Darius, governor of Persia, i. 212. 
 Hystaspes, second son of Xerxes, is made governor of ' 
 Bactriana, i. 345. his remoteness from court makes way | 
 for his brother Artaxerxes to ascend the throne, 353. Ar- ' 
 taxerxes undertakes to reduce him, 355. and entirely i 
 ruins his party, ib. 
 
 Hystiffius, tyrant of Miletus, prevails upon the general^ 
 of Ionia not to abandon Darius, then employed in a war 
 with the Scythians, i. 305. Darius grants him a territory 
 in Thrace, where he builds a city, 306. that prince recaUs 
 him to court, ib. Hystieeus secretly supports the revolt 
 of the lonians, 308. he forms a conspiracy against the go- 
 vernment, 310. is discovered, ib. is taken by the Persians, 
 delivered up to Artaphernes, and put to death, ib. cha- 
 racter of HystiEEus, 311. 
 
 I 
 
 Iacchus. See Bacchus. 
 
 lalysus, founder of Rhodes, represented in a paintuie 
 by Protogenes, ii. 275. 
 
 Iambic verse proper for tragedy, i. 581. 
 laxartes, river of, its source and course, ii. 178. N. 
 Iberians : people of Asia, subjected by Pompey, ii. 730. 
 Ibis, animal adored by the Egyptians, i. 12, 13. 
 Icetas, of Syracuse, tyrant of the Leontines, causes the 
 wife and mother-in-law of Dion to be put to death, i. 617. 
 the Syracusans call in his aid against Dionysius, and elect 
 him their general, 618. he conceives the design of making 
 himself master of Syracuse, ib. and seizes great part of 
 the city, 619. Timoleon marches against him, and obliges 
 him to live as a private person in the city of the Leon- 
 tines, 622. Icetas revolts against Timoleon, who punishes 
 him and his son with death, 623. 
 
 Ichneumon : animal adored in EgjT)t, L 13. 
 Idolatry : which the most ancient and most general, i 
 233. See Religion. 
 
 Idumsans, people of Palestine: Hyrcanus obliges them 
 to embrace Judaism, ii. 6i5. 
 
 Imilco, son of Hanno, is sent lieutenant to Hannibal 
 on his going to command in Sicily, i. 48. takes Agrigen- 
 tum, 49. puts an end to the war by a treaty with Diony- 
 sius, and returns to Carthage, ib. returns to Sicily at the 
 head of an army, 50. the plague spreads in his army, ib. 
 he is defeated by Dionysius, ib. leaves his troops to the 
 mercy of the enemy, and retires to Carthage, where he 
 kiUs himself, ib. 
 Immodesty of the Spartan women, i. 536. 
 Immortality of the soul. See SouL 
 Immortals : guards of the Persian kings so called, i 
 224. 
 
 Immunities. See Exemption. 
 
 Immutability of God a strong consolation under advei- 
 sity, ii. 526. N. 
 Imposts. See Tributes or Taxes. 
 Inachus, king of Argos, i. 264. 
 
 Inares, prince of the Libyans, is chosen king by the 
 Egyptians, and supports their revolt against the Persians, 
 L 361. treats with Mcgabyzus, general of the Persians, 
 and surrenders himself, ib. is delivered to the mother of 
 Artaxerxes, and put to death, 362. 
 Incest, common amongst the Persians, i. 210. 
 Indathyrsus, king of the Scythians, attacked by Darius, 
 i. 304. answer of that prince to Darius, who sent to de- 
 mand fire and water from him, ib. 
 
 India, region of Asia, divided into two parts, ii. 177. 
 manners of its inhabitants, 179. rarities of that country, 
 180, &c. history of the commerce with that country from 
 Solomon's time to the present, i. 8. very singular dispute 
 between two Indian women after the death of their com. 
 mon husband, ii. 256. expeditions of Semiramis into India, 
 i. 129. conquest of India by Darius, 306. then by Alexan- 
 der, ii. 180 
 
806 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Indus, the river, its various names, course &c. ii. 189, 
 192—195. N. table of its depth and width at various 
 places, 194. N. inquiry where passed by Alexander, 203. N. 
 
 Informers, how punished in Persia, i. 2\1. definition of 
 them by Plutarch, 611. See Calumniators, or False- 
 accusers. 
 
 Ingratitude punished most severely amongst the Per- 
 sians, i. 156. 
 
 Intaphernes, a Persian lord : his insolence and punish- 
 ment, i. 291. 
 
 Interest of money amongst the Romans, ii. 711. see 
 Usury. 
 
 lolas, second son of Antipater, and cup-bearer to 
 Alexander, is suspected of having poisoned that prince, 
 h. 221. 
 
 Ion, son of Xuthus, who gave his name to Ionia, i. 266. 
 
 Ion, favourite of Perseus, delivers up that prince's 
 children to Octavius, ii. 571. 
 
 Ionia, province of Asia Minor, L 262. from whom it 
 takes its name, 363. 
 
 lonians. Revolt of the lonians against Darius, i. 307. 
 they burn the city of Sardis, 309. their party is entirely 
 ruined, 310. they throw off the Persian yoke after the 
 ' battle of Salamis, and unite with the Greeks from thence- 
 I forth, 31-4.. 
 
 Iphicrates (Athenian) is sent to aid Corcyra, ii. 7. is 
 
 placed at the head of the Grecian troops in the expedition 
 ; of Artaxerxes against Egypt, 24. retires to Athens, where 
 ' Pharnabazus causes him to be accused of making the ex- 
 i pedition miscarry, ib. the Athenians employ him in the 
 
 war with the allies, 30. he is accused by Chares, and cited 
 I to take his trial, 31. means which he employs for his de- 
 1 fence, ib. &c. he re-establishes Perdiccas upon the throne 
 
 of Macedonia, 45. praise of Iphicrates, 30. military disci- 
 ' pline which he establishes amongst the troops, ib. 
 1 Ipsus, city of Phrygia, famous for the victory of Pto- 
 ! lemy, Cassander, Seleucus, and Lysimachus, over Anti- 
 I gonus and Demetrius, ii. 278. 
 
 Iris, river, notice of the, iL 693. N. 
 I Irony attributed to Socrates, i. 511. 
 1 Isadas, young Spartan ; his great courage, ii. 91. 
 I Isagoras, Athenian, forms a faction in Athens after the 
 1 expulsion of the tyrants, i. 282. 
 
 Isaiah, remarks on his predictions, chap. xix. IB— 21. ii. 
 I 615—620. chap. Ixiii. 1—6. 616. N. chap. Ixiv. 3. 618. N. 
 I Ischolas, Spartan, guards an important pass during the 
 I irruption of the Thebans into Laconia, and distinguishes 
 J himself in a peculiar manner, ii. 11. 
 
 Isle, part of the city of Syracuse ; description of it, i. 
 
 418. 
 
 Ismenias, Theban, is made prisoner with Pelopidas, by 
 Alexander of Pherse, ii. 15. is delivered by Epaminondas, 
 17. 
 
 Ismenius, polemarch of Thebes, is seized by Leontides, 
 and carried prisoner to the citadel, ii. 2. is condemned and 
 executed, ib. 
 
 Isniemid, the ancient Nicomedia, etymology of, li. 339. 
 N. 
 
 Isocrates, Greek orator : services which he endeavour- 
 ed to render the Athenians by his writings, ii. 32. his 
 death, 68. 
 
 I Isocrates, Greek grammarian, is sent prisoner to Rome 
 ; for having endeavoured to justify the assassination of Oc- 
 ] tavius, ii. 614. 
 
 I Israel, the ten tribes of, whither and by whom carried 
 I captive, an interesting inquiry, i. 133. N. qualifications 
 necessary for such inquiry, ib. the Israelites carried cap- 
 ; tive by Tiglath Pileser and Shalmaneser, to Halah, 
 I Habor, Hara, and the river of Gozan, now called Chal- 
 cal. Abhor, Ahar, and Kizil Ozan, 134, 135. N. 
 
 Issus, city of Cilicia, famous for Alexander's victory 
 over Darius, ii. 95 critical examination regarding its site, 
 ii. 97. N. 
 
 Istakr or Persepolis, see Persepolis. 
 Isthmian, solemn games of Greece, i. 567. 
 Italians massacred in Asia Minor by order of Mithri- 
 dates, ii. 699. 
 
 Ithobal, king of Tyre, when besieged by Nebuchodo- 
 nosor, i. 140. 
 
 Ithome, a city of Messenia, famous for the battle fought 
 there between the Messenians and Lacedemonians, i. 
 xxxvi. the inhabitants of that city subjected by the Lace- 
 diemonians, xxxvii. 
 
 Iturasa, part of Ccele-syria, ii. 646. the Iturteans are 
 compelled by Aristobulus to embrace Judaism, ib. 
 
 J. 
 
 Jaddus, high-priest of the Jews, implores the protection 
 of God against Alexander, ii. 113. honours paid him by 
 that prince, ib. this story an arrant fable, ib. N. his death, 
 245. 
 
 Jason, tyrant of Phera;, is declared generalissimo of the 
 Thes.salians, ii. 15. death puts a stop to his designs, ib. 
 
 Jason supplants his brother Onias, high-priest of tlie 
 Jews, ii. 518. is supplanted himself by his brother Meno- 
 laus, 519. takes Jerusalem, and obliges Menelaus to retire 
 into the citadel, 520. 
 
 Javan, or Ion, son of Japhet, father of all the people 
 known under the name of Greeks, i. 263. 
 Javelins : exercise of the javelin, i. 571. 
 Jealousy or Envy, an incurable disease of the mind, ii. 1 
 372. it suUies the glory of the greatest actions, ii. 726. 
 
 Jechonias, or Jehoiachin, king of Judah is led captive 
 to Babylon, i. 139. is set at liberty after an imprisonment 
 there of thirty-seven years, 141. 
 
 Jehoahaz, king of Juda;a, led captive into Egypt, where 
 he dies, i. 29. 
 
 Jehoiakim is placed by Nechao upon the throne of Ju- 
 dcea in theroomof his brother, Jehoahaz, i.29. is conquer- 
 ed by Nebuchodonosor, L 138. revolts against that prince, 
 139. his death, ib. i 
 
 Jehovah, critical inquiry respecting the name, and the 
 opinion that it was never uttered by the Jews, ii. 524— 
 632. N. Josephus mistaken as to the date of this name, 
 524. N. its primary sense Eternity and Immutability, 525. 
 N. absurdities of the Jewish Rabbins, 530, 531. N. 
 
 Jerusalem, city of Palestine, i. xxx. taking of that city 
 by Nechao, 29. it is besieged by Sennacherib, and mira 
 culously delivered, i. 137. is besieged and taken by Ne- 
 buchodonosor, 138. its fortifications demolished by that 
 prince, 139. and rebuilt by order of Artaxerxes, 363. 
 Alexander's entrance into Jerusalem, ii. 113. it is besieg- 
 ed and taken by Ptolemy, 246. is taken and plundered by 
 Antiochus Epiphanes, 520. its temple is profaned, ib. it is 
 taken by Antiochus Sidetes, who causes its fortifications 
 to be demolished, 628. Pompey takes Jerusalem by storm, 
 650. Cffisar permits its walls to be rebuilt, which Pompey 
 had caused to be demolished, 651. Herod takes Jerusa 
 lein, 652. 
 
 Jesus Christ : his kingdom foretold by Daniel, i. 197. 
 contrast between the kingdoms of the world and the 
 kingdom of Christ, ib. his first and second advent as 
 compared by Paul, illustrated, ii. 528. N. 
 
 Jews : massacre of the Jews by order of Sennacherib, 
 i. 137. aversion of the Jews for the Samaritans, 138. cai>. 
 tivity of the Jews at Babylon, and its duration, ib. &c. 
 Cyrus's edict for their return to Jerusalem, 193. the le. 
 building of their city opposed by the Samaritans, ib, 
 Darius confirms Cyrus's edict in their favour, 293. his 
 edict against the Jews revoked at the solicitation of 
 Esther, 218. the Jews are confirmed in their privileges by | 
 Xerxes, 320. and afterwards by Artaxerxes, 363. Ochus j 
 carries a great number of Jews captive into Egypt, ii. j 
 the Jews refuse to submit to Alexander, 1 13. they obtain ' 
 great privileges from that prince, 1 16. refuse to work at ; 
 
 the building of the temple of Belus, 220. The Jews 
 
 settle at Alexandria in great numbers, 262. all those who 
 were slaves in Egj^tare set at liberty, 322. the Jews sub- [ 
 mit to Antiochus the Great, 433. cruelties which they 
 suffer from Antiochus Epiphanes, 520. &c. they gain ; 
 great victories under Judas Maccabsus, first over the 
 generals of that prince, then over those of Antiochus Eu- I 
 pator, and over himself in person, 634, 535, 536, 607. make ' 
 peace with Antiochus, 610. gain new victories over the 
 generals of Demetrius Soter, 613. are declared friends 
 and allies of the Romans, 613. build a temple in Egypt, 
 615, &c. revenge themselves on the inhabitants of Anti- 
 och, for the evils they had suffered from them, 621. renew ; 
 the treaties with the Romans, 622. are subjected by An- 
 tiochus Sidetes, 628. history of the Jews under Aristobu- 
 lus, 645. Alexander Janneeus, 646. Alexandra, 647. Aris- 
 tobulus, 648. Hyrcanus, 650. Antigonus, 651. the sove- 
 reignty over the Jews transferred to a stranger, 652. 
 inquiry into the opinion that they never uttered the name 
 Jehovah, 524—532. N. absurdities of their Rabbins, 530, 
 531. N. j 
 
 Jonathan, Jew and Sadducee, brings over Hyrcanus to 
 his sect from that of the Pharisees, ii. 635. 
 
 Jonathan, brother of Judas Maccabajus, succeeds him 
 in the government of Juda-a, ii. 613. accepts of the high- 
 priesthood from Alexander Bala, and aids that prince 1 
 against Demetrius Soter, 615. undertakes to drive the S 
 Greeks out of the citadel which they had in Jerusalem, j 
 621, &c. Demetrius Nicator orders him to attend him 1 
 upon that affair, ib. Jonathan aids that prince against the ! 
 people of Antioch, ib. disgusted by the ingratitude of De- | 
 metrius, he declares for Antiochus Theos, 622. suffers 
 himself to be deceived by Tryphon, who puts him to 
 death, ib. 
 Joseph, son of Jacob, i. 21. 
 
 Joseph, Onias's nephew, is sent into Egj-pt to make his 
 uncle's excuse to Ptolemy, ii. 367. his credit with Ptole- 
 my, ib. that prince gives him the farming of the revenues 
 of Ccele-syria and Palestine without security, ib. 
 
 Josephus corrected respecting Jaddus, ii. 113. N. name 
 of Jehovah, 524. N. . v, u . . 
 
 Josiah, king of Judah, marches against Nechao, is de. 
 feated, and dies of a wound recciv«i in battle, i. 29. 
 
GENERAL INDEX, 
 
 807 
 
 I Juba I. king of Mauritania, is conquered by Ccesar, and 
 
 kills himself, i. 116. 
 j Juba II. son of the former, is led in Csesar's triumph 
 I whilst an infant, i. 116. Augustus restores to him the do- 
 minions of his father, ib. literary works ascribed to this 
 prince, ib. 
 
 j Judas, called Maccaba?us, third son of Mattathias, is 
 I chosen general by his father against Antiochus Epiphanes, 
 I ii. 53^1<. gains several great victories over that prince's 
 generals, ib. &c. retakes the temple, and dedicates it anew 
 ! to the service of God, 5-27. gains new advantages over the 
 j generals of Antiochus Eupator, and over that prince in 
 person, 607. &c. repeated victories of Judas Maccabseus 
 [ over the generals of Demetrius Soter, 609, 610. he dies in 
 i battle, fighting valiantly, 613. survey o.f his successes with 
 remarks thereon, 607—610. N. 
 Judffia, region of Syria, called also Palestine, 1. xxx. 
 Judith, Jewess : her courage and boldness, i. 146. 
 Jugurtha, Masinissa's grandson, is adopted by Micipsa, 
 and associated with the other children of that prince, i. 
 1 113. seizes the kingdom of Numidia, and puts one of the 
 ; two princes, his brothers by adoption, to death, ib. attacks 
 I the second with open force, 114. besieges him in Cirtha, 
 ib. the Romans declare war against him, ib. Jugurtha frus- 
 trates their efforts several times by bribes, ib. the Romans 
 send Metellus first, and then Marius, against him, who 
 both gain many advantages over him, 1 15. &c. Jugurtha 
 has recourse to Bocchus his father-in-law, who gives him 
 up to the Romans, ib. he is led in triumph, 116. and after- 
 wards thrown into a deep dungeon, where he perishes 
 miserably, ib. 
 
 Julius is sent deputy by the Romans into Achaia, to 
 appease the troubles there, ii. 596. 
 
 , Jumjuma, a mound in the ruins of Babylon, described, 
 1. 183. N. 
 
 Junius, consul, is defeated at sea by the Carthaginians, 
 i. 63. 
 
 Jupiter Ammon, temple of, where situate, i. 208. N. 
 description of its extent and ruins, ib. different routes of 
 the Persians and Alexander thereto, 209. N. 
 
 Justice, the supreme of virtues, ii. 2. and the principal 
 support of regal authority, i. 486. 
 
 Juventius Thalna, (P.) Roman prjetor, marches against 
 Andriscus, ii. 595. is killed in a battle, ib. 
 
 K 
 
 Ka-rasu, and Hud, difFerent names of the same river, 
 i. 205. N. 
 
 Kastanlse, the ancient Castabala, ii. 92. N. 
 Kaufirs, account of the, ii. 284. N. 
 Kelat, mountain of, its great height, ii. 205. N. 
 Khabour, the river of, composed of two streams, tlie 
 Khabour and Hermas or Saocoras, now caUed Al-Huali, 
 
 i. 457, 464. N. see Araxes, and Euphrates. 
 Khaunts, or subterranean water courses in Afghanis- 
 tan, described, ii. 421. N. 
 
 Khoo, the Hindoo, see Caucasus. 
 
 Khowar, or Caspian straits, pass of, described, ii. 155. N. 
 
 Kingdoms : origin and progress of kingdoms from their 
 first institution, i. xxvi. 
 
 Kings. Princes. Qualities essential in a prince; sin- 
 cerity, truth, and faith to engagements, ii. 211. to know 
 how to own faults when they happen to commit them, 
 
 ii. 322. not to harbour envy and jealousy, nor open their 
 hearts to flattery, 321. in what a prince ought to endeavour 
 to distinguish himself from his subjects, 199. noble use 
 which he ought to make of his riches, ii. 326, &c a prince is 
 the sword and shield of his dominions, i. 221. the knowledge 
 of the heart of man is of great importance to a prince, ii. i 
 83. temperance is a very estimable virtue in a king, vices 
 odious in a prince, 169. 
 
 Kinnier corrected respecting the Physcus, i. 462. N. 
 the little Zab, ib. Nineveh, 463. N. Issus, ii. 98. N. Ker- 
 sus, ib. Pass of Bailan, ib. source of the Tigris, 121. N. 
 Seleucia, 295. N. Melus, 670. N. 
 
 Kir, part of Assyria, now called Upper Koordistaun, i. 
 1.3:3. N. . 
 
 Kizil Ozan, a Persian river, called Gozan in Scripture, 
 i. 134. N. See Mardus. 
 
 Kohistaun mountains, ii. 203. N. 
 
 Koordistaun, (see Assyria) its extent and subdivisions, 
 i. 123. N. character of its inhabitants, ib. their language, 
 124. N. remarks on its chiefs, ii. 714. N. 
 
 Kvoio;, remarks on the word, ii. 531. used by the Sep- 
 tuagmt as equivalent to Jehovah, ib. 
 
 Kutahiah, (anciently Cotyseum) a large city in Phrygia, 
 description of, L 455. N. its population, ib. 
 
 L 
 
 Labdalo?? : fort situated in the neighbourhood of Sy- 
 racuse, i. 41 y. 
 
 1 Laborosoarchod ascends the throne of AssjTia, and is 
 killed soon after, i. 141. bad inclinations and cruelty of 
 1 that prince, 165. 
 
 Labynitus. See Belshazzar. 
 5 Labyrinth of Egypt : description of it, i. 3. 
 
 Lacedaemon, or Sparta, city of PeloT)onnesus,. capital 
 i of Laconia. 
 
 , _ Lacedemonians or Spartans. — Kings of Lacedsemonia, 
 i i. 265. the Heraclidae seize Lacedemon, where two 
 ' brothers, Eurysthenes and Procles, reign jointly, ib. the 
 ! crown remains in those two famiUes, ib. the Lacedgemo- 
 I nians take Elos, and reduce the inhabitants of that city 
 i to the condition of slaves, under the name of Helots, i. 
 I XXXV. Lycurgus, legislator of Sparta, ib. war between 
 : the Lacedeemonians and Argives, ib. first war between 
 the Lacedemonians and Messenians, xxxvi. defeat of the I 
 Lacedcemonians near Ithome, ib. they take and destroy j 
 Ithome, and grant peace to the Messenians, xxxvii. se- ! 
 , cond war of the Lacedsemonians and Messenians, ib. the \ 
 Lacedemonians are defeated, ib. they demand a general ! 
 I of the Athenians, who give them Tyrteus, by profession i 
 I a poet, ib. by his verses he inspires them with courage, j 
 I and occasions their gaining a great victory, xxxix. the I 
 Lacedemonians subject the Messenians, and reduce them 
 
 i to the condition of Helots, ib. The Lacedemonians 
 
 I deliver Athens from the tyranny of the Pisistratide, i. 282. 
 they undertake to reinstate Hippias, son of Pisistratus, 
 but ineftectuaUy, 283. Darius sends to Sparta to demand ! 
 its submission, 313. the Spartan* put his heralds to death, 
 1 314. a ridiculous superstition prevents the Lacedemo- 
 nians from having a share in the battle of Marathon, ib. 
 1 the honour of commanding the Greeks is conceded to 
 them, 330. three hundred Spartans dispute the pass of 
 , Thermopyle with Xerxes, 332. battle of Salamis, in which 
 the Lacedemonians have a great share, 335. &c. honours 
 which they render Themistocles after the battle, 337. the 
 Lacedemonians, in conjunction with the Athenians, cut 
 the army of the Persians in pieces at the battle of Platee, 
 341. they defeat the Persian fleet at the same time near 
 Mycale, 344. they are desirous of preventing the Athen. 
 ians from rebuilding the walls of their city, 346. the 
 haughtiness of Pausanias occasions their losing the com- 
 mand, 348. they send deputies to Athens to accuse The- 
 mistocles as an accomplice in Pausanias's conspiracy, 349. 
 
 Earthquake at Sparta, 366. sedition of the Helots, 
 
 ib. seeds of division between Sparta and Athens, 367. 
 peace is re-established between the two states, ib. jealousy 
 and differences between the Lacedemonians and Athe- 
 nians, 372. treaty of peace for thirty years, 373. new 
 causes of complaint and dissension, ib. open rupture be- 
 tween Sparta and Athens, 375. Peloponnesian war, 386 
 &c. alUes of the Lacedemonians in that war, 387. they 
 ravage Attica, 388. Lacedemon has recourse to the Per- 
 sians, 392. its deputies are seized by the Athenians, car- 
 ried to Athens, and put to death, ib. Platee besieged 
 and taken by the Lacedemonians, 393. they abandon 
 Attica, to retake Pylos from the Athenians, 399. are 
 defeated at sea, ib. are shut up in the island of Sphac- 
 teria, ib. surrender at discretion, 400. expeditions of 
 the Lacedemonians into Thrace, 404. they take Am- 
 phipolis, ib. truce for a year between Sparta and Athens, 
 405. victory of the Lacedemonians over the Athe- 
 nians near Amphipolis, 406. treaty of peace between 
 
 the two states for fifty years, 407. The war renewed 
 
 between Sparta and Athens, 409. the Lacedemonians give 
 Alcibiades refuge, 418. by his advice they send Gylippus 
 to the aid of Syracuse, and fortify Decelia in Attica, 420. 
 the Lacedemonians conclude a treaty with Persia, 434. 
 their fleet is beaten by the Athenians near Cyzicum, 436! 
 they appoint Lysander admiral, 438. beat the Atheniaa 
 fleet near Ephesus, 439. Callicratidas succeeds Lysander, 
 440. defeat of the Lacedemonians near the Arginuse, 
 411. &c. they gain a famous victory over the Athenians 
 near .S^gospotamos, 445. take Athens, 446. and change 
 the form of its government, ib. decree of Sparta con- 
 cerning the use of the money which Lysander causes 
 to be carried thither, 447. infamous means which they 
 used for ridding themselves of Alcibiades, 450. inhuma- 
 nity of the Lacedemonians to the Athenians, who fled to 
 
 avoid the virulence of the thirty tyrants, 452, &c. The 
 
 Lacedemonians furnish Cyrus the younger with troops 
 against his brother Artaxerxes, 469. they chastise the 
 insolence of the inhabitants of Elis, 484. undertake, 
 with Agesilaus at their head, to restore the ancient liberty 
 of the Greeks of Asia, 486. expedition of the Lacedemo- 
 nians in Asia, 488. Sparta appoints Agesilaus generalis. 
 simo by sea and land, 489. league against the Lacedaemo. 
 nians, 491. they gain a great victory near Nem«a, 49^, 
 their fleet is defeated by Conon near Cnidos, 493. battle 
 gained by the Lacedemonians at Coronea, ib, conclude a 
 peace shameful for the Greeks with the Persians, 495. 
 declare war with the Olynthians, ii. 1. seize the citadel of 
 Thebes by fraud and violence, 2. receive the Olynthians 
 into the number of their allies, 3. Prosperity of Spar- 
 
808 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 ta, ib. the Lacedipmonians are compelled to quit the cita- wards Nicomede^, king of Bithj-nia, ib. part which he 
 
 del of Thebes, 6. form an inefFectual enterprise against makes her act at Rome before the senate, ib. 
 
 the PirEEeus, ib. are defeated near Teg^Ta, 8. declare war Laodicea, site and foundation of, ii. '291. N. 
 
 against the Thebans, ib. are defeated and put to flight at Laomedon, one of Alexander's captains : prorinces 
 
 Leuctra, 9, &c. the Thefcans ravage their country and which fell to him after that prince's death, ii. 234. is dis- 
 
 advance to the gates of Sparta, 11. the Lacedemonians possessed of them by Nicanor, who takes him prisoner. 
 
 Implore aid of the Athenians, 13. Sparta besieged by :^-:6. 
 
 Epaminondas, 18. battle of Mantinsea, in which the Lace- ' Laranda, city of Pisidia, revolts against Perdiccas, ii. 
 dffimonians are defeated, 25. the Lacedemonians send aid ^ 242. tragical end of that city, ib. 
 
 to Tachos, who had revolted against the Persians, ib. en- j Larissa, city of Thessaly, L 261. supposed to be the 
 terprise of the Lacedemonians against Megalopohs, 33. , birth-place of Achilles, ib. N. 
 
 they revolt against the Macedonians, 149. are defeated by | Lasthenes, chief magistrate of OljTithus, puts that citj 
 Antipater, ib. Alexander pardons them, ib.— Sparta be- | hito the hands of Philip, ii. 55. 
 
 sieged by Pyrrhus, 332. courage of the Spartan women I Lasthenes, of Crete, supplies Demetrius Nicator with 
 during that 'siege, ib. history of the Lacedemonians in , troops for ascending the throne of SjTia, ii. 619. his bal 
 the reign of Agis, 364. and in that of Cleomenes, 370. j conduct makes that prince commit many faults, 621. 
 Sparta falls into the hands of Antigonus Doson, 379. se- Lathyrus. See Ptolemy Lathyrus. 
 dition iri Sparta appeased by Philip, 394. Sparta joins the Laws. Origin and institution of laws, L 9. laws of the 
 
 I ^Etolians against that prince, 396. several actions between I Egyptians, 10. laws of Crete, 535. laws of Sparta, 267, and 
 
 i the Lacedemonians and Philip, 401. Sparta joins with the i 535. N. laws of Athens, 276. 
 
 1 .£tolians in the treaty with the Romans, 40S. Machanidas j Leaping : exercise amongst the Greeks, i. 571. 
 
 ] becomes tyrant of Sparta, ib. the Lacedemonians defeated \ Legion, Roman : soldiers of which it was composed, I 
 
 i by Philopcemen near Mantinea, 418. Xabis succeeds IMa- ; 84. 
 
 chanidas,. 419. his cruel treatment of the Lacedemonians, Legislators, famous ones of antiquity: Draco, i. 276. 
 ib. Quintius Flamininus besieges Sparta, 451. enterprise ! Solon, ib. Lycurgus, 267. Charondas, 384. Zaleucus, 385. 
 
 , of the ^Etolians against Sparta, 460. that city enters into j Lelex, first king of Lacedemonia, i. 265. 
 
 the Achean league, ib. the Spartans cruelly treated by j Lentiscus, son of Ptolemy, is taken prisoner by Deme- 
 tlieir exiles, 484. war between the Lacedemonians and , trius, and sent back to his father by that prince, ii. 268. 
 
 ! Acheans, 596. the Romans separate Sparta from the Lentulus is sent to Thebes by the Romans, to have an 
 
 i Achean league, ib. Political government of Sparta, | eye over Bceotia, during the war with Perseus, ii. 552. 
 
 ' i. 267, 533. abstract of the Spartan government, ib. love of [ Lentulus, consul, is ordered to reinstate Ptolemy Au- 
 povertv, 534. laws established by Minos in Crete, the , letes upon the throne, ii. 736. is prevented from executing 
 model 'of those of Sparta, 535. the senate, 268. gold and | that commission by a pretended oracle of the Sibyls, ib. 
 silver money banished at Sparta, ib. public meals, ib. j Leon, Corinthian, defends the citadel of Syracuse 
 education of children, 269. patience and constancy of tlie against Icetas and the Carthaginians, i. 621. 
 
 ' Spartan youth, 270. their most usual occupation, ib.obe- | Leon, Athenian, is sent deputy with Tiraagoras to the 
 dience to" which they were accustomed, 273. their respect j court of Persia, and accuses his colleague at his return, 
 towards the aged, ib. barbarous cruelty in respect to I ii. 14. 
 
 ■ children, 274, and 537. N. their mothers' inljumanity, ib. I Leonatus, one of Alexander's captains : provinces that 
 
 ; their excessive leisure, 275. their cruelty towards the fell to him after that prince's death, ii. 234. marches to 
 
 i Helots, ib. modesty and decency entirely neglected, ib. | the aid of Antipater, besieged in Lamia, 237. io killed in 
 
 I interesting note, containing strictures on their character, battle, ib. 
 
 ' and the tendency of their laws, ,535 — 537. they were en- i Leonidas, governor of Alexander, ii. 77. 
 
 j tirely a military people, 535. N. soldiers the only honour. Leonidas I. king of Sparta, defends the pass of Ther 
 
 I able profession, 536. mechanics despised, ib. agriculture j mopyle with unparalleled bravery against the mnumera- 
 abandoned to the Helots, ib. philosophy, poetry, and the ; ble army of Xerxes, i. 331. is killed there, 332. the Lace- 
 arts, prohibited among them, ib. their ignorance and | demonians erect to him a magnificent monument, ib. 
 
 ; ferocity, ib. Spartan women the most immodest in Greece, j Leonidas II. reigns at Sparta, jointly with Agis, ii. 364. 
 
 I and why, ib. attempts to vindicate them confuted, ib. opposes the designs of that prince, 365. is divested of the 
 
 i inhumanity of many of their laws and customs, ib. whip- j sovereignty, 367. escapes to Tegea, ib. is recalled, and re- | 
 
 ' ping of boys and women, ib. combats between boys and i placed upon the throne, 368. lays snares for Agis, 369. ' 
 
 I girls enjoined, ib. their cruelty to the Helots, 537. N. in. --^ - '~ "-'^ — 
 
 fanticide enjoined, ib. children taught thieving, ib. pohti. 
 cal discussion prohibited, ib. RoUin's character of them 
 
 I incorrect, ib. contrasted with the opinions of Goguet, and 
 
 i De Paw, ib. 
 
 j Lachares, Theban, commands a detachment of the 
 army of Ochus in that prince's expedition against Egj-pt, 
 I ii. 36. forms the siege of Pelusium, and takes it, ib. 
 
 Laconia, province of Peloponnesus, i. 260. 
 
 Lade, a small island over-against Miletus, i. 310. 
 
 Lais, famous courtesan, i. 418. 
 
 Laius, king of Thebes, his misfortunes, i. 265. 
 
 Lakes of Mceris, i. 4. 
 
 Lamachus is appointed general with Nicias and Alci- 
 biades, in the expedition of the Athenians against Sicily, 
 i. 413. his poverty makes him contemptible to the troops, 
 417. is killed at the siege of Syracuse, 421. 
 
 Lamia, courtesan to Demetrius : her enormous ex. 
 enses, ii. 277. pleasantry of a comic poet in respect to 
 er, ib. 
 
 Lamia, city of Thessaly, famous for the victory of the 
 Athenians over Antipater, ii. 237. 
 
 Lampsacus, (supposed to be the modern Lamsaki, or 
 Lepsick) described, ii. 84. N. 
 
 Lands : distribution of them instituted by Lycurgus at 
 Sparta, i. 268. reflections upon that partition, 272. 
 
 Laodice, wife of Antiochus Theos, is repudiated by 
 tliat prince, iL 346. Antiochus takes her again, 349. she 
 causes him to be poisoned, ib. and Seleucus Callinicus to 
 be decLired king in his stead, ib. she causes Berenice and 
 her sons to be put to death, ib. Ptolemy puts her to 
 death, 350. 
 
 Laodice, daughter of Mithridates, king of Pontus, mar- 
 ries Antiochus the Great, ii. 382. 
 
 Laodice, sister of Demetrius Soter, and widow of Per- 
 seus, king of Macedonia, is put to death by Ammoiiius, 
 favourite of Alexander Bala, ii. 617. 
 
 Laodice, widow of Ariarathes VI. acts as regent during 
 the minority of six princes, her children, ii. 627. poisons 
 five of them, and prepares to do the same by the sixth 
 ib. is put to death by the people, ib. 
 
 Laodice, sister of Mithridates Eupator, marries first 
 Ariarathes VII. king of Cappadocia, ii. 667. and after. 
 
 aim puis mm lu ut^aiii, lu. uuuges ijic «iic maL | 
 to marry his son Cleomejies, 370. death of Leonidas, 371. , 
 his character, 364. I 
 
 Leontides, polemarch of Thebes, puts the citadel of \ 
 that place into the hands of 'he Lacedemonians, ii. 2. im- ] 
 prisons Ismenias, who was Lis oppcnent, ib. senas persons ; 
 to Athens to assassinate the principal exiles, 4 Felopidas, 
 at the head of the conspirators, kills him, 5. 
 
 Leontium, a city of Sicily, i. 412. 
 
 Leontius, PhiUp's general, grossly insults Aratus at a 
 feast, ii. 401. is security for the fine laid on IMegaleas 
 upon the same account, ib. Phihp takes the command of 
 his troops from him, and puts him to death, 402, &c. 
 
 Leosthenes, Athenian, informs Athens of Alexander's 
 death, and animates them to throw oflF the Macedonian 
 yoke, ii. 236. is placed at the head of the Greeks leagued 
 against Antipater, ib. his glorious exploits, 237. receives 
 a v/ound at the siege of Lamia, ib. and dies soon 
 after, ib. 
 
 Leotychides, king of Lacedemonia, in conjunction with 
 Xantippus the Athenian, gains a famous victory over 
 the Persians near Mvcale, i. 344. 
 
 Leotychides, son of Timea, wife of Agis, passes for the 
 son of Alcibiades, and for that reason is excluded the 
 throne, i. 418. 
 
 Leptines, brother of Dionysius, is put to flight by the 
 Carthaginians, with the fleet under his command, i. 59(5. 
 is banished, 602. and soon after recalled, ib. is killed in a ] 
 battle, ib. j 
 
 Leptines kills Callippus, Dion's murderer, i. 616. I 
 
 Leptines tyrant of ApoUonia, surrenders himself to 
 Timoleon, who sends him to Corinth, i. 622. 
 
 Leptines, Syrian, kills Octavius the Roman ambassa- 
 dor, ii. 612. Demetrius delivers him up to the senate, 
 614. 
 
 Leptines, Syracusan, Hiero's father-in-law, ii. 670. 
 
 Lesbos, island of Greece, i. 261. revolt of that island 
 against the Athenians, 294. the Athenians reduce it to 
 its former obedience, 396. 
 
 Letters. Invention of letters brought into Greece by 
 Cadmus, L 24. 
 
 Leucon, king in the Bosphorus : mutual generosity l;e 
 tween that prince and the Athenians. iL -42. 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 809 
 
 Leuetra, small town of Bceotia, famous for the victory 
 of the Thebans over the Ijacedaimonians, ii. 9, &c. 
 I Levinus, Roman consul, defeated by Pyrrhus, ii. 325. 
 
 Levinus (M. Valerius) is sent into Greece and Mace- 
 donia, in quality of prcetor, to oppose the enterprises of 
 Philip, ii. 407. enemies whom he excites against that 
 prince, ib. &c. 
 
 Lewis XV. king of France. Glorious testimony which 
 that prince renders to the Frencli nation, ii. 486, &c. 
 ^Liha, (now Lobeid) enquiry respecting the site of, ii. 
 
 I Library. Famous libraries of antiquity; at Alexan- 
 dria, i. 9. at Athens, 281. 
 
 Libya, part of Africa, ii. 660. war of Libya, or of the 
 mercenaries, i. 65. 
 
 Libyssa, the village where Hannibal died, account of, 
 ii. 500. N. 
 
 Licinius, consul, is sent into Macedonia against Per- 
 sens, ii. 550. encamps near the river Peneus, 554. is de- 
 feated in a battle, 555, &c. and afterwards gains some ad. 
 vantages over Perseus, 557. 
 
 Licinius, (C.) the consul's brother, commands the 
 Italian cavalry in his brother's army, ii. 555. 
 
 Light-house of Alexandria, i. 9. 
 
 Ligoras, one of the generals of Antiochus the Great, 
 makes that prince master of the city of Sardis, iL 392. 
 Liguria, province of Italy, ii. 592. its inhabitants sub- 
 I jected to those of Marseilles, by the Romans, ib. 
 I Lilybffium, city of Sicily, besieged by the Romans, i. 
 62. 
 
 Lines of circumvallation and contravallation amongst 
 the ancients, i. 393. 
 
 I^ioness, or Leeena, name of a courtesan. Statue erect- 
 ed in honour of her by the Athenians, i. s;82. 
 
 Lissus, city of llJyria : siege and taking of that city by 
 Philip, ii. 407. 
 
 Livius, consul, is sent into Cisalpine Gaul, to oppose 
 the entrance of Asdrubal into Italy, i. 89. he defeats that 
 general in a great battle, ib. &c. 
 
 Livius, commander of the Roman fleet, his artful ad- 
 vice to iEmilius, ii. 469. N. 
 
 Loans, Law concerning them among the Egyptians, i. 
 11. in what manner such as lived by borrowing were con- 
 sidered amongst the Persians, 218. 
 
 Looristaun, a mountainous country inhabited by the 
 Cosszeans, ii. 216. N 
 
 ^^Lotus, an Egyptian plant of which they made bread, i. 
 
 Love. Care of the ancients to avoid admitting any 
 thmg into their dramatic poems relating to love, i. 581 
 Conjugal love, model of it, ii. 368. 
 I Lucretius, prfetor, commands the Roman fleet sent 
 against Perseus, ii. 552. besieges Haliartus, a city of 
 Bceotia, takes and demolishes it entirely, 5.57. 
 
 Lucullus commands the Roman fleet sent against Mith- 
 ridates, and gains two great victories over that prince, ii. 
 704. is elected consul, and charged with the war against 
 Mithridates, 707. obliges that prince to raise the siege of 
 Cyzicum, 708. and defeats his troops, ib. gains a complete 
 victory over him, 709. and obliges him to take refuge 
 with 'l igranes, king of Armenia, 710. sends an ambassa- 
 dor to demand Mithridates, ib. regulates the affairs of 
 Asia, ib. &c. declares war against ligrancs, 712. and 
 marches against him, 713. besieges '1 igranocerta, 714. 
 gams a great victory over Tigranes, 717. and takes 1'i- 
 granocerta, 718. gains a second victory over the joint 
 forces of Mithridates and Tigranes, 720. remarks on this, 
 717, 720, 721. N. his army refuses to obey him, ib. 724. 
 Pompey is sent to command in his stead, ib. Lucullus re- 
 turns to Rome, and receives the honour of a triumph, 
 726. his character, 724. means which he used for acquir- 
 mg the knowledge of the art of war, 704. 
 
 Lusitania, part of ancient Spain, i. 45. 
 
 Lutatius, consul, defeats the fleet of the Carthaginians, 
 and puts an end by that victory to the first Punic war, i 
 64, &c. 
 
 _ Luxury. Fatal effects of luxury amongst the ancients, 
 I. 241, &c. almost always attended with the ruin of states, 
 242. 
 
 Lycia, description of its coast, districts, mountains and 
 Doundaries, ii. 88. N. its cities, 89. N, origin of the Ly. 
 cians, 447. N. they are crueUy treated by the Rhodians, 
 481. N. 
 
 Lycidas, Athenian, votes for having the proposal of 
 Mardonius heard, i. 339. is stoned, ib. 
 
 Lyciscus, deputy from the Acarnanians, endeavours to 
 engage the Lacedasmonians in Philip's party, ii. 4^8. 
 
 Lyciscus, .a:tolian, is accused of having treated those 
 with great cruelty who would not espouse the cause of the 
 Romans against Perseus, ii, 587. P. .ffimilius acquits him, 
 ib. 
 
 Lycon, Athenian, commander of the Grecian troops in 
 the army of Pisuthnes, is brought into the views of Tis- 
 saphernes, whom he joins, i. 403. 
 
 Lycortas, Polybius's father, is sent ambassador by the 
 Achaeans to Ptolemy FJpiphanes, ii. 492. is elected general 
 of the Ach£eans, and avenges Philopa men's death, Ahi). ia 
 deputed a second time to Ptolemy, 503. 
 
 Lycurgus, son of Eunomus, king of Sparta, governs the 
 kingdom as guardian to Charilaus, his neiihew, i. 267. en- 
 deavours to reform the government of Sparta, and makes 
 several voyages with that view, ib. on his return lie 
 changes the form of the government, 268, &c. account of 
 his laws, 535 — 537. N. their tendency to promote inde- 
 cency, cruelty and immorality, ib. he goes to Delphi to 
 consult the oracle, and dies voluntarily by abstaining 
 from food, 271. reflections upon Lycurgus's death, ib. 
 
 Lycurgus, Spartan, bribes the Ephori, and causes 
 himself to be elected king of Sparta, ii. 396. Chilo's at. 
 tempt against him, 397. Lycurgus flies into Jitolia to es. 
 cape the Ephori, and is soon alter recalled, 403. 
 
 Lycus, or great Zab, river in Assyria, source and course 
 of, ii. 127. N. 
 
 Lydia, country of Asia Minor, i. xxx. kings of Lydia, 
 i. 148. it is subjected by Cyrus, 174. the manner in which 
 the Lydians contracted alliances, 147. 
 
 Lying : how much abhorred amongst the Persians, i. 
 218. 
 
 Lyncestes, Alexander, is convicted of a conspiracy 
 against Alexander the Great, and put to death, ii. 154. i 
 
 Lynceus, king of Argos, i. 264. [ 
 
 Lysander is appointed admiral by the Laceda?monians, 
 i. 438. he possesses great influence with Cyrus the 
 Younger, 439. beats the Athenian fleet near Ephesus, ib. 
 his envy of Callicratidas, who is sent to succeed him, 440. 
 he commands the fleet of the Lacedeemonians a second 
 time, 444. and gains a famous victory over the Athenians 
 at iEgospotamus, ib, &c. he takes Athens, 446, &c. and 
 entirely changes the form of the government, ib. returns [ 
 to Sparta, and sends thither before him all the gold and | 
 silver taken from the enemy, 447. is sent to Athens to re- | 
 establish the thirty tyrants, 452. strangely abuses his i 
 power, 453 suffers the Grecian cities in Asia Minor to ' 
 consecrate altars to him, ib. upon the complaint of Phar- [ 
 nabazus he is recalled to Sparta, 454. Lysander accom. 
 panics Agesilaus into Asia, 48G. he quarrels with him, 
 487. and returns to Sparta, ib. his ambitious designs for ' 
 changing the succession to the throne, ib. he is killed be- 
 fore Haliartus, which he was going to besiege, 491. some j 
 time after his death, the plot he had formed against the i 
 two kings is discovered, ib. Lysander's character, ib. &c. I 
 
 Lysaiider is elected one of the Ephori at Sparta ! 
 through the influence of Agis, ii. 366. he endeavours to ' 
 make the people receive the ordinances of that excellent 
 young king, ib. 
 
 Lysandra, Ptolemy's daughter, marries Agathocles, son ' 
 of Lysimachus, ii. 310. after the murder of her husband 
 she retires to Seleucus, and engages him to make war 
 against Lysimachus, ib. 
 
 Lysiades, tyrant of Megalopolis renounces his power 
 upon the remonstrances of Aratus, and makes his city 1 
 enter into the Achaaan league, ii. 364. the Achceans make i 
 him their captain-general fhree times successively, and 
 then expel him, ib. he is killed in battle, 371. j 
 
 Lysias, kinsman of Antiochus Epiphanes, is made go- 1 
 vernor by that prince of part of his dominions, and pre-- ! 
 ceptor to Antiochus Eupator, ii. 535. Antiochus gives him ' 
 the command of the army against the Jews, ib. he is de- 
 feated by Judas Maccabffius, 536. possesses himself of the i 
 regency during the minority of Antiochus Eupator, 606. ! 
 the government of Coelesyria and Palestine is given to : 
 him, ib. he is defeated by Judas Maccabaaus, 607. makes ' 
 peace with the Jews, 610. is delivered up to Demetrius ' 
 Soter, who puts him to death, 613. 
 
 Lysias, one of the Athenian generals, who defeated the | 
 Lacedemonians near the islands Arginusee, and at their i 
 return were condemned to die, i. 441. 443. j 
 
 Lysias, of Syracuse, a celebrated orator goes to settle at ' 
 Thurium, i. 384.. he raises 500 men to aid the Athenians 
 against the thirty tyrants, 452. offers an oration to So. ! 
 crates for his defence, 513. character of Lysias's style, ib. i 
 
 Lysicles commands the Athenian army at ChEeronea, 
 and is defeated by Philip, ii. 67. 
 
 Lysimachia, a city of I'hrace, ii. 447. 
 
 Lysimachus, one of Alexander's captains: provinces 
 which fell to him after Alexander's death, ii. 235. he en- 
 ters into a league with Ptolemy, Seleucus, and Cassander, 
 against Antigonus, 259. treaty of peace between those , 
 princes, which is immediately broken, 260. Lysimachus, ' 
 Ptolemy, Cassander, and Seleucus, enter into a confede- ! 
 racy against Antigonus and Dem.etrius, 277. they divide i 
 Alexander's empire amongst them, 279. alliance of Lvsi- 
 machus with Ptolemy, 290. he takes Macedonia from be- ■ 
 metrius, 297. and divides it with Pyrrhus, 298. obliges 1 
 Pyrrhus soon after to quit it, 299. marches against Seleu. 
 cus, gives him battle, and is killed, 311. i 
 
 Ly>imachus, Alexander's preceptor, accompanies tl'al 1 
 prince in his expeditions, ii. 106. f 
 
810 
 
 GENERAI. INDEX. 
 
 Lysistrala, comedy of Aristophanes ; extract from it, i, 
 582. 
 
 Maiidanis, an Inaian philosopher, refuses to foU«jw 
 Alexander in his train, ii. 194. _x * 
 
 Mandroclides, a voung Spartan, supports the party of 
 Lysander the Eph or us, through zeal for the public good, 
 
 "'Maiiethon, Egyptian priest, author of the history of 
 
 the Book of Maccabees, ii. 6Q7-610.^ N. proved romantic, j ^ynasto of Egji^^ i. 20. 
 incredible and contrad 
 
 Maccabees, ii. 532, &c. ,t ^ • i • ^ w, 
 
 Macedonia, Macedonians. Macedonia, kingdom 
 Greece i 261 origin of the Macedonians, 263. commence- 
 ment of their empire, 265. materiel of their armies, ii. 
 282 N origin of the figure of the goat in the royal stan- 
 dard 115. N. kings of Macedonia before Philip, 44, 4o, 
 and 115 N. reign of Philip, AG. and his son Alexander .9. 
 Alexander's successors who reigned in Macedonia, Cas- 
 eander, 280. Philip his son, 292. Demetrius Poliorcetes, 
 293 Pvrrhus, 297. Lysimachus, 299-. Seleucus, 31 1. Ptole- 
 my'Ceraunus, ib. Sosthenes, 313. Antigonus Gonatas, 318. 
 Demetrius, son of Antigonus, 351. Antigonus Doson, 3o7. 
 Philip, son of Demetrius, 379. Perseus, 515. Macedonia is 
 
 Maccabees. Etymology of the name and account of 
 the Book of Maccabees, f ^^'^T^^l^-J^-XZld^TTthe I "'MlniaTwife of Zenis; is continued in the government I 
 incredible and contradictory, 610. N. martyrdom of the /^f^^^f^^^ ^he death of her husband, and causes her. 
 
 TVf ^/>r>aV»0(3C n h.vA. A'C. . _ . ■. • i /«_ __ i J,.^*- ; AGO cVt-a ic !3CC51CC1 
 
 of- ' self to be admired for her conduct, i. 483. she is assassi- 
 nated with her son, by Midias, her son-in-law, ib. _ 
 
 Maiiilius (M.) consul, is sent against Carthage in the 
 beginning of the first Punic war, i. 103. 
 
 Manilius, tribune of the people, prepares a decree tor 
 appointing Pompey to command the armies against the 
 kings Mithridates and Tigranes, ii. 724. 
 
 Manius Curius, consul, gains a great victory over Pyr- 
 rhus, and obliges him to quit Italy, ii. 331. _ 
 
 IVIanius Aquilius, consul, terminates the war against 
 Aristonicus, ii. 627. and enters Rome in triumph, ik 
 Manlius (L.) is appointed consul with Regulus, i. 59. 
 
 on the conduct of the Romans towards them, 574—577. 
 N. historical view of Macedon, 282—285. N. 
 
 Machanidas becomes tyrant of Sparta, n. 408. endea. 
 vours to subject Peloponnesus, 417. Philopoemen marches 
 against him, ib. Machanidas is defeated and killed in 
 battle, 418. ^ ^, tt •• <■ 
 
 Madetes, governor of the country of the Uxu for 
 Darius, refuses to surrender to Alexander, ii. 130. that 
 prince subdues and forgives him, ib. 
 
 is recalled, ib. , • . 
 
 Mantinea, city of Arcadia, famous for the victory ol 
 Epaminondas over the Lacedeemonians, and for that of 
 Philopoemen over Machanidas, tyrant of Sparta, ii. 417. 
 
 Maracanda, the modern Samarcand, capital city of Sog- 
 diana, ii. 176. N. submits to Alexander, 163. 
 
 Marathon, small city of Attica, famous for the victory 
 of the Athenians over the Persians, i. 314. plain of Mara- 
 thon described, 316. N. remarkable tomb, sepulchral 
 monuments, and other relics, ib. site and extent of the 
 
 tenets, 237. N. their opposition to the Scriptures, ib. teu^ 
 dency to idolatry, 238. N. their similarity to the Hindoo 
 Bramins, 234. K 
 
 Magistrate. Duty of a magistrate, u. 690. 
 Magnesia, city of Caria, in Asia Minor, i. xxix. de. 
 scribed, ii. 476. N. Artaxerxes gives the revenues of that 
 city to Themistocles for his subsistence, i. 357. 
 
 Mago, Carthaginian general, is sent into Sicily to make 
 war against Dionysius the Elder, i. 596. after various 
 efforts he concludes a peace with that tyrant, 599. he loses 
 a great battle, and is killed in it, 5k , pp .y^^^^ 
 
 Mago, son of the former, commands the army of the i atiairs mere, lo, 
 
 = ^ ^tTe'wm aute ! agSst" Pe^seisril 558.' he sets' out from Rome, and ad- 
 
 he undertakes several expeditions in Sicily, 685. makes 
 himself master of Syracuse by means of his intelligence 
 in the city, ib. &c. abandons the city to be plundered, 687. 
 honours which he pays to the memory of Archimedes, ib. 
 Marcellus, at first as prstor, and afterwards as consul, 
 gains several advantages over Hannibal, i. 87. 
 ' Marcius (L ), Roman knight, preserves Spam to the 
 Romans by his valour, i. 88. 
 
 Marcius, ambassador of the Romans in Greece, has an. 
 interview with Perseus near the river Peneus, ii. 551. he 
 returns to Rome, 652. is sent again into Greece, to regulate 
 
 S^,^\rsi;^e^ira^aXr\h^^'^^i^str';,f : Pen^ and takes several cities there 
 
 Sicily, ib. returns to Carthage, and kills himself through 
 
 despair, ib. 
 
 Mago, Carthaginian general, is placed at the head of 
 the fleet sent to aid the Romans against Pyrrhus, i, 56. 
 he goes to Pyrrhus in order to sound his designs in respect 
 to Sicily, ib. 
 
 Mago, Hannibal's brother, carries to Carthage the 
 news of that general's victory over the Romans, at the 
 battle of Caimse, i. 86. 
 
 Mago, Carthaginian general, is taken prisoner in Sar- 
 dinia, i. 87. 
 
 Maharbal, Carthaginian oflRcer, endeavours to persuade 
 Hannibal to march directly to Rome after the battle of 
 Cannaj, i. 85. 
 
 Mahomet. Vulgar report concerning his tomb, ii. 298. 
 
 Malachi iii. 14—18. illustrated, ii. 582. N. 
 
 Malli, a people of India ; their war with Alexander, ii 
 198. they submit to that prince, 199. 
 
 Maltebrun, mistaken respecting Eerdasheer, ii. 205. N. 
 Hamaden, ib. strictures on his geographical compilation, 
 220. N. 
 
 Mamaceni, a Sogdian tribe, account of, ii. 178. N. 
 
 Mamertines, people originally of Italy : they seize Mes- 
 sina, a city of Sicily, i. 57. they are defeated by Pyrrhus 
 
 329. a division arises amongst them, which occasion 
 the first Punic war, i. 57. 
 
 Man. "Wherein the science of knowing mankind con 
 sists, i. 476. men are the same in all ages, 477. 
 
 Manasseh, king of Judah, is put in chains by the gene 
 rals of Esar-haddon, and carried captive to Babylon, i 
 138. he obtains his hberty, and returns to Jerusalem, io. 
 
 M mcinus (L.) the consul Piso's lieutenant, engage- 
 rabhly in a post, from whence Scipio happily extricates 
 hiui, i. 106. 
 
 aiandane, daughter of Astyages king of the Medes 
 g vcn in marriage to Cambyses, king of Persia, i. 148. H'" 
 ^ves '0 Media, and carries her son Cyrus with her, and 
 •ctiirns into Persia, 157. 
 
 559, &c. . . 
 
 Mardi, or Mardians, the name of a tribe near the river 
 Mardus, and an appellation common in Persia to most 
 mountain tribes, i. 134. N. ii. 155, 353. N. 
 
 Mardus, or Amardus, the ancient name of a river in 
 the north of Persia, called in Scripture Gozan, now Kizil 
 Ozan, i. 134. N. . . 
 
 Mardonius, son-in-law of Darius, enters Macedonia 
 with an army, i. 311. his ill success obliges Darius to recall 
 him, ib. he gives Xerxes flattering counsels which induce 
 him to invade Greece, 321. Xerxes chooses him one of his 
 generals, 328. that prince leaves him with a numerous, 
 army to reduce Greece, 337. he causes very advantageous 
 offers to be made to the Athenians, which are rejected, 
 339. enters Athens, and burns what had escaped when 
 piUaged the year before, m is defeated, and killed at the 
 battle of Plata^a?, 341. 
 Mare of Phidolas, i. 575. 
 
 Mariamne, grand-daughter of Aristobulus, marries 
 Herod the lduma?an, ii. 652. 
 
 Marius, lieutenant under Metellus, supplants that gene- 
 ral, and causes himself to be appointed general for termi- 
 nating the war with Jugurtha in his stead, i. 115. gets 
 Jugurtha into his hands, and makes him serve as an orna- 
 ment of his triumph, 116. ■ ^ 
 
 Marius (M.), Roman senator, is sent by Sertorius to the 
 aid of Mithridates, ii. 707. is taken by Lucullus and put 
 to death, 709. ^ ^, , ^ , 
 
 Marmarians, a people of Lycia, attack the rear of Alex- 
 ander's army, ii. 87. N. their fortress being invested by 
 Alexander, they burn their houses with their wives and 
 children, and force their way through the Macedonian 
 
 ^™iaronaDa, city of Thrace. Cruel treatment of its in. 
 habitants by Philip, ii. 496. • ... ^ , + a»i.„„* 
 
 Marriages. Laws concerning them instituted at Athens 
 %nd Sparta, i. 278. 
 
 Marsala, see Lilybaeum. 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 811 
 
 Mai se lles, inhabitants of. Their embassy to Rome, ii. 
 I t>92. origin of the people of Marseilles, 593. they settle 
 i in Gaul, ib. wisdom of their government, ib. their at- 
 tachment to tlie Romans, 594 they obtain from the Ro- 
 mans the pardon of Phocaa, which had been condemned 
 to be destroyed, 627. 
 
 Marmorice, bay and town of, described, ii. MQ. N. 
 Martyropolis, site of, ii. 1:^0. N. 
 Marzawan, the ancient Phazemon, ii. C96. N. 
 Masinissa, king of Numidia, espouses the party of the 
 Romans against the Carthaginians, i. 100. he marries fco- 
 phonisba, and is soon obliged to send her poison, ib. 
 contests between Masinissa, and the Carthaginians, ib. 
 he defeats them in a battle, 102. dies, and at his death 
 appoints Scipio iEmilianus guardian ot his children, 106. 
 
 Masistes, son of Darius and Atossa, is one of the six 
 commanders of the army of Xerxes, i. 328. tragical death 
 I of Masistes and his children, S-iS, &c. 
 I Massaga, city of India, besieged and taken by Alexan- 
 I der, ii. 181. 
 
 j Massiva, Numidian prince, is murdered in the midst of 
 j Rome by Jugurtha's orders, i. 114. 
 
 j Mastanabal, Masinissa's son, shares the kingdom of 
 I Numidia with his two brothers, after the death of theic 
 i father, i. 113. 
 
 j Matho, in concert with Spendius, causes the mercena- 
 ; ties to revolt agahist the Carthaginians, i. 66. he is placed 
 j at their head, ib. takes Hannibal prisoner, and causes 
 ; him to be hanged up in the room of Spendius, 67. he is 
 j taken by the Carthaginians, who execute him, 68. 
 I Mattaniah is placed upon the throne of Judah in the 
 i room of his nephew Jechonias, i. 139. 
 
 Mattathias, Jew, of the sacerdotal race, refuses to obey 
 i the ordinances of Antiochus, ii. 531. he retires with his 
 ; family into the mountains, to avoid the persecution, 532. 
 
 death of Mattathias, 531. 
 I Matter and Mind, critical discussion on, 1. 523. N. men 
 j prone to deify matter, ib. 
 
 I Mausolus, king of Caria, enters into a conspiracy 
 I against Artaxerxes, ii. 26. he subjects the Rhodians, and 
 i the people of Cos, 33. his death, ib. honours paid to his 
 I memory by Artemisia his wife, ib. 
 
 Mazceus, governor of Memphis for Darius, abandons 
 
 that city to Alexander, ii. 117. he commands the horse 
 I in the army of Darius at the battle of Arbela, 126. sur- 
 ; renders himself, and the city of Babylon, to Alexander, 
 
 128. that prince gives him the government of Babylonia, ib. 
 Mazaca, see Caesaria. 
 
 Mazanderan mountains, height of, ii. 161. N. see Hyr- 
 cania. 
 
 i Mazarus, a Macedonian lord, is appointed governor of 
 I the citadel of Susa, by Alexander, ii. 129. 
 I Meals : pubUc ones instituted at Crete and Sparta, i. 
 j 268. 
 
 Mecaenas, favourite of Augustus, and patron of the 
 \ learned, i. 381. 
 
 Medea, her means to escape the pursuit of her father, ii. 
 709. 
 
 Medes, ancient people of Asia, inhabiting Media, i. 141. 
 
 I history of the kingdom of the Medes and Persians united, 
 176. revolt of the Medes against Darius Nothus, i. 404. 
 
 j that prince obhges them to return to their duty, ib. man- 
 ners of the Medes, 156. manner in which they contracted 
 alliances, 147. 
 
 Media, kingdom of Upper or Greater Asia, i. xxix. de- 
 scription of that kingdom by Poly bi us, ii. 420. its extent 
 and boundaries, 141. N. 
 
 Medicine. Origin and antiquity of medicines, i. 230. 
 
 Medon, son of Codrus, is placed at the head of the 
 commonwealth of Athens, under the title of Archon, i. 
 265. 
 
 Megabates, a Persian nobleman, occasions the failure of 
 the enterprise of the Persians against Naxos through jea- 
 lousy of Aristagoras, i. 308. 
 
 Megabyzus, governor of Thrace for Darius, occa- 
 sions the permission that prince had given Hystiaus 
 to builQ a city in Thrace to be revoked, i. 306. he 
 sends deputies to demand earth and water of Amyntas, 
 ib. insolence of those deputies at the court of Amyntas, 
 and revenge taken on them by the sons of that prince, ib. 
 
 Megabyzus, son of Zopyrus, is one of the six generals 
 of the army of Xerxes, i. 328. he discovers the plot form- 
 ed by Artabanes against Artaxerxes, 353. is charged 
 by that prince with the war against the revolted Egyp- 
 tians, 361. subjects the Egyptians, and promises to spare 
 their lives, ib. Megabyzus, in despair on seeing the Egyp- 
 tians put to death, contrary to the faith of the treaty, re- 
 volts against Artaxerxes, 362. he defeats two armies sent 
 against him by that prince, ib. is restored to favour, and 
 returns to court, ib. Artaxerxes' jealousy of Megabyzus 
 at a hunting-match, ib. death of Megabyzus, ib. 
 
 Megacles, son of Alcmaeon, puts himself at the head of 
 one of the factions that divided Athens in Solon's time, i. 
 ^9. his marriage with Agarista, daughter of Clisthenes, 
 
 I ib. he drives Pisistratus out of Athens, and soon after re- 
 calls him, 280. is obliged to quit Athens, ib. 
 
 Megacles, friend of Pyrrhus, ii. 324. that prince in a 
 battle gives his mantle and arms to Megacles, and dis- 
 guises himself in his, 325. Megacles is wounded and un- 
 horsed in the battle, ib. 
 
 Megadates is appointed viceroy of Syria by Tigranes, 
 .and governs that kingdom fourteen years, ii. 638. ligranes 
 recalls him from thence, 720. 
 
 Megaleas, Philip's general, devotes himself entirely to 
 Apelles, that prince's minister, ii. 3L'9. he insults Aratus, 
 in concert with Leontius, at tlie breaking up of a feast, I 
 401. Phih mprisons him, and then sets him at liberty 
 upon giving security, ib. his bad designs against Philip 
 are discovered, 403. he kills himself to avoid a trial, and 
 execution of sentence upon him, ib. 
 
 Megaiopolis, city of Arcadia, ii. 33. Aratus makes it 
 enter into the Achcean league, 364. 
 
 Megara, city of Achaia, its foundation, i. 266. that city 
 enters into the Achasan league, ii. 362. 
 
 Megasthenes, ambassador of Seleucus, account of hi3 ' 
 journal, ii. 287. N. j 
 
 Megistones, Lacedaemonian captain, is sent by Cleo- I 
 menes to the aid of Argos, and is killed fighting in that : 
 city, ii. 374. i 
 
 Melas, river, its course, &c. ii. 669. N. \ 
 
 Melitus, Athenian orator, accuses Socrates, i. 512. suc- 
 cess of that accusation, 515. he is condemned to die, ib. 
 
 Melon, Theban, is appointed Boeotarch with Pelojiidas 
 and Charon, ii. 6. 
 
 Memnis, or Memmium, now Korkor Baba. site of. 
 ii. 128. N. ' 
 
 Memnon, Rhodian, recovers the favour of Ochus, 
 againrst whom he had taken arms, ii. 37. he endeavours to 
 prevent Darius's generals from fighting the battle of the , 
 Granicus, 84. throws himself into Miletus, and defends I 
 that place against Alexander, 87. defends the city of Ha- | 
 licarnassus against that prince, ib. transports the inhabi- : 
 tants of that city to the island of Cos, ib. advises Darius ! 
 to carry the war into Macedonia, 90. that prince gives the j 
 execution of that enterprise to him, and makes him gene- 
 ralissimo, ib. Memnon besieges Mitylene, and dies before 
 that place, ib. 
 
 Memnon. Memnon's statue in Thebais. "Wonders re- 
 lated of it, i. 2. 
 
 Memphis, city of Egypt: its foundation, i. 21. taking 
 of that city by Cambyscs, 207. and afterwards by Alex- 
 ander, ii. 1 17. 
 
 Memphitis, son of Physcon and Cleopatra, is murdered 
 by his father, cut in pieces, and sent to his mother, ii. ' 
 630. j 
 
 Menander, Athenian, is made colleague to Nicias, who 1 
 had the comm.and in Sicily, i. 424. he forces that general j 
 to engage in a sea-fight, in which he is worsted, 425. is | 
 partly the cause of the defeat of the Athenians near 
 jEgospotamos, 445. 
 
 Menander, comic poet, change which he introduced in 
 comedy, i. 584. 
 
 Menander, one of Alexander's captams : provinces that I 
 feU to him after that prince's death, ii. 235. | 
 
 Mendes, city of Egypt, ii. 25. a prince of that city dis- | 
 putes the crown with Nectanebus, ib. he is defeated and j 
 taken prisoner by Agesilaus, 26. | 
 
 Menecrates, ridiculous vanity of that physician, ii. 72. i 
 
 Menelaus, Ptolemy's brother, is defeated by Demetrius, ! 
 and obliged to retire into Salamis, ii. 268. he surrenders < 
 himself at discretion to Demetrius, who sends him to his 
 brother without ransom, ib. j 
 
 Menelaus supplants Jason his brother, high-priest of the | 
 Jews, and obtains his otHce, ii. 519. Jason drives him out 
 of Jerusalem, 520. Antiochus reinstates him in the high- 
 priesthood, 521. 
 
 Menes, or Misraim, first king of Egypt, i. 21. 
 
 Menon commands the Ihessalian tioops of Cyrus's 
 army in that prince's expedition against his brother Ar- 
 taxerxes, i. 469. lissaphernes seizes him with the other 
 Greek generals, by treachery, and puts him to death, 476. 
 Menon 's character, 477. 
 
 Menostanes, nephew to Artaxerxes Longimanus, is de = 
 feated and put to flight by Megabyzus, i. 362. 
 
 Mentor, Rhodian, is sent by Nectanebus into Phcenicia 
 to support the rebels there, ii. 35. is confounded on the 
 approach of Ochus, 36. puts the city of Sidon into that 
 prince's hands, ib. Ochus gives him the command of a 
 detachment of his army against Egypt, ib. Mentor's ac- ' 
 j tions in Egypt, ib. Ochus makes him governor of all the ( 
 coast of Asia, and declares him generalissimo of all the 
 troops on that side, 37. Mentor's conduct in his govern- ! 
 ment, ib. 
 
 I Menyllus commands the Macedonian garrison, which 
 Antipater puts into Munychia, ii. 239. Cassander takes 
 
 j the command of that fortress from him, 247. 
 
 j Mercenaries. War of the mercenaries ag.dnst the Car- 
 thaginians, i. 65. 
 
812 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Mercury, Eg>T)tian, to whom Egypt was indebted for 
 the invention of almost all the arts, i. 22. 
 
 Mericus, Spaniard, delivers up one of the gates of Syra- 
 cuse to Marcellus in the night, ii. 687. 
 
 Mermnadffi, race of the kings of Lydia, i. 149. 
 Merodach-Baladan, king of Babylon, sends ambassadors 
 to Hezekiah, to congratulate him upon the recovery of 
 his health, i. 132. 
 
 IMeroe, daughter of Cyrus, becomes -n-ife of her brother 
 Cambyses, i. 210. tragical death of that princess, ib. 
 Meroe, a town half way between Syene and Abyssinia, 
 \ i. 207. N. etjTiion of its name uncertain, ib. its ruins near 
 Shendy, ib. 
 Mesopotamia, account of, ii. 661. N. 
 Messabates, eunuch, cuts off the head and hand of Cyrus 
 the Younger by order of Artaxerxes, L 472. pimishment 
 inflicted on hini by Parj'satis, 482. 
 
 ^Messengers, or letter-carriers, established by the Uni- 
 versity of Paris, i. 220. 
 
 Messenia, a country of Peloponnesus, L xxxvi. 
 Messenians. First war between the Messenians and 
 Lacedaemonians, i. xxxvi. the Messenians defeat the 
 army of the Lacedsraonians near Ithome, ib., &c. they 
 submit to the Lacedemonians, xxxvii. second war be- 
 tween the jMessenians and Lacedemonians, xxxviii. the 
 1 Messenians are at first victorious, ib. then defeated, xxxix. 
 i are reduced to the condition of the Helots, ib. are reinstat- 
 I ed bv the Thebans, iL 12. troubles between the Messenians 
 i and 'Achceans, 498. the Messenians put Fhilopoemen to 
 : death, 499. are subjected by the Achisans, ib. fault of the 
 j Messenians, which occasioned all their misfortunes, 12, 
 Messina, or Messana, city of Sicily, i. 4(3. 
 Metellus (L), consul, is charged with the war against 
 Jugurtha, i. 115. is supplanted by Marius, ib. enters Home 
 ; in triumph, ib. 
 
 Metellus (Q. Cfficilius), Roman prstor, defeats Andris- 
 j cus, ii. 596. and sends him prisoner to Rome, ib. reduces 
 ( another adventurer named Alexander, ib. 
 ' Methone, city of Thrace, destroyed by Philip, ii. 51. 
 I Methon, astronomer, counterfeits the madman, and 
 j wherefore, i. 411. 
 
 j Metrodorus, of Scepsis, goes ambassador for Mithridates 
 1 to Tigranes, iL 713. Mithridates puts him to death, ib. 
 i Metrodorus, painter and philosopher, is given to Paulus 
 ' iEmiUus by the Athenians for a tutor to his sons, il 573. 
 i Micipsa succeeds his father Masinissa in the kingdom 
 of Numidia, i. 113. adopts Jugurtha his nephew, and 
 makes him co-heir with the rest of his children, ib. Mi- 
 cipsa's death, ib. 
 
 Micythus, guardian of the children of Anaxilaus. Pru- 
 dence of his administration, i. 3S2. 
 i Midias, son-in-law of Mania, assassinates his rnother- 
 ' h:-law and her son, in order to possess himself of her 
 riches and government, L 4S3. is deprived of them by 
 i Dercvllidas, ib. 
 
 ' Miletus, citv of Ionia, its site uncertain, ii. 86. N. be- 
 i sieged and taken by the Persians, i. 310. N. cruelties 
 I exercised by] Lyander at INIiletus, 453. Miletus besieged 
 I and taken by Alexander, ii. 66. 
 
 Milo of Crotona, famous athleta, defeats the army of 
 \ the Sybarites, and destroys their city, i. S84. extraordinary 
 j strengch of that combatant, SS6. his voracity, ib. his 
 I death, ib. 
 
 j Miltiades, Athenian, tjTant of the Thracian Chersone- 
 , sus, accompanies Darius in his expedition against the 
 ; Scythians, and is of opinion that satisfaction ought to be 
 ! made to them, i. 305. an irruption of the Scythians into 
 Thrace obliges him to abandon the Chersonesus, whither 
 ! he returns soon after, 30o. settles at Athens, 312. com- 
 [ mands the army of the Athenians, and gains a famous 
 victory at Marathon over the Persians, 315, &c. moderate 
 reward given him by the Athenians, 317. sets out with a 
 fleet to reduce the revolted islands, and has ill success in 
 the isle of Paros, 318. is cited to take his trial, and has a 
 great fine laid upon him, ib. not being able to pay it, he is 
 put in prison, and dies there, ib. 
 
 ;\Iiltocythes, Thracian, abandons the Greeks after the 
 battle of Cunaxa, and surrenders himself to Artaxerxes, 
 L 174. 
 
 3Iina, Greek money : its value, i. 547. 
 \ , :Mind and matter, critical discussion on, i. 523. N. 
 I :Mindarus, Spartan admiral, is defeated and killed in 
 i b.ittle by Alcibiades, i. 4;)6. * 
 
 Minerva, goddess, i. 558. famous feast at Athens in 
 honour of her, ib. • 
 
 Mines. The product of mines was the principal riches 
 of the ancients, i. SB. 
 I Minister. AV'ise lessons for a minister, I 270. 
 
 Minos, fiist king of Crete, i. 536. laws instituted by him 
 in his kingdom, 537, &c. hatred of the Athenians for 
 Minos, 539. cause of that hatred, 540. 
 
 Minucius (Marcus) is appointed master of the horse to 
 Fabius, i. 82. gains a slight advantage over the Cartha- 
 ginians, in that dictator's absence, 83. the .people give 
 
 him equal authority with the dictator, ib. he engages with 
 disadvantage, out of which Fabius extricates him, 84. 
 acknowledges his fault, and returns to his obedience, ib. 
 is killed at the battle of Canns, 85. 
 
 Miracles, considerations respecting, ii. 319, 520. N. 
 credulity of the Fathers, 32] . N. authors on that subject, ib. 
 
 Misael, one of the three young Hebrews preserved mi- 
 raculously in the furnace, i. 139. 
 
 IVIisraina. See Menes. 
 
 Mithras, name given to the sun by the Persians, i. 450. 
 
 Mithridates 1., king of Pontus, i. xliv. that prince sub- 
 mits to Alexander, and accompanies him in his expedi- 
 tions, ii. 87. 
 
 Mithridates II., king of Pontus, flies to avoid the rage 
 of Antigonus, i. xliv. 
 
 Mithridates III., king of Pontus, adds Cappadocia and 
 Paphlagonia to his dominions, i xliv. 
 
 Mithridates IV., king of Pontus, i. xliv. 
 
 Mithridates V , surnamed Euergetes, king of Pontus, 
 aids the Romans against the Carthaginians, i. xliv. the 
 Romans reward him with Phrjgia Major, ii. 627. death of 
 Mithridates, 631. 
 
 Mithridates YL, surnamed Eupator, ascends the throne 
 of Pontus. i. xliv. extent of his dominions, ii. 693. N. the 
 Romans take Phrygia from him, 696. he possesses himself 
 of Cappadocia and Bithynia, after having expelled their 
 kings, ib., &c. gives his daughter in marriage to Tigranes, 
 king of Armenia, 698. open rupture between Mithridates 
 and the Romans, ib. that prince gams some advantages 
 over the Romans, ib. causes all the Romans and Itahans 
 in Asia Minor to be massacred in one day, 699. makes 
 himself master of Athens, 700. two of his generals are de- 
 feated by Sylla, 702. and himself by Fimbria, 703. his fleet 
 is also twice beaten, ib. has an interview with Sylla, and 
 concludes a peace with the Romans, 705. second war of 
 the Romans with Mithridates, under Murena, 706. it 
 
 subsists only three years, ib. Mithridates makes a 
 
 treaty with Sertorius', 707. prepares to renew the war 
 with the Romans, ib. seizes Paphlagonia and BithjTiia, 
 ib. the Romans send Lucullus and Cotta against him, ib. 
 Mithridates defeats Cotta by sea and land, ib. forms the 
 siege of Cyzicum, 708. Lucullus obliges him to raise it, 
 and defeats his troops, ib. Mithridates takes the field to 
 oppose the progress of Lucullus, 709. is entirely defeated, 
 and obliged to fly, ib. sends orders to his sisters and wives 
 to die, 710. retires to Tigranes, his son-in-law, ib. Ti- 
 granes sends him back into Pontus to raise troops, 713. 
 Mithridates endeavours to console Tigranes after his 
 defeat, 718. those two princes apyJy in concert to raising 
 new forces, 719. they are defeated by Lucullus, 720. re- 
 marks on this defeat, 721. N. Mithridates, taking ad- 
 vantage of the misunderstanding in tne Roman army, 
 recovers all his dominions, 538, 539. is defeated on several 
 occasions by Pompey, 145. endeavours in vain to find an 
 asvlum with Tigranes, his son-in-law, 546. retires into 
 the Bosphorus, 547. puts his son Xiphares to death, 548. 
 makes proposals of peace to Pompey, which are rejected, 
 549. forms the design of attacking the Romans in Italy, 
 549. Pharnaces makes the army revolt against Mithri- 
 dates, who kills himself, ib. character of Mithridates, 550. 
 
 Mithridates 1., king of the Parthians, defeats Deme- 
 trius, and takes him prisoner, ii. 623. carries that prince 
 hito his kingdom, and gives him his daughter Rhodoguna 
 in marriage, 624. 
 
 Mithridates II., surnamed the Great, ascends tlie 
 throne of Parthia after the death of his uncle Artabanes, 
 ii. 630. re-establishes Antiochus Eusebes, M-ho had taken 
 refuge with him, in his dominions, 637. sends an ambas- 
 sador to Svlla, to make an alhance with the Romans, 698. 
 death of Mithridates, 65a 
 
 Mithridates 111. ascends the throne of Parthia after the 
 de th of Phraates, ii. 654. Orodes his brother dethrones 
 and puts him to death, ib. 
 
 Mithridates, a young Persian lord, boasts of having 
 given Cyrus the Younger his mortal wound, i. 472. Pary- 
 satis causes him to be put to death, 482. 
 
 Mithridates, eunuch, and great chamberlain of Xerxes, 
 makes himself an accomplice in the murder of that 
 prince, i. 353. is put to death by the pmiishment of the 
 troughs, 355. 
 
 Mithridates of Pergamus marches with troops to the 
 aid of Cffisar in Egvpt, ii. 741. 
 
 Mithrobarzanes,'favourite of Tigranes, is sent against 
 LucuUus by that prince, iL 7 13. himself and his troops 
 are cut to pieces, ib. 
 
 Mitylene, capital of the ible of Lesbos, L 262. that city 
 taken bv the Athenians, 396. 
 
 Mnas'ippus is sent with a fleet by the Lacedaemonians 
 to retake Corcyra from the Athenians, iL 7. is killed ui a 
 battle, ib. 
 
 Mnaskires, king of the Parthians, iL 654. 
 Mnevis, name of the ox adored in Egypt, i. 8. 
 Modesty : traces of it amongst the ancients, i. 149. it 
 was absolutely neglected at Sparta, 275. 
 
GENF.IIAL INDEX. 
 
 813 
 
 Mams, king of Egypt, i. 21. famous lake made by 
 him, 4, 
 
 Molo is made governor of Media by Antiochus the 
 Great, iL 383. he makes himself sovereign in his province, 
 I ib. Antiochus defeats him in a battle, ib. kills himself in 
 
 despair, ib. see 384. N. 
 [ Moloch, name given to Saturn in Scripture, i. 34. 
 
 Monarchy. Original design of monarchy, i. 14'2. mo- 
 I narchical the best form of government, 213. 
 j Monima of Ionia : Mithridates carries her with him in 
 I his train, ii. 699. she marries that prince, 710. tragical death 
 of that princess, ib. 
 
 Monuments erected by the ancients to those who died 
 for their country, i. 317. what kind of monuments the 
 j most durable, 368. 
 
 I Mosul, a city near the site of ancient Nineveh, i. 147. 
 
 ; N. its population, 148. N. 
 
 i Mosynoecians, account of the, ii. 696,697. N. 
 
 j Motya, city of Sicily, i. 46. 
 
 Mountains, modes of ascertaining the height of, ii. 
 512. N. 
 
 Mukallibe, mound of ruins at Babvlon, supposed to 
 have been the temple of Belus, described, i. 184, N. 
 Mukran, or Mekran, see Gedrosia. 
 Mummies of Egj^pt, i. 14. 
 
 Mummius, consul is charged with the war in Achaia, 
 li. 597. defeats the Achseans, 598. takes Corinth, and en- 
 tirely demolishes it, ib. preserves the statues erected in 
 honour of Philopoemen, 599. noble disinterestedness of 
 Mummius, ib enters Rome in triumph, 600. goes on an 
 embassy into Egypt, Asia, Syria, and Greece, 585. 
 
 Murena commands the left wing of SvUa's army at the 
 battle of ChjEronea, ii. 702. Sylla, on setting out for Rome, 
 leaves him the government of Asia, 706. makes war 
 i against Mithridates, ib. and is defeated, ib. receives the 
 Uonour of a triumph at Rome, ib. 
 
 Murviedro, a city of Spain, formerly Saguntum, 1. 70. N. 
 
 Musgeum : academy of the learned, instituted under 
 that name at Alexandria, iL 301. description of the build- 
 ing called Rlusaeum, 302. 
 
 Music : to what perfection it was carried by the an- 
 cients, i. 2^9. the Greeks considered it as an essential 
 , part of the education of youth, 547. prizes of music at 
 i the feast of Panathensea, 558. 
 
 I Musicanus, Indian prince : subjected by Alexander, ii. 
 
 200. his territories described, 204. N. 
 I Mycale, promontory of the continent of Asia, famous 
 I for the victory of the Greeks over the Persians, i. 344. 
 I Mycenae, city of Peloponnesus, i. 264. kings of Mycenje, 
 I ib. 
 
 I Mycerinus, king of Egypt, i. 25. mildne-ss of hi? reign, 
 ib 
 
 Myriandrus, anciently a large city, now extinct, and 
 why, i. 457. N. 
 
 Myron, Athenian sculptor, i. .'')71. 
 
 Myronides, general of the Athenians, defeats the Spar- 
 tans near Tanagra in Boeotia, i. 367. 
 
 Myrto, supposed second wife of Socrates, from whom 
 he had m.uch to suffer, i. 506. 
 
 Mycellus, general of the Achaans, founder of Crotonia, 
 i. 384. 
 
 Mysteries. Feasts of the less and greater mysteries 
 celebrated at Athens, in honour of Ceres Eleusina, i. 560. 
 
 N. 
 
 Naharzanes, general of the horse in the army of 
 Darius, in conjunction with Bessus, betrays that prince, 
 ii. 143, &c. retires into Hyrcania, 147. surrenders himself 
 to Alexander upon his promise, 150. 
 
 Nabis makes himself tyrant of Sparta, ii. 419. instances 
 of his avarice and cruelty, ib. Philip puts Argos into his 
 hands by way of deposit, 437. Nabis declares for the 
 Romans against that prince, 438. the Romans declare war 
 against him, 449. Q. Flamininus marches against him, 450. 
 besieges him in Sparta, ib. obliges him to sue for peace, 
 451. and grants it to him, ib. Nabis breaks the treaty, 456. is 
 defeated by Philopcemen, 458. and obliged to shut himself 
 up in Sparta, ib. he is killed, 460. 
 
 Nabonassar, or Belesis, king of Babylon, i. 132. 
 
 Nabupolassar, king of Babylon, joins with Cyaxares, 
 king of Media, besieges Nineveh, and entirely ruins that 
 city, i. 138. associates his son Nabuchodonosor with him 
 in the empire, and sends him at the head of an army 
 against Nechao, ib. Nabopolassar's death, 139. 
 
 Nabuchodonosor I., or Saosduchinus, king of Nineveh, 
 1. 138. that prince is attacked by Phraortes king of the 
 Medes, 145. defeats him in the plain of Ragau, ravages 
 his dominions, and puts him to death, 146. sends Holo- 
 phernes with a powerful army to revenge him upon the I 
 people who had refused him aid, ib. entire defeat of his | 
 army, ib. I 
 
 Nabuchodonosor II., is associated in the empire of : 
 
 Assyria, by Nabopolassar, i. 138. defeats Nechao, and { 
 conquers Syria and Palestine, ib. besieges Jerusalem, j 
 makes himself master of it, and carries away a groat ' 
 number of Jews captive to Babylon, ib. Nabuchodonosor's t : 
 first dream, 139. that prince marches against Jerusalem. | 
 takes it, and carries away all its treasures, ib. defeats the 
 army of Pharaoh king of Egypt, returns to Jerusalem, 
 and demolishes its fortifications, ib. causes himself to be 
 adored as a god, ib. besieges Tyre, and takes it after a long 
 siege, 140. Nabuchodonosor's second dream, ib. is reduced 
 to the condition of beasts, he recovers his former shape, : 
 ib. and ascends the throne, ib. dies, ib. j 
 
 Nahar Sares of Ptolemy, probably the canal of Pallaco- 
 pas, ii. 219. N. 
 
 Napata, the capital of queen Candace, now called £1- 
 Bellal, i. 207. N. 
 
 Naphtha, kind of bitumen, very combustible, ii. 128. 
 
 Naravasus, Numidian lord, joins Barca in the war with 
 the mercenaries, i. 66. 
 
 Navy, naval affairs of the ancients, i. 5.52. 
 
 Naupactum, city of ^tolia, i. 260. besieged by Acilius, 
 ii. 465. I 
 
 Naxus, island, one of the Cyclades, i. 307. description of 
 it, 307. N. its extent, physical aspect and mineralogy, ib. 
 sedition at Naxus, which occasions the revolt of the loui- 
 ans against Darius, ib. 
 
 Neapolis, quarter of the city of Syracuse so called, i. 
 419. 
 
 Nearchus, officer of Alexander, undertakes to view the 
 coast, from the Indus to the bottom of the Persian gulf, 
 ii. 201. succeeds in his enterprise, 208. 
 
 Nechao, king of Egypt, i. 28. undertakes to open a 
 communication between the Nile and the Red Sea, ib. 
 able navigators by his order undertake to sail round 
 Africa, and happily effect it, ib. Nechao marches against i 
 the Babylonians and Medes, to put a stop to their progress, 
 ib. defeats Josiah, king of Judah, who opposed his march, 
 29. beats the Babylonians, takes Carchemis, and returns 
 into his kingdom, ib. on his way he passes through Jeru- 
 salem, deprives Jehoaz of the crown, and gives it to Jehoi- ! 
 akim, ib. is conquered by Nabuchodonosor, who retakes | j 
 Carchemis, ib. death of Nechao, ib. I 
 
 Nectanebus is placed by the revolted Egyptians upon j 
 the throne of Egypt in the room of Tachos, ii. 25. is sup- j 
 ported by Agcsilaus, ib. by his aid he reduces the party of | 
 the prince of Mendes, ib. not being able to defend him- 
 self against Ochus, he escapes into Ethiopia, from whence 
 he never returns, 37. 
 
 Nehemiah, Jew, cupbearer of Artaxerxes, obtains per- j 
 mission of that prince to return to Jerusalem, and to re- j 
 build its fortifications, i, 363, &c. acquits himself of his 
 commission with incredible zeal, ib. ! 
 
 Neleus of Scepsis, to whom Theophrastus had left the 
 works of Aristotle, ii. 705. 
 
 Nemffia : games instituted near that city, i. 567. 
 
 Neolas, brother of Molo and Alexander, brings the 
 latter the news of Molo's defeat by Antiochus, and then j 
 kills himself through despair, ii. 383. [ 
 
 Neoptolemus, one of Alexander's captains : provinces i 
 that fell to him after the death of that prince, ii. 234. joins ' 
 Antipater and Craterus against Perdiccas and Eumenes, 
 2-13. marches witn Craterus against the latter, ib. and is 
 killed in a battle, 244. character of Neoptolemus, 243. i 
 
 Neoptolernus, uncle of Pyrrhus, reigns in Epirus in his ' 
 nephew's place, i. xliv. Pyrrhus causes him to be de- 
 throned, xlv. 
 
 Neoptolemus, Greek poet, ii. 71. 
 
 Neriglissor puts himself at the head of a conspiracy 
 against Evilmerodach, king of Assyria, and reigns in his I 
 stead, i 141. makes war against the Medes, and is killed j 
 m a battle, 163. 
 
 Nero (C. Claudius), consul, quits his province and ' 
 makes haste to join his colleague, in order to attack 
 Asdrubal in conjunction with him, i. SO. 
 
 Nevius, Roman officer, surprises Philip's camp near 
 Apollonia in the night, ii. 40G. 
 
 Nicasa, city built by Alexander at the place where he 
 had defeated Porus, ii. 185. 
 
 Nicander is deputed by the .SStolians to Philip, ii. 456. 
 endeavours to engage that prince to join Antiochus 
 against the Romans, ib. Philip's remarkable speech to him, 
 466. N. 
 
 Nicanor, young officer in Alexander's army : rash 
 boldness which costs him his life, ii. 182. 
 
 Nicanor, Cassander's brother, is put to death by order of 
 Olympias, ii. 216. 
 
 Nicanor, governor of Media under Antiochus, is sur. 
 prised in his camp in the night by Seleucus, and obliged 
 to fly, ii. 262. is killed in a battle, 269. 
 
 Nicanor, officer of Seleucus Ceraunus, conspires against 
 that prince and poisons him, ii. 381. is put to death by 
 Achaeus, ib. 
 
 Nicanor, lieutenant-general of Antiochus Epiphane^ 
 marches against the Jews, and is defeated by Judas Mat 
 
814 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 cabeeus, ii. 535, &c. Demetrius Soter sends him with an 
 army into Judtea to assist Alcimus, 613. is defeated by 
 Judas Maccabeeus, and is killed in battle, lb. 
 
 Nicephorium, where situate, ii. 122. N. 
 
 Nicephorius, or Centrites, course of, ii. 715. N. 
 
 Nicias, general of the Athenians, makes them conclude 
 a peace with the Lacedemonians, i. 407. opposes the war 
 of Sicily In vain, 413. is appointed general with Lamachus 
 and Alcibiades, ib. his conduct on arriving in Sicily, 416. 
 after some expeditions he forms the siege of Syracuse, 
 419. the city is reduced to extremities, 421. the arrival of 
 Gylippus changes the face of affairs, 422. Nicias writes to 
 the Athenians to state his condition, and to demand re- 
 inforceirient, 423. two colleagues are appointed him, 424. 
 is compelled by his colleagues to engage in a sea-fight, in 
 which he is defeated, 425. his land-army is also defeated, 
 426. he hazards another sea-fight in concert with Demos- 
 thenes, and is again defeated, 427. determines to retire 
 by land, ib. is reduced to surrender at discretion, 430. is 
 condemned to die, and executed, 431. 
 
 Nicias, treasurer to Perseus, throws the treasures of 
 that prince into the sea by his order, ii, 560. Perseus puts 
 him to death, ib. 
 
 Nicocles, son of Evagoras, reigns at Salamis after his 
 father's death, ii. 22. 
 
 Nicocles, king of Paphos, submits to Ptolemy, ii. 260. 
 makes an alliance secretly with Antigonus, ib. kills him- 
 self, ib. 
 
 Nicocles, tyrant of Sicyon, is driven out of that city by 
 Aratus, ii. 359, &c. 
 
 Nicogenes, in whose house Themistocles resides at 
 >aDg£e, supplies his guest with the means of going to the 
 court of Persia in safety, i. 356. 
 
 Nicolaus, one of Ptolemy's generals, refuses to desert 
 with Theodotus, and continues to adhere to Ptolemy, ii. 
 387, &c. 
 
 Nicolaus, a venerable old man, harangues the Syracu- 
 sans, to dissuade them from condemning the Athenian 
 generals, i. 430. 
 
 Nicomedes I., king of Bithynia, i. xliii. 
 
 Nicomedes II., son of Prusias, king of Bithjrnia, goes to 
 Rome, ii. 592. kills his father, who had given orders for 
 murdering him, and reigns in his stead, ib. sets up a child 
 under the name of Ariarathes, and causes the kingdom of 
 Cappadocia to be demanded for him of the Romans, 
 697. his death, 698. 
 
 Nicomedes III. ascends the throne of Bithynia, ii. 698. 
 is dethroned by Mithridates, ib. the Romans reinstate 
 him, ib. is again expelled by Mithridates, 699. Sylla re- 
 conciles him and Mithridates, who restores him his 
 dominions, 705. Nicomedes, in gratitude for the services 
 of the Romans, at his death leaves the Roman people his 
 heirs, 707, 
 
 Nicomedia, description and present state of, ii. 338. N. 
 
 Nicostratus of Argos commands one of the detachments 
 of Ochus's army in that prince's expedition into Egypt, ii. 
 36. 
 
 Nicostratus, prstor of the Acheeans, defeats the troops 
 of Androsthenes, who commanded for Philip at Corinth, 
 ii. 441. 
 
 Nilffius, son of Codrus, settles in Asia Minor, i. 266. 
 
 Nile, river of Africa, its sources, i. 5. cataracts of the 
 Nile, ib. causes of its inundation, ib. time that its inunda- 
 tion continues, ib. measure or depth of its inundation, 6. 
 canals of the Nile, ib. fertility occasioned by the Nile, ib. 
 double prospect occasioned by the Nile, 7. canal of com- 
 munication between the two seas by the Nile, ib. 
 
 Nimrod, founder of the Assyrian empire, i. 117. this 
 opinion controverted, 119. N. history confounds him with 
 his son Ninus, 120. Scripture places him very near Abra- 
 ham ; for what reason, 125. 
 
 Nineveh, city of Assyria, its foundation, i. 124. not 
 built by Nimrod, but by Assnr, 118. N. description of that 
 city, 125. kings of Nineveh, ib., &c. destruction of that 
 city, 147. descrintion of its ruins, 147. N. tomb of the 
 prophet Jonah, ih. palace of Nineveh, ib. 
 
 Ninus, king of Assvria, succeeds Nimrod, and is often 
 confounded with that prince, i. 125. builds Nineveh, ib. his 
 expedition against the Bactrians, ib, marries Semiramis, 
 and has a son by her, ib. dies soon after, ib. his .supposed 
 monument, 147. N. 
 
 Ninyas, son of Ninus and Semiramis, reigns in Assyria, 
 
 i. 130. effeminacy and indolence of that prince, 131. 
 Nisaea, city and plain of, enquiry respecting, ii. 355. N. 
 Nisibis, the ancient Zobah, description and history of, 
 
 ii. 722, 723. N. 
 
 Nitocris, queen of Babylon, i. 141. inscription which 
 the causes to be put upon her tomb, ib. 
 No-Amon, famous city of Egj-pt, i. 27. 
 NobUity. Wherein true nobility consists, iL 258. 
 Nomi, or governments, of Egypt, i. 1. 
 Nubian temples, antiquity of, i. 209. N, 
 Numidians, people of Africa, i. 56. their principal force 
 'Oiisisted in cavalrv, 100, 
 
 Nypsius, general of Dionysius the Younger, relieves 
 the citadel of Syracuse closely besieged by the Syracu 
 sans, i. 613. burns and plunders part of the city of Syra- 
 cuse, 614. Dionysius drives him out of Syracuse, of which 
 he had made himself master, 618. 
 
 Nysa, nurse of Bacchus, ii, 306, 
 
 Nysa, sister of Mithridates, falls into the hands of Lu- 
 cuUus, ii. 710. 
 
 O 
 
 Oarus, the river, not the Don, but the Wolga, i. 303. 
 N. called by the ancients, the Rha, and also the Araxes, 
 lb. 
 
 Obedience : model of it in the education of the Spartan 
 youth, i, 273. means necessary to be used for obtaining 
 voluntary obedience, 158. 
 
 Obelisks of Egypt, i. 2. 
 
 Ocha, sister of Ochus, is buried alive by order of that 
 prince, ii. 29. 
 
 Ochus takes the name of Darius, for having put a stop 
 to the insolence of Smerdis the Magian, i. 290, See Da. 
 rius I. 
 
 Ochus, son of Artaxerxes Longimanus, marches at the 
 head of a great army against Sogdianus, i. 402. gets that 
 prince into his hands and puts him to death, ib., &c. 
 ascends the throne of Persia, and changes his name from 
 Ochus to Darius, 403. See Darius Nothus. 
 
 Ochus, son of Artaxerxes Mnemon, opens his way to 
 the empire by the murder of his brothers, ii. 27. ascends 
 the throne of Persia, and takes the name of Artaxerxes, 
 29. cruelties which he commits, ib. his successful expedi- 
 tions against Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Egypt, 35. after those 
 expeditions he abandons himself to pleasures, 37. is poi- 
 soned by Bagoas, ib. 
 
 Octavia, widow of MarceEus, and sister of young 
 Czesar, marries Antony, ii. 745. leaves Rome to go to 
 Antony, and arrives at Athens, 746. Antony forbids her 
 to come any farther, ib. returns to Rome, ib. affront 
 which she receives from Antony, 748. 
 
 Octavius (Cn.) prEetor, commands the Roman fleet 
 against Perseus, ii. 562, &c. means which he uses to make 
 that prince quit the island of Samothracia, which was 
 deemed a sacred and inviolable asylum, 570. Perseus puts 
 himself into his hands, 571. Octavius receives the honoui 
 of a triumph, 579, The Romans send him to Syria as am- 
 tassador, C07. is murdered there, 612. the senate erect a 
 statue to him, ib. 
 
 Octavius, Crassus's lieutenant, endeavours in vain to 
 console him for his defeat, ii. 659. accompanies that gene 
 ral in his interview with Surena, 661. is kiUed in defend- 
 ing him, 662. 
 
 Odeon, or theatre of music at Athens, i. 370. 
 
 Oebares, Darius's groom, by his address secures the I 
 crown of Persia to his master, i. 213. i 
 
 Oebazus, Persian lord, barbarous cruelty of Darius to j 
 wards him, i, 302, j 
 
 CEconomy, It is one of the principal constituents of \ 
 political abiUty, i. 371. j 
 
 Olthaces, king of Colchis, is subdued by Fcmpey, who j 
 makes him serve as an ornament in his triumph, ii. 734. j 
 
 Olympia, castle in the neighbourhood of Syracuse, i 
 419. 
 
 Olympiads. Epocha of the Olympiads, i. 211, t 
 
 Olympias, daughter of Neoptolemus, is married to | 
 PhiUp, king of Macedonia, and has by that prince Alexan. 
 der the Great, ii. 48. Philip repudiates her, 70. Alexander 
 carries her to Epirus, ib. Polysperchon recalls her from 
 Epirus, whither she had retired during Antipater's re 
 gency, and divides the government with her, 247. Olym- 
 pias causes Arideeus, and his wife Eurydice, to be put to 
 death, 253, Cassander besieges her in Pydna, whither she 
 had retired, takes her prisoner, and puts her to death, ib. 
 
 Olympic. Solemn games of Greece, i. 567. ladies ad- 
 mitted to them, 574. 
 
 Olympus (Chimeera), a Lycian mountain, description 
 of, 11. 447. N. 
 
 Olynthus, city of Thrace, ii. 1. the Lacedsemonians de- 
 clare war against it, ib. it is compelled to surrender, 3. : 
 Olynthus, upon the point of being besieged by Philip, i 
 implores the aid of the Athenians, 53. Philip makes him- | 
 self master of that city by the treason of two of its citi. j 
 zens, and plunders it, 55. I 
 
 Omiras, critical discussion respecting the, i. 466. N. j 
 mistake of Rennel, ib. ! 
 
 Onesicritus, philosopher and historian : Alexander de- i 
 putes him to the Brachmans, to engage them to join in | 
 liis train, ii. ISS. tan prevail upon none of them to do so, i 
 except Calanus, 195. 
 
 Onesimus, Macedonian lord, not being able to dissuade 
 Perseus from making war with the Romans, quits his 
 partv, and retires to Rome, ii. 561. , 
 
 Onias, son of Jaddus, high-priest of the Jews, succeeds ; 
 , his father, ii. 245. his death, 285. 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 815 
 
 Onias, high-priest of the Jews, makes himself venerable 
 for his piety, ii. 516. refuses Helicdorus the treasures 
 kept in the temple of Jerusalem, ib., &c. is deposed by 
 the intrigues of Jason his brother, 518. his death, 519. 
 
 Onias, son of the former, having failed of the high- 
 priesthood, retires into Egypt, ii. 615. builds a temple 
 there for the Jews,ib., &c. Rollin's application of Isaiah's 
 prediction to him, examined and confuted, 615—620. N. 
 
 Onomarchus, brother of Philomelus, general of the 
 Phocseans, takes upon him the command of the troops in 
 his stead, ii. 51. is defeated by Philip, and killed in the 
 battle, ib. his body is fastened to a gibbet, ib. 
 
 Onomastes, governor of Thrace for PhUip, executes 
 the cruel decree of that prince against the people of 
 Maronzea, ii. 496. 
 
 Ophelias, governor of Libya and Cyrenaica, revolts 
 against Ptolemy, and renders himself independent, ii. 264.. 
 suffers himself to be seduced by Agathocles, and carries 
 him troops into the country of the Carthaginians, i. 55. 
 Agathocles puts him to death, 56. 
 
 Opis, a large city on the Physcus, various opinions of 
 Its site, i. 462. N. 
 
 Oppius, Roman proconsul, marches against Mitliridates, 
 and is taken prisoner, ii. 699. 
 
 Oracles : famous ones of antiquity, i. 563. of Dodona, 
 ib. of Trophonius in Bceotia, ib. of the Branchids, ib. of 
 Claros, ib. of Delphi, ib. usual character of oracles, 661. 
 whether they are to be ascribed to the operation of devils, 
 or the knavery of men, 565, 
 j Orations : funeral orations pronounced in Greece over 
 the tombs of those who had died fighting for their coun- 
 try, i. 399. 
 
 Orator : quality most essential to an orator, ii. 39, 40. 
 
 Orchesti-a, part of the theatre of the ancients, i. 585.' 
 
 Orchomenus, part of Boeotia, where the battle between 
 Sylla and Archelaus was fought, ii. 703. 
 ! Ordu, the ancient Cotyora, notice of, ii. 696. N. 
 I Orestes, son and successor of Agamemnon, king of 
 Mycena, i. 264. 
 
 Orestes, Roman commissary, goes to Corinth, and noti- 
 fies to the Achfeans the decree of the senate for separat- 
 ing several cities from their league, ii. 696. flies to escape 
 the violence of the people, ib. 
 
 Oretes, governor of Asia Minor for Cambyses, puts 
 Polycrates to death, and seizes the island of Samos, i. 210 
 Darius puts him to death, 291. 
 
 Oriental monarchs, their lofty titles, i. 214. N. oriental 
 architecture overrated by Rollin, 228. N. oriental armies, 
 remarks on, ii. 281. N. oriental romances respecting Cau- 
 casus, 161—163. oriental geography, specimen of modern 
 Ignorance of, 384. N. 
 
 Oroandcs, of Crete, promises Perseus to receive him 
 into bis ship, and embarks part of the riches of that 
 prince, ii. 571. runs away with those treasures, ib. 
 
 Orobazus is sent ambassador to Sylla by Arsaces, king 
 of Parthia, to make an alliance with the Romans, ii. 698. 
 Arsaces puts him to death at his return, ib. 
 
 Orodes, king of Parthia, ii. 6.54. war of that prince with 
 the Romans under Crassus, ib. Orodes, jealous of the 
 glory Surena had acquired by the defeat of Crassus, pu<-s 
 him to death, 663. grief of that prince for the death of 
 Ins son Pacorus, 663. chooses Phraates for his successor, 
 who causes him to be put to death, ib. 
 
 Oromasdes, divinity worshipped by the Persians, i. 236. 
 
 Orontes, son-in-law of Artaxerxes Mnemon, commands 
 the land-army of that prince in the war against Evagoras, 
 i. 498. accuses Tiribazus falsely, ib. terminates the war 
 with Evagoras by a treaty of peace, ib. Artaxerxes 
 punishes him for his false accusation, 500. 
 
 Orontes, governor of Mysia, joins with the provinces of 
 Asia Minor in their revolt against Artaxerxes Mnemon, 
 and then betrays them, ii. 26. 
 
 Orontes, a mountain in Media, see Alwend. 
 
 Orontes, the largest river in Syria, source of, ii. 106. N, 
 
 Orphans : Charondas's law in favour of them, i. 385. 
 
 Orsaces, an old general, accompanies Pacorus in his 
 expedition by order of Orodes, ii. 663. is killed in a battle, 
 ib. 
 
 Orsines, governor of Pasargada, reestablishes good 
 order throughout the whole province, ii. 210. goes to meet 
 Alexander with magnificent presents, ib. is put to death 
 in consequence of the secret intrigues of the eurmch 
 Bagoas, 211. see remarks on RolUn's rxcountof this, 211. 
 
 Orthia. Inhuman worship rendered by the LacedEs- 
 monians to Diana, surnamed Orthia, i. 438. 
 
 Ortygia, i.sland near Syracuse, i. 418. 
 
 Oseler, probably the ancient Issus, ii. 98. N. 
 
 Ctsiris, Persian lord, marches at the head of an army 
 against Megabyzus, i. 362. is defeated and taken prisoner, 
 lb. Megabyzus generously sends him back to Artaxerxes, 
 ib. 
 
 Osmunjik, the ancient Pimolis, ii. 696. N. 
 Ostanes, chief of the Magi, accompanies Xerxes in his 
 exiicdition against Greece, i. 344. 
 
 Ostracism, a kind of sentence amongst the Athenians, 
 by which persons were condemned to banishment, i. 318, 
 the banishment of Hyperbolus puts an end to the ostra- 
 cism, 410. 
 
 Osymandias, king of Egypt, i. 21. magnificent edifices 
 which he caused to be erected, ib. famous library formed 
 by tliat prince, ib. his tombs surrounded with a circle of I 
 gold, which Cambyses afterwards took away, ib. 
 
 Otanes, Persian lord, discovers the imposture of Smer- 
 dis the Magian, by the means of his daughter, i. 212. 
 forms a conspiracy against that usurper, ib. re-establishes 
 Syloson, tyrant of Samos, 2i)4. 
 
 Othryades, Laceda;monian, obtains the victory for the 
 Lacedaemonians over the Argives by his valour, i. xxxvL 
 kills himself upon the field of battle, ib. 
 
 Oxathres, brother of Darius, distinguishes himself in 
 the battle of Issus, ii. 99. Alexander puts Bessus into his 
 hands, to inflict upon that traitor the punishment he de- 
 served, 163. 
 
 Oxus, (wow Jihoon) the river, its source and course, ii. 
 174—176. N. 
 
 Oxyartes, Persian prince, entertains Alexander in his 
 house, and gives him his daughter Roxana in marriage, 
 
 Oxycani, who and where situate, ii. 204. N. 
 
 OxydraccB, people of India, ii. 198. their capital be 
 sieged and taken by Alexander, ib. they submit to that 
 prince, 199. 
 
 Oxyrinchus, city of the Lower Thebias, i. 14. wonder 
 related of that city by the Abbe Fleury in his Ecclesias- 
 tical History, ibid. 
 
 P. 
 
 Pacortjs, son of Orodes, king of tne Parthians, enters 
 Syria at the head of an army, and besieges Antioch, ii. 
 663. raises the siege of that city, and is defeated in a 
 battle, ib. returns into Syria, and is defeated and killed in 
 a battle, 664. 
 
 Palm wine, what, i. 461. N. method of making, 462. N. 
 
 Psedaretus, Lacedemonian : his love of his country, L 
 270. ^' 
 
 Pagan. Definition of a Pagan by Tertullian, i. 358, 
 See Paganism. 
 
 Paganism. General reflections upon paganism, i. 657. 
 &c. absurdities of paganism, 562. what the highest per- 
 fection to be expected from it was, i. 385. extinction of it 
 in Egypt, ii. 304. N. 
 
 Palamedos, tragedy written bv Euripides on the occasion 
 of the death of Socrates, i. 529. 
 
 Palestine, province of Syria, i. xxx. 
 
 Palestra?, public schools in which the athletae exercised 
 themselves in wrestling, i. 569. 
 
 Palibothra, site of, ii. 286. N. 
 
 Palica, city of Sicily, near which there was a temple 
 famous for the sanctity of the oaths taken there, i. 382. 
 
 Palisades, difFerence of those used by the Greeks ? .d 
 Romans in fortifying their camps, i. 438. 
 
 Pallacopas, canal and lake of, enquiry respecting them, 
 ii. 218. N. repairedby Alexander andhissuccessors,219. N. 
 
 Panier, ridge of, its extent and direction, ii. 176. N. 
 
 Pammenes commands the troops sent by the Thebans 
 to the aid of Artabazus, and occasions his gaining tw(j 
 considerable victories, ii. 30. 
 
 Pammenes, Athenian general, marches to the aid of 
 the city of Megalopolis, besieged by the Lacedcemonians. 
 ii. 33, 'I 
 
 Pamphylia, province of Asia Minor, i. xxx. its extent i 
 and boundaries, ii, 446, N. origin of the Pamphylians. I 
 447. N. 
 
 Panathenjea, festival celebrated at Athens, i. 558. 
 
 Pancratium, kind of combat amongst the ancients, i. ! 
 570. ' j 
 
 Pansetius, Stoic philosopher : he accompanies Scipio in ■ 
 his embassy to the kings of the East, ii. 626. I 
 
 Pantauchus, Perseus's ambassador to Gentius, engages ! 
 that prince in his master's interest against the Bon.ans, I 
 ii. 565. 
 
 Panthea, wife of Abradates, is taken prisoner by Cyrus, I 
 i. 164, conduct of that prince in regard to her, ib. she j 
 brings over her husband to Cyrus, 165. her discourse with 
 him before he sets out for the battle, 170. the excess of 
 her grief upon the death of Abradates, 172. she stabs her- 
 self with a dagger, and falls dead upon her husband, ib. 
 
 Paphlagonia, province of Asia Minor, i. xxix. 
 
 Fapira, mother of the second Scipio Africaniis: mag- 
 nificent liberality of Scipio in regard to her, i. 111. 
 
 Papyrus, plant of Egypt : description of it, i. 18. 
 
 Paralus, last of the legitimate children of Pcricle.«, dies 
 of the plague, i. 391. 
 
 Parasanga, measure of distance peculiar to the Persi- 
 ans, i. 481. 
 
 Parchment : invention of parchment, i. 18. 
 Paris, Trojan, ieturning home with Helen, whom he 
 had carried oif, is driven hy a tempest into one of the , j 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 mouths of the Nile, i. 24. Proteus, king of Egypt, obliges I 
 him to leave Helen with him, and to quit Egypt, ib. Pans 
 returns to Troy, ib. . , u 
 
 Parmenio, one of Alexander's generals, is placed at the 
 head of the infantry in the expedition of that prince 
 against the Persians, and does him great service, ii. 83. 
 seizes the pass of Syria, and makes himself master of the 
 small city of Issus, 95. rapidity of his march to Damascus, 
 102. N. Alexander confides the treasures laid up in Damas- 
 cus, and the keeping of the prisoners to him, 102. Par- 
 menio advises that prince to accept Darius's offers, 112. 
 surprise of Parmenio, on seeing Alexander prostrate 
 himself before the high-priest Jaddus, 113. Alexander 
 causes him to be killed as an accomplice in the conspi- 
 racy of Philotas, 154. eulogy of Parmenio, ib. 
 
 Pannys, daughter of the true Smerdis, marries Darius, 
 
 i. 2>)0. 
 
 Paropamisus, country of, noticed, ii. 158. N. 
 
 Parricide. Reasons that prevented Solon from making 
 any law against that crime, i. '279. 
 
 Partheniee, name given to the illegitimate children of 
 the Lacedcemonians : when grown up, they banish them- 
 selves from Sparta, and settle at Tarentum in Italy, i. 
 XXX vi. 
 
 Parthenon, temple of Minerva at Athens, i. 369. 
 Parthia, country of the Parthlans, province of Upper 
 Asia, i. xxix. beginning of the empire of the Parthians, 
 
 ii. 653. kings of Parthia from Arsaces I. to Orodes, ib. and 
 356. N. enquiry respecting their name and origin, 341, 
 312, 315. N. remarks on their armies, 280, 281, 285. N. 
 military customs, 343. N. their original settlement and 
 progressive conquests, 343, 344. N. number of their cities 
 and villages, 345. N. their kings compared with their pre- 
 decessors, and with the successors of Seleucus, 356. N. 
 
 Paryadres range, description of the, ii. 695. N. 
 
 Parysatis, sister and wife of Darius Nothus, i. 403. her 
 influence over her husband, ib. extreme fondness of Pary- 
 satis for her son Cyrus, ib. obtains pardon of Artaxerxes 
 for that son, and causes him to be sent back to his govern- 
 ment, 448. cruelty and jealousy of Parysatis, 482. poisons 
 Statira, ib. Artaxerxes confines her in Babylon, 483. 
 
 Pasargada, city of Persia, submits to Alexander, ii. 
 210. see note 135. 
 
 Patarbemis, officer of Apries, not having been able to 
 seize Amasis in the midst of the revolted Egyptians, is 
 treated in the most cruel manner by that prince, i. 30. 
 
 Patisithes, chief of the Magi, places his brother Smerdis 
 upon the throne of Persia, i. 21 1. is killed with his brother, 
 212. 
 
 Patroclus, governor of Babylon for Seleucus, abandons 
 that city upon the approach of Demetrius, and retires 
 into the marshe?, ii. 263. 
 
 Patroclus commands the fleet sent by Ptolemy Phila- 
 delphus to the aid of the Athenians besieged by Antigo- 
 nus Gonatas, ii. 336. returns into Egypt, and at Caunus 
 causes Sotades the satiric poet to be put to death, ib. 
 
 Patroclus, Athenian, cites Demosthenes before the 
 judges, as a violator of the laws, ii. 41. bad success of his 
 accusation, ib. 
 
 Patron, general of the Greeks in the pay of Darius, 
 advises that prince in vain to confide the guard of his 
 person to the Greeks, ii. 146. 
 
 Paulus Emilius. See ^Emilius. 
 
 Pausanias, king of Lacedeemon, commands the army 
 of the Greeks jointly with Aristides, and gains a great 
 Imttle over the Persians, i. 341. makes the Lacedcemonians 
 lose the chief command by his haughtiness, 348. his secret 
 1 intrigues v/ith the Persians, ib. is discovered and punish- 
 ed, 349. 
 
 Pausanias, king of Lacedsemon, commands at the siege 
 of Athens, i. 446. obtains peace for the Athenians, 452. 
 neglects to march to the aid of Lysander, and is sum- 
 moned to take his trial on his return, 491. refuses to 
 appear, and is condemned to die, ib. retires to 'ligaea, 
 ' i»nd dies there, ib. 
 
 Pausanias, Macedonian prince, possesses himself of the 
 throne of Slacedonia, ii. 45. is dethroned by Iphicrates, ib. 
 
 Pausanias, young Macedonian lord, cannot obtain satis- 
 faction of Philip for an insult which he had received from 
 Attalus, ik 71. assassinates Philip in revenge, and is torn 
 in pieces upon the spot, ib. 
 
 Pausistratus, commander of the Rhodian fleet, is de- 
 feated by Polvxenides, Antiochus's admiral, and killed in 
 the battle, ii. '468. 
 
 Pay of the troops by sea and land amongst the ancients, 
 L 554. 
 
 Pelasgus teaches the first Greeks to live upon acorns, L 
 2G3. 
 
 Pella, capital of Macedonia, famous for the birth of 
 Philip and Alexander, ii. 44. 
 
 Pelopidas, llieban : his character, ii. 3. his friendship 
 with Epaminondas, ib. abandons Thebes, and retires to 
 Athens, 4. forms the design of restoring the liberty of his 
 country, ib. is elected Boeotarch, 6. drives the garrison 
 
 out of the citadel, ib. causes the Athenians to declare for 
 the Thebans, ib. gains an advantage over the Lacedaemo- 
 nians near Tegyra, 7. commands the sacred battalion at 
 the battle of Leuctra, 9. is created Boeotarch with Epa- \ 
 minondas, ravages Laconia, and advances to the gates of | 
 Sparta, 11. at his return he is accused and acquitted, 12, j 
 the Thebans send him am^bassador to the court of Persia, 
 ib. his influence with Artaxerxes, 14. Pelopidas marches | 
 against Alexander, tyrant of Phers, and reduces him to ', 
 reason, 15. goes to Macedonia to appease the troubles of I • 
 that court, and brings away Philip as a hostage, ib. re- 
 turns into Thessaly, 16. is seized and made prisoner by . 
 treachery, ib. animates Thebe, wife of Alexander, against | 
 her husband, ib. is delivered by Epaminondas, 17. Pelopi- ; | 
 das marches against the tyrant, gains a victory over him, | } 
 and is killed in the battle, ib., &c. singular honours paid . 
 to his memory, 18. 
 
 Pelopidas, one of the officers of Mithridates, is sent | 
 ambassador by that prince to demand satisfaction of the 
 Romans, and to declare war against them in case of a 
 refusal, ii. 698. 
 
 Peloponnesus, province and peninsula of Greece, now 
 called the Morea, i. 260. Peloponnesian war, 3S6. 
 
 Pelops gives his name to Peloponnesus, i. 264. 
 
 Pelusium, city of Lower Egypt, i. 8. 
 
 Pensions. Manner of giving pensions by the kings of 
 Persia, i. 223. 
 
 Pentacosiomedimni, citizens of the first class at Athens, 
 L 541. 
 
 Pentathlum, assemblage of several agonistic exercises 
 amongst the Greeks, i. 571. , 
 
 Penthilus, son of Orestes, reigns at Mycens with his 
 brother Tisamenes, i. 264. 
 
 Perdiccas, son of Amyntas II., is placed upon the 
 throne of Macedonia by Pelopidas, ii. 15. is killed in a 
 battle against the Illyrians, ib. i 
 
 Perdiccas, one of Alexander's generals, receives tliat 
 prince's ring a moment before his death, ii. 221. provinces 
 which fell to him after the death of Alexander, 234. js 
 appointed guardian of Aridsus, and regent of the empire, 
 ib. puts Statira, Alexander's widow, to death, 235. quells 
 the revolt of the Greeks in Upper Asia, ib. puts Eumenes 
 into possession of Cappadocia, 242. marries Cleopatra, 
 Alexander's sister, ib. his unfortunate expedition into 
 Egypt, 243. is killed there, 244. 
 
 Pergamus, city of Great Mysia in Asia Minor, i. xxix. 
 kings of Pergamus, xliii. the kingdom of Pergamus be- I 
 comes a Roman province, ii. 627. 
 
 Periander, tyrant of Corinth, is ranked in the number 
 of the seven sages, i. 287. 
 
 Pericles, Athenian : his extraction, i. 364. his educa. 
 tion, ib. care that he takes to cultivate his mind by the 
 study of the sciences, and to exercise himself in elo- 
 quence, ib. means that he employs for conciliating the 
 favour of the people, 365. undertakes to reduce the power 
 of the Areopagus, and succeeds in it, 366. Ihucydides is \ 
 opposed to him, 368. he adorns Athens with magnificent 
 buildings, 369. envy of the Athenians against Pericles, 
 ib. justifies himself, and causes Thucydides to be banish- 
 ed, 370. changes his conduct in respect to the people, ib. 
 
 his great authority, ib. his disinterestedness, 371. Ex. 
 
 peditions of Pericles into the Thracian Chersonesus, 372. 
 about Peloponnesus, ib. and against Eubcea, 373. reduces 
 the Samians, and demolishes their walls, ib. causes aid to be 
 granted to the people of Corcyra against the Corinthians, 
 ib. trouble given him by his enemies, 376. induces the 
 Athenians to enter into a war with the Lacedeemonian.s, 
 377. and to shut themselves up within their walls, 387. 
 prevents them from taking the field, whilst their lands 
 are ravaged, 388. pronounces the funeral oration of the 
 Athenians killed during the campaign, 389. the Athe- 
 nians divest him of the command, and fine him, 39J. 
 grief of Pericles for the death of his son Paralus, ib. the 
 Athenians reinstate him, and permit him to enroll his 
 illegitimate son amongst the citizens, 392. death of Pen. 
 cles, ib. his panegyric, ib., &c. i 
 
 Pericles, son of the former, one of the Athenian gene- . 
 rals who defeated the Laceda?monians near the islands 
 Arginusa?, is condemned with his colleagues to die, L 443. 
 
 Perinthus, city of Thrace, besieged by PhiUp, and de- i 
 Uvered by the Athenians, ii. 62. 
 
 Perjury. Punishment of perjury in EgA^t, i. 10. 1 
 
 Periienna, Roman ambassador to Gentius, is imprison- 
 ed, ii. 565. Anicius delivers him, and sends him to Rome \ 
 with the news of his victory, ib. Perpenna, when consul, i 
 marches against Aristonicus, defeats him in a battle, and ; 
 takes him prisoner, 627. dies on his return to Rome, ib. 
 
 Persepolis, capital citv of Persia, subjected by Alexan, ; 
 der, who burns the palace of it in a drunken revel, u. 132, 
 &c. reflections on Rollin's account of it, 132. N. the 
 circumstances attending that transaction critically in- 
 vestigated, 133. N. inquiry respecting its site, ib. de. 
 scription of its plain, 134. N. etymon of its name, 135. | 
 N various names given to it by the orientals, 130. N. its 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 history, 137. N. description of its ruins, 138—145. N. vast 
 number of sculptures described, ib. rock of Istakr, 138. 
 N. remarkable platform, ib. cuneiform inscriptions, 141. 
 
 Perseus, first king of Mycens, i. 264. 
 Perseus, son of Philip, last king of Macedonia, forms a 
 conspiracy against his brother Demetrius, and accuses 
 mm to Philip, ii. 505. his speech against his brother, 507 
 Perseus removes from court to avoid his father's indignal 
 tion, 515. takes possession of the throne of Macedonia 
 after his father's death, 516. puts to death Antigonus 
 whom his father had chosen his successor, 517. prepares se 
 cretly for war against the Romans, ib. endeavours to ga^n 
 ^lies, lb. tries in vain to bring over the Acha^ans, ib the 
 Romans are informed of his secret measures, 548. Eumenes 
 gives them fresh information concerning his proceedings 
 tb. Perseus endeavours to rid himself of that prince, fir^t 
 by assassination, 549. and afterwards by poison, ib rup- 
 ture between Perspus and the Romans, ib. interview of 
 Perseus and Marcius, 551. war declared in form, 552. 
 Perseus advances with his troops near the river Pcneus' 
 554. battle of the cavalry, in which that prince gains a 
 considerable advantage, and makes an ill use of it, 555 
 he makes proposals of peace, which are rejected, 556' 
 : takes fright upon the arrival of the consul Marcius in 
 I Macedonia, and leaves him the passage open, 559. re- 
 I fiumes courage soon after, 562. solicits aid on all sides 
 I 563. his avarice loses him considerable succours, 564. he 
 
 Pharaoh, name common to the kings of Egypt L 21 
 one of them gives his daughter to Solomon in marriage, 
 
 Pharisees, powerful sect in Juda;a, ii. 634. persecution 
 of Alexander Jannaus and his party by the Pharisees 
 641. end of their tyranny, 649. ' 
 
 Pharnabazus, governor of Asia, and general of the 
 troops of Darius and Artaxerxes, kings of Persia aids 
 the Laceda;monians against the Athenians, l' 436 
 makes peace with the latter, 437. sends comjilaints against 
 Lysander to Sparta, 454. his whole province is ravaged by 
 Agesilaus, 489. interview of Agesiiaus and Pharnabazus 
 490. the latter is charged by Artaxerxes with the ' 
 against Egypt, ii. 23. ' 
 his fault, 24. 
 
 IS entirely defeated and put to flight by Paulus .Smiuus 
 at the battle of Pydna, 568, &c. is taken prisoner with his 
 children, 571. and serves as an ornament in the triumph 
 of Paulus ^miliu-, 578. death of Perseus, ib. remarks 
 on the conduct of the Romans towards him, 578. N. 
 
 Per.>ia, province of Asia, i. xxix. inquiry whether the 
 same as Elam in Scripture, 145, 154. N. its boundaries, ib 
 foundation of the Persian empire by Cvrus, i. 193 kings 
 who reigned in Persia : Cyrus, ib. Carnbvses, 20b. Smer. 
 dis the Magian, 211. Darius, son of Hystaspes, 290 Xer- 
 xes, 320. Artaxerxes Longimanus, 355. Xerxes II 402 
 Sogdianus, ib. Darius Nothus, 403. Artaxerxes Mnemon' 
 j 448. Ochus, ii. 29. Arses, 38. Darius Codomanus, ib de. 
 j Etruction of the empire of the Persians by Alexander, 
 I 147. remarks on this and on the military character of the 
 I Persians, 280—282. N. vices which occasioned the de. 
 j ciine, and at length the ruin, of the Persian empire ib 
 I Dianners and customs of the Persians, i. 213. education 
 I of the Persians in the time of Cyrus, 153. government of 
 the Persians, 213. form of it monarchical, ib. coronation 
 Oi their kings, 448. respect paid to them, 214. manner of 
 I educating their children, ib. pubhc council of the Per- 
 ! sians, 215. administration of justice, 216. attention to the 
 I provinces, 218. invention of posts and couriers, 220 care 
 I of their finances, 221. of war, 223. entrance into the 
 I troops, 224. arms of the Persians, ib. their chariots armed 
 I with scythes, ib. military discii.'line of the Persians, 5i'>5 
 , their order of battle, ib. quality of the Persian troops in 
 the time of Cyrus, and alter that prince, 227 arts and 
 sciences of the Persians, 228. their religion, 233. mar- 
 riages, 238. and burials, 2-U). N. inquirv respecting their re- 
 venue, 221. N. calculation of Herodo'tus reduced to Bri. 
 tish money, ib. Malcolm's state of modern Persian re- 
 venue, 222. N. compared with Robertson, ib. curious ac- 
 count of the revenue of the Khalif al Mamoun, ib re- 
 marks on the scarcity of water in Persia, iL 421. N. how 
 remedied, ib. 
 
 Persia, eastern, remarks on its elevation, ii. 205 N 
 PeUUsm, kind of sentence established at Syracuse, L 
 
 Petra, a very strong place in the country of the Naba- 
 thffian Arabians, ii. 262. 
 
 Petra Oxiana, inaccessible rock, ii. 166. Alexander 
 tnakes himself master of it, 167, &c. 
 
 Peucestes, one of Alexander's captains, distinguishes 
 himself at the siege of the city of Oxydracie, il 198 pro- 
 vinces which fell to him after the' death of Alexander. 
 234. he opjMses the progress of Pithon, and drives him 
 out of Media, 253. 
 
 Phalanthus, general of the Spartans called Parthenije 
 settles them at 'larentum, i. xxxvi. ' 
 
 Phalanx, Macedonian : description of it, ii. 48. 
 
 Phalaris, his bull taken at the siege of Agrigentum 
 and sent to Carthage, i. 49. 
 
 Phalecus is appointed general of the Phocsans during 
 the sacred war, in the room of Phayllus, ii. 52. he pilla- 
 ges the temple of Delphi, as the other had done, and is 
 deposed, ib. 
 
 Phalerus, port of Athens, i. 346. 
 
 Phamcas, general of the Carthaginian cavalry, dares 
 not to take the field when Scipio is to support the foragers 
 L lOo. he goes over to the Romans, 106. ' 
 
 Phanes of Halicarnassus, general of the Greek auxilia- 
 ries in the army of Amasis, upon some discontent goes 
 over to Cambyses, i. 206. the Greeks in the king of Egypt's 
 6orvice murder his children in revenge, ib. 
 
 the enterprise miscarries through 
 
 Pharnaces makes the army revolt against his father 
 Mithridates, and is elected king in his stead, ii. 7.'i3 he ia 
 declared the friend and ally of the Romans, 734. is de- 
 feated and driven out of Pontus by CcEsar, 743. 
 
 Pharnacias, eunuch of Xerxes II. supplies Sogdianus 
 with the means of assassinating that prii.ce, i. 402. 
 Pharos, its famous tower or light-house, ii. 300 
 Phasael, brother of Herod, is made governor of Jeru- 
 salem, 11. 651. is taken by the Partliians and put in 
 irons, lb. kills himself to avoid the ignominy of punish, 
 ment, ib. 
 
 PhaseUs, a small sea-port in Lycia, described, iL 88 N 
 inhabited by jiirates, ib. 
 
 Phayllus, general of the Fhocaans during the sacred 
 war, plunders the temple of Delphi to defray the ex- 
 penses of that war, ii. 52. his death, ib. 
 
 Phayllus, of Crotona, athleta: his affection for ihe 
 Greeks, and valour, ii. 127. 
 
 Phebidas, Laceda;monian, sets out from Sparta at the 
 head of a body of troops against Olynthus, ii. 1. he seizes 
 the citadel of Thebes by fraud, 2. is deprived of the com. 
 mand, and fined, ib. 
 
 Phedyma, daughter of Otanes, and wife of Smerdis the 
 Magian, discovers that usurper's imposture, i. 212 she 
 marries Darius after the death of Smerdis, 290. 
 
 Phoenicia, province of Syria, i. xxx. revolt of Phoenicia 
 against Ochus, ii. 35. i 
 Pherendates, Persian lord, made governor of Egypt bv 1 
 Ochus, ii. 34. oj t- j 
 
 Pherenicus, one of the principal conspirators against i 
 the tyrants of Thebes, ii. 4. ] 
 
 Pheron, king of Egypt, i. 24. action of that prince 
 against the Nile, ib. 
 
 Phidias, famous painter and sculptor : Pericles gives 
 him the direction of the public buildings at Athens, L 
 369. ingratitude of the Athenians to Phidias, 376. 
 
 Phila, Antipater's daughter, is married to Craterus, ii. 
 240. after the death of Craterus she marries Demetrius 
 Poliorcetes, 241. she kills herself by poison, 299. praise of 
 thar princess, 240. 
 
 Phila, daughter of Seleucus and Stratonice, marries 
 Antiochus Gonatas, ii. 321. 
 
 Philadelphus, name given ironically to Ptolemy II 
 king of Egypt, ii. 300. See Ptolemy Philadelphus. 
 
 Philammon assassinates Arsinoe, sister and wife of 
 Ptolemy Philopator, ii. 393. he is beaten to death with 
 staves by the ladies of honour to that princess, 426. 
 
 Philaini, two brothers, citizens of Carthage, sacrifice 
 their lives for the good of their country, i. 44. the Car- 
 thaginians out of gratitude consecrate two altars to 
 them, ib. 
 
 Philienius, Lacedcemonian, accompanies Hannibal in 
 his expeditions, and composes the history of that great 
 captain, i. 98. 
 
 Philetffirus, founder of the kingdom of Pergamus, i. 
 xliii. ii. 337. means which he uses for supporting himself 
 in that kingdom, ib. 
 
 Philemon, comic poet, preferred by the Greeks to Me- 
 nander in his own lifetime, i. 585. 
 
 Philidas, one of the conspirators against the tyrants of 
 Thebes, finds means to make himself their secretary, ii. 
 4. on the day fixed by the conspirators, he invites the ty- 
 rants to a supper, ib. the conspirators kill them at his 
 house, 5. 
 
 Philip, son of Amyntas II. king of Macedonia : his 
 birth, ii. 44. Pelopidas carries him to Ihebes as a hos- 
 tage, 45. he flies from Thebes into Macedonia, and is 
 placed upon the throne, ib. beginning of his reign, ib. he 
 makes a captious peace with the Athenians, 46. his first 
 conquests, 47. birth of Alexander, 48. Philip's care of his 
 education, ib. he endeavours to subject Thrace, and takes 
 Methone, at the siege of which place he loses an eye, 51. 
 conciliates the amity of the Thessalians, and expels their 
 tyrants, ib. endeavours to seize the pass of Ihermopylje 
 in vain, 52. takes the city of Olynthus, notwithstanding 
 the efibrts of the Athenians to prevent it, 53. declares for 
 the'iliebans against the Phocsans, and begins in that 
 manner to share in the sacred war, ib. lulls the Athe- 
 nians with a false peace and false promises, 66. seize* 
 
818 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Thermopylae, reduces the Phocsans, and terminates the 
 sacred war, 57. causes himself to he admitted uito the 
 council of the Amphictyons, ib. on his return mto Mace- 
 donia, he pushes his conquests into IlljTium and Thrace, 
 58. enters into a league with the Thebans, Argives, and 
 Messenians, for attacking Peloponnesus with their joint 
 forces, 59. Athens, declaring for the Lacedsemonians, 
 breaks that league, 60. Philip makes an attempt upon 
 Eubcea, ib. Phocion drives him out of that island, 61. 
 Philip forms the siege of Perinthus and Byzantium, 62. 
 Phocion obliges him to raise both those sieges, 63. Philip 
 subjects Atheas, king of the Scythians, and the Triballi, 
 people of Mcesia, 64. by his intrigues he causes him- 
 self to be declared generalissimo of the Greeks in the 
 council of the Amphictvons, 6.5. &-c. seizes ElatEEa, ib. the 
 j Athenians and Thebans enter into a league against him, 
 I 66. he makes proposals of peace, which are rejected by the 
 I advice of Demosthenes, 67. battle of Charoiiea, in which 
 Philip gains a great victory, ib. Philip in the council of 
 the Amphictyons, causes himself to be declared general of 
 the Greeks against the Persians, and prepares for that 
 I great expedition, 70. domestic troubles in his family, ib. 
 
 he repudiates Olympias, and marries another wife, ib. cele- 
 ! brates the nuptials of Cleopatra his daughter, with Alex- 
 ander, king of Epirus, and is killed in the midst of them, 
 71. memorable actions and sayings of Philip, ib. good and 
 bad qualities of that prince, ib. &c. 
 
 Philip, son of Demetrius, ascends the throne of Mace- 
 donia, ii. 379. his affection for Aratus, 394. hej:akes upon 
 him the defence of the Achsans against the xLtolians, ib. 
 different exoeditions of Philip against the enemies of the 
 Achjeans, 391. strange abuse that Apelles his minister 
 makes of his confidence, ib. irruption of Philip into ^fo- 
 lia, 400. takes Therms by surprise, ih. excesses committed 
 there by his soldiers, ib. prudence which he shows in his 
 retreat, ib. troubles in his camp, 401. punishment of the 
 authors of them, ib. irruption of Philip into Laconia, ib. 
 new intrigue of the conspirators, ib. their punishment, 
 402. Philip takes Thebes of Phthiotis from the .a:tolians, 
 
 404 concludes a peace with them, ib. Pliilip concludes 
 
 a treaty with Hannibal, 40j. makes preparations for 
 carrying the war into Italy, ib. is surprised . and defeated 
 by the Romans at Apollonia, 406. his change of conduct, 
 ib. his bad faith and irregularities, ib. he causes Aratus to 
 be poisoned, ib. makes himself master of the city and castle 
 of Lissus, 407. gains several advantages over the iEtolians, 
 408. his speech to Nicander, 466. N. he is repulsed near the 
 citv of Elis, 409. different actions of Philip against Sul- 
 pitlus, ib, &c. makes peace with the Romans, 420. enters 
 into a league with Antiochus for invading the dominions 
 of Ptolemy Epiphanes, 426. bad success of Philip against 
 Attalus and the Rhodians, ib. his cruel treatment of the 
 Cianians, ib. he besieges and takes Abydos, 427. &c. ravages 
 Attica, 428. the Romans declare war against him, 429. 
 
 Philip makes ineffectual attempts against Athens, ib. 
 endeavours to bring over the iEtolians to his party, 430. 
 is defeated in a battle by Sulpitius, 43i. is reduced to 
 abandon the defiles along the Apsus, 434. ineffectual inter 
 view of Philip with Flamininus concerning peace, 437. he 
 is defeated by Flamininus near Scotussa and Cynosceph- 
 al£E in Thessalia, 440. the Romans grant him peace, 442. 
 PhiUp aids Quintius against Nabis, 449, &c. his conduct 
 to Scipio, ib. Pbilip's causes of discontent from the Ro- 
 mans, 494, &c. the Romans order him to evacuate the 
 cities of Thrace, 496. he vents his rage upon the inhabi- 
 tants of Maronsea, ib. sends his son Demetrius on an em- 
 bassy to Rome, 497. complaints against Philip carried to 
 Rome, 503. the Romans send back his son with ambassa- 
 dors, 504. Philip prepares to renew the war with the Ro- 
 mans, ib. plot of Perseus against Demetrius, 505. he accuses 
 him to Philip, 506. upon a new accusation Philip causes 
 Demetrius to be put to death, 514. he discovers his inno- 
 cence some time after, and Porseus's guilt, 515. whilst he 
 meditates the punishment of the latter he dies, ib. 
 
 Philip pretends himself son of Perseus, and seizes the 
 kingdom of Macedonia, ii. 595. is defeated and killed by 
 'l"remellius, 596. . . ^ ^ 
 
 Philip, one of Alexander's captains : provinces that fell 
 to him after that prince's death, iL 234. 
 
 Philip, in concert with his brother Antiochus, destroys 
 the city of Mopsuestia, to avenge the death of his brother 
 SelGUCUS, ii. 637. reigns in Syria with his brother Deme- 
 trius, after having driven out Eusebes, ib. PhiUp's death, 
 638 
 
 Philip, Phrygian, is made governor pf Judsa by Anti- 
 ochus Epiphanes, ii. 521. , . .. , -r- ■ 
 Philip, foster brother and favourite of Antiochus Epi- 
 phanes is made governor by that prince of his son Anti- 
 ochus Eupator, and regent of Syria, ii. 537. Lysias usurps 
 that employment from him, 606. Philip retires into Egyi)t, 
 
 '''phiLp of Acarnania, physician, known from the salu- 
 tary draught rvhich he gave Alexander, u. 93. 
 
 Philipsburgh, town of (Germany, besieged and taken by 
 Ihfc French, ii 486. 
 
 Philiscus is sent by the king of Persia to reconcile the 
 states of Greece, ii. 13. ^ ^ -r^. 
 
 Philistus, rich citizen of Syracuse, pays a fine for Dio- 
 nysius, i. 589. Dionysius banishes him, 602. Dionysius 
 the Younger recalls him to court, 606. death of Philistus, 
 612. he may be considered as a great historian, 606. 
 
 Philocles, Macedonian, devoted to Perseus, is sent by 
 Philip on an embassy to Rome, ii. 511. at his return he i 
 delivers a forged letter to that prince under the counter- ; 
 felted seal of T. Quintius, which occasions the death cf ! 
 Demetrius, 514. Philip causes him to be seized, and put to j 
 the torture, in which he dies, 515. , . , ^ , ^ 
 
 Philocles, one of the Athenian generals, is defeated and . 
 made prisoner with his colleagues at the battle of Mgo^ j 
 potamos, i. 445. is put to death, ib. | 
 
 Philomelus, general of the Phoca;ans, sets them against 
 the decree of the Amphictyons, and induces them to take | 
 arms, ii 50. makes himself master of the temple of Del- \ 
 phi, and takes the riches of it to pay his troops, ib. is de- 
 feated in a battle, and throws himself headlong from the I 
 top of a rock, 51. , ^ . ^ ^ \ 
 
 Philonides, runner to Alexander the Great, famous for j 
 his swiftness, i. 572. . . „ „ 
 
 Philopoemen, Megalopolitan, induces his fellow-citizens 
 to reject the offers of Cleomenes, ii. 375. signalizes him- 
 self at the battle of Selasia, 378. distinguishes himself m 
 the battle near the city of Elis, 409. his education, ib. his 
 great qualities, ib. he is elected general of the horse by 
 the Achffians, 411. reforms the Achjean troops, ib. is 
 elected captain general of the Achaans, 417. gains a 
 famous victory over IMachinidas, tyrant of Sparta, and 
 kills him in the battle, 418. the Achsans erect a statue to 
 him, ib. honours which he receives in the assembly at the 
 Nemffian games, 419. Philopoemen is defeated at sea by the 
 tyrant Nabis, 458. he gains a famous victory over that tyrant 
 near Sparta, ib. after the death of Kabis he seizes Sparta 
 and obliges that city to enter "nto the AchcEan league, 460. 
 refuses the presents offered him by the Spartans, 4til. 
 secretly favours the Spartan exiles, and causes war to be 
 declared against that city, 484. makes himself master ol 
 Sparta, and reinstates the exiles, ib. attacks Messene, and 
 is taken prisoner, 498. the Messenians put him to death, 
 499. honours paid to his memory, ib. trial of Philopoemen 
 after his death, ib. , ^ „ ■, ^ ■, j- 
 
 Philosophers : Philosophy. It is wonderfully adapted for 
 forming the hero, ii. 21, 22. the study of this science in- 
 compatible with slavery, i. 383. ancient Philosophers de- 
 nied creation and held the eternity of matter, 3/6. N. 
 many of them Monotheists and Polytheists, 521. N. tlieir 
 pride, ib. difference between their opinions and the vulgar 
 creed, 522. N. their speculations about creation, 5vo. N. 
 their morality not founded on religion, but on Metaphy- 
 sics, 526. N. a variety of their sentiments critically exa- 
 mined, 519—529. N. , . ^ u 
 
 Philotas, son of Parmenio, commands a body of horse 
 in Alexander's expedition against Persia, ii. 83. pretended 
 conspiracy of Philotas against Alexander, 153. &c. he is 
 
 put to death, 154. . ^ ^ ■, i 
 
 Philotas, governor of Upper Asia, is put to death by | 
 Pithon, ii. 253. ^ ^. . ^, ^ ^. 
 
 Philoxenus, poet, favourite of Dionysius the tyrant ; 
 his generous frankness, i. 601. &c. 
 
 Philoxenus, Macedonian, seizes Harpalus, and causes, 
 him to be put to the torture, ii. 214. , , , 
 
 'Phoceea, city of Ionia, is condemned to be destroyed by 
 the Romans, ii. 6x7. people of Marseilles, originally de- 
 scended from that city, obtain pardon for it, ib 
 
 Phocion, general of the Athenians, drives Philip out of 
 Eubcea, ii. 61. makes that prince raise the siege of Perinthus 
 and Byzantium, 63. rejects the offers of Harpalus, 214. 
 endeavours in vain to prevent the Athenians from engag- 
 ing in the Lamian war, 236. is condemned to die by the 
 Athenians, 248. his body is carried out of the territory of 
 Attica, ib. the Athenians erect a statue to him, and inter 
 his bones honourably, -/SO. character and eulogy of Pho- 
 cion, 60, 214, &c. . . , , 
 
 Phocis, part of Greece, i. 262. it is ravaged by Xerxes 
 334 the Lacedaemonians deprive the people of Phocis of 
 the custody of the temple of Delphi, 373. Pericles restores 
 it to them, ib. the Phocaans tiU the ground consecrated 
 to Apollo, ii. 50. they are declared guilty of sacrilege, and 
 are fined, ib. they take arms against the decree of Amph c- 
 tyons, ib. the latter make war agamst the Phocaan», ib. 
 Philip reduces them, 51. , . ^ - ;t ; c 
 
 Phoenix, fabulous bird : wonders related ci it, l b. 
 Phoroneus, king of Argos, i. 264. T>_fv,;«nc 
 Phraates 1. son of Priapatius, king of the Parthians, u 
 
 ^^Phraates IL succeeds his father Mithridates in the 
 kingdom of Parthia, iL 053. is defeated three times by 
 Antiochus Sidetes, 6.8. releases Demetrius, 6-^9. defeats 
 Xntiochus, who is killed in the battle ib. "^ajri^es one of 
 that prince's daughters, ib. is defeated by Jhe Sc> nans, 
 who had called in Antiochus to their aid, and is killed m 
 his flight, ib. 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 {; ^!t"^-'"':"^™^^.^heos, king of the Parthians, 
 «:fh\T>K'^-''i ^" alliance with the Romans during the war 
 with MithncUtes, ib. espouses the part of Tigranes the 
 lounger against the father, C5l. death of Phraftes, ib 
 V.J^h L^- i« Placed by his father Orodes upon the 
 Sfsot to death: I ''''' '''' 
 
 ces^^ru'^^^^i?'"^K°^ the Medes, succeeds his father Dejo. 
 UR ^v, i^- '"^'^es himself master of almost all Upper A.ia 
 M -K ""u^? ^'""^ ^^^'"^t the Assyrians, ib. is defeated b 
 Nabuchodonosor puts him to death, ib " "^^^^''t'^a. iD. 
 t^M^^^^^l^l'^^'T'' ^"^ °f Alexander's generals : provinces 
 which fell to hmi after that prince's death, ii. 234. 
 
 Phrygia, province of Asia Minor, i. xxx 
 rof iY^"/''a",'' x°."^ °^ Athenian generals, opposes the 
 recaU of Alcibiades, i. 434. is deprived of the command^ 
 
 Phrynon commands the army of the Athenian.! .spnf 
 
 Td ?fkSr' ' ''''''''' chaOen^ge ^f nttacS 
 
 <;n^!}^"h"''p^'''''K'^^T"J^" is killed at the siege of 
 
 Sparta by Pyrrhus, fighting valiantly, ii. 333 
 I byscon. See Ptolemy Euergetes, surnamed Physcon 
 Physcus, see Marmorice. jrnjscon. 
 
 5 ^^if^'i^'''- "° "f^f.^^'^.^'y connection among them, 
 
 nectL^i^ ' ™ '^^'^^^ ^"^h con: 
 
 Phyto, general of the troops of Rhegium, defends that 
 aty agamst Dionysius, i. 599. Dionylius, 'after hav rS 
 made him suffer great indignities, puts him to death! lb 
 
 Pinarus river, where situate, ii. 98 N 
 ^^Pindar, Greek lyric poet, character of his works, i. 
 
 Pirates, Cilician, their rise and power, ii. 445 N their 
 audacity, ib. they defeat the Roman fleet, 446 N 
 Piraeus, port of Athens, i. 346. ' * 
 
 Piromis name given to kings said by the Egyptian 
 priests to have reigned in Egypt, i 27 -^IJypnan 
 Pisander, Athenian captain, induces the people of 
 Athens to recall Alcibiades, i. 66. the Athenkins send 
 I * ^'^^ Alcibiades and Tissapherne", ib a hi^ 
 
 return he changes the form of the government, ib 
 I I'lsander Lacedamonian, is appointed by Agesilaus his 
 brother-in-law to command the fleet in his stfad, L 4ui 
 j ^defeated by Conon near Cnidos, and killed in the battle; 
 
 Pisidia, a province of Asia Minor, described, iL 457 N 
 i So w/' "^^J^es himself tyrant of Athens; 
 
 1. 280. lenity of his government, ib. his death 281 his 
 I character, ib. library founded by him at Athens, ib 
 
 rXl^h P""'fu'^' commands at the siege of 
 
 Carthage before the arrival of Scipio, 1 106 
 
 Pisuthnes governor of Lydia for Darius,'revolts against 
 that prince, i. im. is taken and put to death, ib 
 ^flvK^""'^'"^"^.'^^^^^"*^^^'^ captains, is made governor 
 fn \ ^""pater, ii. 244. causes Phiiotas to be™u[ 
 
 to death, and takes possession of his government is 
 driven out of Media by Peucestes, and obliged to retire to 
 Seleucus, ib. Antigonus puts him to death, 259 
 
 Pittacus of Mitylene, one of the seven sages of Greece 
 drives out the tyrant who oppressed his country 12^^' 
 commands the army against the Athenians, ib. challenges 
 Phrynon heir general to single combat, and kil^ him 
 the mhabitants of Mitylene give him the sovereignT; of 
 tlieir city, ib he voluntarily abdicates his authority at'^the 
 exp ration of ten years, and retires, ib. his death, ib 
 i. Se.'^&c. ^""^ '^^^^"''^ ^'^^"""^ the ancients, 
 
 dis?ai"!b''°"*^^™' distemper, i. 390. description of that 
 
 Aerxes, d29 the Greeks decree the prize of valour to 
 them after the defeat of Mardonius. 342. the Plataans 
 institute an anniversary festival in honour of those who 
 pI" ''^S^ °f P^^i^^ by the l^ebrns 
 
 Is the ThpSr^f^ and taken by the LLeda^San ; 
 •iyj. the Thebans demolish it entirely, ii 8 the Plaf/P^ns 
 ref re to Athens, ib. induce Alexander to destroy 
 81 hat prince permits them to rebuild their city, 127 ' 
 Plato philosopher of Athens : retires to Meeara tr, 
 
 courtiers to prevent its effects, 607. Plato quTts th^ court 
 hi^ Ifn?' -^T"^' 60^- adventure that happens to 
 him at Olympia ib. he returns to the court of Dionvsius 
 the Younger, 609. Dionysius differs with him ib he nerS 
 hiiD to return mto Greece, ib. Plato's deaTh. S 3? 
 P emmyrium, isle near Syracuse, i 419 ' ^ 
 Plistarchus, son of Leonidas, king of Sparta i 349 
 
 819 
 
 Plisthenes, son of Atrcus, king of MycenEe~r264" 
 Plistonax king of Lacedasmonia, takes pains to r^n,^ 
 to-r^U^Xur""''' Athens UU°a^t\?i! 
 
 Plutarch of Eretria calls in the Athenians to the aid of 
 Euboea ),esieged by Philip, ii. 60. his perfidy 61 Phorirm 
 drives Inm out of Eretria, ib. f^^'^^y, 01. l-Hocion 
 
 wh^^P Ife^r^'^^'"' ^^l^"'^ P°^^'" paintings at Athens 
 here the btoics used to assemble, i. 318. ■^'•"ens, 
 Poem, epic and dramatic, i. Ixxvi. 
 
 i,wl?t?^ ^""ff 283, &c. emulation of the poets 
 n disputing the prizes in the Olympic games 577 vm tl 
 xvho invented and improved tragedy and^comedy. Ib 
 J^^.^'""^' "magistrate at Athens, employed bSh to 
 administer justice and command armies, i. 315 
 nu?,1l?260 '' "^""^ Demetrius, son of Antigo- 
 
 ^^^^^yf'^'^^scnator of Syracuse, harangues the peonle ' 
 ronymSs' ^"^"^^^-^^^ ^^er the death'o?S j 
 
 a|S?fet;Sl^fShXSy:t^ 
 
 tpiphanes by the Achgeans, 503. is elected eenera^ of thp 
 ci^us'to'ii^om f is.'iepulef to'thfcS,°ilS! 
 559 'retun s ?^ he presents the decree of the Acha>ans. 
 ojy. returns to Achaia, ib. saves the Achjeans a considP 
 rable expense, 56a is included in the number ot the exHet 
 
 second SHn*° ^^'•-'^^^ friendship wifh he 
 
 A u .o'P^° Africanus, ib. return of Pol v bins into 
 Achaia, 599. zeal of Polybius in defending Phi opffimen'^ 
 
 S eSfsh^f ^:!'''!^ ^'r' '"^ ''-interesSe s ! 
 ib retur? tJ tfn ^' p^' ^"'^ tranquillity in his country 
 Sese of V, ° Rome, and accompanies him to the 
 
 siege ot Isumantia, ib. after Scipio's death he returns in 
 CO his own country, where he eAds his days, il. 
 
 AcSns'ii.lls'^^^'^'^P""^' '^""'^ ^" °f the | 
 
 fhf<°J^'''"^'.'^\*l^.^"t °^ S^moS' i- 210. singular historv of i 
 that tyrant, ib. his miserable end, 211 "-^.lory 01 
 
 Polycrates, first minister of Ptolemy Epiphanes ren 
 ders tnat prince great services, ii. 493 P'P"ane., ren- 
 
 Po ydamas, famous athleta of antiquity, i 570 
 xxxv.^ ' king of Sparta, and brother of Lycurgus, i 
 Polydorus, brother of Jason, tyrant of Phers, succeeds 
 brShe;:ti.'l5.'°'^ ''''' ^°^>PJ^r«" hi^other 
 
 Polygamy. It was allowed in Egypt, i ]] 
 toS^fCitierans fSf = ^'''''^ °^ 
 
 CaS?.rfe'f=e?^^^^^ ^^P^--' 
 
 Polyphron is substituted in the room of Ja-^on tvrant 
 S"'""' hjs. brother, ii. 15. he kills Polydorurhis other 
 Pherl^'ib. ^^'^ ^^"^^^^ by Alexander of 
 
 Polysperchon, one of the generals of Alexander's armv ! 
 reduces a country called Subacene, ii 170 rWicukT^a 
 
 of S?f dmS;> ''"'.'^"i a mall bod, 
 
 ppiisllSli 
 
 ligranes who comes and surrenders h m^elf to hi^° 7"? 
 pursues Mithridates. and m^ his ^.ay su^Stfthe^Alf-' 
 
820 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 nians and Iberians, 729. tired of following Mithndates he 
 comes to Syria, of which he takes possession, and puts an 
 end to the empire of the Seleucid^, 731. marches to Pon- 
 tus, ib. returns into Syria, 732. Pompey's expeditions mto 
 Arabia 733 takes Jerusalem, enters the temple, and 
 ^en the Holy of Holies, 650. after having reduced aU 
 thfcities of Pontus, he returns to Rome, 734 receives 
 the honour of a triumph, ib. after his defeat at Pharsaha. 
 he retires into Egypt, 739. is killed, ib. 
 
 Pontus, ki^^gdom of Asia Minor, i. xxbc its name, ex 
 tent and boundaries, ii. 692-695. N. its "^hf/tf ^s f % 
 rivers, 693. N. chronological abridgment of the history 
 of the kings of Pontus, xliii. . , „ . •„ ^^^^^ t„ 
 
 Popilius (C.) is sent ambassador into -Egypt, m order to 
 put an end to the war there, ii. 522. obliges Antiochus o 
 quit Egypt, and leave the two Ptolemies brothers, in 
 Suiet pfSession of it, 523. is sent into Peloponnesus to 
 publish the decree of the senate there in favour of the 
 
 ^ Porohyry! Tyrian, a learned Pagan, declared enemy of 
 Christianity and the Holy Scriptures, ii. o45. 
 
 Porus, Indian king, refuses to submit ^ Alexander n. 
 182. is defeated and taken prisoner, 183. Alexander 
 restores to him his dominions, 185. _ _ 
 
 Posts. Invention of posts and couners, i. 220. 
 
 Pothinus, Ptolemy's minister, dethrones Cleop.tra, u. 
 739 advises tl.eaeaili of Pompey. ib. endeavours to ren. 
 der Ceesav odious to the Egyptians 740 preven s ft^ 
 effect of Cesar's decree, and makes the Egyptians take 
 anris against him, 741. C^sar causes him to be put to 
 
 '^'^pSidSa, city of Macedonia, revolts against the Athe- 
 nians, to whom it was tributary i, 374 it »f be^^eged a^^ 
 taken by the Athenians, ib. Philip takes that city from 
 
 ''^P^vertv^' Love of poverty instituted at Sparta, i. 534. 
 
 Predictions of the Prophet Isaiah, inquiry respecting 
 ii. 615-620. N. 616, 618. N. of the Prophet Daniel, 490 
 
 ~Sx?spes!^confidant of Cambyses, kills Smer^s by that 
 Drince's order, i. 210. his base and monstrous flattery of 
 SbvseriKomises the Magi to declare b^^^^^^^^ 
 pie Smerdis the Magian the true son of Cyrus, 212. speaks 
 to the people from the top of a tower, declares the con- 
 trary to them, throws himself dpwn from the top of the 
 
 'TiapTtfutSnfnfsuccessor of Arsaces II. king of the 
 
 ""^nSAf corrected, vi.. -gng two A^^^^^ 
 empires, L 120. N. Sardanapalus, 131. N. Tiglath Pileser, 
 ib. Zoroaster, 235. N._ _ 
 Priene, city of Ionia, i. 373. 
 
 ??odet so?of''Sodemus. reigns at Sparta with his 
 '''Z'^u'STSZ'l^'^cS-corn^ to Cleopajra in her 
 
 St'^princefs!- ib'^'sar orders him to ask her what she 
 'lSdi?os':"nam^ given by the Lacedemonians to the 
 guardians of the kings, i. xxxv. 
 
 ?;rfh^^^ofetf'Tleiaf officers, ^es ,„ . de. 
 bauch with that prince, n. 212. 
 
 from Salamis, and reigns m his stead ii. 3o. Ocnus cral- 
 tirms the possession of the throne to him, StJ- p ,,„„.s 
 
 eoSe°;riSr*foMSi"S:3;£=f^^^^^^ 
 
 '''lSL?k^,r«°'t.vpn n detains Helen and her 
 '^^^AZ^^I^^'^iS;^'^^ war against 
 
 hun during the siege of Rhodes, u. ^lo- „.;n,,ri 
 Protomachus, one of the Athenian generals that gained 
 the victory near the islands Arginusaj, and ^veie con 
 
 •^X^vtdeVc^efd-^^^^^ 
 
 ^?^r=£ °o"f ^oit e^^^n^'bSy ^of Grecian 
 
 troops in the army of Cyrus the Younger, against hva 
 brother Artaxerxes, L 469. is seized by treachery, and , 
 put to death, 476. character of Proxenus, ib. 
 Prusias I. king of Bithynia, i. xliu. tt,,,,.^^ 1 
 
 Prusias II. king of Bithynia, surnamed the^ Hunter, 
 declares for the Romans against Antiochus, ^'l- ^es 
 war against Eumenes, 500. services done him bj Hannibal 
 durini that war, ib. Prusias agrees to deliver him up to 
 the Romans, ib. endeavours to induce the Romans to 
 grant Perseus a peace, 560. his ab ect flattery in the senate, 
 590. war of Prusias with Attains, 591. the senate ob ige 
 him to lay down his arms, and to make Attalus satisfac- 
 tion, ib. Prusias, intending to put his son ^icomedes to 
 death, is kiUed by him, 592. r^^inth i 
 
 Prytanis, name of the chief magistrate of Corinth, i. 
 2C5. 
 
 Psalm 1. 1. iUustrated, li. 527. 
 
 Psammonitus, king of Egypt, is conquered bv JTam- 
 byses, who uses him with clemency, i. 3i. endeavours to 
 reascend the throne, and is put to death, ib. , . 
 
 Psammeticus, one of the twelve kmgs who reigu^l at 
 the same time in Egypt, is banished into the fens /nd on 
 what occasion, i. 27. he defeats the other eleven kmgs 
 and remains sde monarch of Egypt, ib. makes war against 
 the king of Assyria, ib. besieges Azotus, f ^ tak^^^* f^^' 
 a sieee of twentv-nine years, 28. prevents the Scythians 
 ft-SvaS Egypt, ib' his method of knowing whether 
 the Egyptians were the most ancient people of the earth, ib. 
 
 ?ro=s,'£g1tfr'^fS\o?^^ Soter, is married to 
 
 ""Smy.STlmVi^a'sll. disputes the cro.vn with 
 PerSs! ii.T5 Pelopidas excludes him from the throne, 
 
 '^Ptolemy, son of Seleucus, is killed at the battle of Ipsus, 
 
 "■ptoiemy I son of Lagus. one of Alexander's generals, 
 takes several c ties of India, ii. 181. is dangerously 
 Itund^d't the^Lge of a city of India, 200 i^cnred^ -on 
 after, ib provinces which fall to him after the deatn oi 
 SanSer! 234. he causes the body of Alexander to be ^ 
 carried to Alexandria, 242. enters into a gue with Anti- 
 pater, Craterus, and Antigonus, against Perdiccas and [ 
 Eumenes 243 makes himself master of Syria, PhcEnicia, 
 a^^^d jSa 245 takes Jerusalem, 246. forms a league with 
 Seleucus Castander, and Lysimachus against Antigonus, 
 It s dzes^trelSand of Cyprus, 260 defeats Demetrius^^^^^^ I 
 battle, 261. and makes himself master of IJie^ ih deieat 
 of one of his generals by Demetrius, ib different expe- 
 ditions of Ptofemy against Antigonus, 264. ^to emy f de- 
 fpatpd hv Demetrius, who takes from him the isle ot cy- 
 ?ut' 6l,Sc"tsumes the tiUe of king, 269 sends t 
 theRhodians besieged by Demetrius 272. tj^e Rhomans 
 in gratitude, give him the title of Soter, 2|5- Ptolemj 
 aUils himself with Seleucus, Cassandej, and Lysi^^^^^^^^ 
 against Antigonus and Demetrius, i^^^'-^those four princes 
 divide the empire of Alexander amongst tnem, -cm. 
 PtolTmy\'etS the island of Cyprus from Demd^^^^ 
 PQS renews the league with Lvsunachus and beieucus 
 aSinst Demetrius, 297. abdicates the throne to his son 
 Kmy SadeVhus,300. death of Ftolemy Soter oUo^ 
 piSse of fhat prince, ib. famous library which he cau.ed 
 to he erected at Alexandria, 301. . » . 
 
 Ptofemy Il. surnamed Philadelphus, Placed by his 
 father Pt'olemy Soter upon the throne of Egjp^^^^^^^^^ : 
 the commencement of h,s reign, ^^^'IJ^^^'^uols 
 against Demetrius Phalereus, ibid, he causes the llol^ 
 Scriptures to be translated into Greek to adc^rn hi. , 
 librarv 321 cultivates the amity of the Romans, ^o. ms 
 libStv to the Roman ambassadors, ib. sends aid to the 
 Athenians besieged by Antigonus, 336. revolt of Magas 
 fea^ns pLlemyr'b. the latter quells a conspiracy aganist 
 hrper'so'^i'ls^'worksof Ptolemy of advan age to com- | 
 TTiprpp "^lO comes to an accommodation witn magas, lu. 
 wfr"bet'4en Ptolemy and Antiochus, ^'^•.P-^^'^f i 
 
 tlw nf stSinS Euergetes. succeeds W, father 
 lb. league of Antiochus Hieiax ai^d 6^^^^^^^^ „com.noda- 
 
 revenues of the provmces of CcEle-syria, 1 han^^^^ , 
 Syr~^ o7ptlely^Sefesf380. Ptolemy's 
 •^^S^IvrsSlS'^hUopator, ascends Uie thro.,e 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 821 
 
 of Egypt after the death of Ptolemy Euergetes, ii. 380. in. 
 justice and cruelty of that prince to Cleomenes, 395. An- 
 tiochus the Great undertakes to recover Ccele-syria from 
 Ptolemy, 382. short truce between those two princes, 388 
 Ptolemy gains a great victory over Antioclius at Ranhia' 
 391. comes to Jerusalem, ib. rage and revenge of Ptolemy 
 agamst the Jews, because they refuse to let him enter into 
 the sanctuary, ib. he grants Antiochus peace, 392. the E- 
 gyptians revolt against Philopator, ib. that prince gives 
 himself up to all manner of excesses, ib. puts Arsinoe, his 
 4^^3 425^ sister, to death, 393. dies worn out with debauches, 
 
 Ptolemy V., called Epiphanes, at the age of five years 
 ascends the throne of Egypt, after the death of Ptolemy 
 I'hilopator, ii. 425. Antiochus the Great and Philip enter 
 into a league to invade his dominions, 426. Ptolemy is put 
 under the guardianship of the Romans, 428. Aristomenes, 
 the young king's guardian for the Romans, takes Pales- 
 tine and Coele-syria from Antiochus, 433. Antiochus re- 
 I takes those provinces, ib. Scopas's conspiracy against 
 I Ptolemy frustrated by Aristomenes, 448. Ptolemy is de- 
 clared of age, lb. he marries Cleopatra, daughter of An- 
 tiochus, 456. makes an alUance with the Achaans, 492 
 treats Plyrcanus, the son of Joseph, with great marks of 
 favour and friendship, 493, &c. takes a disgust to Aristo- 
 menes, and puts him to death, and abandons himself to 
 aU sorts of excesses, ib. the Egyptians form several con- 
 spiracies against him, ib. Ptolemy chooses Polycrates for 
 his prime minister, ib. with that minister's assistance he 
 gets the better of the rebels, ib. renews the alliance with 
 Ino ^.'^^^^jans, ib. forms the design of attacking Seleucus, 
 503. the principal persons of his court poison him, ib 
 
 Ptolem.y VI., called Philometor, at six years old" suc- 
 ceeds his father Ptolemy Epiphanes, ii. 503. ground of 
 the war between Ptolemy and Antiochus Epiphanes, 518 
 coronation of Ptolemy, ib. is defeated bv Antiochus 519' 
 loses a second battle against Antiochus, and is taketi 
 prisoner, ib. the Alexandrians elect his brother Ptolemv 
 Euergetes II., surnamed also Physcon, in his place, 521 
 Antiochus replaces Philometor in appearance upon the 
 throne, 522. the two brothers unite and reign jointly, ib 
 xal Sf™^"s prevent Antiochus from disturbing them! 
 523. Philometor is dethroned by his brother Physcon, 610 
 he goes to Rome to implore the senate's clemency ib the 
 Romans divide the kingdom of Egypt between the two 
 brothers, 611. new differences arise between Philometor 
 and Physcon, ib. Philometor refuses to evacuate the 
 island of Cyprus, ib. gains a victory over Physcon, and 
 tarces him prisoner, 612. pardons him and restores him 
 his dominions, ib. marries his daughter Cleopatra to 
 Alexander Bala, 615. permits Onias to build a temple for 
 the Jews in Egypt, ib. marches to the aid of Alexander 
 his son-in-law^ attacked by Demetrius, 620. Apollonius's 
 plot against Ptolemy, ib. upon the refusal of Alexander 
 to deliver up that traitor, Philometor takes his daughter 
 from him, gives her to Demetrius, and aids him in as- 
 cending his father's throne, ib., &c. 
 
 Ptolemy VII., called Euergetes II. and Physcon, son 
 of Ptolemy Epiphanes, is placed by the Alexandrians 
 upon the throne of Egypt in his eldest brother's stead, ii. 
 621. the two brothers unite and reign jointly, 522 thev 
 prepare to defend themselves against the attacks of An- 
 tiochus, lb. the Romans oblige that prince to leave those 
 two princes in tranquillity, 523. Physcon dethrones Philo. 
 metor, 6 0. the Romans divide the kingdom between the 
 two brothers, 611. Physcon, dissatisfied with the part 
 given to him goes to Rome, and demands to be put in 
 possession of the island of Cyprus, ib. the Romans adjudge 
 It to him, lb. the people of Cyrenaica oppose Physcon's 
 entrance into their country, 612. that prince re-establishes 
 himself in that country, and gives occasion to attempts 
 against his life by his bad conduct, ib. makes a second 
 voyage to Rome, and carries his complaints thither 
 f£ th'' ^?"!f' ' lb undertakes to make himself mas- 
 ter of the island of Cyprus, ib. Philometor defeats and 
 V, prisoner, and afterwards generously restores 
 him his dominions, ib.-Physcon marries Cleopatra, the 
 widow of Philometor, ascends the throne of E^ypt, and 
 puts his^ brother's son to death, 620. Physcon's excess of 
 folly and debauchery, 625. Scipio Africanus the Younger 
 goes to that prince's court, ib. Physcon puts away Cleo- 
 all'Yfp"l«T/''«?n ^v,''' daughter, by Philometor, named 
 also Cleopatra, 630. horrible cruelties which he commits 
 m Egypt, lb. a general revolt compels him to quit that 
 fST^^^- "^"^ f "I'"^f Physcon, ib. returns into 
 Egypt and reascends the throne, 631. supports the impos. 
 tor Alexanoer Zebma, and lends him an army to place 
 him upon the throne of Syria, ib. gives his daughter Try- 
 ^VndlTvnT '^Pyi^"'v*^2. Physcon's diath, ib.^ 
 Phv.con ii ^i""^"^? JLathyrus, succeeds his father 
 n.T.f 'k- ^ff- P'^.oP^ti^a, his mother, obliges him to re- 
 pudiate his eldest sister, and marry Selene his youngest, 
 HvVJ;n Iffi'if r1 A^H^'^h^s the Cyzicenian against John 
 Hyrcanus, ejl. Cleopatra takes her daughter Selene from 
 
 Lathyrus, and obliges him to quit Egypt, and content 
 himself with the kingdom of Cyprus, 635. Lathyrus sends 
 an army to besiege Ptolemais, and marches in person 
 against Alexander, king of the Jews, over whom he gains 
 a great victory, ib. barbarous action of Lathyrus after the 
 battle, ib. raises the siege of Ptolemais, 636. makes an in- 
 effectual attempt against Egypt, ib. is recalled by the 
 Alexandrians, and replaced upon the throne of Egypt, 
 638. a rebellion rises up against him in Egypt, ib. Lathy- 
 rus destroys Thebes, whither the rebels had retired, ib. 
 he dies soon after, ib. 
 
 Ptolemy IX., king of Egypt. See Alexander I., son of 
 Physcon. 
 
 Ptolemy X., son of Alexander I., king of Egypt. See 
 Alexander II. 
 
 Ptolemy XL, surnamed Auletes, is placed by the 
 Alexandrians upon the throne of Egypt, in the room of 
 Alexander II., ii. 641. causes himself to be declared the 
 friend and ally of the Roman people by the influence of 
 Cffisar and Pompey, 735. oppresses his subjects in conse- 
 quence with taxations, ib. is dethroned, ib. the Alexan- 
 drians substitute his daughter Berenice in his place, 736. he 
 goes to Rome, and with money gains the suffrages of the 
 principal persons of the commonwealth for his re-establish- 
 ment, lb. causes most of the ambassadors, sent by the 
 Egyptians to Rome, to justify their revolt, to be mur- 
 dered, ib. an oracle of the Sibyl is set up against him, 
 736. Gabinius reinstates him upon the throne, 738. Au- 
 letes puts his daughter Berenice to death, ib. his ingrati- 
 tude and perfidy to Rabirius, ib. death of Auletes, 739. 
 
 Ptolemy XIl., son of Ptolemy Auletes, reigns after his 
 father with his sister Cleopatra, ii. 739. he expels Cleopa- 
 tra, lb. causes Pompey to be assassinated by the advice of 
 Theodotus, ib. Ceesar makes himself judge between Ptole- 
 my and Cleopatra, 740. he secures the person of Ptolemy, 
 lb. releases him, 742. Ptolemy renews the war against 
 Cffisar, ib. is defeated, and drowned in the Nile, endea- 
 vouring to escape, 743. 
 
 _ Ptolemy I., king of Cyprus, brother of Ptolemy Auletes, 
 IS deposed by the Romans, who confiscate his treasures, 
 II. 643. he poisons himself, ib. 
 
 Ptolemy II., son of Ptolemy Auletes, is made king of 
 Cyprus by Caesar, ii. 741. Cffisar gives him the crown of 
 -t'gypt jointly with Cleopatra, 743. death of Ptolemy, poi- 
 soned by that princess, ib. 
 
 Ptolemy, son of Antony and Cleopatra, is proclaimed 
 king of Syria by Antony, ii. 747. 
 
 Ptolemy Apion, natural son of Physcon, is made king 
 of Cyrenaica, by his father, ii. 632. he leaves his kingdom 
 to the Romans at his death, 637. 
 
 Ptolemy Ceraunus, or the Thunder, son of Ptolemy 
 Soter, quits the court, and retires first to Lysimachus, 
 and afterwards to Seleucus, ii. 300. he engages the latter 
 in a war with Lysimachus, 310. assassinates Seleucus and 
 possesses himself of his dominions, 311. marries his sister 
 Arsinoe, widow of Lysimachus, and causes her two chil 
 dren by that prince to be murdered, 312. banishes her into 
 feamothracia, ib. is soon after punished for those parricides 
 by the Gauls, who kill him in a battle, 313. 
 
 Ptolemy Macron, governor of the island of Cyprus 
 under Ptolemy Philometor, revolts against that prince, 
 enters into the service of Antiochus Epiphanes, and 
 gives him possession of the island of Cyprus, ii. 519. An- 
 tiochus gives him a share in his confidence, and the 
 government of Coele-syria and Palestine, ib. he marches 
 against the Jews, and is defeated by Judas Maccabteus, 
 535. becomes a friend to the Jews, 606. Antiochus Eupa- 
 tor deprives him of his government, ib. Ptolemy, through 
 despair, poisons himself, ib. 
 
 Ptolemy, son of Pyrrhus, is killed in a battle against 
 the Lacedajmonians, ii. 333. 
 
 Ptolemy, one of the principal officers of Philip, unites 
 with Apelles in his conspiracy against that prince, ii. 401, 
 Phihp causes him to be put to death, 403. 
 
 Ptolemy (historian) corrected, viz. respecting Aspis and 
 Clypea, 1 59. N. Gyndes and Kizil Ozan, 206. N. Arbela. 
 XT ^1^- ^- Erapsaca, 172. N. Indus, 192! 
 
 N. Euphrates, 219. N. Ochus and Margus, 346. N. mount 
 ArgaBus, 670. N. 
 
 Pul, king of the Assyrians, who repents upon the preach, 
 ing of Jonah, i. 131. this opinion controverted, 120. N. 
 
 Pulcher (P. Claudius), consul, is beaten at sea by Ad 
 herbal the Carthaginian general, i. 6.3. 
 
 Punic: origin and signification of that word. i. 33, 
 Punic wars, 57, 68, 102. ' 
 Punjaub, description of the, ii. 190. N. its rivers, ib. 
 Pydna, city of Macedonia, is subjected by Philip, ii. 47 
 famous victory gained by Paulus iEmiUus over Perseus 
 near that city, 567. * 
 Pyla, pass of, not the pass of Nazeriya, i. 458. N. 
 Pylos, a small city of Messenia, taken by the Athe. 
 mans during the Peloponnesian war, i. 399. 
 
 Pyramid. Description of the Pyramids of Egypt, L 
 3. judgment to be formed of those famous structures, ib. 
 
822 GENERAL 
 
 Pyrrhus, general of the ^tolians, is twice beaten by 
 Philip, ii. 408. 
 
 Pyrrhus, son of iEacides, king of Epirus, flies from the 
 fury of the rebels, ii. 292. he is re-established upon the 
 throne of Epirus by Glaucias, king of Illyrium, ib. the 
 Molossians revolt against him, and plunder all his riches, 
 ib. he retires to Demetrius, son of Antigonus, ib. dittia. 
 guishes himself at the battle of Ipsus, ib. goes to Egypt 
 as a hostage for Demetrius, ib. marries Antigone, daugh- 
 ter of Berenice, ib. Ptolemy gives him a fleet and money, 
 of wliich he makes use for repossessing himself of his 
 dominions, 293. Pyrrhus takes Macedonia from Deme- 
 trius, and is declared king of it, 297. he divides that king, 
 dom vi'ith Lysimachus, 298. is soon obliged to quit it, 299. 
 the Tarentines call in Pyrrhus to their aid against the 
 Romans, 323. that prince goes to Italy, 324. he defeats 
 the consul Levinus, 325. causes proposals of peace to be 
 made to the Romans, ib. conversation of Pyrrhus with 
 Fabricius, 326. Pyrrhus gains a second advantage over 
 the Romans, 329. expeditions of Pyrrhus in Sicily, ib. he 
 returns into Italy, 330. plunders the temple of Proserpine 
 in the country of the Locrians, ib. is defeated by the Ro. 
 mans, 331, returns into Epirus, ib. throws himself into 
 Macedonia, and makes himself master of it for a time, 
 after having defeated Antigonus, ib. expedition of Pyr- 
 rhus into Peloponnesus, 332. he besieges Sparta ineffec- 
 
 I tually, ib. is killed at the siege of Argos, 334). good and 
 
 ' bad qualities of Pyrrhus, ib. &c. 
 
 Pythagoras, a Lacedsemonian, commands part of the 
 fleet of Cyrus the Younger, in the expedition of that 
 prince against his brother Artaxerxes, i. 469. 
 
 Pythagoras, son of Evagoras, defends the city of Sa- 
 lamis, besieged by Artaxerxes, during his father's ab- 
 sence, i. 498. 
 
 Pythagoras, philosopher, i. 383. he goes to Italy and 
 I settles at Crotona, where he opens a school of philosophy, 
 [ ib. noviciate of silence which he makes his disciples ob- 
 i serve, ib. 
 
 I Pytharchus of Cyzicum gains the favour of Cyrus, who 
 gives him the revenues of seven cities for a pension, i. 
 223. 
 
 Pytheas, magistrate of the Boeotians, induces them to 
 ' unite their forces with those of the Achseans against the 
 ! Romans, ii. 597. Metellus puts him to death, ib. 
 
 Pytheas, famous astronomer and geographer, ii. 594. 
 
 Pythia, name of the priestess of ApoUo at Delphi, i. 
 i 563. 
 
 ! Pythian, celebrated games of Greece, i. 567. 
 
 Pythias, friend of Damon : trial to which their friend- 
 Bhip was put, i. 603. 
 
 Pythius, Lydian prince, generous ofFer which he makes 
 Xerxes of his riches, i. 324. means which the princess his 
 wife uses to make him sensible of the injustice and ab- 
 surdity of his conduct, ib. cruelty which Pythius experi- 
 ences from Xerxes, 325. 
 
 Pythodorus, sent by the Athenians to the aid of the 
 Leontines, is banished for not having undertaken the 
 conquest of Sicily, i. 411. 
 
 Python, of Byzantium, famous rhetorician, is deputed 
 by Philip to the Thebans to inchne them to peace, ii. 66, 
 
 Q- 
 
 Quarterly Review corrected respecting the use of ele- 
 phants in Persia, li. 423. K 
 Quoit, See Discus. 
 
 R, 
 
 Rabirius Posthumus, Roman knight, goes to Ptolemy 
 Auletes, in order to be paid the sums he had lent that 
 prince at Rome, ii. 738. perfidy of Ptolemy towards him, 
 lb. Rabirius is accused at Rome of having assisted Pto- 
 lemy in corru,pting the senate, ib. Cicero undertakes his 
 defence, 739. 
 
 Racca, the probable ford by which Alexander passed 
 tlie Euphrates, ii. 122. N. 
 Race. See Course. 
 
 Ragau ; name of the plain where Nabuchodonosor 
 conquered Phraortes, i. 146. inquiry respecting its situa- 
 tion, ii. 344. N. 
 
 Ragau, a flourishing city, i. 146, N. ruined by intestine 
 discord, ib. 
 
 Rameses Miamum, king of Egypt, i. 22, he makes the 
 Israelites suffer infinite hardships, ib. 
 
 Rammius, citizen of Brundusium, is ordered by Per- 
 seus to poison Eumenes, ii. 549. he goes to Valerius at 
 Chalcis, discovers the whole to him, and follows him to 
 Rome, ib. 
 
 Raphia, city of Palestine, near which Antiochus the 
 Great was defeated by Ptolemy Philopatoi", ii. 391. 
 
 Reading, of history especially : of w hat use it is to a 
 prince, ii. 77. delicacy of the Lacedaemonians in respect 
 to the books that youth were suffered to read, i. 284. 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Regillus (L. iEmilius) is charged with tne command oT 
 the Roman fleet in the room of Livius, ii. 467: he gains 
 a complete victory over Polyxenides, Antiochus 's admi- 
 ral, 472. receives the honour of a triumph, 480. 
 
 Regulus (M. Attilius), consul, gains a great victory over 
 the Carthaginians with his fleet, i. 58. he goes to Africa, 
 
 59. the Romans continue him in the command as pro- 
 consul, ib. he defeats the Carthaginians, and seizes Tunis, 
 ib. suffers himself to be dazzled by his glorious successes, 
 
 60. is defeated and taken prisoner by the Carthaginians, 
 
 61. the Carthaginians send him to Rome to propose the 
 exchange of prisoners, 62. at his return they put him to 
 a cruel death, ib. 
 
 Reid, Dr. his opinion of Conscience confuted, ii, 317 
 
 N. 
 
 Religion, Origin and source of the religion of the an- 
 cients, i. 557, attention of the ancients in discharging all 
 the duties of religion, i, 2.33. the veil of religion often 
 serves to cover the most criminal designs, and the most 
 unjust enterprises, 404. critical examination of the reli 
 gious opinions of Socrates and other philosophers, 519— 
 529. N. difference betwixt the religion of the Greeks and 
 Druids, ii. 314, N. 
 
 Rennell corrected, viz. respecting the Gyndes, i. 202, 
 N, inundations of the Tigris, 459. N. its breadth, 460. N, 
 longitude of Erzeroom, 465. N, the passage of the Eu. 
 phrates by the 10,000 Greeks, ib. Omiras and Murad, 
 466. N, Pasargada, ii. 136. N. Aria, 156. N, the Caphenes, 
 187. N. channel of the Euphrates, 210, N, Tigranocerta, 
 714. N. 
 
 Reomithras, one of the revolted chiefe against Arta- 
 xerxes Mnemon, delivers up the principal rebels to that 
 prince, to make his own peace, and keeps the money 
 which he had brought from Egypt for the confederacy, ii. 
 26, 
 
 Resurrection of the body. Confused notions which the 
 ancients had of the resurrection of the body, i. 442. 
 
 Retreat of the ten thousand Greeks after the battle of 
 Cunaxa, i. 477, &c. their march to Sitace, 461. N. Opis, 
 476. (462. N.) the Zabatus, ib. here (he Greek generals 
 were treacherously murdered by Tissaphernes, 4ri6. (463. 
 N.) their march to Nineveh, ib. they cross the Carducian 
 mountains, 478. (464. N.) are stopped at the ridge of 
 Zaco, ib. cross the Tigris and arrive at Sert, ib. march 
 through the Armenian plains to the Teleboas, ib. encoun- 
 ter a severe storm of snow betwixt the Teleboas and Eu- 
 phrates, 465. N. pass the Euphrates, ib. march to the 
 Araxes, 467. N. to the Harpasus, or Ai-pa-chai, ib. to 
 Gymnias, Theches and Trebisond, ib. here the soldiers 
 are seized with giddiness from eating wild honey, 478. 
 (468. N.) they march to Cerasus, ib. to Cotyora, 479. 
 (468. N.) sail to Sinope, 480. (469. N.) to Heraclea, &c. ib. 
 march towards Byzantium, ib. engage in the service of 
 Seuthes, ib. , 
 
 Revenues of Persia, i. 221. N. ciirious accou-nt of the 1 
 revenues of the Khalif al-Mamoun, 222. N. 
 
 Rhadamanthus, brother of Minos, is appointed by that 
 prince to administer justice in his capital city, i. 539. 
 
 Khampsinitus, king of Egypt, i. 25. 
 
 Khegium, city of Sicily, forms a league against Diony- 
 sius, i. 593. it makes peace with that tyrant, ib. its refusal 
 to give him a wife, and the insolent answer with which 
 that refusal is attended, 594. Dionysius besieges it out of 
 revenge, 599. miserable fate of that city, ib. a Roman le- 
 gion by the aid of the Mamertines comes and settles 
 there, after having expelled the inhabitants, 57. the Ro- 
 mans re-establish the inhabitants, ib. 
 
 Rhisiases, Acha?an, by menaces obliges his son Mem- 
 non, who was chief magistrate, not to oppose the treaty , 
 with the Romans, ii. 436. j 
 
 Rhodes, island and city of Asia Minor, i. xxx. Rhodes 
 takes up arms against Alliens, ii. 30. it is declared free, 
 32. it is subjected by Mausohis, king of Caria, 33. the 
 Rhodians undertake to dethrone Artemisia, widow of 
 that prince, 34. that princess takes their city, ib. the death 
 of Artemisia re-estabUshes their liberty, ib. the Rho- 
 dians refuse to aid Antigonus against Ptolemy, 270. De- 
 metrius besieges their city, ib. he raises the siege a year 
 after by a peace very honourable for tne Rhodians, 275^ j 
 makes them a present of all the machines of war which i 
 he had employed in that siege, ib. the Rhodians erect the 
 famous Colossus, with the money raised by the sale of 
 those machines, ib. their impious flattery of Ptolemy to 
 express their gratitude for the aid he had given them 
 during that siege, ib. great earthquake at Rhodes, ofeO. 
 emulation of the neighbouring princes in consoling that 
 atHicted city, ib. destruction of the famous Colossus, ib 
 war between the Rhodians and Byzantines, and the 
 cause of it, 386. peace is restored between the two peoples, 
 ib war between the Rhodians and Philip, 426. they are 
 defeated at sea by Polyxonidas, 469. N. they defeat Han. 
 nibal at sea, 471. dispute between the Rhodians and Lu- 
 menes before the Romans, concerning the Grecian citie.s 
 of Asia, 477. cruelty of the Rhodians to the Lycians. 
 
GFNERAL INDEX. 
 
 823 
 
 I i81. K the Rhodians signalize their zeal for Home in the 
 I war with Perseus, 552,. they send ambassadors to Rome, 
 and to the Roman army in Macedonia, who speak there 
 in favour of Perseus with extraordinary insolence, 5()0. 
 they send deputies to Rome, who endeavour to appease 
 the anger of the senate, 585. after long and warm solici- 
 talions, they succeed in being admitted into the alliance 
 of the Roman people, 587. 
 
 Rhodoguna, daughter of Mithridates, king of the Par- 
 thians, is married to Demetrius, king of Syria, ii. 624. 
 Rhone, river. Passage of the Rhone by Harmibal, i. 76. 
 Riches, contempt which the ancient Scythians had for 
 riches, i. 300. 
 
 Rich lieu (Cardinal) composed dramatic pieces, and 
 piqued himself upon excelling in that study, i. 600. 
 
 Rivers, critical discussions respecting several Persian 
 and Median rivers, i. 202—206. N. ii. 134. N. 
 
 Rollin corrected in the Notes, viz. respecting Babylon, 
 i. 118, 181. Belus, 119. two Assyrian Empires, 120. Pul, 
 ib. Sardanapalus, 131. religious tenets of the Persian 
 Magi, 236. interment of the dead, 240. Socrates' opinion 
 of creation, 526. character of the Lacedsemonians, 535. 
 his partiality to Alexander, ii. 132. Arimapsi, 157. Cur. 
 tius, 211. in interpreting Scripture predictions, 218. Eu- 
 phrates, 219. Atropatians, 385. remarks on his credulity, 
 212. censured for his opinion of Brennus and the temple 
 of Delphi, 314—321. his opinion of the innate idea of a 
 God, 315. his application of Daniel's prophecy to Antio- 
 chus Epiphanes, 540 — 544. predictions of Isa. xix. 18 — 21. 
 615 — 620. censured for his partiality towards the Romans, 
 574—577, 578—584. 
 
 Romans. First treaty between the Romans and Car- 
 thaginians, i. 47. the Romans send deputies to collect the 
 laws of the cities of Greece, 353, second treaty between 
 the Romans and Carthaginians, i. 51. war between the 
 Romans and Pyrrhus, ii. 323. they are defeated in two 
 battles by that prince, 325. gain a great victory over Pyr- 
 ■ thus, and oblige him to quit Italy, 331. punish their citi- 
 zens who had settled in Khegium, i. 57. send ambassa- 
 dors to Ptolemy Philadelphus, and make an alliance with 
 that prince, ii. 335. aid the Mamertines against the Car- 
 thaginians, i. 57. form the design of fitting out a fleet for 
 the first time, 58. beat the Carthaginians, first near the 
 coast of Myle, and afterwards near Ecnomus, ib. they 
 pass over into Africa, 59. are at first victorious, and after- 
 wards defeated, ib. defeat the Carthaginian fleet in sight 
 of Sicily, 62. go to Sicily, and form the siege of Lily- 
 I beeum, ib. are defeated at sea, 63. gain a great victory 
 j over the Carthaginians, to whom they grant peace, 64. 
 take Sardinia from the Carthaginians, 68. drive Teuta 
 out of Illyrium, ii. 363. send a solemn embassy into 
 Greece to notify their treaty with the lUyrians, ib. the 
 Corinthians admit them to the Isthmian games, and the 
 Athenians grant them the freedom of their citj', ib. the 
 Romans drive Demetrius of Pharos out of Illyrium, 396. 
 they send ambassadors to demand him of Philip, who re- 
 fuses to deliver him up, ib. declare war against the Car- 
 thaginians, 71. are defeated near the Ticinus, 79. near 
 Trebia, 80. and the lake of Thrasymenus, 82. make seve- 
 ral conquests in Spain, 84. lose a great battle near Cannae, 
 85. Hannibal besieges Rome, 87. the Romans are defeat- 
 ed in Spain, 88. they gain a great battle over Asdrubal, 
 89. go over into Africa, 90. defeat the Carthaginians near 
 Zama, oblige them to demand peace, and grant it them, 
 91. send deputies to Ptolemy and Cleopatra to renew 
 their ancient alliance with Egypt, ii. 392. gain an advan- 
 tage over Philip at Apollonia, 406. break with Hierony- 
 mus, 679. upon the news of that prince's death, they send 
 Marcellus into Sicily, ib. that general takes Syracuse, 687. 
 alliance of the Romans with the Jitolians, 407. the Ro- 
 mans send Sulpitius to the aid of the .lEtoIians against 
 Philip, 408. various expeditions of that preetcr in Mace- 
 donia, 409. general peace between the Romans and Phi- 
 lip, in which the allies on both sides are included, 420. 
 the Romans accept the guardianship of Ptolemy Epi- 
 phanes, 428. they declare war against Philip, 429. defeat 
 that prince in a battle, 431, employ their influence with 
 Antiochus to induce him not to make war against Atta- 
 ins, 433. expeditions of the Romans in Phocis, 434. they 
 make a treaty with Nabis, 438. gain a famous victory 
 over Philip near Scotussa and Cynoscephala?, 440. grant 
 that prince peace, 441. remarks on their conduct to him, 
 466. N. they reinstate Greece in its ancient liberty, 442. 
 send an embassy to Antiochus, 446. it tends only to dis- 
 pose both sides to an open rupture, 448. they make war 
 against Nabis, 449. oblige him to demand peace, and 
 grant it to him, 451. every preparation is made for a war 
 between the Romans and Antiochus, 452. cause of this 
 war stated, 453 — 4.55. N. mutual embassies on both sides 
 without effect, 453. the Romans send troops against Na- 
 bis, who had broken the treaty, 458. they declare war 
 against Antiochus, 463. gain an advantage over that 
 prince at Thermopylee, 464. defeat Polyxenides, An. 
 _ tiochus's admiral, on two occasions, 472. go to Asia, and | 
 
 gain a great victory over Antiochus near Magnesia, 476, 
 consequences of this victory, 480. N. grant him peace, 
 477. reduce the iEtolians, and grant them j)eace, 483 
 subject the Gauls of Asia, 485, Sic. complaints against 
 Philip carried to Rome, 494. the Romans send commissa- 
 ries to examine into those complaints, and to take cog- 
 nizance of the ill treatment of Sparta by the Achaeans, ib. 
 new complaints carried to Rome against Philip, 503. the 
 Romans send back his son Demetrius with ambassa- 
 dors, ib. they send ambassadors into Macedonia, to have 
 an eye upon the conduct of Perseus, 547. they break with 
 that prince, 550. war is declared in form, 552. the Ro- 
 mans are worsted near the river Peneus, 555. the senate 
 makes a wise decree to put a stop to the avarice of tho 
 generals and magistrates, who oppressed the allies, 557, 
 the Romans penetrate into Macedonia, 558, &c. they 
 conquer Gentius, king of Illyrium, 565. gain a great vic- 
 tory over Perseus near the city of Pydna, 509. that prince 
 is taken with his children, 571. decree of the senate, 
 which grants liberty to the Macedonians and lUyrians, 
 572. the Romans oblige Antiochus Epiphanes to quit 
 Egypt, and to leave the two reigning brothers in peace, 
 523. their cruel treatment of the .flitolians, 587. all in 
 general who had favoured Perseus are cited to Rome, 
 to answer for their conduct there, 588. a tliousand 
 Achseans carried thither, ib. the senate banishes them 
 into several towns of Italy, 589. after seventeen years of 
 banishment they are sent back into their own country, 
 ib. they refuse Eumenes entrance into Rome, 590. the 
 Romans divide the kingdom of Egypt between Philo- 
 metor and Physcon, 611. one of their ambassadors is 
 
 killed in Syria, ib. -The Romans declare the Jews 
 
 their friends and allies, 613. they acknowledge Deme- 
 trius king of Syria, 614, conquer the Ligurians, and 
 give their territory to the people of Marseilles, 592. de- 
 feat Andriscus, and two 'more adventurers, who had 
 possessed themselves of Macedonia, and reduce that 
 kingdom into a Roman province, 596, &c. declare war 
 against the Carthaginians, i. 103. order them to abandon 
 Carthage, 104. besiege that city, and demolish it entirely, 
 105, &c. decree of the senate for separating several cities , 
 from the Achaean league, ii, 596, &c. troubles in 
 Achaia, 597. the Romans defeat the Achteans, and take 
 Thebes, ib. they gain another victory over the Acheeans, 
 take Corinth, and burn it, 698. reduce Greece into a Ro- 
 man province, ib. renew the treaties made with the 
 Jews, 623. inherit the riches and dominions of Attains, 
 king of Pergamus, 627. reduce Aristonicus, who had pos- 
 sessed himself of them, ib. Ptolemy Apion, king of Cyre- 
 naica, and Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, leave the Ro- 
 mans their dominions at their deaths, 637, &c. the Ro- 
 mans reduce those kingdoms into Roman provinces, ib. 
 they re-establish the kings of Cappadocia and Bithynia, 
 expelled by Mithridates, 698. first war of the Romans 
 against Mithridates, 699. massacre of all the Romans 
 and Italians in Asia Minor, ib. the Romans gain three 
 great battles against the generals of Mithridates, 701, 703. 
 they grant that prince peace, 704. second war of the Ro- 
 mans with Mithridates, 706. they are defeated by that 
 prince in a battle, 708. gain a great victory over hiin, and 
 compel him to retire into Armenia, to Tigranes, his son- 
 in-law, 709, 713. declare war against Tigranes, and defeat 
 him in a battle, 717. second victory of the Romans over the 
 united forces of Mithridates and Tigranes, 720. they again 
 gain several victories over Mithridates, who had recovered 
 his dominions, 726. subject Tigranes, king of Armenia^ 
 727. drive Antiochus Asiaticus out of Syria, and reduce 
 that kingdom into a Roman province, 731. Ihe Ro- 
 mans, by the will of Alexander, king of Egypt, are de. 
 clared heirs of his dominions, 642. end of the war with. 
 Mithridates, 733. the Romans drive Ptolemy out of Cy. 
 prus, and confiscate his treasures, 643. they invade Parthia,. 
 and are defeated, 654, &c. declare Ptolemy Auletes their 
 friend and ally, 735. reduce Egypt into a Roman province^ 
 763. Cappadocia is also reduced into a Roman province, 
 669. reflection upon the conduct of the Romans towards 
 the states of Greece, and the kings both of Europe and 
 Asia, 481. and towards the Macedonians, Epirots and 
 iEtohans, 674 — 577. N. diflference between the Romans 
 and the Greeks, 601. Roman triumphs, their character 
 and tendency, 579. N. Roman haughtiness, 524. setting 
 out of the consul and army, 652. probable consequences it 
 they had been invaded by Alexander, 228. N. difference 
 of taste of the Romans and Greeks in respect to shows, L 
 675 
 
 Romans, Paul's Epistle to the, chap. i. 20. examined and 
 illustrated, i. 525. N. 
 
 Roquemaure, the town where Hannibal crossed the 
 Rhone, i. 73. N. 
 
 Rosaces, governor of Lydia and Ionia, commands a 
 detachment of Ochus's army in that prince's expedition 
 against Egypt, ii. 36. 
 
 Uosaces, Persian lord, gives proofs Of his valour at the 
 I battle of the Granicus, ii. 86. 
 
824 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Rowers. Condition of them among the ancients, i, 
 555. 
 
 Roxana, sister of Statira, queen of Persia. Tragical 
 Ijistory of that princess, i. 449. 
 
 Roxana, daughter of Oxyartes, wife of Alexander, ii. 
 170. she is delivered of a son soon after Alexander's death, 
 
 234. causes Statira, Alexander's widow as well as herself, 
 to be put to death with Drypetis, Hephsestion's widow, 
 
 235. Cassa^nder deprives her of all the honours of a queen, 
 and soon after puts her to death, 254, &c. 
 
 Roxana, sister of Mithridates, ii. 710. deplorable end of 
 that princess, ib. 
 
 a 
 
 Sabacus, king of ^Ethiopia, enters Egypt, and conquers 
 it, i. 26. at the expiration of fifty years he retires volunta- 
 rily into iEthiopia, ib. 
 
 Sabanjah, lake of, described, ii. 339. N. 
 
 Sabians, sect of idolaters in the East, i. 235. origin of 
 Sabiism, 119. N. 
 
 SabracEe, powerful people of India, where situate, ii. 
 i 204. subjected by Alexander, 200. 
 
 I Sacffi, people of Assyria, subjected by Cyrus, i. 165. in- 
 i quiry concerning them, ib. N. 
 
 ! Sadducees, a powerful sect among the Jews : some 
 account of them, ii. 635. 
 
 [ Sadyattes, king of Lydia, i. 149. besieges Miletus, ib. 
 
 ! Sages. Abridgment of the lives of the seven sages of 
 
 ' Greece, i. 286. 
 
 Saguntum, city of Spain, origin of its name, i. 70. N. 
 besieged, taken and destroyed by Hannibal, 71. N. rebuilt 
 by the Romans, and destroyed by the Goths and Arabs, 70. 
 N. its site now occupied by Murviedro, ib. 
 
 ! Said, the ancient Thebais of Egypt, i. 1. 
 
 i Sais, city of the Lower Egyjrt, i. 8. 
 
 j Salamis, capital city of the island of Cyprus, i. 497. 
 
 I Salamis, isle of Greece, famous for the battle at sea 
 
 : between Xerxes and the Greeks, i. 335. 
 
 ! Saline, desert of Media described, ii. 422. N. 
 
 : Salome, wife of Aristobulus I. takes the three princes, 
 her husband's brothers, out of prison, ii. 646. 
 
 I Samaria, city of Palestine, the capital of the kingdom 
 
 : of Israel, i. 557. origin of the enmity between the Sama- 
 ritans and Jews, 138. the Samaritans oppose the Jews at 
 
 I the time they are rebuilding the temple of Jerusalem, 193. 
 they submit to Alexander, ii. 112. cannot obtain the same 
 privileges from that prince as the Jews, 116. mutiny, 119. 
 Alexander drives them out of Samaria, ib. they conform 
 
 , to the religion of Antiochus Epiphanes, 624. destruction 
 of Samaria by Hyrcanus, 634. 
 
 i Sambucffi, machine of war of the ancients, ii. 683. 
 
 ' Samos, island and city of Ionia, i. 262. Samos taken and 
 
 ' destroyed by the Athenians, 373. Lysander re-establishes 
 
 i the ancient inhabitants in it, 446. impious flattery of the 
 Samians towards that LacedEemcnian, 453. 
 
 Samothracia, island of the Archipelago, considered as 
 sacred and inviolable, ii. 570. 
 
 ; Sandracotta, Indian, his history, ii. 286. N. possesses 
 himself of all the provinces of India, which Alexander 
 had conquered, 276. Seleucus undertakes to drive him out 
 of them, ib. those two princes come to an accommodation, 
 
 ; ib. 
 
 I Sangala, city of India, site of, ii. 192. N. taken and en- 
 i tirely demolished by Alexander, 185. 
 
 Sangarius, river, its source and course, ii. 487. N, 
 
 Sanscrit and Greek, similarity of, ii. 159. N. 
 
 Saosduchinus, king of Babylon. See Nabuchodonosor I. 
 
 Sappho, of Mitylene, surnamed the tenth Muse, i. 286. 
 
 Saracus, king of Assyria, i. 138. revolt of Nabopolassar 
 against that prince, ib. death of Saracus, 147. 
 
 Sardanapalus, king of Assyria, i. 131. his effeminacy, ib. 
 his death, 132. 
 
 Sardinia, island of Europe in the Mediterranean, sub- 
 jected by the Carthaginians, i. 45. 
 
 Sardis, a city of Lydia, subjected by Cyrus, 1. 173. it is 
 taken and burnt by Aristagoras and the Athenians, 309. 
 now reduced to a small village and named Sart, 172. N. 
 description of it and its neighbourhood, ib. 
 
 Sari, the ancient Zadra Carta described, ii. 354. N. 
 
 Satire, sort of poem, i. 677. 
 
 Satrapse, name given to the governors of provinces 
 amongst the Persians, i. 218. its meaning, 189. N. 
 
 Saturn. Pagan divinity, i. 34. 
 
 Satyrs, oriental account of, i. 184. N. 
 
 Scamma, name given to the place where the athlets 
 combated, i. 571. 
 
 Scai-pus, general of Antony's army in Libya, declares 
 for Cffisar, ii. 749. 
 
 Scaurus, Pompey's lieutenant, reduces Syria and Damas- 
 cus, ii. 731. 
 
 Scaurus (.S^milius) is deputed by the Romans to Jugur- 
 tha, i. 114. he suffers himself to be bribed by that prince, 
 ib. 
 
 Scene, or Stage, part of the theatre of the ancients, i. 
 677. 
 
 Schabour, his usage of Valerian, ii. 679. N. 
 Sciences. See Arts. 
 
 Scipio (Publius) marches into Spain against Kannibal, 
 
 i. 77. he passes the Po, and is defeated near the Ticinua, 
 79. is sent into Spain, and joins his brother Cn. Scipio 
 there, 84. they make great progress there, 87. divide 
 their troops, 381. Publius is killed in a battle, ib. 
 
 Scipio (Cneus) is sent by his brother into Spain to make 
 head against Asdrubal, i. 77. the two brothers join each 
 other, and have great success, 84. Cneus is killed in a 
 battle, 88. 
 
 Scipio (P. Cornelius), surnamed Africanus, makes him- 
 self master of all Spain, i. 90. he is elected consul, and 
 goes over into Africa, ib. has an interview with Hannibal, 
 and gains a great victory over that general, 91, &c. grants 
 the Carthaginians peace, 92. conversation between Scipio 
 and Hannibal at Ephesus, 96. Scipio serves as lieutenant 
 to his brother L. Cornelius Scipio in the war with Anti- 
 ochus, ii. 467. he rejects the offers of Antiochus, 473. 
 Scipio's death, i. 97. 
 
 Scipio (L. Cornelius), surnamed Asiaticus, is charged j 
 with the war against Antiochus, ii. 467. he goes to Asia, | 
 472. gains a famous victory over Antiochus, near Mag- 
 nesia, 475. receives the honour of a triumph, 480. | 
 
 Scipio Nasica, son-in-law of Scipio Africanus, is charged j 
 with an important expedition by Paulus iEmilius, which 
 he executes highly to his honour, ii. 567. he is sent into 
 Macedonia, to appease the troubles excited by Andriscus, 
 595. 
 
 Scipio (Publius), surnamed Africanus the Younger, dis- 
 tinguishes himself in the war with Carthage, i. 105. he 
 returns to Rome to demand the office of edile, 106. the 
 people give him the consulship, ib. Scipio goes to Africa, 
 and advances against Carthage, ib. takes that city and de- 
 molishes it, 108. is sent ambassador into Egypt, Syria, and 
 Greece, ii. 625. use which he makes of the presents sent 
 him by Antiochus Sidetes, 628. character and praise of 
 Scipio, i. 112. Rollin's panegyric on him examined, 683. 
 N. his intimate friendship with Polybius, ib. 
 
 Scismas, eldest son of Datames, becomes his accuser to 
 Artaxerxes, i. 602. 
 
 Scopas is placed at the head of the .S^tolian troops in 
 the war against the AcliEeans, ii. 394. he ravages Macedo- 
 nia, 397. prevails upon the jEtolians to make an alliance 
 with the Romans, 407. goes into the service of Ptolemy 
 Epiphanes, king of Egypt, 433. possesses himself of Judsea, 
 ib. is defeated by Antiochus, and obliged to accept igno- 
 minious conditions, ib. conspires against Ptolemy, and is 
 put to death, 448. | 
 
 Scorpion, machine of war, ii. 683. 
 
 Scydisses range, description of the, ii. 695. N. I 
 
 Scylax, Greek of Caryandia, is commissioned by Darius ! 
 to discover India, i. 307. acquits himself happily of that 
 commission, ib. 
 
 Scylurus, king of the Scythians, in what manner he 
 recommended unity to his children, L 300. l 
 
 Scytale, used among the Lacedaemonians. What it ' 
 was, i. 272. I 
 
 Scythia, Scythians, etymology of the name, i.295. N. an- I 
 cient divisions, ib. European or Western Scythia, its boun- 
 daries and extent, ib. its rivers, 296. N. various Scythian 
 tribes described, 297. N. their savage state, 298. N. their 
 barbarous sacrifices, ib. revolt of Scythian tribes, ib. neigh- 
 bouring tribes, 299. N. Scythian tombs, 304. N. the Scy- 
 thians possess themselves of Upper Asia, 147. are driven 
 out of it at the end of twenty-eight years, ib. Darius de- 
 signs to punish them for that invasion, SOI. the Scythians 
 refuse to submit, 304. they send a herald to Darius with ; 
 presents, ib. ravage Thrace, 306. send ambassadors to 
 Alexander, who speak to him with extraordinary free- 
 dom, ii. 164. are defeated and subjected by that prince, 
 166. make war with Phraates to revenge themselves on 
 him for his injustice, defeat him in a battle, and ravage 
 his kingdom, 629. manners of the Scythians according to 
 Herodotus, i. 299. manners and character of the ancient 
 Scythians according to Justin, ib. in what time luxury 
 got ground amongst them, 301. see Abian. 
 
 Scythopolis, city of the tribe of Manasseh, i. 147. 
 
 Sea. Red Sea. The passage of the Red Sta, manifestly 
 indicated in Diodorus Siculiis, i. 22. 
 
 Sects of idolaters in the East, L 234. different sects of 
 philosophers. See Philosophers. 
 
 Segesta, city of Sicily, puts itself under the protection 
 of the Carthaginians, i. 48. 
 
 Selasia, city of Pelopojmesus, famous for the battle be- 
 tween Antigonus and Cleomenes, ii. 377. 
 
 Selene, daughter of Ptolemy Physcon and Cleopatra, is 
 compelled by her mother to marry her brother LathjTus, 
 
 ii. 633. Cleopatra makes her quit Lathyrus, and gives her 
 in marriage to Antiochus Grypus, 636. .Selene, after tlie 
 death of Grypus, marries Antiochus Eusebes, 637. Euse- 
 bes having been driven out of his dominions, she keeps 
 possession of Ptolcmais with part of 1 hocnicia and Ccele- 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Syria, and reigns there many years, 638. she conceives 
 . hopes of ascending the throne of Egypt, ib. sends hei two 
 sons to Rome with that view, ib. 
 Seleucia, city of Syria, built by Seleucus Nicator, ii. 285. 
 j Seleucia, city situated upon the Tigris, built by Seleu- 
 : cus Nicator, ii. 29i. description and present state of, 290, 
 I 294), 296. N. why confounded with Babylon and Ctesiphon, 
 295. N. J f , 
 
 Seleucia Tracheiotis, site of, ii. 448. N. 
 Seleucidje. Famous era of the Seleucidse, ii. 262. its 
 commencement, 286. N. end of the empire of the Seleu- 
 cidse in Asia, 731. view of their historr, 286, 287. N. 
 
 Seleucus Nicator is placed at the head of all the cavalry 
 of the allies after the death of Alexander, ii. 234. is settled 
 by Antipater in the government of Babylon, 245. joins 
 Antigonus and Ptolemy against Eumene.s, 252. escapes 
 from Babylon and retires into Egypt, 259. forms a league 
 . with Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and Cassander, against Anti- 
 I gonus, ib. makes himself master of Babylon, 261. assumes 
 the title of king, 263. strengthens himself upon the throne 
 of Syria, 269. makes an expedition into India, 276. league 
 between Seleucus, Ptolemy, Cassander, and Lysimachus, 
 against Antigonus and Demetrius, 277. Seleucus com- 
 mands the army of the confederates, and gains a famous 
 I victory near Ipsus, ib. the four victorious princes divide 
 ! the empire of Alexander the Great amongst them, 279. 
 i Seleucus builds several cities, 285. makes an alliance with 
 I Demetrius, 291. quarrels with him, and takes Cilicia 
 \ from him, ib. 293. builds Seleucia, 294. forms a league with 
 i Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and Pyrrhus, against Demetrius, 
 ' 297. gets that prince's person into his hands, 300. gives his 
 : wife and part of his dominions to his son Antiochus, 310. 
 I makes war against Lysimachus, defeats him in battle, and 
 ; possesses himself of all his dominions, 311. is assassinated 
 by Ceraunus, whom he had laden with favours, ib. cha- 
 racter of Seleucus, 312. condensed account of him, 
 286—291, 294. N. 
 Seleucus CaUinicus ascends the throne of Syria after 
 I his father Antiochus Theos had been poisoned by Lao- 
 i dice, ii. 349. he endeavours to retake what Ptolemy had 
 conquered from him, and is unsuccessful on several oc- 
 casions, 351. unites with his brother Hierax against Pto- 
 lemy, ib. war between the two brothers, 352. Seleucus 
 marches against Arsaces, 356. is taken prisoner, ib. death 
 I of Seleucus, 357. 
 
 j Seleucus Ceraunus succeeds his father Seleucus CaUini- 
 cus, ii. 381. is poisoned by two of his principal officers, ib. 
 j *-Seleucus Philopator is left by his father Antiochus the 
 : Great to govern Syria during his absence, ii. 488. he as- 
 ; cends the throne of Syria, 492. sends Heliodorus to Jeru- 
 salem to bring away his treasures, 516. Heliodorus causes 
 him to be poisoned, 547. 
 
 Seleucus, the son of Demetrius Nicator, causes himself 
 to be declared king of Syria, ii. 631. his mother Cleopatra 
 kills him with her own hands, ib. 
 
 Seleucus, eldest son of Antiochus Grypus, king of Syria, 
 succeeds him, ii. 637. supports himself against Antiochus 
 the Cyzicenian, ib. 
 
 Seleucus Cybiosactes, son of Antiochus Eusebes and 
 Selene, goes to Rome to solicit the senate for his mother, 
 ii. 639. accepts the crown of Egypt, and Berenice, 738. 
 renders himself odious by his base inclination, ib. Bere- 
 nice causes him to be put to death, ib. 
 
 Seleucus, governor of Pelusium for Cleopatra, delivers 
 up that city to Cassar by order of that queen, ii. 750. 
 
 Selinus, city of Sicily, i. 412. destruction of that city by 
 Hannibal, i. 48. 
 
 Semiramis, queen of Assyria : her birth, i. 125. she 
 marries Ninus, ib. manner in which she ascends the 
 throne, ib. visits all the parts of her empire, 128. ascends 
 the mountain Baghistan, now called Be-Sitoon, 128. N. 
 causes her statue, attended by her guards, to be hewn 
 out in the rock, ib. description of this rock by Sir R. Kerr 
 Porter, 128, 136. N. Semiramis' authority over her people, 
 129. her conquests, ib. she puts the government into her 
 son's hands, and retires from the sight of mankind, 130. 
 difference between Semiramis and Sardanapalus, 132. her 
 history too marvellous to be believed, 121. N. 
 
 Sempronius, consul, is defeated by Hannibal near Tre- 
 bia, i. 81. 
 
 Senate. Carthaginian senate, i. 36. senate of Sparta, 
 268. senate of Athens, 543. senate of Rome described by 
 Cineas, ii. 326. 
 
 Sennacherib, king of Nineveh, declares war against 
 Hezekiah, and reduces Jerusalem to extremities, i. 134. 
 writes to Hezekiah a letter full of blasphemies against 
 the God of Israel, and marches against the king of 
 Egypt, whose dominions he ravages, 137. returns against 
 Jerusalem, ib. his army is destroyed by an angel, ib. is 
 murdered by his own children, ib. 
 
 Sepnmius, Roman officer in the service of Ptolemy, 
 king of Egypt, assassinates Pompey, ii. 739. 
 
 Septuagint Version : some account of it, ii. 521. 
 
 Serapasum, destruction of the library of, ii, 302, S05. N. 
 
 Serapis, divinity adored in Egypt, ii, 300. hia image is 
 brought from Pontus to Alexandria, ib. inquiry whether 
 an exotic or native deity, 30.3. N. description of his temple 
 and statue,' ib. their destruction, and causes thereof, 304. N. 
 
 Serdiledes, king of lUyrium, exercises a kind of piracy | 
 at the expense of all his neighbours,.!!. 363. joins the 
 Acheeans against the jEtohans, 396, makes an alliance 
 with the Romans, 408. 
 
 Sered, or Sert, the ancient Tigranocerta, account of 
 i. m. N. ii. 713, 714. N, 
 
 Seron, general of Antiochus Epiphanes, is defeated bj ! 
 Judas MaccabcBus, and killed in the battle, ii. 534. ' 
 
 Sertorius, Roman general, makes a treaty with Mithri- , 
 dates, ii. 707. | 
 
 Servilius serves in the Roman army in quality of pro- i 
 consul, i. 84. is killed in the battle of Cannee, 85. i 
 
 Sesach, or Sesonchis, king of Egypt, i. 25. marches j 
 against Jerusalem, and carries away all its treasures,ib. &c. j 
 
 Sesostris, king of Egypt, his education, i. 22. his con- I 
 quests, 23. his works beneficial to Egypt, fb. his blind 
 fondness for his own grandeur, ib. his death, 24. 
 
 Sethon, king of Egypt, causes himself to be consecrated ' 
 high priest of Vulcan, and abandons himself entirely to : 
 superstition, i. 26. miraculous manner in which, as Hero- j 
 dotus relates, he was delivered from Sennacherib's irrup- 
 tion into his dominions, ib., &c. death of Sethon, 27. 
 
 Sethosis. See Sesostris. i 
 
 Seuthes, prince of Thrace, is re-established in his fa- j 
 ther's dominions by Xenophon, i. 480, perfidy of that i 
 prince to Xenophon and his troops, ib. j 
 
 Shal-al-arab, or combined stream of the Tigris and [ 
 Euphrates, ii. 208. N. | 
 
 Shalmanezer, king of Nineveh, i. 133. conquers Hoshea, ! 
 king of Samaria, loads him with chains, and destroj^s the j 
 kingdom of Israel, ib. death of Shalmanezer, 134. 
 
 Shepherds. They were in great consideration in Egypt, 
 L 16. and in India, ii. 179. 
 
 Shinar, plain where Babylon was built, i. 124, 
 
 Ship, galley, vessel. Ship-building of the ancients, i. 
 552, &c. fitting out of the fleets of Athens, ii. 41. ship of 
 enormous magnitude built by Ptolemy Philopator, 297. 
 
 Shiras, lake of, ii. 134. N. 
 
 Shows. Difference of taste between the Greeks and 
 Romans in respect to shows, i. 5'75. their passion for 
 shows one of the principal causes of the decline, degene- 
 racy, and corruption of Athens, 577. 
 
 Sicanians, people of Spain : they come to settle in Si 
 cily, i. 412. 
 
 Sicily, island of the Mediterranean : description of it, i 
 46. its extent, 41 1. N. its provinces and chief cities, ib. its 
 modern popiilation, ib. their deplorable state owing to [ 
 misgovemment, 412. N, table of elevations, 411. N, difVer- 
 ent people that inhabited it, 412. 
 
 Sicyon, city of Peloponnesus : its kings, i. 264. it is 
 delivered from tyranny, and united to the Acheean league 
 by Aratus, ii. 357. Sicyon was long in great reputation for 
 arts and sciences, ib. 
 
 Side, city of, its site and ruins, ii. 457. N. 
 
 Sidon, city of Phoenicia, i. xxx. despair of the Sido- 
 nians when they see Ochus master of their city, ii. 36. \ 
 they submit to Alexander, 103. | 
 
 Sieges. Famous sieges of antiquity: of Carthage by 
 the Romans, i. 106, &c. of Babylon by Cyrus, 177. of the | 
 same city by Darius, 294, of Platsece by the Laced£Emo- 
 nians, 393. of Syracuse by the Athenians, 419. of the same 
 city by Marcellus, ii. 682. of Tyre by Alexander, 104. of 
 Rhodes by Demetrius, 461. of Athens by SyUa, 700. 
 
 Signals by fire. Manner of making signals by fire, ii. 
 413. 
 
 Simon, surnamed the Just, succeeds his father Onias in 
 the high-priesthood of the Jews, ii. 285. his death, 294. 
 
 Simon, son of Mattathias, ii. 532. is chosen general in 
 the room of his brother Jonathan, and marches agraiiust 
 Tryphon, 622. is made high-priest and prince of Jndcea, 
 623. renews the ancient treaties with the Romans, 624. 
 death of Simon, 628. 
 
 Simon, Jew, has the guard of the temple assigned 
 him : his treachery, ii. 516. 
 
 Simonides, Greek poet : his answer to Hiero, who 
 asked him what God was, i. 285. Simonides preserved by 
 the gods, i. 574. 
 
 Sinatrocces, king of the Parthians, ii. 654. 
 
 Sindomanni, who and where situate, ii. 204, N. 
 
 Sinope, city of Pontus. Lucullus gives it liberty, ii 
 713. 
 
 Sipylus, mount, notice of, ii. 476. N. 
 
 Sisyphus, son of Mohis, makes himself master of Co- 
 rinth, i. 265. ' 
 
 Sitalces, king of the Odrysians in Thrace, makes an , 
 alliance with the Athenians, i. 389, 
 
 Sivas, the ancient Cabira, ii. 696. N. 
 
 Slavery, Slaves. Slavery incompatible with the study 
 of philosophy, i. 383. the highest price that can be paid 
 for it, cannot reconcile free men to it, ii, 158, what hai>- 
 
82G 
 
 GENERAL INDEX, 
 
 pens to such as have once submitted to a state of servi- 
 tude, 516. 
 
 Smerdis, or Tanaoxares, son of Cyrus, is made gover- 
 nor of several provinces by his father Cyrus, L 198. Cam- 
 byses causes him to be put to death, 209, 210. 
 
 Smerdis the Magian passes for the son of Cyrus, and 
 ascends the throne of Persia, i. 211, &c. his imposture is 
 discovered, ib. he is killed by the conspirators, 212. 
 
 Smerdones, one of the six generals of Xerxes' army in 
 that prince's expedition against Greece, i. 328. 
 Smyrna, city of ^olis, i. 266. 
 Sobriety. Excellent lesson upon sobriety, i. 157. 
 Socrates, prince of philosophers, his birth, i. 504 he ap- 
 plies at first to sculpture, ib. then to the study of the sci- 
 ences, ib. his wonderful progress in them, ib. his taste for 
 moral philosophy, ib. his character, 505. his employments, 
 ib. his sufferings from the ill temper of his wife, 506. 
 Daemon or familiar spirit of Socrates, ib. the Delphic ora- 
 cle declares him the wisest of mankind, 507, and 521. N. 
 Socrates distinguishes himself at the battle of Potidasa, and 
 at that of Delium, 374. his intimacy with Alcibiades, 407. 
 he devotes himself entirely to the instruction of the Athe- 
 nian youth, 508. attachment of his disciples to him, ib. 
 admirable principles which he gives them upon govern- 
 ment and religion, 509, &c. interesting note containing a 
 critical examination of the religious opinions of Socrates 
 and other Pagan philosophers, 519 — 529. N. opinion of 
 Socrates on the unity of God, 519. he maintains Mono- 
 theism and Polytheism, 520, 521. N. inculcates the sup- 
 pression of private opinions and submission to those of 
 the state, ib. his conduct contrasted with that of Christ 
 and his apostles, ib. he was not, as asserted by some, a 
 martyr for the unity of God, 522. N. his opinion respect- 
 ing the creation of the world, ib. his dialogues with Eu- 
 thydemus and Aristodemus examined, 526. N. his opi- 
 nion of the imroortaUty of the soul, ib. of the ppe-exis- 
 tence, transmigration and refusion of souls, ib, beheved 
 that philosophers only were admitted to a state of happi- 
 ness hereafter, 528. N. he industriously applies himse lf to 
 discredit the sophists in the opinion of the Athenian 
 youth, 511. what we are to understand by the ironical 
 manner ascribed to him, ib. Socrates is accused of hold- 
 ing false opinions concerning the gods, and of corrupting 
 the youth of Athens, ib. &c. he defends himself without 
 art or meanness, 514. is condemned to die, 516. refuses to 
 escape out of prison, ib. passes the last day of his life in 
 discoursing with his friends upon the immortality of the 
 eoul, 518, &c. drinks the hemlock, 525. punishment of 
 his accusers, 529. honours I'endered to his memory by the 
 Athenians, ib. reflections upon the sentence passed on 
 Socrates by the Athenians, and upon Socrates himself, ib. 
 relation between the death of Socrates and that of the 
 governor of Tigranes, 161. 
 
 Socrates, of Achaia, commands a body of Greek troops 
 in the expedition of Cyrus the Younger, against his bro- 
 ther Artaxerxes, i. 469. he is seized by treachery, and 
 put to death, 476. 
 
 Socrates, son of Nicomedes, dethrones his brother Ni- 
 comedes, king of Bithynia, ii. 693. 
 
 Sogdiana, province of Upper Asia, i. xxiv. vale of Sogd 
 described, ii. 177, 204. N. Alexander makes himself 
 master of Sogdiana, 163. it revolts against that prince, 164, 
 great courage of thirty young Sogdian prisoners condemn- 
 ed to die by Alexander, 166. 
 
 Sogdianus, natural son of Artaxerxes Longimanus, 
 kills Xerxes II. and ascends the throne of Persia in his 
 fctead, i. 402. he puts Bagorazus, one of his father's 
 eunuchs, to death, ib. he is dethroned by Ochus, who 
 caused him to be stifled in ashes, 403. 
 Solar year. At what time it began to be used, i. 16. 
 Soldiers. Employment and exercises of the Roman 
 soldiers in their camp, ii. 565, 566. 
 
 Soli, city of, incredibly enormous contribution paid by 
 it to Alexander, ii. 91. N. taken by Antiochus, 444. N. 
 Solemaun mountains described, ii. 202. N. 
 Solon, one of the seven sages of Greece, is elected ar- 
 chon and legislator by the Athenians, i. 277. government 
 which he institutes at Athens, ib. &c. laws which he gives 
 theAthenians, 2'78. travels of Soion into Egypt and Lydia, 
 150. his conduct at the court of Croesus, ib. conversation 
 of Solon with 1'hales upon marriage, 276. at his return to 
 Athens he finds every thing changed, 279. he endeavour" 
 to make Pisistratus abdicate the tyranny in vain, 280. 
 death of Solon, ib. 
 
 Solsius, Lacedaemonian, preceptor to Hannibal, i. 98. he 
 accompanies Hannibal in his expeditions, and composes 
 the history of that great captain, ib. 
 
 Soothsayers. Reflections upon the events of some of 
 their predictions, ii. 221. 
 
 Sophene, account of the province of, ii. 728 — ^730. N, 
 Sophists. Derinition of the sophists, i. 511, 
 Sophocles, one of the Athenian generals, is banished 
 for not having attempted the conquest of Sicily, i. 411. 
 Sophocles, tragic poet : he disputes the prize with JEs. 
 
 chylus, and carries it against him, i. 579. his deaths il». 
 tragedies of his come down to us, ib. in what manner he 
 defended himself in a very advanced age against the in- 
 gratitude of his children, ib. character of Sophocles, 580. 
 
 Sophonisba, Asdrubal's daughter, is married to Syphax, 
 i. 100. Masinissa having conquered Syphax, marries So- 
 phonisba, and to save her from falling into the hands of 
 the Romans is reduced to send her poison, ib. 
 
 Sophrosyne, daughter of Dionysius the Elder, is mar- 
 ried to her brother, Dionysius the Younger, i. 602. 
 
 Sornatius, one of Lucullus's officers, commands in Pon- 
 tus during the absence of that general, ii. 713. 
 
 Sosibius, Ptolemy Philopator's minister, causes Arsi» 
 noe, the king's sister and wife, to be murdered, ii. 393. 
 he is obliged to quit his employment, ib. prevents that 
 prince from aiding Cleoraenes, and advises him to seize 
 his person, 395. 
 
 Sosibius, son of the former, has the care of the person 
 of the young king Ptolemy Epiphanes, ii. 426. 
 
 Sosis, one of the chief conspirators against Hierony- 
 mus, seizes the quarter Achradina, and exhorts the Syra- 
 cusans to recover their liberty, ii. 679. he is chosen one 
 of the principal magistrates, 680, commands the troops 
 sent to the aid of Marcellus, 682. 
 
 Sosius (Caius), consul, declares for Antony, and goes to 
 him, ii. 747. 
 
 Sosthenes, Macedonian, drives the Gauls out of Mace- 
 donia, and reigns there for some time, ii. 313. he is 
 overpowered by the great number of Brennus's troops, ib. 
 
 Sostratus, architect, builds the tower of Pharos, ii. 3(X). 
 deceit which he uses for engrossing the whole honour of 
 that work to himself, i. 9, 
 
 Sostratus or Sosistratus, governor of Syracuse, delivers 
 up that city to Pyrrhus, ii. 329. Pyrrhus in return, is for 
 putting him to death, 330. 
 
 Soul. Discourse of Socrates before his death upon the 
 immortality of the soul, i. 518. opinions of Sociates and 
 other pagan philosophers examined, 527. N. 
 
 Sous, king of Sparta, with his colleague Agis, takes the 
 city of Elos, i. xxxv. 
 
 Spain. Description of Spain, i. 45. mines of gold and 
 silver, 38. the Carthaginians make themselves masters of 
 part of Spain, 45. it is entirely conquered by the Romans, 
 90. 
 
 Sparta. See LacedEemon. 
 
 Spendius of Capua, in concert with Matho, causes the 
 mercenaries to revolt against the Carthaginians, i. 6.5. he 
 is placed at their head, 66. puts Gisgo to death, ib. treats 
 with the Carthaginians, 67. is seized and hanged, ib. 
 
 Speusippus, philosopher, Plato's nephew, his intimacy 
 with Dion, L 609. 
 
 Sphacteria, small island over against Pj'los, i. 399. 
 
 Spherus, philosopher, assists Cleomenes in re-establish- 
 ing the ancient disciphne of Sparta, ii. 372. 
 
 Sphodrias, Laceda;monian, who commanded in Thes. 
 pias, forms a fruitless enterprise against the Piraeus, il 6. 
 he is acquitted for that attempt by the influenceof Agesi- 
 laus, 7. 
 
 Spirit. Familiar spirit of Socrates, i. 506. 
 
 Spitamenes, confidant of Bessus, forms a conspiracy 
 against him, and delivers him up to Alexander, ii. 159. 
 he raises Bactriana against that prince, 164. his wife not 
 being able to persuade him to surrender himself to Alex, 
 ander, kills him in the night, 170. 
 
 Spithridates, one of Artaxerxes Mnemon's principal 
 officers, goes over to Agesilaus, and does him great ser^ 
 vices, i. 490. offended at the excessive severity of Herip- 
 pidas, he retires to Sardis, ib. 
 
 Spithrobates, satrap of Ionia, and son-in-law of Da- 
 rius, distinguishes himself by his valour at the battle ol 
 the Granicus, ii. 85. Alexander lays him dead with his 
 lance, ib. 
 
 Stagira, city of Macedonia, Aristotle's native place, de- 
 stroyed by Philip, and rebuilt by Alexander, ii. 77. 
 
 Stasicrates, architect and great mechanic, is appointed 
 by Alexander to execute the Catafalco, or magnificent 
 funeral pile of Hephasstion, ii. 217. he proposes te 
 Alexander to cut mount Athos into the form of a ma% 
 ib. See Dinocrates. 
 
 Stater, ancient coin : its value, i. 390. 
 
 States. See Kingdoms. 
 
 Statira, wife of Artaxerxes Mnemon : revenge whicS 
 she takes for the death of her brother Tcriteuchmes, i. 
 449. 
 
 Statira, wife of Daruis, falls into Alexander's hands, ii 
 100. death of that princess, 119. 
 
 Statira, eldest daughter of Darius, marries Alexander 
 the Great, ii, 213. she is murdered by the mtngues of 
 Roxana, 235. . , ^ . 
 
 Statira, sister of Mithridates, receives orders from that 
 prince to die, ii. 710. she dies courageously, ib. 
 
 Stesagoras, eldest son of Cimon, is established sovereign 
 of the Thraciau Chersonesus hy his uncle MUtiades. » 
 1 312. 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 827 
 
 Sthenelus, king of Mycenas, i. 264. 
 I Stilpon of Megara, ptiilosopher, ii. 266. 
 
 Stirrups. The use of them unknown to the ancients, i. 
 552. 
 
 Strabo corrected, viz, respecting Lilyba2um, i. 46. N. 
 Sitace, 205. N. the Tigris, ii. 121. N. Susiana, &c. 209. N. 
 Melas, 670. N. Euxine sea, 693. N. 
 Stratius, physician, goes to Rome with Attalus, ii. 585. 
 I his wise remonstrances prevent that prince from asking to 
 ! share the kingdom of Pergamus with his brother Eumenos, 
 ] lb. &c. 
 
 I _ Stratonice, daughter of Demetrius, marries Seleucus, 
 ii. 291. that prince gives her to his son Antiochus, 311. 
 
 Stratonice, one of the wives of Mithridates, submits to 
 Pompey, ii. 731. revenge Mithridates takes of her, lb. 
 
 Sua, king of Ethiopia. See Sabacus. 
 
 Submission : means for inspiring it, i. 158. manner of 
 exacting submission of nations by the Persians, 306, &c. 
 
 SufFetes, chief magistrate of the Carthaginians, i. 36. 
 origin of tlie appellation, 37. N. similarity to the Hebrew 
 Sophetim, ib. 
 
 Suli, mountains of, i. 259. N. river of Suli, the famous 
 Acheron of the ancients, ib. its remarkable scenery, ib. 
 
 Sulpitius, (P.) Roman prsetor, is sent against Philip, ii. 
 408. different actions of Sulpitius in Macedonia, ib. he is 
 elected consul, and goes into Macedonia, 429. gains a con- 
 siderable victory over Philip, 432, &c. 
 
 j Sulpitius Gallus, tribune of the Roman army against 
 Perseus, foretels an eclipse to the troops, ii. 568. the senate 
 
 I commissions him to inspect secretly the conduct of Eume- 
 nes and Antiochus, 590. his imprudent conduct in execut- 
 
 , mg that commission, ib. 
 
 ! Sun. Profound reverence with which the Persians 
 j adored that luminary, i. 233. 
 
 [ Superstition. Its great effect upon the minds of the 
 
 populace, ii. 123. 
 j Supreme good. See Good. 
 
 I Surena, general of the army of the Parthians, gains a 
 ! great victory over Crassus, ii. 657. Crodes, jealous of his 
 ! glory, puts him to death, 663. praise of Surena, ib. 
 I Surveying invented by the Egyptians, i. 16. 
 
 Susa, city of Persia, submits to Alexander, ii. 129. 
 j geographical discussion respecting its site, i. 194. N. 
 ascertained to be Sus, ib. description of its ruins, 195. N. 
 its distance from Sardis, 309. N. 
 Sutluj, river of, described, ii. 191. N. 
 Swans, what is said of their singing, 1. 8. 
 Sybaris, city of Groat Greece, i. 384. luxury and effe. 
 minacy of its inhabitants, ib. total ruin of that city, ib. 
 
 Sybota. Island over against Corcyra, famous for the 
 battle between the people of Corcyra and the Corinthians, 
 ; L 374. 
 
 j Syennesis, king of Ciiicia, abandons the pass of that 
 I country on the approach of Cyrus the Younger, i. 470. 
 i Sykes, Dr. refuted respecting the religion of Socrates, 
 ! 520. N. 
 
 I Sylla serves under Marius in quality of qiifcstor, i. 115. 
 I that general sends him to Bocchus to receive Jugurtha 
 
 from him, ib. he causes a ring to be made with that action 
 , represented upon it, which he uses ever after as his seal, 
 j 116. re-establishes Ariobarzanes upon the throne of Cappa- 
 
 docia, ii. 697. is charged with the war against Mithridates, 
 i 700. besieges Athens, ib. and takes it, 701. anecdote of 
 I Sylla, 320. N, he is victorious in three great battles against 
 I the general of Mithridates, 702, &c. has an interview 
 j with that prince, and grants him peace, 705. marches 
 I against Fimbria, ib. passes through Athens, seizes its 
 I library, and sends it to Rome, 706. 
 
 I Syloson, brother of Polycrates, tyrant of Samos : his 
 generosity to Darius, i. 294. reward which he receives for 
 it, ib. 
 
 Syphax, king of Numidia, joins with the Romans, i. 
 100. he is defeated by Masinissa, ib. marries Sophonisba, 
 and goes over to the Carthaginians, ib. is defeated by 
 Soipio, and taken prisoner, ib. 
 
 Syraco, name of a marsh from whence Syracuse took 
 its name, i. 419. 
 
 'Syracuse, city of Sicily : its foundation, i. 418. descrip- 
 tion of that city, ib. history of Syracuse to the reign of 
 Gelon, 378. of Hiero, 380. of Thrasybulus, 382. siege of 
 Syracuse by the Athenians, 419. the city is reduced to ex- 
 tremities, 421. the arrival of Gylippus changes the face of , 
 afTairs, 422. the Syracusans make themselves masters of 
 the Athenian army, and put the two generals to death, 
 430, &c. Dionysius makes himself tyrant of Syracuse, 589. 
 ineflectual attempts of the Syracusans against him, 592, 
 Sec. Dionysius the Younger, succeeds his father, 604. 
 Dion expels him, 609, &c. horrible ingratitude of the 
 Syracusans to Dion, 612, &c. Dionysius the Younger re- 
 ascends the throne, 618. Syracuse implores the aid of the 
 Corinthians, who send them Timoleon, ib. that general 
 restores the liberty of the city, 621. Agathocles usurps 
 the supreme authority at Syracuse, 53. after the death of 
 _ tLat tyrant, Syracuse recovers its liberty, ii. 689. it calls iu 
 
 the aid of Pyrrhus against the Carthaginians, i. 56. it 
 chooses Hiero II. king, ii. 672. mildr\ess of his reign, G73. 
 Hieronymus succeeds Hiero, 678. troubles at Syracuse 
 after the death of Hieronymus, 680. Syracuse besieged, : 
 and taken by Marcellus, 682, 687. reflections upon the \ 
 government and character of the Syracusans, 689. i 
 
 Syria, province of Asia, i. xxx. extent and fertility of its I 
 plain, ii. 298. N, it is reduced into a Roman province. ' 
 640. ' ! 
 
 Syrians, account of their defeats by the Acheeans, Rho- 
 dians, and Romans, ii. 470, 4/71. N. 
 
 Sysigambis, mother of Darius, is taken prisoner by 
 Alexander, after the battle of Issus, ii, 100. she cannot 
 survive the death of Alexander, 222. 
 
 T. 
 
 Tachos ascends the throne of Egypt, ii. 25. he raises 
 troops to defend himself against the king of Persia, ib. ! 
 obtains troops from the Lacedaemonians, who are com. 
 manded by Agesilaus, ib. seeing himself abandoned by 
 Agesilaus, he quits Egypt, and retires to the court of 
 Persia, ib. Artaxerxes pardons him, and gives him the 
 command of his troops against the rebels, ib. | 
 
 Tactics : wherein that art consists, i. 226. | 
 
 Talent. Value of the Babylonian talent, i. 128. and ii. 
 481. N. value of the Attic talent, ib. j 
 
 Talthybius, Agamemnon's herald, honoured as a god at 
 Sparta, i. 314. 
 
 Tamos, Egyptian, commands the fleet of Cyrus the 
 younger in that j)rince's expedition against his brother, i. 
 470. 
 
 Tanaoxares, son of Cyrus. See Smerdis. 
 
 Tapyrians, name of several tribes, ii. 353, 354. N. 
 
 Tarentum, city of Italy, i. xxxvi. the Tarentines call in 
 Pyrrhus to their aid against the Romans, ii. 323- that 
 prince leaves a garrison in their city, 329. 
 
 Tarraconia, part of ancient Spain, i. 45. 
 
 Tarsus, city of Ciiicia, subjected by Alexander, ii. 91. 
 its site, population and present state, ib. N. description of 
 the city and environs, ib. 
 
 Tauk Kesra, description of, i. 229. N. 
 
 Tauri, a Scythian tribe, cruelty of, ii. 297. N. 
 
 Taurian mountains commence at Phaselis, ii. 88. N 
 their height and extent, ib. 
 
 Taxilus, Indian king, puts himself under the protec- 
 tion of Alexander, ii. 182. he accompanies that prince in 
 his expedition against Porus, ib. Alexander sends him to 
 Porus to persuade him to submit, 184. Porus is reconciled 
 to Taxilus, 198. 
 
 Taxilus, one of the generals of Mithridates, joins ! 
 Archelaus, and is defeated by Sylla, ii. 701,703. 
 
 Tegea, city of Arcadia, i. 200. war between its inhabi- 
 tants and those of Mantinsea, ii. 18. 
 
 Tegyra, city of Bceotia, battle between the Thebans 
 and Lacedaemonians near it, ii. 8. 
 
 Telearch, office amongst the Thebans ; what it was, ii. 
 213. 
 
 Telecles, king of Lacedjemon, assassinated by the Mes- 
 senians, i. xxxvi. 
 
 Telescope, glass for seeing remote objects : invention of I 
 it, ii. 417. 1 
 
 Teleutias is declared admiral of the Lacedasmonian j 
 fleet by the influence of Agesilaus, his brother by the j 
 mother's side, i. 495. he besieges Corinth by sea, ib. is sent j 
 against Olynthus, in the room of Phabidas, ii. 2. is killed 
 in battle, 3. 
 
 Tellus, citizen of Athens, esteemed most happy, and 
 why, i. 150. 
 
 Telmessus, pass of, abandoned to Alexander, ii. 89. N. 
 Telys, Sybarite, occasions the ruin of his country, i. 
 384. 
 
 Temenes, one of the principal Heraclidce, re-enters 
 Peloponnesus, i. 206. Argos falls to him by lot, ib. 
 
 Tempe, valley and defile of, etymology of the name, i. 
 261. N. description, ib. 
 
 Temple, famous one of Ephesus, ii. 76. of Belus, H9. N. 
 this not the tower of Babel, 120. N. 
 
 Ten. Council of Ten established at Athens, i. 452. 
 
 Tennes, king of Sidon, delivers up that city to Ochus, 
 ii. 50. Ochus, to reward his treason, puts him to death, 
 36. 
 
 Tenth. Custom among the Greeks of giving the tenth 
 to the gods, i. 342. 
 
 Teos, city ofj described, ii. 471. N. 
 
 Terence, Latin poet : abridgment of his life, i. 4-0. 
 
 Terillus, tyrant of Himera, deprived of his power by 
 Theron, engages the Carthaginians to invade Sicily, i. 
 378. 
 
 Teriteuchmes, brother of Statira wife of Artaxerxes, 
 marries Hamestris, daughter of Darius, i. 449. tragical 
 history of Teriteuchmes, ib. ^ 
 
 Tesinc, river in Italy formerly called Ticinus, i. 79. N. i 
 
828 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Teuta, alter the death of Agron her husband, prince of 
 lUyrium, reigns in his stead, ii. 363. her gross insult on 
 the Romans in the persons of their ambassadors, ib. she 
 is obliged to demand peace of them, and obtains it, ib. 
 
 Thais, famous courtesan, bom in Attica, occasions the 
 burning of the palace of Persepolis, in a drunken revel 
 with Alexander, ii. 132. 
 
 Thales of Miletus, philosopher; reasons that prevented 
 him from marrving, i. 276. founder of the Ionic sect, 286. 
 
 Thalestris, qiieen of the Amazons, comes from a remote 
 country to visit Alexander, iL 150. 
 
 Thames, the river, compared with the Danijbe, i. 296. 
 N. the Borvsthenes, 291. N. the Don, ib. the Wolga, 303. 
 N. Euphrates and Tigris, 461. N. the Indus, ii. 195. N. 
 
 Thapsacus, the Tiphsah of Scripture, its modern name 
 Ul-Der, i. 457. N. 
 
 Tharaca, king of Ethiopia, after the death of Sethon, 
 i. 27. 
 
 Tharsish, second son of Javan, settles in Greece, i. 263. 
 
 Thasus, island in Thrace, revolts against the Athenians, 
 L 359. Cimon obliges it to submit, 360. 
 
 Theano, priestess at Athens, refuses to curse Alcibi- 
 ades, 1. 417. 
 
 Thearides, brother to Dionysius the Elder, is sent to 
 Olympia by that tyrant to dispute the prizes of poetry and 
 the chariot-race, i. 600. 
 
 Theatra Description of the theatre of the ancients, i. | 
 5S5. declamation of the theatre composed and set to notes, 
 5S6. 
 
 Thebais, part of Egypt, i. 1. 
 
 Thebe, wife of Alexander, tyrant of Pherse, obtains 
 permission of her husband to see and converse with Pelo- 
 I pidas, ii. 16. her conversations with that Theban make 
 ' her conceive an aversion for her husband, ib. she makes 
 I her three brothers assassinate the tyrant, IS. 
 
 Thebes, city of Bceotia in Greece : its foundation, i. 
 I 265. kings of Thebes, ib. the Thebans besiege Platses, 
 i 3S6. they gain a victory over the Athenians near Delium, 
 405. give refuge to the Athenians, who fled after the 
 I taking of their city by Lysander, 452. enter into a league 
 I with Tithraustes against the LacedEemonians, 491. valour 
 i of the Thebans at the battle of Coronsa, 494. they are 
 I c ompelied by the treaty of Antalcidas to give the cities of 
 I B cEotia their libertv, ii. 1. Thebes falls into the hands of 
 ! the Lacedemonian's, 2. Pelopidas restores it to its liberty, 
 1 4. the Thebans gain a considerable advantage over the 
 Lacedsemonians near Tegyra, 7. they destroy Platseffiand 
 Thespiifi, 8. defeat the Lacedsmonians, and put them to 
 ' flight at the battle of Leuctra, 10. ravage Lacoria, and 
 i advance to the gates of Sparta, 12. send Pelopidas to the 
 court of Persia, and obtain the title of friends and allies 
 I of the king, 14. they make Alexander, tyrant of Pheras, 
 ! submit, 15. make a second attempt against Sparta, 19. 
 ! gain a great victory over the Lacedemonians near Man- 
 I tinsa, 20, &c. aid'Artabasus against the king of Persia, 
 29. call in Philip to their aid against the Phocians, 55. the 
 Thebans, Messenians, and Argives, enter into an alliance 
 with Philip to attack Peloponnesus, 59. the Thebans join 
 the Athenians against Philip, 67. they are defeated near 
 Chceronea, ib. Philip puts a garrison into their city, 68. 
 the Thebans, after the death of that prince, put part of 
 the garrison to the sword, 80. Alexander marches against 
 them, and destroys their citv, ib. &c. re-establishment of 
 Thebes by Cassander, 254. the Thebans make an alliance 
 Uith the Romans in the war against Perseus, 551. they 
 surrender themselves to the Romans, 557. Sylla deprives 
 them of half their territory, 703. 
 Theches, a mountain, inquiiT concerning it, i. 468. N. 
 Theft of a certain kind permitted and even commanded 
 to the young Lacedemonians, i. 270. it was the most 
 severely punished of all crimes by the Scythians, 299. 
 Themiscyra, notice of, ii. 696. N. 
 
 I hemistoclcs, Athenian, distinguishes himself at the 
 battle of Marathon, i. 315. he removes Epicydes from the 
 command, and causes himself to be elected general in his 
 stead, 329. supports the decree to recall Aristides, ib. 
 resigns the honour of commanding the fleet to the Lace- 
 demonians, 330. induces the Athenians to abandon their 
 city, 334. persuades the Greeks to fight in the strait of 
 Salamis, 335. the Lacedeemonians decree the prize of 
 wisdom to him after the victory of Salamis, 338. accla- 
 mations with which he is received at the Olympic games, 
 ib. he restores the walls of Athens, and fortifies the 
 Piraeus, 346. black design which he conceives for sup- 
 planting the Lacedemonians, 347. the Athenians and 
 Lacedasmonians uniting against him as an accomplice in 
 the conspiracy of Pausanias, he takes refuge with Adme- 
 tus, 349. he retires to Artaxerxes, 356. his great influence 
 with that prince, 357. he kiUs himself, 360. character of 
 Themistocles, 3:2, 360. 
 
 Themistus, magistrate of Syracuse, conspires with An- 
 dranodorus to seize the sovereignty, ii. 680. he is killed by 
 order of tlie other magistrates, ib. 
 
 Theiion, commander of the citadel of Syracuse, surren- 
 
 ders himself to Pyrrhus, ii. 329. that prince puts him to 
 death, 330. 
 
 Theocritus, poet at the court of Hiero, ii. 675. 
 
 Theodorus, chief of the Eumolpide at Athens : what 
 he ventured to say in respect to the maledictions or curses, 
 i. 438. 
 
 Theodorus, citizen of SjTacuse, ventures to declare 
 himself openly against Dionysius in favour of liberty, i, 
 597. 
 
 Theodotus, uncle of Heraclides, is deputed by hmi to 
 Dion to conjure him to return to the aid of Syracuse, i. 
 614. he puts himself into Dion's hands, 615. Dion pardons 
 him, ib. 
 
 Theodotus, governor of Bactriana, revolts against 
 Antiochus, and causes himself to be declared king of that 
 province, li. 344. he dies, 353. 
 
 Theodotus, son of the former, succeeds his father, ii. 
 35a forms a league offensive and defensive with Arsaces, 
 ib. 
 
 Theodotus is charged by Antiochus witn the war against 
 Molo, ii. 382. he is defeated and obhged to abandon the 
 field of battle, ib. 
 
 Theodotus, ^tolian, governor of Ccele-sjTia for Pto- 
 lemj', defends the entrance mto that province against 
 Antiochus, and obliges that prince to retire, ii. 382. he is | 
 accused, and obhged to go to the court of Egypt to give ; 
 an account of his conduct, 387. in resentment for that I 
 affront, he declares for Antiochus, and puts the cities of \ 
 Tyre and Ptolemais into his hands, ib. enters the cami) of 
 Ptolemy in the night with design to kill him, ^1. fails in 
 that attempt, and escapes to his camp, ib. 
 
 Theodotus, one of the principal conspirators against the 
 life of Hieronymus, is put to the rack, and dies without 
 discovering anv of his accomplices, ii. 678. 
 
 Theodotus, preceptor to the last Ptolemy, ad\'ises that 
 prince to put Pompey to death, ii. 739. goes to present 
 the head of that Roman to Cesar, 740. 
 
 Theogiton, of Megara, gives the Greeks wise advice 
 after the battle of Platee, i. 342. 
 
 Theophilus, archbishop, his conduct censured m burn- 
 ing the Serapeum Library, ii. 302, 305. N. contrasted 
 with John Knox, 302. N. 
 
 Theophrastus, Antigonus's general, refuses to quit 
 Corinth, iL 362. Aratus causes him to be put to death, 
 
 Theophrastus, philosopher, his dispute with an old 
 woman of Athens, in buying something of her, i. 554. 
 
 Theopompus, king of Sparta, commands in the war 
 against the Argives, i. xxxv. then against the Messenians, 
 xxxvi. he is defeated, taken prisoner, and put to death by 
 Aristomenes, xxxvii. establishes the Ephori, 268. 
 
 Theopompus, disciple of Isocrates, gains the prize of 
 eloquence over his master, and has the weakness and 
 vanity to boast of it, ii. 34. ^ 
 
 Theoxena, Thessalian ladv, daughter of Merdicus, 
 marries Poris, ii. 504. tragical and courageous end of The- 
 oxena, ib. , . , , 
 
 Thcramenes, one of the Athenian generals, is charged 
 with the care of burving the dead after the battle of the 
 Arginusa?, i. 442. not being able to execute that order, he 
 makes the other generals responsible for it, and accuses 
 them at Athens, ib. he is deputed to Lysander during the 
 siege of Athens, 446. opposes the violence of his col- 
 leagues, and draws their hatred upon himself, 451. is 
 accused by Critius, and put to death, ib. 
 
 Therma?, capital city of iEtolia, taken by surprise, and 
 ravaged bv Philip, ii. 400. , . „„„ 
 
 Thermo'pvle, pass of mount (Eta, m Thessalj', 1. 33a 
 description of it, 330. N. its marshy plain very unwhole- 
 some, 331. N. battle of I hermopyle between the Lace- 
 demonians and Xerxes, 331, &c. place of the battle, 331. 
 N. Tumulus still standing, ib. victory of the Romans 
 over Antiochus near Thermopyle, ii. 464. 
 
 Theron, tyrant of Agrigcntum, makes an alliance with 
 Gelon, and gains in conjunction with him a great battle 
 over the Carthaginians, i. 378. _ ^ -, ^ r 
 
 Theseus, king of Athens, i. 264. dies in the island of 
 Scyros, whither he had been obliged to fly, 358, Cunon 
 brings his bones to Athens, ib. 
 Thesmothete, Athenian magistrates, 1. 544. 
 Thespie, city of Achaia, ruined by tlie Thebans, 11. 8. 
 Thespis, Greek poet, considered as the inventor of tra- 
 
 ^'^Th'essalonica, wife of Cassander, is killed by Antipater, 
 his eldest son, ii. 293. . 
 
 Thessalus, third son of Pisistratus, 1. 281. 
 
 Thessaly, province of ancient Greece, 1. 261. the Ihes- 
 salians submit to Xerxes. 330. implore aid of the I hebang 
 against Alexander of Phere, ii. 15. Pelopidas dehvers 
 them from his power, ib. they have recourse to Phihp 
 against their tvrants, 51. that prince delivers them, ib. 
 
 Thesta, sister of Dionysius the Elder, and wile of Po- 
 lyxenes : courageous answer which she gi^'?* her broth«j 
 upon the occasion of her husband', escape, 1. 598. 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 82.0 
 
 Tliet£B, name of the lower class of people at Athens, i. 
 541. 
 
 Thethmosis, or Amosis, having driven the shepherd- 
 Itings out of Egyi)t, reigns there, i. 21. 
 
 Thimbron, Lacedasmonian general, marches against 
 Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus, i. 481. upon some discon- 
 tent he is recalled, 483. 
 
 Thirty. Council of thirty established at Lacedsmon, i. 
 280. thirty tyrants established at Athens, by Lysander, 446. 
 cruelties which they commit in that city, 451. Thrasybu- 
 lus drives them out of Athens, 452. they endeavour to re- 
 instate themselves, and are all put to the sword, ib. 
 
 Thoas, iEtolian, charged with the execution of a de- 
 sign to seize Chalcis, fails in the attempt, ii. 460. he goes 
 to Antiochus, and induces him to enter Greece, 461. 
 
 Thogarians, who, ii. 630. N.. 
 
 Thrace, province rf Europe: very singular customs of 
 Its inhabitants, i. 3(k,. Thrace subjected by Philip, ii. 58, 
 &c. 
 
 Thraso, confidant of Hieronymus, is accused by Theo- 
 dotus of having conspired against that prince, IL 678. is 
 put to death, 679. 
 
 Thiasybulus, tyrant of Miletus, is besieged by Halyat- 
 tes, i. 150. stratagem which he uses to deliver himself 
 from that siege, ib. 
 
 Thrasybulus, brother of Gelon, reigns at Syracuse after 
 Hiero's death, i. 382. he causes himself to be dethroned 
 by his cruelty, ib. 
 
 Thrasybulus is made general of the Athenians, i. 435. 
 accuses Alcibiades at Athens, and causes him to be de- 
 posed, 440. quits Athens to avoid the cruelty of the thirty 
 tyrants, 452. expels the tyrants from that city, and restores 
 its liberty, ib. 
 
 Thrasylus is made general of the Athenians, i. 435. 
 
 Thrasymenus, lake of Tuscany, famous for Hannibal's 
 victory over the Romans, i. 81. 
 
 ThucydideSj Greek historian : he is commanded to go 
 to the aid of Amphipolis, i. 404. the Athenians make it a 
 crime in him to have suffered that city to be taken, and 
 banish him, 405. 
 \ Thucydides, brother-in-law to Cimon, is set up against 
 : Pericles by the nobility of Athens, i. 368. Pericles prevails 
 ; to have him banished, 370. 
 
 j Thuri-um, city of Sicily : its foundation, i. 384 
 } Thyatira, city of, its site, &c. described, ii. 474. N. 
 
 Thymbra, city of Lydia, famous for the battle between 
 I Cyrus and Croesus, i. 168. distinguished from Thym- 
 j brium, ib. N. 
 
 j Thyrea, small territory of Greece, which occasioned 
 I the war between the Argives and Lacedsmonians, i. 
 
 j XXXV. 
 
 j Thyus, governor of Paphlagonia, revolts against Ar- 
 taxerxes, i. 501. he is conquered by Datames, ib. 
 
 Tiberius Gracchu.s is sent by the senate into Asia to 
 examine into the conduct of Eumenes, and that of Antio- 
 chus, ii. 602. See Gracchus. 
 
 Ticinus, now called Tesino, river of Italy, near which 
 P. Scipio was defeated by Hannibal, i. 79. 
 
 Tigers, Indian, ii. 380. N. 
 
 Tiglath-Pileser, king of Nineveh, i. 132. aids Ahaz, 
 kmg of Judah, against the kings of Syria and Israel, ib. 
 
 Tigranes, soP iPf a king of Armenia, obtains his father's 
 pardon from Cyrus, i. 160. he commands the Armenian 
 tioops, 161. 
 
 Tigranes, son of Tigranes, king of Armenia, is set at 
 hberty by the Parthians on his father's death, and placed 
 upon the throne, ii. 637. accepts the crown of Syria 
 and wears it eighteen years, 638. marries Cleopatra! 
 daughter of Mithridates. 698. invades the kingdom of 
 Cappadocia, 706. gives Mithridates refuge, 710. the Ro- 
 mans declare war against him, 712. their conduct very 
 unjustifiable, 716. N. Tigranes is defeated by Lucullus, 
 717. remarks on this, 717, 720, 722. N. he raises new 
 troops m concert with Mithridates, 719. is defeated a 
 second time, 720. Pompey marches against him, and finds 
 hirti at war with his son, 727. 'i'igrane.'i submits his person 
 and crown to the discretion of Pompey and the Romans, 
 lb. Pompey leaves him part of his dominions, 728 
 _ Tigranes, son of the former, makes war with liis father, 
 u. 727. puts himself under the protection of Pompey, ib 
 not being satisfied with Pompey's decree, he endeavours 
 to fly, 728. Pompey reserves him for his triumph, ib 
 
 ligranocerta, city of Armenia, built by Tigranes ii 
 706. description of the city, 713, 714. N. Lucullus takes it" 
 ana abandons it to be plundered by the soldiers, 718 
 
 ligris, the river, its source and course,!. 458. N. its 
 inundations 459. N. compared with the Euphrates and 
 ^xT- ya^ous accounts of its breadth and velo- 
 city, 460. N critical inquiry respecting its sources and 
 course, iL 120. N. description of the districts through 
 which it runs, 120—122. N, "uugu 
 
 Timagoras, deputed by the Athenians to the court of 
 Persia, receives great presents, and is condemned to die 
 at his return, ii. 14. 
 
 Timandra, concubine, renders Alcibiades the last du 
 ties, L 450. 
 
 Timarchus, tyrant of Miletus, is conquered and killed 
 by Antiochus 'I'heos, ii. 339. 
 
 Timarchus, governor of Babylon, revolts against De- 
 metrius Soter, and is put to death, ii. 6)3. 
 
 Timasion is chosen one of the generals of th* Greeks 
 after the death of Clearchus, i. 477. 
 
 Timasitheus, chief of the pirates of Lipara: his noble 
 and religious behaviour in respect to the Romans, i 618 
 Timoclea brought before Alexander the Great, ii. 80 " 
 Timocrates, friend of Dionysius the Younger, marries 
 Dion's wife while he is banished, i. 609. flies on the ap. 
 proach of Dion, 611. 
 
 Timolaus of Corinth, advises the cities in alliance 
 against the Spartans, to attack them in their own terri- 
 tory, L 492. 
 
 Timolaus, Lacedsmonian, at whose house Philopoeraen 
 lay is sent by his country to offer him the riches of Nabis 
 u. 460. he findj it difficult to acquit himself of that com! 
 imssion, 461. 
 
 Timoleon, Corinthian, sacrifices his brother Timopha 
 nes to his country, i. 619. the Corinthians send him to 
 the aid of Syracuse, ib. he eludes the vigilance of the 
 Carthaginians by a skilful stratagem, 620. gains an ad- 
 vantage over the Carthaginians and Icetas near the city 
 of Adranon, ib. enters Syracuse, ib. Dionysius surrenders 
 himself to him, ib. Timoleon sends him to Corinth, ib he 
 gams several victories over the Carthaginians, 621 re 
 establishes the liberty of Syracuse, and institutes wise 
 laws there, ib., &c. frees other cities of Sicily from tyran- 
 ny, 622, &c. gains a great victory over the Carthaginians, 
 lb. IS accused and cited to answer, 623. quits his authority 
 and passes the rest of his life in retirement, ib., &c. dies 
 in it, ib. great honours rendered his memory, ib , &c his 
 panegyric, ib. 
 
 Timophanes, Corinthian, having made himself tyrant 
 of his country, his brother Timoleon causes him to be 
 assassinated, i. 619. 
 
 Timotheus, son of Conon, is sent by the Athenians 
 with a fleet to the aid of the Thebans, iL 7. he ravages 
 the coasts of Laconia, and makes himself master of the 
 island of Corcyra, ib. is employed by the Athenians in 
 the war against the allies, 30. is accused by the faction of 
 Chares, and sentenced to pay a great fine, 31. retires to 
 Chalcis, and dies there, ib. fine saying of Timotheus, 18 
 
 Timotheus, lieutenant of Antiochus Epiphanes, is de. 
 feated Ly Judas Maccabeeus, ii. 536. is defeated a second 
 time by the same captain in the reign of Antiochus Eu- I 
 pator, 610. 
 
 Timoxenes is chosen general of the Ach^ans, in the 
 room of Aratue, ii. 372. 
 
 Tiribazus, general of Artaxerxes Mnemon, determines 
 that prince not to fly before his brother Cyrus, i 470 he 
 commands the fleet of Artaxerxes against Evagoras, and 
 besieges that prince in Salamis, 498. is falsely accused by 
 Orontes, and carried to the court in chains, ib. trial of 
 Iinbazus, 500. the king discovers his innocence, and re- 
 stores him to his favour, ib. Tiribazus accompanies Ar- 
 taxerxes in that prince's expedition against the Cadu- 
 sians, lb. his stratagem for making that people return to 
 their obedience to the Persians, 501. 
 
 ^^^'^^P western Armenia, harasses the 
 10,000 Greeks in their retreat, i. 4' 8. 
 
 Tirintatechmus, son of Artabanes, one of the com- 
 manders of the army of Xerxes in that prince's expedi- 
 tion against Greece, i. 328. 
 
 Tisamenes, son of Orestes, reigns at Mycens with his 
 brother Penthilus, i. 264. 
 
 Tisippus, .a:tolian, is accused of having exercised great 
 cruelties against those who had not taken part with the 
 Romans against Perseus, ii. 587. Paulus .SEmilius acquits 
 him, ib. ^ 
 
 Tissaphernes, Persian of quality, is appointed by Darim 
 to reduce Pisuthnes, governor of Lydia, 1. 403. he efiecia 
 It, and has the government of Lydia for his reward, ib 
 suffers himself to be seduced by the flattery of Alcibiades, 
 and gives himself up entirely to him, 432. concludes a 
 treaty with the Peloponnesians, 434. causes Alcibiades to 
 be seized, and sent prisoner to Sardis, 436. commands in 
 the army of Artaxerxes Mnemon at the battle of Cunaxa 
 and distinguishes himself in it, 471. takes upon him to' 
 reconduct the Greeks into their own country, 475. seizes 
 Clearchus and the other generals by treachery, and sends 
 them to Artaxerxes, 476. joins Pharnabazus to oppose the 
 enterprises of Dercyllidas, 484. sends to command Agesi. 
 laus to quit Asia, and to declare war against him in case 
 of refusal, 488. is defeated near Sardis, 489. is accused of 
 treason, ib. Artaxerxes puts him to death, ib. character 
 of Tissaphernes, ib. 
 
830 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Tithraustes seizes Tissaphernes by order of Artaxerxes, 
 and is placed at the head of the army in his stead, i. 489. 
 he arms the several states of Greece against the Lace- 
 da;monians, 491. 
 
 Tobit is carried captive into Assyria,!. 134. he hides 
 himself some time to avoid the cruelty of Sennacherib, 
 137. foretells the ruin of Nineveh to his children, 138. 
 
 Tocat, the ancient Berisa, ii. 696. N. 
 
 Tomb of the prophet Daniel, i. 195. N. of Job. 1S9. N. 
 Ezekiel, ib. Ezra, ib. 
 
 Tomyris, queen of the Scythians, i. 201. manner ih 
 which, as Herodotus relates, she caused Cyrus to be put 
 to death, ib. 
 
 Tragedy : its origin, i. 577. its progress, ib. poets who 
 distinguished themselves in tragedy, ib. 
 
 Treaties. Odd custom of making treaties among the 
 Iberians and Scythians, i. 299. 
 
 Trebia, river of Lombardy, famous for Hannibal's vic- 
 tory over the Romans, i. 80. and for Suwarrow's victory 
 over the French in 1799, 79. N. 
 
 Trebisond, the ancient Trapesus, account of, ii. 697. N. 
 
 Tremellius, surnamed Scrofa, defeats and kills a third 
 usurper of the kingdom of Macedonia, ii. 596. 
 
 Triballi, people of Moesia, now called Bulgaria, ii, 80. 
 N. they pretend to share with Philip in the booty taken 
 from the Scythians, ib. they are defeated by that prince, 
 ib. they are defeated by Alexander, 80. 
 
 Tributes. Reasons for the establishment of them, i. 221. 
 
 Trierarchs, Athenian officers : their functions, ii. 41. 
 
 Triumphs, warlike, their character and tendency, ii. 
 579. N. calculated to produce revenge, 580. N. 
 
 Troezene, city of Argolis, gives refuge to the Athe- 
 nians who had lately abandoned their city, i. 34. 
 
 Trophies erected by the ancients after a victory, i. 574 
 
 Trophonius, hero, i. 563. famous oracles of Trophonius 
 in Bceotia, ib. 
 
 Trough : kind of punishment used by the Persians, i. 
 355. 
 
 Troy, city of Asia, taken and burnt by the Greeks, i. 
 265. discrepancies of classical tourists regarding its site, ii. 
 84. N. 
 
 Truth. It is the foundation of all intercourse between 
 men, ii. 74. &c. 
 
 Tr5'phena, daughter of Physcon, is married to Antio- 
 chus Grypus, ii. 632. she sacrifices her sister Cleopatra to 
 her jealousy, 633. Antiochus, of Cyzicum, puts her to 
 death in torments, ib. 
 
 Tunis, city of Africa, is taken by Regulus, i. 69. the 
 mercenaries who revolt against Carthage make it their 
 place of arms, 66. 
 
 Tyana, various opinions of authors as to its position i. 
 456. N. probably Tchekisla, ib. 
 
 Tj'che, quarter of the city of Syracuse, i. 418. 
 
 Tydeus, one of the Athenian generals, rejects the ad- 
 vice of Alcibiades, and occasions the loss of the battle of 
 JEgospotamos, i. 445. 
 
 Tygris, river of Asia, ii. 120. 
 
 Tj-ndarus, king of Lacedajmon, i. 265. 
 
 Tyrant. Origin of that name, and its signification, i. 
 267. difference between a king and a tyrant, 1. 588, &c. 
 
 Tyras or Dniester, river described, i. 296. N. 
 
 Tyre, city of Phoenicia ; its foundation, ii. 109. origin 
 of its name, ib. N. description of the isle and city, ib. 
 Tyre besieged and taken by Nabuchodonosor, i. 140. Da- 
 rius reinstates it in its ancient privileges, SOB. Tyre be- 
 sieged and taken by Alexander, ii. 104, &c. Alexander's 
 inhuman treatment of the Tyrians unjustifiable, 109. N. 
 remarks on Rollin's reflections, ib. Tyre taken by Anti- 
 gonus, 260. accomplishment of the different prophecies 
 concerning Tyre, 110, &c. its present state, 210. N. 
 
 TyrtEeus, Greek poet ; the Athenians give him to the 
 Lacedaemonians to command them, i. xxxviii. character 
 of his poetry, ib. he revives the courage of the latter, 
 and occasions their gaining a great victory over the Mes- 
 senians, xxxix. is made a citizen of Sparta, ib. 
 
 U 
 
 Uchoreus, king of Egypt, builds Memphis, i. 21. 
 
 Udiastes, friend of Teriteuchmes, assassinates him by 
 order of Darius, L 449. Statira causes him to be put to 
 death m torments, ib. 
 
 Ulai, the river of, now Abzal, i. 194. N. 
 
 Unich, the ancient Oince, notice of, ii. 696. N. 
 
 Universal History, authors of the, censured respecting 
 the Lacedcemonians, i. 536. N. corrected respecting Mar- 
 tyropolis, ii. 120. N. Caramania, 206. N. Seleucia, 296. N. 
 Bagdad, ib. Bactriana, S46. N. Liba, 384. N. 
 
 University of Paris. France obliged to it for the esta- 
 blishment of posts and post-offices, i. 220. 
 
 Urania, divinity of the Carthaginians. See Coelestis. 
 
 Usury : to what excess it was carried in the later times 
 of the Roman commonwealth, ii. 711. remarks on usury, 
 711, 719 N. 
 
 Utica, city of Africa, abandons the side of Carthage. 
 
 and joins the revolted mercenaries, i. 67. is compelled to 
 surrender at discretion, 68. it puts itself into the hands 
 of the Romans, 104. the latter reward it with the lands 
 between Carthage and Hippo, 109. 
 
 Uxii, people upon the frontiers of Persia, conquered by 
 Alexander the Great, ii. 130, 
 
 V 
 
 Valerian, conduct of Schabour towards, ii. 579. N. 
 
 Valley of the angel of death described, ii. 4-i2. N. 
 
 Vargunteius, one of the lieutenants of Crassus, being 
 separated from the main body of the army, is attacked by 
 the Parthians, and dies fighting gloriously, ii. 660. 
 
 Varro (C. Terentius), consul, is defeated by Hannibai 
 at the battle of Cannae, i. 85. 
 
 Vase, antique Coptic, a key to cuneiform inscriptions, ii 
 145. N. 
 
 Vasthi, wife of Darius. See Atossa. 
 
 ^'entidius, Roman soldier, rises to the highest dignities 
 of the commonwealth by his merit, ii. 664. he revenges 
 the disgrace of the Romans at the battle of Carree, and' 
 defeats the Parthians upon several occasions, ib. &-c. 
 
 Vincent, Dr. corrected respecting Susa, i. 194. N. 
 
 Villius is elected consul, and makes war with Philip in 
 the room of Sulpitius, ii. 432. nothing considerable passes 
 during his year, 433. he is sent ambassador to Antiochus, 
 and succeeds in making that prince suspect Hannibal, 
 457, &c. 
 
 Vision, remarks on its limits, ii. 511. N. 
 
 Vossius, his belief in the extensive prospect from mount 
 Hffimus ridiculed, ii. 511 — 514. N. his controversy with 
 Gronovius respecting the site of Sophone, 729. N. 
 
 W 
 
 Wasps, comedy of Aristophanes so called, i. 582. 
 Water. Sweet water how preserved at Alexandria, ii. 
 741. 
 
 WeUs of Joseph in the castle of Cairo in Egj-pt : de. 
 scription of them, i. 2. 
 
 Wolga, the river, various names given to it, i. 303, N. 
 fortresses erected on its banks by Darius, ib. 
 
 Women. Whether they ought to be admitted to the 
 administration of public affairs, the command of armies, 
 and the sovereignty of states, i. 130. immodesty of the 
 Spartan women, i. 536. N. 
 
 World, its political state at the death of Alexander, ii. 
 279—285. N. 
 
 Wrestling. Exercise of wrestling amongst the an- 
 cients, i. 569. 
 
 Writing. Its origin, i. 18. 
 
 X 
 
 Xanthippus. LacedEemonian, comes to the aid of the 
 Carthaginians, i. 60. he defeats the army of Regulus, ib. 
 retires and disappears soon after, 61. 
 
 Xanthippus, citizen of Athens, accuses Miltiades of i 
 treason, i. 318. \ 
 
 Xanthippus, father of Pericles, abandoning Athens on | 
 the approach of Xerxes, his dog follows his ship to Sala- | 
 mis, and expires on the shore, i. S35. j 
 
 Xanthippus, Athenian, commands the fleet of the i 
 Greeks in conjunction with Leotychides king of Sparta, 
 and gains a great victory over the Persians, near Mycale, 
 i. 344. I 
 
 Xanthippus, eldest son of Pericles, dies of the plague, i. ' 
 391. 
 
 Xanthus, philosopher, whose slave .SEsop was, i. 288. I 
 Xantippe, wife of Socrates : his sufferings from her ill 
 humour, i. 7. 
 
 Xenetas, Achaan, is sent against Molo and Alexander 
 by Antiochus, ii. 382. he falls into an ambuscade, and is 
 cut to pieces with his whole army, ib. j 
 
 Xenocrates, philosopher, in what manner he was re- 
 ceived by Antipater, to whom he had been sent ambassa- i 
 dor by the Athenians, ii. 238. i 
 
 Xenon is charged by Antiochus with the war against 
 Molo, ii. 382. he is defeated, ib. 
 
 Xenon, Achaean, exclaims against the demand of the 
 Roman emissaries, in an assembly, ii. 588. 
 
 Xenophanes, Philip's ambassador to Hannibal, falls 
 into the hands of the Romans, ii. 405. he escapes and 
 concludes the treaty with Hannibal, ib. is taken on his 
 return by the Romans, ib. j 
 
 Xenophon, historian and philosopher ; he commands 
 the 10,000 Greeks after the death of Clearchus, and brings \ 
 them back into their own country, i. 477, &c. joins the , 
 Lacedemonians in the war against Tissaphernes and ; 
 Pharnabazus, 481. acts under Agesilaus, at the battle ol | 
 Coronaa, 493. difference between Xenophon and Herodo- 
 tus in their accounts of Cyrus, 201, &c. enigmas in his 
 Cyropa;dia, 163. N. corrected respecting the Chaldeans and 
 Indians, 167. N. march of Cyrus from the Kramians to 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Caystrus, 455. N. Tyria?um to iGonium, ib. Daradax to 
 i^hapsacus, 456. N. Trebisond to Cerasus and Cotyra, 
 
 Xerxes I. son of Darius, is elected king of Persia in 
 preference to his brother Artabazanes, i. 319. he confirms 
 the Jews in their privileges, 320. reduces Egypt, ib pre- 
 pares to invade Greece, ib. deliberates with his council 
 concerning that expedition, 321. wise speech of Artabancs 
 to him, lb. rage of Xerxes upon that occasion, 322. he 
 discovers his error, and confesses it in full council, ib the 
 war is resolved, 323. Xerxes enters into an alliance with 
 the Carthaginians, ib. he begins his march and gives or- 
 ders for cutting a way through mount Athos, ib. his letter 
 to that mountain upon that subject, ib. he advances to 
 Sardis, 324 his cruelty to Pythius, 325. he marches to- 
 wards the Hellespont, ib. causes the sea to be chastised 
 for having broken the bridge of boats which he had laid 
 over It, 326. orders a second to be built, and passes the 
 Hellespont with his army, ib. number of forces, ib this 
 prodigiously exaggerated, 326. N. statements of different 
 rnstorians, 327. N. Demaratus tells him freely his 
 thoughts of this enterprise, 328. three hundred Spartans 
 dispute the pass of Thermopyte with Xerxes, 332. that 
 pnnce in his rage causes the dead body of Leonidas to be 
 affixed to a gibbet, ib. he takes and burns Athens, .335 
 is defeated at Salamis, 336. leaves Mardonius in Greece' 
 and returns precipitately into Asia, 337. violent passion 
 of Xerxes for the wife of his brother Masistes, and after- 
 wards for Artainta that princess's daughter, 844. he causes 
 Masistes to be put to death, 345. gives himself up to 
 luxury and voluptuousness, 353. is killed by Artabanus 
 captain of his guards, ib. character of Xerxes, ib. &c. ' 
 
 Xerxes II. son of Artaxerxes Mnemon ascends the 
 throne of Persia, i. 402. he is assassinated by his brother 
 Sogdianus, ib. 
 
 ^^Xiphares, son of Mithridates, is killed by his father, ii. 
 
 Xuthus, son of Helenus, settles in Attica, i. 266 
 Xychus, who had been at Rome with Apelles and Phi 
 locles, m quahty of secretary to their embassy, is seized 
 and carried before Philip, ii. 515. he discovers the whole 
 piot of Perseus against Demetrius, ib. 
 
 Yazdan, the good deity of the Persians, L 236. 
 Year, solar, when first used, i. 16. 
 
 831 
 
 Youth. The irregularities of that time of life arc not 
 always sufficient grounds for despairing of a young man. 
 
 _ Zab, the Great and Little, discussior respecting them, 
 1. 462, 463. N. (see Lycus.) description of the countrv be- 
 twixt them, 462. N. 
 
 Zabdiel, Arabian prince, betrays Alexander Bala, ii 
 620. he delivers Antiochus, son of Bala, to Tryphon, 621 
 
 Zabi, meaning of the term in Daniel, ii. 545. N. 
 ^Zagouri, a river in Greece, the ancient Cocytus, i. 259. 
 
 Zaleuchus, legislator of the Locrians, i. 385. wisdom of 
 his laws, ib. 
 
 Zancle, city of Sicily, i. 412. See Messene. 
 
 Zebma. See Alexander Zebina. 
 _ Zendavesta of Zoroaster, inquiry as to its authenticitv 
 1. 235. N. its doctrines, 237. N. 
 
 Zendic alphabet, ii. 145. N. 
 
 Zenis, Dardanian, governor of iEtolia under Phama- 
 bazus, 1. 483. 
 
 ii lib™'ian of Ptolemy Soter at Alexandria, 
 
 _ Zephyrium, Cape, different from the city, ii. 444, N. its 
 
 Zerah, king of Ethiopia and Fgvpt, makes war with 
 Asia, king of Judah, is defeated, i. 26. 
 
 ZeugitjE, third class of the citizens of Athens, i 541 
 
 Zoippus, Hiero's son-in-law : his great influence with 
 Hieronymus, ii. 678. he goes ambassador to Egypt and 
 stays there in voluntary banishment, 681. ' 
 
 Zopyrus, Persian lord, mutilates liimself for the service 
 of Darius, i. 294. he makes that prince master of Baby. 
 Ion, 295. reward given by Darius for so great a service, ib 
 • .^^Py^"^' ^^^^^ Pericles, and governor of Alcibiades. 
 1. 408. ' 
 
 Zoroaster, founder of the sect of the Magi amongst the 
 Persians i. 231. paucity of information respecting him, 
 234. N differences among authors respecting him and 
 his works, 235. N. 
 
 sect°Tf^^' ^^'^ reformer of the same 
 
 Zorobabel, chief of the Jews, who returned to Jerusa- 
 lem after the decree of Cyrus, i. 193. 
 
 Zurrah, lake of its extent and description, ii. 15C. N. 
 
 END OF VOLUME SECOND. 
 
•W. G. BLACKIE AND CO., PRINTEr.3, 
 VILLAFIELD. 
 
GLASGOVr : 
 G. ELACKIE AND CO., PRINTEUS, 
 VILLAFIELD. 
 
LIST OF MAPS, &o. 
 
 — ^'-^ — ^^^^.^^f^^.^^..^ 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 Portrait of Rollin, . frontispiece. 
 
 Interview of Alexander the Great, with the family of Darius, vignette. 
 
 The world as known to the ancients, . - page xix. 
 
 Asia Minor and the Euxine Sea, , , xxix. 
 
 Egypt with Libya, 1 
 
 The Carthaginian Empire in Africa, 83 
 
 The expedition of Hannibal, ........ 72 
 
 Assyrians, Babylonians, Medes, and Persians, ..... 117 
 
 Expedition of Cyrus the Younger, 448 
 
 Greece, with the Northern Provinces, . . . . . . 246 
 
 Plan of the city of Syracuse, 588 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 Timoclea brought before Alexander the Great, .... vigneite. 
 
 The expedition of Alexander, I'age 76 
 
 Map of country adjacent to Issus, ....... ^^7 
 
 Graecia Magna, including Sicily, 279 
 
 Signals by fire, ...... , . . . . 416 
 
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