ANTHROPOLOGICAL SERIES ^■TJiriVERSlTYyflLUNOlS. Field Columbian Museum Publication 6i. Vol. Ill, No. 2 THE ORAIBI POWAMU CEREMONY BY H. R. VOTH. THE STANLEY McCORMICK HOPI EXPEDITION, George A. Dorsey, Curator, Department of Anthropology. THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF illiNOIS Chicago, U. S. A. December, 1901. r LIBRARY OF THE uwiVERSITY of ILUNWS; Pl. XXXVIII. EXPLANATION OF THE POWAMU ALTAR AND SAND MOSAIC. 1. Cloud symbols, the yellow representing the north; the green, the west; the red, the south; the white, the east. 2. Reredos with blossoms and probably corn-ear symbols. 3. Cloud and lightning frame. The symbols on the upper part of the cloud tablet represent clouds, those on the lower, blossoms. The small figure in the lightning represents, according to some, Cotukvnanwu; according to others, Chowilawu or Powamua. 4. Figure of the Ho-Katcina. 5. Pookon, the god of protection 6. Cotukvnanwu, god of thunder. 7. Chowilawu, also called Powamua, who appears as a Katcina in the initia- tion ceremony. 8. Various lightning slabs. 9. Bahos or prayer sticks. 10. Corn-ear slabs. 11. Tokwi, representing a bluff. 12. Bahomaking outfit, showing partially finished bahos and the material used in making them. 13. Honey pot. 14. Cloud blower. 15. Gourd rattles. 16. Medicine bowl with aspergill and corn-ears. 17. Tiponi, the palladium of the Powamu chief. 18. Eagle feathers: one is used in the purification ceremonies. 19. An old basket containing small pieces of various kinds of food, especially game. The object is called "mother,' and is the tiponi or palladium of the Kat- cina priest. 20. Monwikuru or sacred water vessel. 21. Tray with corn-meal. 22. Gourd vessel in which water is gotten from the spring. 23. Sand mosaic. The four sides of the square are called wona (planks); the square itself is said to represent a house. The terraces at the end of the wona represent clouds, and the black projections from these clouds small turkey feather prayer offerings. The four small circular figures, the large one in the center, and the variously colored dots on the sand field, symbolize the various blossoms of the plants, herbs and grasses used by the Hopi for food, and for ceremonial, medici- nal and other purposes. LIBRARV OF The UNIVpJSnY^ILtfNOfS Field Columbian Museum Publication 6i. Anthropological Series. Vol. Ill, No. 2, THE ORAIBI POWAMU CEREMONY BY H. R. VOTH. THE STANLEY McCORMICK HOPI EXPEDITION, George A. Dorsey, Curator, Department of Anthropology. THE LIBRARY OF THE FE B 17 1938 UNIVERSITY «F UllNOiS Chicago, U. S. A. December, 1901. 57 2^.05 FA Cop. 2. THE ORAIBI POWAMU CEREMONY. H. R, VOTH. NOTE. The ceremoniology of the Hopi Indians is very comprehensive and extremely complicated. A large number of performances have already been observed and more or less fully described, especially by Dr. J. W. Fewkes of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, who has directed his studies, however, principally to the ceremonies of the Hopi living on the East Mesa. Aside from the valuable publi- cations by Dr. Fewkes on parts of certain ceremonies of the people of the Middle Mesa, but very little is known about their rites and none of them have thus far been studied and described. In Oraibi, on the West Mesa and the seventh of the Hopi villages, a number of ceremonies have been observed and carefully studied by Mr. H. R. Voth, during his five years' residence at that village as a missionary. The Powamu ceremony is chosen for the second of this series of papers, partly because it is one of the most important, complicated and interesting of those held at Oraibi, and partly because the two altars and four sand mosaics belonging to this ceremony have been reproduced and are now on exhibition in this Museum. GEORGE A. DORSEY, Curator, Department of Anthropology. Chicago, December i, 1901. CONTENTS. Page. Preface .......... dj The Powamu Ceremony ....... ji 1. The personnel ........ ji 2. Kivas --------- 72 3. The time of the celebration - - - - - - 72 4. Powalawu, the introductory ceremony - " - - 73 5. Interval between Powalawu and Powamu - - - - 83 6. The Powamu performances in the kiva - - - - 84 First day -------- 84 Second day ------- 84 Third day - - - - - - - - 85 Fourth day ------- 85 Fifth day, without the initiation ceremony - - - 86 Fifth day, with the initiation ceremony - - - 88 Sixth day; the Katcin-yungni (Katcina "going in " or " assem- bling •') -----.. 94 Seventh day -------- 106 Eighth day - - - - - - - 106 Ninth day - - - - - - - - no- The Powamu Katcina dance (night ceremony) - - 12a Tenth day - - - - ' - - - - 122 Powamu Songs - - - - - - - - 126 Speeches of Powamu Priest - . - - - - - I55 ILLUSTRATIONS. Plate. XXXVIII, XXXIX. XL. XLI. XLII. XLIII. XLIV. XLV. XLVI. XLVII. XLVIII. XLIX. L. LI. LII. Lin. LIV. LV. LVI. LVII. LVIIL LIX. LX. LXI. LXII. LXIII. LXIV. LXV. LXVI. LXVII. LXVIIL LXIX. LXX. LXXI. LXXII. LXXIII. LXXIV. Opposite page Frontispiece Powamu altar and sand mosaic Powamu priests: a, Siima; b, Qomahoiniwa - Pipes, reed cigarette and fuse - - . . . Various bahos ---.... Powalawu sand mosaic --.-.. Powalawu altar ------- a, Priests singing around Powalawu altar; b, Priests blowing feathers through hatchway - - - . . a, Football race; b. Growing beans in kiva Powalawu priest depositing prayer offerings - Powamu sand mosaic - - Figures on pota discs ------ Small Powamu altar -...-. Tihu of the Chowilawu Katcina '- - - Chowilawu Katcina dancing - - - - Katcina initiation sand mosaic (large) - - - - Katcina initiation sand mosaic (small) - - Katcina initiation altar ------ Mongkohos -------- a, Candidates for the Katcina initiation entering the kiva; b, Katcina priest and assistant on their way to the kiva Muyingwa entering the Marau kiva - - - . Tihus of the: a, Nakachok; b, Hototo; c, Mastop; d, Sohon- comtaka, and ^, Palakway Katcinas - - . Tihus of the: a, Hahai-i; b. Ho; c, Sakwa Ho, and d, Movit- kuntaka Ho Katcinas . - - - - The Shrine of Achamali ------ Tihus of the Aototo and Aholi Katcinas «, Ho Katcinas running around kiva; ^, Hahai-i Katcina enter- ing kiva ------- Flogging a child ------- fl, Hahai-i and Aholi Katcinas waiting at the Honani kiva; b, Aototo and Aholi Katcinas waiting at the kiva The Aototo and Aholi Katcinas going through the village - a, Huuve Katcinas distributing presents; b, a little girl with her tihu ---.-.. a. The Haaa Katcina; b, The Hote and other Katcinas - a. The Rattlesnake Katcina; b, The Cotukvnangwu Katcina a, The Chaveyo Katcina; b. The Wayak Ho Katcinas - a. Unidentified Katcina; b, an old couple a, Tihu of the Cooyok Katcina (male); b^ Cooyok-Wuhti Kat- cina (female) - - - - - ... Tihus of the: a, Mongwi Katcina; b, Pachawo Mana Katcina; c, Chaveyo Katcina; d, Haaa Katcina Tihus of the: a, Powamu Katcina; b, Powamu Katcina mana; c, Payatamhoya; d, Powamu wuhtitiata - - , - Powamu Headdress - - - - - - 66 75 75 75 17 79 8i 82 89 89 89 89 92 94 95 95 97 99 100 lOI lOI 103 104 III 112 114 117 117 117 117 118 119 120 120 PREFACE. Although the author has observed parts of this ceremony every year since 1894 (except 1899 and 1900), and has made very copious notes and drawings on the same, he by no means claims to be able to exhaust the subject. Further studies will reveal new details and furnish new information, especially regarding the songs and the sym- bolism of certain ceremonial paraphernalia. It will be of interest also to note, in future observations of this ceremony, innovations and modifications that are being made. Where such have been noticed in past years, attention has been called to them at the proper place in this paper. Most of the original drawings and photographs from which the illustrations have been reproduced were made by the writer. Where others are used it is so stated at the proper place. I am greatly indebted to Dr. C. F. Millspaugh, Dr. O. C. Farrington, Dr. S. E. Meek and Mr. W. A Bryan for kindly identifying the various objects used in the ceremony and mentioned in this paper. The following rules of pronunciation should be observed in reading the Hopi words: a, e, i, o, u have the continental sound; a as in "care"; c between s and sh; k very soft, nearly like the two letters ky spoken together; n as in "canyon"; 6 as in German "Ol"; y like deep, guttural k; ii as in German "fiir"; u as in "fur." While most of the objects for which the Hopi names are given have been more or less explained in the paper, a list of those words, with a brief explanation which may be easily referred to, is here given: Anchaa: Very well; all right. Atoe: A ceremonial blanket, red, white and blue colors. Askwali: Thank you ! Used by the women only. Baho: Prayer offering, consisting of one flat or two round sticks, to which feathers, herbs and usually a corn husk packet containing corn-meal and honey is attached. Baholawu: To make bahos. Batni: A well, cistern, etc. 67 68 Preface. Chaakmongwi: Crier. Hikwsi: A small feather with two cotton strings tied to it. Kihu: House; shrine. Kwakwai: Thanks ! Used by men only. Kuna: A sage (Artemisia frigida), attached to almost all bahos. Kalehtaka: A warrior; warrior priest. Kelehoya: A candidate to be initiated into a secret society. Kopichoki: A cedar fuse to light ceremonial cigarettes. Kikmongwi: Village chief. Mana: A maid; virgin. Mongwikuru: A small netted gourd used in ceremonies. Mociata: The corn husk packet on the bahos. Mongwi: Chief; chief priest. Makwanpi: An aspergill to asperge with from the medicine bowl. Mongkoho: A notched slab with turkey feathers, which is the badge of office of certain clans and priests. Mochapngonkwava: A ceremonial sash, embroidered. Maovi: A herb, attached to nearly all bahos. Nakwakwosi: A prayer offering, consisting of a small feather with a short cotton string tied to it. Ngoloshhoya: A crook. Natsi: Society emblem or standard. Owa: A white ceremonial blanket; bridal robe. Oongawa: A stew of corn, mutton, etc. Omaotapi: A large pipe for blowing cloud on the altar. Piki: Thin paper bread, made of corn-meal and water. Powatani: To fix up; put in shape; put in order, etc. Pookong: The God of war. Pitkuna: Ceremonial kilt. Piihtawi: A small feather with a cotton string tied to it. Sipapu: An imaginary opening in the Grand Canon from which the human family is said to have emerged, and which is represented in kivas, on altars, etc. Tingapngwu: The announcing of a ceremony. Taiwa:. Face; facet in a baho stick. Taka: Man. Talassi: Corn pollen. Tiponi: The badge or emblem of office of any chief priest. It con- sists of a corn ear wound with cotton string and having differ- ent kinds of feathers tied to it; also some pieces of shell, tur- quoise, etc. T5t6eqpi: An eagle-wing bone whistle. Preface. 69 Tawahona: Red horsehair tied to a string; used as a kilt and also on sun symbols. Toihi: A white ceremonial blanket with a black embroidered, deco- rated border. Tihu: A doll. Tuoynahka: Ear pendant, consisting of a thin wooden tablet, one side of which is covered with small pieces of turquoise. Wuhti: Woman. Wonawika: A small wooden implement said to have been formerly used as a weeding implement, now in ceremonies only. Wotaka: A mush of corn-meal and water, eaten usually in cere- monies. IIBRARV OF THE UNIVERSITY of ILLINOIS FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXIX. PowAMu Priests. Pl. XXXIX. Two PowAMU Priests. Siima. For many years chief Powamu priest. Now dead. Qomahoiniwa, brother of Siima and now chief Powamu priest. THE POWAMU CEREMONY.* 1. THE PERSONNEL. The ceremony herein described is celebrated under the direction of the chief priest of the Powamu fraternity, who is assisted by the Katcina chief. Until 1896 the Powamu chief was Siima, of the Honani clan, then about eighty-iive years old. Upon his death in the month of July of that year, his younger brother, Qomahoiniwa (see PI. XXXIX), became his successor and has held that position ever since. Repeated inquiry on my part at different sources elicited the information that Siima himself had made this appointment and had for some time previous given his brother special instruction regarding the duties connected with the office. Qomahoiniwa is probably about seventy years old, is also a member of the Honani clan and belongs to various religious societies, such as the Snake, Drab Flute, and Horn. He is considered one of the best informed men on the songs of the Hopi. The part of the Katcina chief, who always c5operates with the Powamu chief, was taken from 1894-1896, inclusive, by a compara- tively young man named Moshohungwa, of the Parrot and Crow clan, although the regular Katcina chief, Talangakyoma, was at that time still living and performed his duties on other occasions where they were less arduous. -The only reason for this, that I could learn, was that Talangakyoma was old and infirm and could not stand the strain of the nine-day ceremony. As I knew him to be of a feeble constitu- tion, I am disposed to give credence to this information. When he died in 1895, his nephew, Massavestiwa, of the Katcina clan (son of his sister), was appointed Katcina chief. Siima protested against this appointment and wished to retain Moshohungwa ; the principal reason given by him was that Massavestiwa knew hardly any of the songs, while Moshohungwa did and had otherwise had experience in assisting in the ceremony. Siima's protest was overruled, however, *The name Powamu is derived from pa-watani, to put in order, in proper shape or condition, as by this ceremony the fields and gardens are put in proper condition, symbolically, protected against destructive forces (sand storms, ants, etc.), and in every way consecrated, as it were, for the approaching planting season. 71 72 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. by the village chief, Lolulomai, who is at the same time assistant priest of the Soyal ceremony, and who also urged that Massavestiwa's inherited claim to the position was better than that of Moshohungwa. At my visit to Oraibi in December, 1899, however, Moshohungwa told me that he had now been reinstated as Katcina chief and that Massavestiwa was to be leader of the Tataukiiamu (the Singer society), of which the former Katcina chief, Talangakyoma, had also been leader, and in the 1901 ceremony Moshohungwa again acted as Katcina chief. Besides these two leaders, from eight to twelve men generally participated in the ceremony. These belong to different clans, the Badger, Reed, Sand, Crow, Bow, Rabbit or Tobacco, Parrot, and, perhaps, a few others. In addition to these, a "sponsor" of every candidate for initiation, and also a few women, are present on the evening of the Powamu initiation ceremony, which will be fully described later on. 2. KIVAS. The Powamu ceremony proper, as well as its introductory cele- bration (Powalawu), takes place in the Honani (Badger) kiva, which is also known as the Powul (Butterfly), Shuatyawa (Straight or just downward), and Hochichwi kiva (Zigzag kiva*). The so-called Katcina initiation, however, which takes place on the sixth day of Powamu, is performed in the Marau kiva, which is the only kiva in Oraibi that belongs exclusively to the women. Dur- ing the ceremony beans are planted and grown in almost all the kivas of the village, as will be more fully explained later on. During the time of a ceremony no one is allowed to enter the kiva in which it takes place. The men who usually occupy such a kiva, when not in use for ceremonial days, vacate it during the time of a ceremony and accept the hospitality of some other kiva until the ceremony is over. This, however, applies in this case only to the Honani kiva; those in which only beans are grown are used as usual. 3. THE TIME OF THE CELEBRATION. The Hopi determine their months by the moon, the name for moon and month, muyawuu, being the same. The time from the new ♦It is stated that the name "Shuatyawa" is sometimes used because the badger's hole " runs down" into the earth ; the name " Zigzag" because formerly the Bow clan owned that kiva ■with the Badger clan and because Hopi bows are often decorated with a white zigzag line running along the whole length of the bow. Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 73 moon until the moon "dies," that is, until another new moon appears, constitutes a month. The period which corresponds approximately to our month of February is called Powamuya.* In this month, the beginning of which sometimes overlaps with the last days of January, the Powamu ceremony takes place. Whether the month derived its name from the ceremony, or vice versa, I cannot say, but the informa- tion thus far obtained on this point justifies the belief that the former alternative is the case. Following are the dates when the ceremonies took place in the years observed : PowALAwu. Powamu. In 1894 February 4 February 13-21 In 1895 Not recorded February 3-1 1 In 1896 February 14 February 22 to March 2 In 1897 February i February 9-17 In 1898 January 23 February 2-10 In 1899 Not observed In 1900 Not observed In 1901 January 20 January 30 to February 7 4. POWALAWU, THE INTRODUCTORY CEREMONY. About eight days prior to fhe beginning of the Powamu ceremony proper an interesting one-day ceremony takes place, known as Powa- lawu. It is still an open question with the writer whether this per- formance should not be treated as an independent ceremony rather than as a part of the Powamu celebration, and it may be found upon further study that originally, at any rate, it was a distinct, independ- ent ceremony. But the facts that other nine-day celebrations are preceded by a short ceremony, f that most of the participants in Powalawu also take part in Powamu, that the same leaders officiate in both ceremonies, and, especially, that a close relation seems to exist between the two, justify its treatment for the present as a part of and introductory to the Powamu ceremony. Below are given the names and clan relations of the participants in the years 1896, 1898 and 1901. In the other years I failed to record the names, but they were nearly the same : *Frotn ^' potvatani," to put in proper shape, in order, or in proper condition, and vtuyawuu month. tThis is usually called bahota-wu, and generally takes place in the evening; sometimes, how- ever, as in the case of the Snalce and Antelope fraternities, in the morning. The announcement on the next morning of the coming ceremony is called tingapng-wu, or sometimes simply chaalawu .)!:>■'•' •■" — ': b«« (siloJili) siahnsjiA) iqijlfiwojt |u ■'^nqc i: u.'jm oti} ao -nu^ r^tll. '•.n ; £ bnfi (fixobKii;q cijb}e rfnon tdl n< -!)iiKe ?if" iiivo' ' ' ■ ■ ". ■ . H 3ii;t) 9i ' ■ ll n.i ■nd iioij," •..iijo ji;j fj«flJ islfitrna ^;:i. .lo'.n;-.-;. ■ ibnrri .slfnr^ hr^-^f .5 -lartJBsi aloiio lifiri!- >i::u\-' '■' >hll!U' ' .bt)^ ffiT , . .,39^ • niii m(0 3/ /r^A \ Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 77 for different small birds with yellow and greenish feathers, such as the fly-catchers and certain kinds of warblers, it is very probable that feathers of any of these birds are used on this eagle feather. To the latter is also fastened a small netted wheel, the rim of which is made of a couwi (Atriplex canescens, Nutt) stick, the network being of yucca leaf fibers (Yucca augustifolio Pursh). To this wheel are tied four chat feathers*. The last object inserted in this baho stand is a short stick called iaka baho (man baho), pointed at both ends and made of the stem of duma (Cleome integrifolia, Nutt) (C. serrulata Pursh). This stick is colored yellow in the stand on the north side, green on the west, red on the south and white on the east stand. To this stick is fastened a yahpa feather. Some uncertainty exists about the identity of this bird. Dr. Edgar A. Mearns in his "Ornithologi- cal vocabulary of the Moki Indians, "f mentions a '■'^yahpa'" and identifies it as Clark's nut-cracker (Nutcifraya Columbiana). But the feather in the original baho stand now on exhibition in this Museum is certainly not that of a nut-cracker, but is almost beyond doubt from a smaller bird, perhaps from the wing of a vermillion fly-catcher. This baho is always made by a kalehtakmongwi (warrior chief), now Koyongainiwa, and is said to represent a kalehtaka (warrior) standing at the end of the baho stand, keeping watch over and protecting the various objects on the baho stand. The various objects are prepared by different men. (See PI. XLIII.) Nos. 5-8. Four food balls, made of dough which is prepared from various kinds of native food {lapoci, kwani, sahu, younga, muyaniki, pikamtosi, pinon nuts, formerly also meat of buffalo, deer, antelope, etc.), and enough of pikamtosi, (pulverized //Jaw/, a mush of sweet corn-meal), and water to give the dough the proper consist- ency. These are said to serve as food for the clouds when deposited outside of the village. Nos. 9-12. Four clay balls, made of the same clay and painted with the same color as the baho stands. Over each ball is laid an eagle feather, nakwakwosi, which it was noticed on one occasion was made by Massavestiwa. Nos. 13-16. Four flint spear points. These were brought in by Koyongainiwa, who represents POokong, the God of war and pro- tection, in the Soyal ceremony.;); *The POokong on the Oraibi snake altar has a similar wheel on his back and the Qaqdlmanas in the Oraibi Qaqdl ceremony shoot hand arrows at such wheels. In both cases the wheel is said to represent a shield. In this case, however. QOmahoiniwa asserts that it simply represents a wheel («^^//fl)and the feather with the wheel also serves as a protection against the destructive sand storms. It is called hukuhtsi (sand storm shutter). fAnthropologist, Vol. IX., No. 12. tThe Oraibi Soyal Ceremony.Field Columbian Museum, Anthropological Series, Vol. Ill, No. i. 78 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. Nos. 17-20. Four black reeds about two and one-half inches long, made by Koyonainiwa ; each has tied to one end an arrow- shaped point, cut out of corn husk. On this point is placed a small quantity of specular iron, and a few small choro (blue bird) feathers are put into the same end of the tube.* Nos. 21-24. Four yellow reed tubes of the same length as the black and made by the same man. They are colored by first being moistened with honey and sputa, then rolled in talassi, corn pollen, and finally rubbed with an old piece of skin said to contain buffalo fat. Into one end of these tubes are put some small tatvamana (oriole) feathers. No. 25. Aspergill, made of a hollow stick, the ends of which are closed with buckskin and to which some eagle feathers are fastened. No. 26. A tray containing the bahos made by the two leading priests in the morning. The number of these bahos differs in the different years ; one is made for each kiva in which beans are planted the next day. In 1896 there were eleven, in i8g8 ten, in 1901 again eleven. They are distributed by the Powamu chief the next morning. No. 27. A tray containing meal made of different kinds of corn and of watermelon, muskmelon, squash, cotton and other seeds. This meal was known to be ground on one occasion by the wife of the chief Soyal priest, who is also present at the initiation of new Powamu members on the fifth day of the Powamu ceremony. Qomahoiniwa says that she always prepares this meal, but why just she, could not be ascertained. The old priest says there is no special reason. She also belongs to the Honani clan. No. 28. The Powamu natsi or standard, consisting of four sticks about eighteen inches long, to which are tied a few small eagle feathers. At the principal Powamu ceremony three of these sticks are put into the sand ridge of the altar and one outside at the south end of the kiva entrance. No. 29. The tiponi or palladium of the chief Powamu priest. It consists of a corn ear which is fastened to a flat base and wound with cotton twine, and to the upper end of which are tied feathers of different birds (eagle, turkey, parrot, oriole, road runner, blue bird, hawk and others) and also a few pieces of turquoise, shell, etc. No. 30. The 7igaJikuychakapta (medicine bowl), containing the charm liquid which is sprinkled on the mosaic during the ceremony. The drawings on the bowl represent a frog, tadpoles and clouds. ♦These yellow and blue feathers are afterwards blown through the hatchway by Koyongainiwa as a wish or prayer for warm weather when the summer birds come. (See PI. XLIV, b.) OP THE vmiVERSITVofHJJWas. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLIV. Scenes in Connection with the Powalawu Ceremony. Pl. XLIV, Scenes in Connection with the Powalawu Ceremony. a. Priests singing around the Powalawu altar. d. One of the priests blowing small blue-bird and fly-catcher feathers through the hatchway of the kiva during the Powalawu ceremony. -i*.- eiydj^al .ynoaiiia'^ u J..K. ,1,, «i89nq arij io anO .^ I Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 79 No. 31. A totoeqpi, a bone whistle, made of an eagle wing bone. No. 32. A corn husk with parts ot butterflies and pieces of dif- ferent roots. No. 33. A corn husk, containing the dessicated remains of a small mouse {iarnotco) and a small quantity of corn-meal, made in the kiva from a corn ear that is nearly white and which was first slightly roasted at the fireplace. At about noon the altar is finished and at once the men arrange themselves around it. (See PI. XLIVa.) Usually the Hopi divest themselves of all clothing when participating in a kiva ceremony and loosen their hair. In this case they all keep on their clothes, but loosen their hair. Another unusual feature is that no one holds any- thing in the hand to beat time with — a rattle or eagle feather — as is usually the case. Later in the ceremony, however, the chief priest beats time with the aspergill, when not using it for asperging. When all are seated, Massaveima, who usually acts as Pip- mongwi (Tobacco chief), lights a pipe at the fireplace, hands it to the Powamu priest, and all then silently smoke, the pipe being handed from one to the other. As soon as all have smoked, the Powamu priest offers a short prayer and then The First Five Songs are sung, in which singing all join and dur- ing which no performance of any kind, not even rattling or beating of time, takes place. Sixth Song. The Powamu priest takes from the corn husk (No. 32) a piece, or maybe more, of root, crushes it between his teeth and drops it into the medicine bowl.* Seventh Song. The Powamu priest throws the meal from the tray (No. 27) on the sand mosaic, a little at a time, at intervals of from four to six minutes, repeating this twelve times. The song treats of different kinds of seeds and is very long. The same words are repeated in every stanza with the exception of, I believe, two lines, which are different in every stanza. Eighth Song. This is also of considerable length. The Powamu priest picks up the aspergill (No. 25) and stirs with it the contents of the medicine bowl, after which he sprinkles it, a little at a time, during the song, on the mosaic which is now covered with the meal. The pieces of root and butterflies are also dipped out of the bowl with the aspergill and thrown on the sand mosaic. This song treats of various birds and the different kinds of food that the Hopi use, and is probably a prayer for blessings upon these articles so essential to the Hopi. ♦He says he used four different kinds: totona, polina, fcosana and homina, none of. which have been identified. 8o Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. Ninth Song. Koyongainiwa takes the bone whistle (No. 31) and the yellow reed tube (No. 5, obscured on the plate by a baho stand) from the north side of the altar, ascends the ladder about half way, so that his head is just emerging from the hatchway, and blows the yellow feathers and corn pollen from the tube through the hatchway towards the north, which he follows by a few short, sharp notes from the whistle. (See PI. XLIV, b.') He then returns to the altar, replaces the reed tube and repeats the same performance in exactly the same manner with the yellow tubes on the west, south and east sides of the altar respectively, always blowing and whistling, how- ever, in the corresponding direction. When he has concluded he hands the whistle to the Powamu priest, who has been moving the aspergill up and down to the time of the song. Tenth Song. Koyongainiwa takes the black reed tube from the northwest side of the altar (No. 17, obscured on the plate by the medicine bowl), ascends the ladder as before, blows from it the blue- bird feather and powdered specular iron through the hatchway towards the northwest. Returning, he does not put the tube in its former place, but deposits it at the outside end of the north baho stand. He then repeats the same performance with the other black tubes (Nos. 18, 19 and 20), blowing towards the southwest, south- east and northeast respectively. The tube from the southwest corner he deposits with the east, the southeast with the south and the north- east with the east baho stand, always near the outside end. He next takes the spear point from the northwest side of the altar (No. 13, obscured on the plate by the medicine bowl), puts a small pinch of specular iron on its point, ascends the ladder in the same manner as before, blows the powder toward the northwest, then licks some honey from the spear point which he had previously put on when he placed the points around the mosaic and ejects* it in the same direc- tion. Returning to the altar, he replaces the spear point and then repeats the same performance with the remaining three points (Nos. 14, 15 and 16) towards the southwest, southeast and northeast, always replacing them to their respective places. When he is through the song ceases. One of the younger members is now sent as a messenger with the four clay balls (Nos. 9-12) and the nakwak- wosis lying over them. He is told to run fast and to deposit the four balls at four different places, somewhere west and south of the village. As near as I could learn, he deposits them near or on trails *This act, which occurs very frequently in Hopi ceremonies, is not an ejection of spittle. The tongue is pushed between the lips, then quickly withdrawn and the material on the tongue (honey, pieces of roots, herbs, etc.) is then forcibly blown out, mixed, of course, with a small quantity oi saliva. LIBRARY OF THE FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PU XLV. Football Race. — Growing Beans in Kiva. Pl. XLV. u. Football race. fi. Growing beans in the kiva. Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 81 leading to the village. Such offerings are usually deposited on the four sides, north, west, south and east, of the village, but I have been told repeatedly that these balls and feathers were offerings to Hukangwu, the God of the High Winds and Sand Storms, which the Hopi so much dread, because they destroy so much of their crop either by covering it with sand, by cutting it off as the sharp particles of sand are swept along the ground with great velocity, or by drying it up. These sand storms almost invariably come from the south- west and the west, the direction in which these offerings were deposited. I was also informed that the places where these offerings are deposited mark the shortest circuit of certain races which take place shortly after the Powamu ceremony is over. In these contests the racers* start on the west side of the mesa, run around the point of the mesas as close as possible and ascend on the east side. At the next race, a few days later, the circuit is larger, and it enlarges with each race, so that at last the whole distance described is from eight to ten miles, but does not, I was told, go inside of the places where those four black balls are deposited. "f (See PI. XLV, a.) Eleventh Song. As soon as this messenger starts the eleventh song is commenced, during which nothing takes place, the chief priest only beating time with the aspergill. Twelfth Song. At its conclusion four men take a little corn-meal from the baho tray and each then puts into his blanket one of the baho stands, the food ball and the two reed tubes, and takes them outside of the village; the one having the objects from the north side of the altar going to the north side of the village, the one with those from the west side going to the west side, etc. These four messen- gers were all different in 1896 and 1901, except Lomaashniwa. He took out the west side objects both in 1896 and 1898 and the east side objects in 1901. I followed him in 1896 to the west and in 1901 to the east side, and Moshohungwa in 1898 to the east side of the mesa. Arriving at a place a few hundred yards from the village and about one-third down the trail to the valley the messenger stopped, held ♦The races all start on the west side of the village; the first from a place called Tflpchochmo; the second from a spring called Lftnangva; the third from the same place but pointing in a different direction and for a larger circuit than the former: the fourth from a place called Tutuck-molmik- Pflhpamik; the fifth from the same place but pointing in a different direction and for a wider circuit; the sixth from a place called Yuhtukiungwu; the seventh from Wuptowiungwu. tThe first ball is taken to Wuptowiungwu, a place west of the village from which the last of the oncoming races starts, the others starting at various places close by. The messenger first cleans the ground, lays down the ball, puts the nakwakwosi and corn-meal on it and then gives it a kick in the same manner in which the balls are kicked later in the foot races. He then proceeds to three different places southwest and south of the village, where he disposes of the three remaining balls and nakwakwosts in the same manner. 82 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. the corn-meal to his mouth, whispered a silent prayer and then sprinkled the meal in a line and laid the yellow tube at the end of the stand pointing towards the village. (See PI. XLVI.) At the oppo- site end of the stand he placed first the food ball, and then, a few inches from the bowl, the black tube. A fifth messenger has at the same time been sent with the corn husk containing the corn-meal and the dead mouse (No. 33), with instructions to deposit it on some large ant-hill as a prayer offering to the ants that they would not destroy the crops of the Hopi. In 1901 the messenger went to an ant-hill close to the west side of the village, made a ring around the center of the hill with some of the corn-meal and threw the rest of the meal, the remains of the mouse, the naktvakwosi and the husk into the ring. Returning to the kiva in about fifteen or twenty minutes the men were still singing, but I am unable to say how many songs they had sung while we were gone. I am inclined to believe, however, that it was the same song that they commenced when we left the kiva. When this song concludes all say, '■'■ kivakwai'' (thanks !), whereupon a pipe is filled with native tobacco and lit by Massaveima at the fireplace. While he lights the pipe and smokes a few puffs, some one loosens the nakwakwosi from the crystal that is lying on the center of the sand mosaic, and all put the crystal between their lips and suck on it, saying that it makes their hearts strong. The pipe is then handed to the Powamu chief priest, who smokes, hands it to the Katcina chief, and then it makes the round, each one smoking a few minutes and all exchanging terms of clan relationship, such as: Inaa, Itii (my father, my child); Iwawa, Itopko (my elder brother, my younger brother), etc. When all have smoked, the pipe-lighter takes the pipe, cleans it and places it on the floor near the fireplace. The Powamu priest picks up the tray with bahos, sprinkles some of the meal from the same tray over them, holds the tray in front of him and prays over it. He then hands it to Messavestiwa (in igoi, Moshohungwa), who also prays over it and hands it to the Powamu priest, who places it on the ban- quette at the north end of the kiva. Some one, usually Lomaashniwa, now sweeps up the sand mosaic with the seed meal and nakwakwosi that has been loosened from the quartz crystal, puts it all into his blanket, carries it out and throws it on a pile about eight or ten yards south of the kiva. Food is meanwhile being brought to the kiva and all partake of a supper, after which they usually smoke and chat awhile and retire to their respective homes. booi e ,8h..i ) '<[<:: Ot U<* ViHasft:. SXi.'iU- Pl. XLVI. Powalawu Priest Depositing Prayer Offerings. One of the participants in the Powalawu ceremony depositing one of the baho stands, a food ball and the reed tubes outside of the village. ,i', n .'V'.: sn riELO COLUMBIAN MUSEUM ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLVI. PowALAWu Priest Depositing Prayer Offerings. LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY of ILLINOIS. Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 83 5. INTERVAL BETWEEN POWALAWU AND POWAMU. On the morning following the Powamu ceremony, the chief Pow- amu priest takes the bahos which were lying in a tray during the Powalawu ceremony, and over which he and the Katcina priest prayed at the conclusion of the ceremony, and distributes them in the differ- ent kivas. In each kiva he smokes a few minutes, leaves one baho, and then tells the people they may now plant beans in the kivas, which planting seems to symbolize the planting of the corn, beans, etc., etc., of the coming season. He expresses a prayer that these ceremonies may secure for them blessings, that no evil may befall their crops, that they may come up, have plenty of rain, grow well, that the corn may have plenty of ears, that the Hopi may be able to harvest the corn, put it into their houses and use it, etc. Qomahoiniwa says that on this occasion he represents the tokotska* (Molothrus ater obscurus — Gmel.), whose feathers, as already stated, are on the bahos. He now leaves the kivas, and so gives the signal for the planting in the kivas. During this day, large bowls, tin pans, boxes and other vessels are brought into the various kivas and filled with earth brought for this purpose from a place east of the mesa. In the evening beans of all kinds are planted in these vessels, which are then placed on the floor and banquettes at the north end of the kiva. (See PI. XLV^.) This planting of beans is continued on the three following evenings. After this a fire is kept up day and night in the kivas until the last day of the Powamu ceremony, when the beans are disposed of, as will be described later. No special ceremonies are connected with this bean planting. The chief Powamu priest and two other men, one of whom acts at the conclusion of the ceremony as Aototo, the other as Aholi Katcina, plant, in addition to the beans, a little corn in their respec- tive kivas, the disposition of which will be described later. The Katcina dances which have taken place in such great variety since the conclusion of the Soyal ceremony are suspended during the Powamu ceremony. A peculiar custom observed during these days is the cutting of the hair of such children as have not yet been initiated into religious organi- zations. The hair of the boys is cut very short; over each ear, how- ever, and over the forehead a lock is left; in the. case of very small boys, only over the forehead. The girls only retain a small strip of hair around the forehead. , * When later this bird actually appears the Hopi say: " The tokotska has come, it is time to plant," and at once they begin to plant the earlier varieties of corn. 84 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. 6. THE POWAMU PERFORMANCES IN THE KIVAS. First Day. At about sunrise the chief Powamu and the chief Katcina priest enter the Honani kiva, the first bringing with him the Powamu naist, six ceremonial corn ears, a box with feathers, some corn-meal, etc. The natsi consists of four sticks about twenty inches long and about one-half inch thick, to each of which four small eagle nakwakwosis are fastened at different places, and three to four small eagle feathers to the upper end of the stick. One of the sticks is put into the grass mat that is lying on the kiva hatchway at the south end of this opening and a little corn-meal sprinkled around it. The other sticks and the other paraphernalia that the priest brings with him he places on the floor in the north end of the kiva. Usually the kiva is then swept and the two priests sit down near the fireplace, eat their breakfast and smoke awhile. The rest of the day is usually spent by them in getting wood for use in the kiva or in some work of a private nature. Even Siima, though old and feeble and notwithstanding the fact that it was cold, had to get a large part of the firewood himself. I have observed the same thing on other occasions where it seemed that reverence for the priest, if not respect for old age, would induce the younger members of the society to get the necessary firewood. When I asked the priests why they did not let or make the younger men get the wood, they usually replied : ^^Ka nawakna'' (They won't do it). Especially is this the case when only a few men participate in the ceremony. Second Day, (The People's First Day.*) Early in the morning the Powamu priest, after having put up the natsi 2X the Honani kiva and smoked awhile, goes into every kiva where beans are being planted, sits down at the fireplace, smokes a little while, offers a prayer or blessing with corn-meal over the beans and then, before leaving the kiva, announces that in seven days the women and girls will prepare food, that during the following night their (the Hopi's) friends, the Powamu Katcinas, will ''iiamu tihtaptotani'''' (watch or observe us) — which refers here to the dance of the Powamu Katcinas during the night of the eighth ceremonial day — and that on *A peculiar custom prevails in Oraibi in connection with the numbering of the days o( the Powamu ceremony, inasmuch as that the summu (people) of the village have their own way of reckoning in which they are one day behind that of the numeration of the Powamu fraternity, and as both call their second Azy first day, their third day second day, the matter is very confusing. The following table will make the matter clear: Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony^Voth. -v.,85 the eighth day they (the Hopi) will enjoy the food (feast). .Return- ing to the Badger kiva he sits down at the fireplace and smokes, in which he is often joined by the Katcina priest. After having eaten their breakfast the two priests are seldom in the kiva during the remainder of the day. Generally they again go after wood. The night they spend in the kiva. It may here be remarked that they are expected to remain continent during and for four days after the cere- mony. The objects, brought in the first day, generally remain on the floor, the same as on the previous day. Third Day. (Second Day of the People.) The natsi is put up in the morning the same as on the two pre- vious days. The objects brought in the first day still remain in the same position as they were then put down. Other paraphernalia is usually brought in on this day. On one occasion I noticed on the floor the ma§k of the Hahai-i Katcina and the Powamu priest was repairing the crow wings, to be attached to the sides of the mask. The Katcina, wearing this mask, appears on the morning of the last ceremonial day, as will be noted more fully at the proper place. The chief Powamu and Katcina priests are still the only men present on this day and even they are out during the greater part of the day, generally getting wood or doing work in their houses. The eating and sleeping is, of course, done in the kiva. Fourth Day. (Third Day of the People.) Nothing of importance transpires on this day. The putting up of the natsi, the appearance of the kiva, the men present and the work done, is essentially the same as on the previous three days. Con- siderable smoking is being done by the two priests whenever they are in the kiva. During these four days the two priests have eaten any kind of food, but during the following five days they only eat one meal late in the evening and then only unseasoned food and no meats. Actual Number of Days. First Day . . Second Day Third Day Fourth Day . Fifth Day . . Sixth Day Seventh Day . Eighth Day . Ninth Day . Tenth Day . As Numbered by the Powamu Fraternity. Skushkdhimuu, once not anything, Shushtala (first day) Loshtala (second day) . Bayisktala (third day) . Naioshtala (fourth day) Shushtala (first day) Piktotoka (piki making) Totoka (food providing) Tikive (dancing day) . As Numbered by the People. Shushkdhimuu, once not anything. Shushtala (first day). Loshtala (second day). Bayishtala (third day). Naioshtala (fourth day) . Shushtala (first day). Piktotoka (piki making). Totoka (food providing), Tikive (dancing day). To avoid confusion the actual numbering of the days is used throughout the paper. 86 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. Fifth Day. (Fourth Day of the People.) Without the initiation ceremony. On this day the ceremonies begin in earnest. Other men besides the two chief priests come in, usually those that participated in the Powalawu ceremony and a few others. Early in the morning the Powamu priest has brought in the altar and its accessories and laid them on the floor in the north end of the kiva. The natsi is put up as usual. The two leaders now begin to fast, eating only one meal after sundown. All the others eat as usual, but no meat and no salted food. One of the first things the Powamu priest does is to make four bahos to be placed on the sand ridge of the altar,* the Katcina priest at the same time making a number of nakwakwosis, one with a long yellow string (road) attached to it. When these are finished the two priests smoke over and then spit a little honey on them. Mean- while the Powamu priest has sent one of the men, a member of the Sand clan, with a few nakwakwosis and some corn-meal after some sand for the altar ridge. Following this messenger, I found that he partly descended the trail leading into the valley southeast from the village. Coming to a large sand hill, he first laid down the nakwak- wosis, then held the corn-meal to his lips, whispered a short prayer over it, sprinkled it on the feathers and then filled his blanket with sand and took it to the kiva, where he deposited it in the northeast corner on the floor. The two chief priests soon commence getting the altar paraphernalia in order, preparatory to the erection of the altar (pongya). Feathers are attached to certain parts of the altar, arms and legs are fastened to the fetishes, which bear very strongly the marks of long usage, and they are then dressed. The costume is very simple. A string of fringef made of horses' manes is tied around their body. Besides this kilt several strands of beads, from which is suspended an abelone shell, are hung around the neck of POokong and Chowilawu. Strings of turquoise and red beads are fastened to the ears and small eagle feathers are fastened to the objects they wear on their heads. When the decorations of the fetishes have been completed, the sand ridge is made and the altar erected, first the reredos with the head-piece, then the fetishes, slabs, etc. Several of the men present usually assist in putting up the altar. Finally, the four bahos, which the Powamu priest has made ♦These are the same as those made in the Powalawu ceremony, only a qbqopt feather (chat, Ikteria virrus) is used instead of a tokotska feather. • tThese horsehair kilts are called ia-wahona (sun-rays) and are always colored red. They are also used by various Katcinas and other personages. Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 87 in the morning, are put into the sand ridge, and corn-meal is sprinkled on it. After the altar proper is finished, a short' recess is generally taken, during which the two leaders smoke, being sometimes joined by others. Then the Powamu priest sprinkles some dry, fine sand in front of the altar, on which he arranges the medicine bowl, corn ear, etc., as seen on PI. XXXVIII (Frontispiece). The Katcina priest, taking the nakwakwosis that he made in the morning and a large gourd vessel, goes to the spring after water. Upon his return, the Powamu priest takes the gourd, fills from it the medicine bowl and places the gourd in a corner in the north end of the kiva. In case new mem- bers are to be initiated into the Powamu fraternity, such initiation takes place on this day. But in order to avoid confusion in the description, the usual ceremony, as it takes place on this day in those years when no initiations are made, will be described first, and then the day's program will be given as it is carried out in case this is an initiation day. After the altar is finished there are usually a few hours of rest, during which on initiation days the sand mosaic and other preparations are made for the initiation. When no initiations take place the men present smoke or sleep during this recess or are engaged in making dolls {tihus^, bows and rattles, to be given to the children on the ninth day. At about half past three or four o'clock the men, usually only about five or six in number,* arrange themselves in a semicircle before the altar, the Powamu chief on the extreme west side and next to him the Katcina chief. The pipe-lighter at once hands the large cloud-blower {pmawtopi) to the Powamu priest, who blows large clouds of smoke from it over the altar and into the medicine bowl, and then asperges, handing back the oma^uiopi to the pipe-lighter. All then take a little corn-meal in their right hand, the Powamu priest the aspergill, the Katcina priest a rattle, the next men also a rattle, and each one of the others an eagle wing feather. These objects are waved up and down in unison with the time of singing. First Four Songs. Nothing special is done except asperging by the Powamu priest. Fifth Song. The Powamu priest at once takes from a corn husk a pinch of tallassi (corn pollen), drops it from the north side into the ♦The priests frequently complain about the fact that so few of the many members take active part in the ceremonies. They say that formerly this was not the case. The people in Oraibi are divided into a conservative and a liberal faction, and very few of the first take part in the Powamu ceremony because it is controlled by the other faction. For an explanation of this schism see "The Oraibi Soyal Ceremony," p. 9. 88 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. Ill, medicine bowl and then blows with an eagle wing bone whistle into the medicine bowl, which he follows with asperging. This he repeats at short intervals, carrying the corn pollen from the west, south, east, northeast, and southwest sides towards the medicine bowl. When he has finished the circuit he places the whistle into the corn husk con- taining the pollen, and then joins in the singing, beating time with the aspergill. Eight songs now follow, some in slow, others in quick time, the loudness of the rattling varying considerably. At the con- clusion the Powamu chief says, ^^ Kwakwai'' (Thanks!), and all lay down the rattles and feathers with which they have accompanied the singing, sprinkling the meal which they hold in the hands with these objects on the latter. The pipe-lighter has in the meanwhile lit the pipe and smoked from it a few puffs at the fireplace and now hands it to the Powamu priest, exchanging terms of relationship with him. The priest smokes a few minutes, blowing the smoke towards the altar, and especially towards the tiponi and medicine bowl, hands the pipe to the Katcina priest who also smokes a few puffs and then all the others smoke, always exchanging terms of relationship. In exchanging these terms the one who has received the pipe always smokes a little while and then speaks, first addressing the one who has handed him the pipe. The latter then immediately replies. These terms do not refer to blood, but to clan relationship, and a careful study of them in all the ceremonies would undoubtedly throw considerable light on the rela- tion the various clans bear to each other. When all have smoked, the pipe is handed back again from one to the other, each one again smoking a few puffs. The Powamu chief who smokes last calls to the pipe-lighter, ^^Pao kwisto'' (Come get it). The latter gets the pipe, cleans it and places it on the floor near the fireplace. The Powamu and Katcina priests each now utter a short prayer, to which all respond by "y4«^ad! " (" So beit," or "All right"), whereupon all hold a little meal to their lips and sprinkle it from the six directions towards and on the altar, dropping the last pinch on the rattles and feathers which they had used for beating time. That ends the day's observances, as they occur in the absence of an initiation ceremony. Fifth Day, with the Initiation Ceremony. (Fourth Day of the People.) In the forenoon the altar is put up as usual, and as has. already been described, but, in addition to this, a slab is placed on each side of the altar with a picture of the Ho-Katcina, and a peculiarly constructed lightning frame is put up in the northwest corner of the UBBARY OP THE UNIVERSITY of ILLINOIS. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLVII. PowAMu Sand Mosaic. Pl. XLVII. Powamu Sand Mosaic. The square, made of four wide stripes, is called a hihu (house). Each stripe is called a ivona (plank). Both ends of each plank are capped with a cloud sym- bol. On each cloud symbol are standing three turkey feather nakwakwosis. The large round figure in the center, as well as the four smaller ones in the four corners of the field, are said to represent squash blossoms, the colored dots over the whole field blossoms of herbs, grasses, etc. This sand mosaic is made for Powamu initiations only, which do not take place every year. .n.Ar'o.y omaS um*wc9 -mxe boob k dJiw bsqqfio 3i£ jJnslq do£3 ^o ebfia diofl .(iinaJq) ttnc^vts b LalfBo ai auow^fwilfid tarijisa? /sjiiuJ said; s^nibnB)!; sib iodrnyz buoio dasa nO .lod •fuol ad) ni asno idilsme luoi sdJ er. Ibw sb (TSJos'i ad: n\ ^iVTii\ hauot s^ibI 3dT 19VO stob bsioloa ■idJ .smoeeold dsBups Jnijgaiqai oj bifi?. sib ,bl3fl adi lio aianion .3^3 ,e3e2Bi?j ,Edi9d )o f-rnuzeold blaft alodw adj 9j1/;) Ion ob doidw .yino snoiJciJini umBwoS ;ioi sbBfn al 'iO'aY. ft. XI. VI. UBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY rflLUNOlS. Pl. XLIX. Small Powamu Altar. The three sticks in the sand ridge, as well as the objects in front of it, are taken temporarily from the large altar (see frontispiece) and are there described. iit)Ai.l " ",2(*"^;5*^ ■--";■ ■■-■ '--■■ ■ LIBRARV OF THE WNIVtRSITV' of ILLINOIS FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. L. TlHU OF THE CHOWIUWU KaTCINA. Pl. L. Tihu of the Chowilawu Katcina. The costume and decoration of the Chowilawu are fully described in the text of the paper. As this Katcina never appears in public it was very difficult to get a tihu of the Katcina made, and the maker has been severely censured for it by the priests. Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 89 kiva (see PI. XXXVIII). But the most important variation is a sand mosaic, as shown on PI. XLVII. This mosaic is made during the day by various members of the society, under the general direction of the Powamu chief. Other paraphernalia to be used in the evening ceremony are also prepared, chief among which is the mask to be worn by the Chowilawu Katcina and a peculiar object called the pota* This consists of round discs, each of which is made of two sticks bent into a semicircle and over which is stretched a piece of owa, a native material resembling canvas. These discs are sewn together in the middle in such a manner that they can be opened and closed like a book, the segments or semicircles forming the leaves. Upon opening the pota at different places, different drawings are represented which cover the two pages presented (see PI. XLVIII). A strip of rabbit skin is tied to each disc. Many nakwakwosis are also made during the day by different men to be tied to the hair of the candidates during the ceremony. At about three o'clock in the afternoon the chief Powamu priest erects a small altar in the southwest corner of the deeper part of the kiva,"f just west of the ladder. I This altar is figured and explained on PI. XLIX. While this altar is being built and the mosaic finished, the man who is to act as Chowilawu Katcina begins to get ready. Retiring to the southeast corner of the kiva, he daubs his body with white kaolin with the exception of the forearms, the lower part of the legs, the upper lips, the forehead, a spot on the back and a spot just below the sternum, all of which is painted black. He then puts on a new white breech cloth, a kilt made of red horsehair, and an old green leather belt. From the latter is suspended on the back of the man a grayish fox skin {Idtay pokaat), the tail of which reaches to the ground. Having finished, he takes his mask under his blanket and leaves the kiva. (For a tihu of the Chowilawu see PI. L.) While these preparations are going on several women, § also * *This name is also given to the basket plaques or trays made in the villages of the second mesa, those made in Oraibi being called yungiiapu. tin 1897 and 1901 QOmahoiniwa, who had succeeded his brother Siima, erected this altar on the elevated portion of the kiva. X In nearly all the Hopi kivas the part south of the ladder, which comprises about one-third of the entire floor space, is raised about one foot above the other part of the floor. In the latter or deeper portion a banquette from twelve to fourteen inches high and equally witl'' runs along the two sides and the north end. Near the south side is the fireplace. § In almost all Hopi men's ceremonies certain women, and in all women's ceremonies a few men, participate. In one Powamu ceremony one was the wife of the chief Soyal priest, the other the wife of Lomaashniwa and the mother of the Katcina priest Massavestiwa. The relationship of the others was not ascertained. PungQamOnsi (Honani clan), sister of the village chief and of the chief Soyal priest, was also present in several years on this occasion. go Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. members of the Powamu fraternity, enter the kiva, each one carrying a small tray with corn-meal ; the kekelhoyamu (candidates) now begin to arrive. They are mostly children between the ages of five and ten years, a few, perhaps, younger, several somewhat older. On one occasion, however, I noticed an elderly man, Nasingainiwa, among the number, who was initiated in exactly the same manner as the others.* Each candidate, accompanied by some man who may be of any clan but not a relative, is first taken to the small altar, towards which he throws a pinch of corn-meal ; after throwing also some meal towards the large altar, he is seated in the east part of the kiva. The boys sit on the banquette, the girls in front of them on the kiva floor. Those who have brought them in seat themselves on the floor of the raised or spectators' portion of the kiva, the women on the west ban- quette. The latter and all the candidates are then given a white corn ear by the older members, which they call inguu (my mother). Some of them carry it themselves when they enter. In 1895 there were thirty-eight or forty candidates, in 1897 about thirty and in 1901 twenty-seven or twenty-eight. At about six o'clock in the evening several of the older priests arrange themselves around a small altar. A pipe is first lit at the fireplace by the pipe-lighter and handed to the Powamu priest. All around the altar smoke. When they have finished, the pipe is handed back to the pipe-lighter and after the Powamu priest has uttered a short prayer, which is responded to by the others, the singing com- mences. First Song. Neither this nor the succeeding four songs are ever accompanied by rattling. The Powamu priest takes up the shell frag- ment from the north side of the medicine bowl and drops it into the bowl. A few minutes later he does the same with the one from the west side and so on until all six pieces have been transferred to the bowl. Second Song. The Powamu priest keeps stirring the liquid in the medicine bowl with the aspergill during the entire song and finally asperges towards the altar and about himself. Third Song. The above named priest beats time with the asper- *gill and asperges. Fourth Song. Same as previous. *The only difference was that he was invited to remain after the ceremony was over and join the leaders in partaking of the supper which they ate in the kiva at a late hour. When asked for an explanation of this exception, the Powamu priest told me that the conservative-faction lacked the necessary number of men who had the authority to act as leaders at Katcina dances and to sprinkle the Katcinas with corn-meal at the dances. In order to get this authority Nasingainiwa underwent the initiation. Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. gi Fifth Song. At a signal from the Powamu priest all present tie a s«iall eagle feather nakwakwosi to the hair on top of their heads and to the heads of the novitiates.* When the song ceases the Powamu priest also fastens a nakwakwosi to his hair. Sixth Song. The songs are from now on accompanied by two rattles and at the conclusion of each the Powamu chief asperges. Seventh Song, (very long). At its conclusion the men around the altar again smoke and then also the men sitting on the elevated por- tion of the kiva, when a short prayer is uttered by the Powamu priest. A pinch of corn-meal is handed from the altar to every one present, except the novitiates, and then follows a short recess during which all who had occupied the elevated portion of the kiva go out. Among them is the man who is to act as the Chowilawu Katcina, and who has been sitting in the extreme southeast corner wrapped up in his blanket and concealed by the other men during this part of the cere- mony. The novitiates are not supposed to know that the Chowilawu Katcina, which they are to see later in the evening, is a Hopi, and hence great care is taken to keep his identity concealed. No fire is allowed in the kiva before this recess and when I on one occasion had lit a candle I was asked to extinguish it, as the novitiates were not to see what was going on. While the other men return to the kiva immediately, the Chowilawu man runs to a place east of the village, puts on his mask and waits until he is fetched, as will be related presently. During the recess the Powamu priest dons his ceremonial kilt, takes the medicine bowl, aspergill and a baho and mounts the banquette, standing close to the small altar. Next to him stands Koyongainiwa holding a pinch of corn-meal in his hand. Next to Koyongainiwa stand two old women (Singossi, Badger clan, the wife of the Soyal priest, and Sikahoinoma, Katcina clan, the wife of Lomaashniwa) and usually two or three younger women and girls dressed in the white ceremonial blanket {aide) and holding a tray with corn-meal. The Katcina priest also having put on his ceremonial kilt {pitkund) and sash {mochapngonkwawa), takes from the small altar one of the natsi sticks and a tray with meal, on which are also lying a few naktvak7i>osis. He holds the tray with both hands, the stick in his left hand and takes a position west of the fireplace, his face towards the north. Having first said in a low tone : '' Nu yuk hopo Ki'shiwuu ao it i wuyayu wangwaini.'' (From there, east, at Ki'shiwuu do I call my *One or more feathers worn in the hair ia ceremonies are called ««om to the large altar and somewhat later sweeps up the sand mosaic, depositing the sand a few yards south of the kiva.* The Powamu chief in the meanwhile replaces the altar paraphernalia from the small to the large altar, and then addresses a short speech to the newly initiated members, the contents of which is essentially as follows: "You have now seen these things here; you are not to reveal them to anybody when you now go home ; even if your own father or mother should ask you, you must not tell them anything ; if they ask you about the Chowilawu, tell them there was no fire in the kiva and you could not see him ; you will, later, sprinkle the Katcinas with corn-meal when they dance ; you will sometimes not eat any salt or salted food ; if you reveal any of these things the Katcinas will punish you." Koyongainiwa then also says a few words, repeating in substance what the Powamu chief has said and then the new mem- bers are taken home. It is now usually about 8 o'clock p. m. The man who has acted the part of Chowilawu returns, carrying the Kat- cina costume under his blanket ; several of the leaders smoke ; many dishes of food are brought in and the leaders partake of a hearty sup- per, after which they soon retire for the night in the kiva. The usual evening ceremony is of course suspended on initiation days. Those who have gone through this initiation have in the first place become members of the Powamu fraternity, and as such the boys and men are entitled to be present at the ceremonies and learn all the secrets of that order. They may, furthermore, act as Katcinas and later as fathers {" naamu") of the Katcinas, /. e., as leaders of the Kat- cina dances who lead the Katcinas to the plaza, prompt them in their songs, and, above all, sprinkle them with corn-meal and give them prayer offerings at the dances. The girls, and women, may put up •In 1897 this was done by Koyongainiwa, his son Nahutiwa and Lomaashniwa in 1901. 94 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. the hair whorls of the Powamu Katcin-manas (see PI. LXXIII, />) for the dance of the Powamu Katcinas (which will be described later on), sprinkle the Katcinas with corn-meal at the Katcina dances, etc., and participate in the Powamu ceremonies whenever and wherever the presence of women is proper and necessary. Sixth Day. (Fifth Day of the People.) In the morning the na^si is put up and the usual ceremony per- formed. During the day the men work on the tt'/ius, bows and rattles to be given to the children on the last day. In the evening the same ceremony takes place as in the morning. On one occasion, however, this difference was observed, that in the morning the cloud-blower was used at the conclusion, in the evening at the beginning of the cere- mony. In those years in which new members have been initiated into the Powamu fraternity on the preceding day, the initiation of new mem- bers into the Katcina order takes place on this day. On those occa- sions the proceedings of this day are as follows : Early in the morn- ning the same ceremony is held in the Honani kiva as on the previous mornings. When that is over preparations are at once commenced for the ceremony mentioned. The Katcin-Yungni. (" Katcina Going in " or '-'Assembling.") This important ceremony always takes place in the Marau kiva, the only kiva in Oraibi that belongs exclusively to the women. In the morning the Powamu priest puts up at the south end of the hatch- way of this kiva a natsi, consisting of an entire yucca plant, the leaves of which are about ten inches long. This is inserted into a cone- shaped pedestal or stand made of clay and a number of eagle feather nakwakwosis are fastened to the leaves. At about ten o'clock several men of the Honani kiva commence to make a sand mosaic on the floor of the Marau kiva north of the fireplace. These men are not always the same in the different years, but Koyongainiwa and Lomaashniwa are usually the leaders in it. They first sift a layer of common yellow sand on the floor, three-quarters to one inch thick. This is thinly covered with a layer of light brown ochre which is found not far from Oraibi. On this field are then reproduced three figures: two representing the Ho, one (in the center) the Hahai-i or Angwush- nacomtaka Katcina (see PI. LI I). The first two are represented as holding a whip or switch of yucca leaves in each hand, with which this Katcina flogs the children in the initiation ceremony that soon follows Pl. LII. Katcina Initiation Sand Mosaic (Large). The two black figures represent the Ho Katcina that flogs the children. Each one holds in one hand a switch of yucca leaves. The objects on the head and those suspended from the horns represent eagle tail feathers. The center figure represents the Hahai-i or Angwushnacomtaka Katcina who holds a bunch of switches of which he hands new ones to the Ho Katcinas as theirs are worn out in flogging the children. The object on the head represents a bunch of small eagle feathers. The spots on the sand field represent blossoms of herbs, grasses, etc. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. Lll. Katcina Initiation Sand Mosaic (Large) LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY of ILUNOIS. IIBRARV OF THE ^NIVERSITy Of ILLINOIS. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. Llll. Katcina Initiation Sand Mosaic (Small). Pl. LIU. Katcina Initiation Sand Mosaic (Small). This sand mosaic is always drawn at the southeast corner of the larger one (see previous plate), as maybe seen on PI. LIV". It represents the Sipa/>u,t.he opening in the earth, somewhere in the Grand Canon, from which the human family is said to have emerged. The four lines or squares represent the four world quarters: the yellow north, the green west, the red south, the white east. The terraced figure on each of the four sides is one of the typical Hopi cloud symbols, but in this case is said by the chief priest to represent the blossoms of the Sipapu. (Houses are also said to have imaginary blossoms and roots.) The yellow line, running from the center of the Sipapu, is the way of life which the Hopi are supposed to have traveled when coming from the Sipapu and going towards the rising sun, and which every Hopi is still supposed to travel through life ; the four blue marks represent the foot tracks of the traveler, the four crooks the four stages of life, the longest childhood, the next youth, then manhood and the shortest one old age when, as the Hopi say, man grows small again and walks by the aid of a stick in a stooping position. The objects on the four sides of the picture are corn ears and celts. me as the other two ; on the south side a red corn ear and aredceltf the latter being thirteen inches long at the wider and about one incj^'at the narrower end ; on the east side a white corn ear and a celt of the same color as those on the north side,! about ten inches long and two and a half inches wide at the wide end, tapering to a point at the other end. Above this small mosaic is suspended from the roof of the kiva a string with old white hedids {pokrah-iokwabiy and a string with one hundred and four old eagle wing feathers. To the lower end of the first named string is fastened a small quartz crystal {ruhpi). (See PI. LIV.) While these preparations are being made several men paint and dress up four boys who are to act in the ceremony as Koyemsi Kat- cinas. Their whole body is daubed with a reddish clay. On the head they wear a mask of the same color and made of old coarse cloth, to the top of which several balls or nodules are attached. Around the hips they wear a kilt made of native blue cloth. They are instructed *The cloud symbols are in this case called- the sihuata (blossoms) of the sipapu (see foot note in connection with the explanation of the Powalawu sand mosaic, supra, p. 76). fit is highly probable that a celt of a light gray or whitish color was originally lying on this side. 96 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. by the leaders as to how to perform their part in the coming ceremony. Meanwhile the three men who are to act as Katcinas are painting up and are getting their costumes ready in the Honani kiva. The one who is to act as Hahai-i or Angwushnacomtaka, is dressed in a common woman's dress, woman's moccasins, white knotted belt, and the large embroidered robe {toihi). (For tihu of this Katcina see PL LIX a.) The mask is green with a black triangular space on the face, a bunch of small eagle feathers on top and an entire crow wing tied to each side. The Ho Katcina that usually flogs the children is painted black with large dots of white kaolin all over the body, to which are pasted very small soft eagle feathers. The forearms and lower parts of the legs are either white or yellow. The costume consists of a black mask with a few white marks, protruding eyes, a very large mouth and two horns. From each of the latter is suspended an eagle feather. To the top of the mask are fastened a number of eagle tail feathers that point backward and downward. Around the hips he wears a belt of leather, painted green and a kilt made of the hair of horses' manes and dyed red. This kilt is called tawahona and when used on sun symbols is said to represent the rays of the sun. On the upper part of the arms the Katcina wears green leather arm-bands, to each of which an eagle tail feather is attached. (For tihus of this Katcina see PI. LIX.) A turtle shell rattle and a number of small brass bells are tied to each leg below the knee and on the left wrist is worn a wrist-band or wrist protector. Their feet are moccasined. Usually the two Katcinas are of the variety of Ho Katcinas just described, but on one occasion one was the so-called Sakwa (Green) Ho Katcina, which is said to have formerly appeared frequently on this occasion. This personage was painted and costumed as follows : The upper part of the body, the lower right arm and the lower left leg were painted yellow ; the lower part of the back, the abdomen and both upper arms, red ; the hips, thighs, lower left arm and lower right leg, green, with a red band across and a yellow band above and below each knee. Both hands were daubed with white kaolin. The mask was just like that of the other Ho Katcina, only green instead of black. The costume consisted of the usual Katcina kilt and sash, woman's belt, green leather arm-bands and moccasins. (See PI. LIX*:.)* *It is said that formerly a Ho Katcina occasionally flogged the children, whose costume was essentially the same as that of the regular Ho (a) but who wore a kilt made of yucca leaves (see PI. LIX d). LIBRARY OF THE iWIVERSITY of ILLINOIS FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LV. V\^ i ' A ^9- ..■ ■' m -V A (\ — ^ MONQKOHOS. Pl. LV. Mongkohos. The mongkoho is the emblem or badge of office, or membership, of different societies and priests. The upper three belong to members of the Kwan (Agave) society, the last one is one as used by the Ahl (Horn) society. The mongkoho used by the Aototo Katcina, Kikmongwi, etc., is similar to the last one pictured on the plate. Dec. igoi. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 97 While the Katcinas are getting ready, the Powamu priest pre- pares a crook about thirty-five inches long, to the upper end of which he fastens a cotton string, to the lower end of which an eagle breath feather is tied. About midway on the crook a corn ear and eight corn husk packets {mociatd) containing honey and corn-meal are tied to the stick. From each of the latter is suspended a nakwakwosi. The Katcina priest and his assistant in the meanwhile prepare three bahos to be given to the three Katcinas after the ceremony. Another man ties together four lengths of several yucca leaves, tying a hawk feather to each of the four knots. The use of this ring or wheel {ngolla) will be explained later on. On one occasion I noticed that at this time some one brought a bunch of yucca leaves, about twenty-four inches long, from which a number of whips or switches were made, to be used later on by the Ho Katcinas for flogging the children. These whips are simply six to eight leaves which are tied together. The Powamu chief sends a young man with a small netted gourd (mong- wikuru) to a spring for water and then gets ready for the ceremony. He makes a line of white dots along the front part of his legs, com- mencing at his big toe, and along the inner side of his arms, beginning at the point of the thumbs, running up to the shoulders and then down to the nipples. Lastly he makes a white mark under the left eye and runs a light-blue line from each nipple to a level with the umbilicus. He then folds up a white ceremonial blanket {owd) and puts it on as seen on PI. LVH. Meanwhile the Katcina priest and his assistant have also put on their ceremonial costume which consists of the usual Katcina sash and kilt. By way of ornament many strands of beads are placed around the neck. When all are ready the three men who are to act as Katcinas retire to a secluded spot outside of the village, carrying their costumes in their blankets, and there dress up and wait until they are to appear and take part in the ceremony in the Marau kiva. While these preparations have been going on in the Honani kiva those in the Marau kiva have also been completed. The sand mosaic has been prepared, and in the southeast corner of the kiva an enclosure has been made of blankets as a place of concealment for the four Koyemsi Katcinas. When all is ready the leaders of the ceremony begin to come in; first Shokhungyoma and Lomankwaima; the first in his capacity as chief or owner of the houses in the village {kikmongwi), the latter as crier {chaakntongwi) whose duty it is to announce the various religious ceremonies before they take place. Both have a so- called chief's staff {mongkohd), which is their badge of office (see PI. 98 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. LV), and the first has also a pipe filled with native tobacco and a fuse {kopichoki) made of cedar bark for lighting the pipe when the proper time arrives (see PI. XL). These two men squat down on the floor close to the wall west of the fireplace where Koyongainiwa, who has been assisting in making the preparations, joins them. By this time the children who are to be initiated begin to arrive. Each has a white corn ear and is accompanied by two persons, one male and one female, who may be either married or single. They are said to "put in" {pana) t. e., to introduce or initiate the young candidate into the Katcina order, and are forever after called his or her "father," or "mother." They are never relatives nor can they be of the same clan as the actual father and mother of the child. With this excep- tion they may belong to any; but must both be of the same clan. When they arrive at the kiva with their candidate they all sprinkle a pinch of corn-meal on the natst and having descended the ladder, sprinkle meal also on the small sand mosaic ; whereupon the candi- date (kelehoya) is requested to step into the yucca leaf ring or wheel before mentioned. Two men, squatting on opposite sides, hold this ring and when the candidate is standing in it raise and lower it four times expressing at the same time the wish that the kelehoya may grow up and live to an old age and always be happy. The candidate is then taken by his sponsor or "father" into the north part of the kiva; another one follows, and so on until all have gone through the same performance. The Powamu novitiates that were initiated the pre- vious evening are also all present, but only as spectators.* When all the kelehoyas have been brought in, the Katcina priest and his assistant come over from the Honani kiva, the first carrying the Powamu natsi and a tray with a baho and some corn-meal, the latter a tray with two bahos and some meal. (See PI. LVI b.^ These bahos are the ones that these two men were preparing in the Honani kiva a short time before, as has already been stated. Both take a stand between the ladder and fireplace facing toward the north. Shokhungyo- ma now lights his pipe with the kopichoki and while he, Lomankwaima and Koyongainiwa are silently smoking, the Powamu chief priest enters the kiva dressed in the simple white owa as before described. In his left hand he holds the netted gourd {tnongwikuru), four corn ears and a wooden implement {wonawika) which is about fourteen inches long and has somewhat the form of a knife (see PI. LVII). In his right hand he holds the crook to which the corn ear and the corn-meal packets are fastened. He takes a stand to the right of the ladder ♦One of the leaders told the author that they are present in order to see what awaits them in case they reveal anything of what they have seen the previous evening. Bint/. 3Cil ()1 ifTKCoH ' lb lai 3d ol nsibfirij Pl. LVI. Participants of the Katcina Initiation Going to the Kiva. a. Children to be initiated and their sponsors filing into the kiva. b. The Katcina priest and his assistant going from the Honani to the Marau kiva, carrying trays with bahos and sacred meal. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LVI. Participants of the Katcina Initiation Going to the Kiva. OfTHfc Pl. LVII. Muyingwa Descending into the Marau Kiva. W^''-' The chief Powamu priest here represents the God of Germination, Muyingwa, who is said to live in the earth. He carries in his left hand a long crook ( ngblosh- Aciya ), a sacred water vessel {mongivikuru), and a wonawtka (a wooden imple- ment said to have been used formerly for weeding purposes). He is dressed in a folded otva (bridal blanket). FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LVII. MuYiNGWA Descending into the Marau Kiva. OPTH£ UNIVERSITY of iatN<> IIBRARV OP THE IJNIVERSITyar ILLINOIS FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LVIII. TlHUS OF KATCINAS MENTIONED IN MUYINGWA'S NARRATIVE. Pl. LVIII, Tihus of Katcinas Mentioned in Muyingwa's Narrative. a. Nakachok Katcina (meaning obscure). The name is derived from a word that frequently occurs in the song of this Katcina. b. Hototo Katcina. Of this Katcina different varieties exist and as the nar- rator does not specify any particular variety it is uncertain whether this particular one is meant. c. Mastop Katcina (see "The Oraibi Soyal Ceremony,'' Plates XXIII, XXIV and XXV). Name derived from a large fly. d. Sohoncomtaka Katcina (the name signifies: "The man, having hay or dry grass tied to," from the bunches of dry grass tied to the mask). e. Palakway Katcina ("Red Eagle," meaning a Hawk Katcina). Dec. igoi. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 99 (east) and now represents Muyingwa, the God of germination and growth, who is said to live at Yaka (Below), from where he is now supposed to have arrived by a long route. Deep silence prevails throughout the kiva. Presently one of the older men addressing Muyingwa, asks: "Taa, hakak urn pito ?'' (Well, or now where did you come from?) Muyingwa: ^'Yangk, Tow anas hangak nu pito." (From yonder, below, from Towanashabe came I.) The other man: '■'■Taa, anchaa, pai kashok hakton um wainoma, pai lalawaia!" (Well, all right ; for what purpose do you go, (or wander) about ? Tell us, or relate !) Muyingwa then speaks in a doleful, monotonous tone, a free rendering of his talk being in substance as follows: "Yes, all right, those there at Towanashabe'* were all assembled making a ladder. They put up the ladder ; with turquoise strands was it tied together. That way we came up and out.^ " Eastward we came, traveling on a road marked with yellow corn seed (shelled corn). We beheld the house of the Akush Katcina chief. In a beautiful yellow mist was the house enveloped. So we went in. The Akush Katcina chief was there. He has beautiful yellow corn seed, beans, watermelons, muskmelons, and that way he lives. Here these Oraibi children, little girls, little boys, of different sizes, here at the sipapu^ shall they know our ceremonies*; yes, they shall know them. BeautifuP ladder beam, beautiful ladder rungs, tied to the beam with turquoise strands ! Thus we came out. "Westward we came. On a road marked with beautiful blue corn seed we traveled. We beheld the house of the Nakachok Katcina chief. (PI. LVni, a.) Beautiful white mist enveloped the house. Thus we went in. The Nalcachok Katcina chief was there. Having beautiful blue corn seed, beans, watermelons, muskmelons, he dwells there. These Oraibi children here, little girls, little boys, of different sizes, here at the sipapu shall they know our ceremonies. Yes, they shall know them ! Beautiful ladder beam, beautiful ladder rungs, with turquoise strands are they tied to the ladder. Thus we came out. "Westward we came. On a road marked with beautiful red corn seed we traveled. We beheld the house of the Hototo Katcina chief. {PI. LVIII, b.') A beautiful red mist enveloped the house. Thus we went in. The Hototo Katcina chief was there. He had beautiful red corn seed, beans, watermelons, muskmelons, and thus he lived there. Here these Oraibi children, little girls, little boys, of different *The numbers throughout the speech refer to corresponding numbers in the explanatory notes at the conclusion of the talic. loo Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. Ill, sizes, here at the sipapu shall they know our ceremonies. Yes, they shall know them ! Beautiful ladder beam, beautiful ladder rungs, tied with turquoise strands to the ladder. Thus we came out. "Southward we came. On a road marked with beautiful white corn seed we traveled. We beheld the house of the Mastop Katcina chief. (PI. LVIII c.) A beautiful white mist enveloped the house» Thus we went in. The Mastop Katcina chief was there. Having beautiful white corn seed, beans, watermelons, muskmelons, he lived there. Here these Oraibi children, little girls, little boys, of different sizes, here at the sipapu shall they know our ceremonies. Yes, they shall know them! Beautiful ladder- beam, beautiful ladder rungs, tied to the ladder with turquoise strands. Thus we came out. "Northward we came. On a road marked with beautiful black corn seed did we travel. We beheld the house of the Sohonsomtaka Katcina. (PI. LVHI 1 m- Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 103 As soon as Muyingwa has finished his talk, he goes through the crowd and puts a little water from the mongwikuru first into his hand and from there on the heads of the little candidates, which act resem- bles very much that of baptism. When he is through with this he leaves the kiva, goes over to the Honani kiva, where he divests him- self of his ceremonial attire, sits down near the fireplace and smokes. Shortly before he leaves the kiva the four boys, dressed as Koyemsi Katcinas, emerge from the aforementioned enclosure in the southeast corner of the kiva, go around the small mosaic four times, and then each one takes a position on one of the four sides of the mosaic, the last one in the line of the north, the second last on the west, the third ori the south and the fourth one on the east side. The Katcina on the north side now picks up the corn lying before him with one hand, the celt with the other, reaches with both around the strings of beads and feathers that are hanging over the mosaic, exchanges the corn ear and celt from one hand to the other, goes and touches every candidate with them and then replaces them on the floor. The three other Katcinas do the same with the objects on the sides on which they are standing. When they are through they retire to the enclosure and all now await in silence the things that are to come. The dreaded moment which the candidates have so often been told about and of which they stand in such great fear has arrived. They are about to go through the ordeal of being flogged. Presently a loud grunting noise, a rat- tling of turtle shell rattles and a jingling of bells is heard outside. The two Ho Katcinas and the Hahai-i have arrived at the kiva (PI. LXII). They first run around the kiva four times at a rapid rate, then dance on each side of the kiva a little while, beat the roof of the kiva with whips, jump on it, constantly howling the word u'huhuhu and finally enter the kiva. The two Ho Katcinas take a position on the east and west side of the large sand mosaic, the Hahai-i at its southeast cor- ner, the latter holding a supply of whips. The children tremble and some begin to cry and to scream. The Ho Katcinas keep up their grunting, howling, rattling, trampling and brandishing of their yucca whips. All at once someone places a candidate on the sand mosaic, and only needs a short staff for fiis support. Not to " die," but to " fall asleep " of old age, is one of the fondest hopes of every Hopi. And the wish that this hope may be realized is here expressed. While the soul of the dead is supposed to travel -west-ward to masski (Skeleton house) towards which a piihtavi (road- maker, consisting of an eagle feather with cotton strings') points the way, Wi^-wayo) life /(?/«^j ikuru, eagle feather and bone whistle and placed them on the floor north of the fireplace. He then took some ashes in his left hand and from this a small pinch between his right thumb and forefinger. He stepped before the mes- senger, who had sat down east of and close to the ladder, and hum- ming a short song circled the right hand over the messenger's head several times and threw the ashes towards the hatchway. He then took another pinch of ashes from the left hand and repeated the per- formance. This he did four times, whereupon he told the young man to stand up and then stroked his body and limbs, held his own hands palms upward before himself and blew across them towards the hatch- way. This he also repeated several times. The pipe lighter had in the meanwhile gotten some tokamsi ( Delphinium scaposum ), put it into a bowl and poured some water over it. Of this emetic the mes- senger drank a large quantity, placed the bowl on the floor, bent over it and by irritating his pharynx with his finger produced a very thorough emesis into the bowl. The Powamu priest put a little honey into the mongwikuru and on the long feather which the young man had brought back and then all waited in profound silence until the young man was through vomiting. While the boy carried out the bowl, pipes were lit and all smoked, the Powamu priest smoking first and then handing the pipe to the messenger. All exchanged terms of relationship. When they were through the Katcina priest sprinkled some corn-meal on the objects over which they had smoked, spat some honey on them, and out of the hatchway, and rubbed some honey on the stubs of the twigs and the rim of the mongwikuru. The Powamu priest then asked the messenger to relate the experiences of his trip, which he did in the minutest manner, stating where they traveled, whom they met on the way, how these were dressed, what they spoke with them and where they went, what they carried, etc. He further stated where they camped, where they found snow, where the trail was muddy, where they deposited the prayer offerings, got the twigs. ♦Usually some one accompanies the messenger. They leave on any of the previous cere- monial days, but early enough to be back by the eighth day. I io8 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. etc., etc. All listened very attentively, with the exception of one man, Lomanimtiwa, who made a baho to be placed into a hole south of the kiva during the following night. This hole is called /5a/«/(well or cistern). When the messenger had told his story the objects were placed before the altar, the mongwikuru in front of Cotukvnangwu, the rest west of the Katcina tiponi (mother). After this the men go to work on the presents for the children again. One, however, is sent to Pakavi, a large spring about four miles north of Oraibi, for a branch oi pikwashovt, aspecies of cotton- wood, a sapling of which is said to have been brought from Ki'shiwuu long ago and planted at Pakavi, from which by this time several large trees have sprung up. The branch is placed east of the altar. At about noon the Powamu priest makes three bahos, one stick of which is green, the other black, the green one being the female. These bahos are placed in front of the altar for use on the next morning, when one is given each to the Hahai-i, Aototo and Aholi Katcina, if I am not mistaken, and four hawk and eight turkey nakwakwosis, the latter to be taken to a spring in the afternoon. All these were also placed near the altar. He then repaints and dresses the mask of the Hahai-i, or Angwushnacomtaka Katcina, first scraping off the old paint. The pipe-lighter fills a reed with native tobacco and ties up with yucca some dry cedar bark into a fuse, the first being called chongotna, the latter kopichoki (see PI. XL). Both are also placed at the altar to be used the next morning. Soon after dinner one of the men is sent to a spring northeast of the village after water. He takes with him a hikvsi or piitavi (road marker) and the aforementioned eight nakwakwosis, a mongwikuru, a bone whistle {totokpi) and some corn-meal. I followed the messenger on one occasion and made the following observations : Arriving at the spring, which is half way down the mesa, he first blew the bone whistle four times. Then, after having uttered a short prayer, he deposited four of the eight nakwakwosis* in a rock niche near the spring, then sprinkled sacred meal into the spring from the six ceremonial directions and then dipped a little water with the mongwikuru, six times, I believe, pour- ing it on the ground near the spring in order, he said, to induce the clouds to bring more water, and then filled the vessel. Coming up from the spring, he placed the hikvsi 2)aovX six yards from the spring on the trail, and sprinkled a line of meal from the spring over the hikvsi towards the village (so that the rain, he said, when coming to the spring, might also go to the village), and then returned *M y notes fail to state what he did with the remaining four nakwakwosis, but my recollection is that he placed them with the hikvst on the trail. Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 109 to the kiva, where the Powamu priest placed the vessel and the whistle near the altar. At about three o'clock the last evening ceremony takes place, which is exactly the same as the other days. As soon as this is con- cluded the altar is dismantled and the various parts tied up in bundles,* the men take off their nakwaita (the feather that they have tied to the hair during the ceremonies) and place them near the fire- place. They are later deposited in a shrine about one hundred yards south of the village called Homolovi. After the altar has been taken down all who have participated in the ceremony assemble in the kiva, take off the left moccasin, form in a semicircle around the fireplace and each one takes some ashes in his left hand. The Powamu priest takes an eagle wing feather in his left and some ashes in his right hand, sprinkling some of the ashes on the feather and beats time with it to the singing of the nawohchi tawi (purification or discharming song) in which all join. This song has six verses, and at the end of each verse the Powamu priest brushes the ashes from the feather towards the hatchway, all the others circling their right hand before themselves and throwing the ashes, which they hold between the thumb and forefinger, and also at the same time spitting in the same direction. After the sixth time they all beat and rub off the ashes from their hands and bodies, blow the ashes from their hands and they are then considered to be puri- fied of the peculiar charm or "taboo" of the Popwamu.f A sumptu- ous supper, in which they may now partake of any kind of food again, follows, and after a general smoke the tired participants in the ceremony take a short rest to gather strength for the Powamu dance that takes place during the following night and in which almost the entire village participates. ♦The sand ridge, the four natsi sticks, the bahos and the medicine bowl remain until the following day. tEvery secret order among the Hopi has its special punishment which is supposed to be visited upon any uninitiated who should happen to see any of the sacred things belonging to that order, especially the altar, or be charmed or influenced by any of the members while they are "taboo. "The punishment or special charm of the Snake order is a swelling, especially of the abdo- men, that of the Soyal order sore ears, of the OaqOltu a horn-like swelling on top of the head, of the Mamzrautu deafness, the Lalakontu a peculiar eczema on the upper part of the body, of the Aahltu a twisting and twitching of the face and neck, of the Momchitu a soreness in the bronchial tubes and of the Popwamu a swelling of the knee-pan (tatKotspdltingivu) and contraction of the tendons about the knee. These intiictions may occur not only during the time when a ceremony is on, but at any time. The priest of the particular order is then called and he is supposed to be able to dis- charm the patient. Only a few days ago an old man in Oraibi had a sore knee and the Powamu priest treated it by applying hot stones and singing over it the nawohchi tawi (purifying or dis- charming song), which will be found at the end of this paper (see p. 148). no Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol, III. Ninth Day (Eighth Day of the People). At about three o'clock in the morning the inhabitants of the vil- lage begin to stir. In all the kivas where beans have been planted they are pulled and taken to the houses before the smaller children get awake. Small bunches are often tied to the presents to be given to the children at sunrise. The earth in which the beans were grown is emptied into holes that were dug a few yards from the kiva during the night. It is said the children who are not yet members of the Katcina fraternity must not see this earth. In the Honani kiva the priests also get up at about four o'clock and at once prepare for the ceremonies to take place later in the morning. The Powamu chief places on a tray four small twigs of the Pikwashovi obtained at Pakavi the previous day and four twigs of the pine branch from Ki'shiwuu; some small bunches of beans and of young corn of each that he had planted in his kiva ; four old eagle wing feathers ; a bone whistle ; a mongwikuru, and the four double bahos* made on the previous day. After having put some honey into the mongiatkuru, he and a few others smoke over the tray. Meanwhile, the man who is to act the part of the Hahai-i or Angwushnacomtaka Katcina has put on a large ceremonial blanket itoi-hi) in the form of a woman's dress, hung another toi-hi over his shoulders as a blanket, put on pioccasins and a knotted belt, wrapped a fox skin around his hands (to take the pl^ce of gloves), and, wrap- ping himself in a large man's blanket, he takes the mask under the blanket and proceeds to a shrine, called Shookamutspikvi, which is located about one-eighth of a mile north of the village. The Powamu priest takes the tray with the objects just described under his blanket and goes to the same place. While these preparations are going on in the kiva of the Pop- wamu the Aototo and Aholi Katcina have also gotten ready in the Pongovi kiva. Both have tied up five small bv. ches of young green corn which they have grown there and to which they have added some small twigs of the pine branch brought from Ki'shiwuu. The masks had been prepared the previous day. The Aholi paints his body as follows : Both upper arms, the sternum, abdomen, back and legs down to the knees, bright red. The left shoulder and breast, right arm and lower part of the right leg, and a narrow band or ring above the right knee and a similar band below the left knee, yellow. The right shoulder and breast, lower arm, lower part of the left leg and a band above the left and one below the right knee, blue. Having put *On one occasion I noticed only four nakwakwosis. . LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY of ILUNCHS FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXIV. Katcinas at the MONANI Kiva. Pl. LXIV. Katcinas at the Honani Kiva. a. Hahai-i and Aototo waiting for the prayer offerings. d. Aototo and Aholi waiting for the prayer offerings. Both scenes take place early in the morning. ■jAt,} oiij j^ iljKi ..'">!: I- ImoA bas l-'tBtiBH .a lUutvN iloriA bns oioioJk .^ Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. iii on a part of their costume, which will be described later, they take their masks and other paraphernalia under their blankets and repair to the Kwan (Agave) kiva, where they dress up fully and then wait until the proper time arrives for them to commence their perform- ances. But what is going on at the shrine north of the village? The Hahai-i, having arrived at the shrine, takes a position on the east side of it, his face being turned towards the village, and utters at short intervals sounds something like these : Hu (long drawn) hu-hu-hu-hu- hu. As it is usually dark yet, he does not put on the mask until ready to start to the village. The Powamu priest, when arriving at the shrine, at once places a baho, the four ndkwakwosis and some sacred meal in the shrine, and sprinkles meal from the east side towards the shrine and then towards the village. He then takes a little honey into his mouth and ejects it towards the cardinal points, which is called feeding the clouds. Going a few paces towards the village, he sprinkles with sacred meal a cloud symbol on the trail, which consists of three semicircles from which are drawn four lines of meal in the direction of the village. Upon this symbol he places a hikvsi. After making another similar symbol about twenty paces farther towards the village, he hands the tray to the Katcina, who, in the meanwhile, has put on the mask, and then, after having uttered a brief prayer, returns to the kiva, where he and some of the other men smoke and talk, some of the latter also making naktaakwosis, until the Katcina arrives in the village. The latter slowly follows the trail to the village, blowing the bone whistle and uttering the long drawn "/?« — hu—huhuhu'' every few minutes. Entering the village at the northeast corner, he makes his way along one street to the plaza, where the stop he makes is somewhat longer than usual. Occasionally women and children will approach the Katcina, sprinkle a pinch of sacred meal on him and take a small sprig of the green corn or the pine lying in the tray. As soon as the Powamu priest, is informed in the kiva that the Katcina has reached the plaza, he squats down before the altar and begins to sing, accom- panying himself with a rattle, the other men continuing to smoke and to make nakwakwosis. On one occasion I noticed , that one of the men removed the hatchway covering and swept around the kiva at this time. This is done on every occasion, but was specially observed on this occasion only. From the plaza the Hahai-i slowly moves along another street to the Honani kiva, where he takes a position on the east side, still uttering those sounds at short intervals, and holding the tray in front of himself. While the Hahai-i is thus waiting at the Honani kiva (see PI. 112 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. LXI\ a), the Aototo and Aholi, who, as has already been mentioned, were awaiting in the Kwan kiva, emerge and also slowly make their way to the kiva where the Hahai-i is standing. The Aototo is dressed in the ordinary sash and kilt, over which, however, he wears an old shirt made of white native cloth and embroidered on the sleeves and lower border with peculiar designs of cloud, plant and blossom sym- bols. Over this he wears a folded white ceremonial blanket (owa) and over this again a bandoleer of dark blue yarn. The legs are dressed in knitted cotton leggings and on the feet he wears green moccasins. The mask, which is very plain, is made of native cloth and is daubed white. To its lower edge a fox skin is tied and to the top a few small eagle's feathers. In the right hand he holds a bag with sacred meal, in the left a mongko/io, mongwikuru., and small bunches of the green corn that has been grown in the kiva. The Aholi is dressed in the regular Katcina kilt and sash, a woman's sash, and moccasins. Over the shoulders he wears an old blanket made of native cotton cloth on which are drawn designs of clouds and other unidentified objects. In the center is a large drawing of the mythical being that has been observed on different ceremonial objects. The head is human, the body that of a large bird. I have made strong efforts to get permission to photograph this rare piece of ceremonial costume, but without success. In the right hand the Aholi holds a stick, to the upper end of which six makwanpis are attached. This stick is about four feet long and is called rupsi. It is the property of the kikmongwi (Village chief) and is also used in the flute ceremony of the Drab Flute Society. The mask of the Aholi is also rather plain. It is made of yucca leaves and covered with native cotton cloth. To the lower edge is tied a fox skin, while to the apex are fastened a number of feathers of various kinds and to the sides a blossom sym- bol. In the left hand he holds a mongkoJio, mongwikuru, a brass bell, a bag with sacred meal, and five small bunches of green corn. (PI. LXV.) About half way between the Kwan and Honani kivas these two Katcinas stop, the Aototo makes a cloud symbol on the ground and then silently waits while the Aholi places the lower end of the stick or standard before described on the symbol and utters a peculiar, high- pitched sound, circling at the same time the upper end of the standard two times slowly from right to left. He then turns face about and repeats the performance. Both then proceed to a place, about ten paces south of the Honani kiva, where during the night a member of the Bow clan has uncovered an opening in the ground and deposited in it a baho and some corn-meal. This opening is called l>atni and is h;a5,d Pl. LXV. The Aototo and Aholi Katcinas. These two Katcinas are here shown going through the village and rubbing meal lines on various houses. This, as well as the costume of the Katcinas and what they hold in their hands, is fully explained in the text. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXV. The Aototo and Aholi Katcinas. LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY oflLLlNOlS. Dec. igoi. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 113 about ten inches square and twenty inches deep. At this batni the Aototo sprinkles a meal line from the north side towards and into the batni, and then pours a little water from the mongivikuru into the opening from the same side. This he repeats from the west, south, east, northeast and southwest. He then silently waits until the Aholi has repeated the same performance, whereupon both proceed to the Honani kiva, where the Hahai-i Katcina had been waiting as before described. Both take a position by the side of the latter. (See PI. LXIV b.) After a few minutes the Aototo goes to the north end of the kiva, rubs a handful of sacred meal to the north side of the hatchway and then pours a little water into the kiva, which is caught up in a bowl by a man standing on the ladder. This perfor- mance he repeats from the west, south and east sides of the kiva, whereupon the Aototo takes his ' place again at the east side of the kiva and the same performance is gone through by the Aholi Katcina, who then also resumes his position with the other two. The men in the kiva have in the meanwhile put on their pitkunas (ceremonial kilts) and now emerge from the kiva in the following order : First the pipe-lighter with the reed cigarette and cedar bark fuse already described, then the Powamu chief with the medicine bowl, aspergill and a baho and some sacred meal, the Katcina chief with a baho and some meal and lastly the rest of the participants in the ceremony, each one having some nakwaktvosis and sacred meal. The pipe-lighter smokes on to the back of the Katcina and hands some meal and nakwakwosis to him. The Powamu chief asperges the back of the Hahai-i Katcina and then takes from him the tray, handing to him a baho and some meal. The Katcina chief gives him some meal and a baho and all the rest, after having sprinkled meal on his back, a nakwakwosi and meal, whereupon the men re-enter the kiva, the Katcina going to the Kat- cina kihu half way down the mesa on the west side of the village, into which he places the prayer offerings and where he disrobes, wrapping up his paraphernalia in a blanket, and returns to the Honani kiva, shivering with cold. Here the priests, who, as was seen, entered the kiva after the Hahai-i had left, re-emerge in the same manner from the kiva and go through the same performance, the Powamu priest alone giving a baho to and taking a bunch of corn from each with the Aototo and the Aholi as they did with the Hahai-i. Two variations should here be mentioned : First : On several occasions it was observed that the Aototo and Aholi did not arrive at the kiva until the Hahai-i had left, on others they were there before, as described. Secondly : It was noticed on one occasion that the sprinkling of water on the backs of the Katcinas occurred before the smoking ; but 114 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. when asking the Katcina priest about this lately he said that Siima must have made a mistake, which is not improbable, as that priest at that time was quite old and feeble. While these things have been going on near and around the Honani kiva, a number of different Katcinas have emerged from the various kivas and are running through the streets, distributing to the children the bows, rattles and tihus that have been prepared in all the kivas during the preceding days.* When a Katcina has disposed of all the presents entrusted to him he goes to the Honani kiva, is treated in the same manner as the Hahai-i, Aototo and Aholi, receives some meal and a naktvakwosi from each man in the Honani kiva (who always break off a small sprig of cedar where such forms a part of the costume) and then leaves the village on the same trail on which the Hahai-i left and deposits the prayer offerings at the same place. These Katcinas vary in different years; some, however, being always the same ones. Following are some of the Katcinas, seen on these occasions : the Hemis, Koyemsi, Tassap, Huuve (PI. LXVI a), Anga, Hehea and others. Often two of the same kind may be seen. When the last of the Katcinas has left, the men in the kiva arrange themselves around the corn, beans and pine, obtained from the Kat- cinas and smoke over these objects. They are then divided in as many parts as there are men in the kiva; the Powamu priest utters a short prayer over them, and then each man takes his small bunch home.. I am told that these objects are placed on the piles of corn ears and between the corn ears in the houses as a prayer offering, but I have not personally observed that. But we must now follow the Aototo and Aholi Katcinas whom we saw leave the kiva after having been asperged, smoked on and pre- sented with prayer offerings. They first go to a house in the north- west part of the village, the Aototo leading the way and constantly sprinkling a little sacred meal before the Aholi. Before they reaoh the house they stop and the Aototo makes a cloud symbol on the ground consisting of a line of corn-meal, about two feet long and run- ning across the path, and three lines of meal about a foot long run- ning forward from this cross line. The Aholi steps onto this symbol, shouts three times, slowly swinging the standard, the lower end of which rests on the ground, from right to left, then turns around, repeats the same performance and then follows the Aototo, who again marks the path with corn-meal. Having arrived at the house, which is said to be the birthplace of the man impersonating the Aototo,. *The children may then be seen all day playing with their presents, the girls proudly carrying their tihus on their bacics. (See PI. LXVL) iJijffhiEib 81931 VI3U ei ain£ii aril .aluaoiq s n« Pl. LXVl. Distributing Presents. a. Huuve or cross-legged Katcinas running through the streets distributing presents. The name is derived from the fact that the Katcina walks with the legs crossing each other. d. Little girl carrying tihu that has been presented to her by a Katcina. FIELD COLUMBWN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXVI, Distributing Presents.' Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 115 and hence is considered to be the ancestral home of that Katcina, the Aototo rubs four corn-meal lines to the wall of the, house. The woman of the house stands on the first terrace and repeatedly says : Askwa/i {tha.nks)\ The village chief Lolulomai, who has met the Katcinas at the house, gives to the Aototo some sacred meal and a baho and receives a bunch of green corn. The Aholi then goes through the same performance, but the bunch of corn taken from this Katcina Lolulomai hands to the woman, who receives it with a heartfelt '■'■AskwaliV All then proceed to the house of the kikmongwi (village chief), /. e. the house where this personage, who is now Lolu- lomai, was born and raised and where his sister, who is also often called kikmongwi, is still living. On the way to this house the same performance with the cloud symbol takes place. At the house they are met by Punan5msi,'the sister of Lolulomai and of Shokhungyoma, the man who is acting as Aototo. The same performance takes place at this house as at the other, the woman also receiving a bunch of corn. From here they proceed to the Pongovi kiva which is close by and which is the kiva of Lolulomai and his brother, also of Yeshiwa who is acting as Aholi. Lolulomai enters the kiva. Both Katcinas rub a little meal to the four sides of the hatchway and then receive the prayer offerings from the husband of Pungnanomsi, who also receives the bunches of corn. From here a member of the Pikash or Aholi clan precedes the Katcinas to the ancestral home of the Aholi Katcina, where the sam^ perforrnances take place as at the other places. From here the two Katcinas go to the south side of the village where they are met behind a house by Lolulomai, who relieves them of the objects they have carried, which he wraps in a blanket and takes to his kiva. The Katcinas proceed by a different route also to the same kiva where they divest themselves of their costumes, first of all warming themselves at the fireplace, as they usually get very cold on their expedition, which lasts several hours. Food has meanwhile been brought in by the immediate relatives of the men in the kiva and breakfast soon follows, the men arranging themselves in rows on the kiva floor around the food bowls, trays, etc. On one occasion I noticed thirteen small round trays, each containing some white mush (wotakd) on the kiva floor. I think there was one tray for each participant in the feast. I also noticed on that occasion no less than thirty-seven small bunches of young green corn on the floor, which were undoubtedly to be given to the families and friends of the inhabitants of the kiva. But my notes fail to state any particular on this point. There are reasons to believe that the corn was furnished by the Aototo and Aholi Katcinas, as they were the only men, as far ii6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. as I have ascertained, who had planted any corn in that kiva in addition to the beans. Of the latter, some had been planted by all of the inha- bitants of the kiva. The bahos, which the two Katcinas had obtained at the different places where they stopped, were also lying in th^ kiva, and I was told that they would be deposited in the afternoon at one of the principal " Katcin ^i'Aus" south of the village, called Kuwa- waimawee. In all the other kivas, and also in the houses, preparations are being made for a feast in which the beans that were pulled in the kivas early in the morning and have since been cooked form the principal dish. In the Honani kiva the dismantling of the altar is now completed. It will be remembered that the following objects remained at their places when the altar was taken down on the previous evening : The four na^st sticks, the tiponi, the "mother" {tiponi of the Katcina priest), the medicine bowl, the six corn ears, a mongwikuru and the four bahos that had been standing in the sand ridge. All the objects belonging to the altar proper are wrapped up, the four bahos are placed on the tray which the Hahai-i carried and on which are still lying the cottonwood twig, a few small twigs of pine and some green corn, all of which, I believe, belong to the Powamu priest. This tray, the medicine bowl and the bowl with the water which the Aototo and the Aholi had poured into the kiva are temporarily placed on the banquette in the north part of the kiva. The sand ridge is swept up by a member of the Sand clan and the sand deposited near the afore- mentioned batni, a few paces south of the kiva. Towards noon the Powamu priest disposes of the water poured into the bowl by the Aototo and Aholi, and of that in the medicine bowl and mongwikuru, and of the objects remaining in the tray. This has been observed only once and the following facts were noted down : At about ten o'clock the Powamu priest Siima went into the kiva, placed the green corn, pine sprigs, and beans on the floor in the northwest corner of the kiva in four small bunches, placing with each lot also one of the bahos from the altar sand ridge. He then sang a long song over these objects, accompanying himself with a gourd rattle, during which he sprinkled with a makwanpi (aspergill) all the water from the bowl on the four piles. After he was through singing he also poured on them the water from the medicine bowl. He then placed the four bahos, the mongwikuru and some sacred meal on the tray and took the tray to a field west of the mesa. Here he first dug a hole in the soft sand and then took some meal from the tray, held it LIBRARY OF THE iiNiVERSITY of ILLINOIS. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXVII. Katcinas Qoqontinumya. Pl. LXVII. Katcinas Qoqontinumya. a. Haaa Katcina which is also often called the Katcina mother. d. Two Hote Katcinas to the left. The one in the foreground is an innova- tion, a part of the costume of different Katcinas having been adopted. The term Qoqontinumya is used to designate the going about of different Katcinas through the streets and kivas on such occasions as this, the Balolcikong ceremony, etc. # / ^vC III nr, >.i bnooi; ..;../( 3JoH owT ..\ liBRARV OF THE UNIVERSITV of ILLINOIS FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXVIIt. Katcinas Qoqontinumya. Pl. XLVIII. Disks of the Pota. I, 2 and 3. Blossom symbols. 4. Cloud symbols. 5. Hopi symbol of the moon. 6. Clouds and corn ears pictured in a blossom symbol. lo lodinx?. iqoH -i .no:) hni; abuolD .d LIBRARY OFT«t UNIVERSITY of . Pachawo Mana. c Chaveyo Katcina. d. Haaa Katcina. pMt! til Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 119 Singers' Societies had taken place in the preceding fall, at the great Wowochim ceremony. As the latter has not taken place in Oraibi while the author has lived there, and, in fact, not for a number of years previously, neither that ceremony nor the additional Powamu ceremonies just mentioned have ever been studied. But it might not be amiss to record here, at least what the author has been able to learn about the latter from descriptions by various eye-witnesses. This is about as follows : After the Katcinas which had been roaming through the village, as just described, had dispersed, the Powamu chief went to a place about one-eighth of a mile northeast of the village, descending a trail part of the way where there is an opening in the side of the mesa called ihe pohki (dog-house). Tradition says that a long time ago the dogs lived in this opening but left it and moved to the village, where they have lived ever since.* Here several Mongwi (chief) Katcinas, one Hahai-i Wuhti and a number of maidens from the village had assembled and dressed up. These the Powamu chief conducted to the village. The procession is said to have been formed in the fol- lowing manner: It was headed by the Powamu priest, who carried a tray with bahos to be given to the maidens the next day. He was followed by the Mongwi Katcinas, of which there were usually four, who walked abreast. (PI. LXXH, a.) These Katcinas carried in their right hand a rattle consisting of a bunch of scapulae, in their left a bag with sacred meal and a mongkdho (see PI. LV), and were singing while the procession slowly proceeded to and through the village. Behind these Katcinas walked in single file the manas, each one carrying an empty tray, which was to be used the next day. By the side of the column walked another Katcina, the Hahai-i Wuhti (Hahai-i woman), who frequently poured and sprinkled from a vessel water on the children that were among the spectators and distributed among them somiwiki (corn-meal mush tied up in corn husks and then boiled), which is a favorite dish with the Hopi and not infrequently used to distribute to the spectators when certain ceremonies are in progress. Having slowly proceeded to and through the village (the Mongwi Katcinas constantly singing), they lined up on the east side of the Honani kiva, where they were sprinkled with corn-meal by the Pow- amu priests, whereupon they proceeded to Towanashabee, a place about one-quarter of a mile south of the village. Here they disrobed *This place seems to be selected because it is suitably located. It has otherwise no connec- tion with or bearing on the Powamu ceremony. The Katcinas are said to come from Ki shiwuu, the ancient home of the Honani clan and the Powamu fraternity, which is situated sixty miles northeast from Oraibi. I20 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. Ill, and then returned to the village. The Powamu chief had entered the kiva after having sprinkled the Katcinas with sacred meal and having told them to go home now and to return the next day. The costume consisted of two ioihis, if that many were obtainable (if not, atoes were used instead), moccasins, the usual woman's sash and the square mosaic ear pendants. The hair they wore on that occasion in whorls. These manas are called, it is said, Pachawo mamantu (manas) after a herb which the Hopi call pachawo, and the ceremony of their carrying beans to the village the next day is called Pachawo-intota. It is possible that formerly this herb was used instead of beans, which the herb very much resembles. The Powamu Katcina Dance. (Night Ceremony.) During the following night the whole village is astir, as in nearly all the kivas the men and boys participate in the dance of the Pow- amu Katcina, which is witnessed by the women and children. On this occasion the Katcinas appear unmasked, a very rare occurrence. The new Powamu and Katcina Wiwimkyamu (from Wimkya, member) that were initiated on the fifth and sixth days are to learn for the first time that Katcinas, whom they were taught to regard as supernatural beings, are only mortal Hopis. They do not participate in the dance, but occupy places among the spectators on the elevated portion of the kiva. The Powamu Katcinas are costumed as follows : {a.) The men: Around the loin they wear the embroidered Katcina kilt and sash and a woman's sash, and around the neck numerous strands of beads. Over the right shoulder is worn a bandolier, which was formerly made of two strands of yarn, one blue, the other reddish brown, the two being twisted together. Such a band is called naalongmurukpu and is also still used occasionally in other ceremonies.* Others have bandoliers of other kinds of yarn or of balletta or other red stuff. A turtle shell rattle is tied to the right leg and ear pendants of green beads are worn in the ears. The moc- casins are usually painted green and over them are worn ankle bands of various kinds. (For a tihu of this Katcina see PI. LXXIII, a.) In their right hand they hold a gourd rattle, in their left a pine sapling, the pine having been gotten by messengers from Ki'shiwuu. On the head they have three artificial squash blossoms made of corn husks and painted in various colors. *At the last Marau Ceremony the chief priest. Wickwaya, pointed out to the author a naaiongmurukfti that was used on the head-dress of the Marautakas in the public performance, and he stated that formerly yarn of that color only was used. PL, LXXIII. Various Tihus. a. Powamu Katcina. b. Powamu Katcina Mana. c. Payatamhoya. d. Powamu Wuhti Tiata Katcina. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXXIII /^v. r.^ Various Tihus. LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY of ILLINOIS. m Pl. LXXIV. Powamu Katcina Heao-Dress. This head-dress (koptcoki) is made of corn husks and is painted in different colors. It is worn on top of the head by the Powamu Katcina during the Powamu Katcina dance. LIBRARV OF THE UNIVERSITY of ILUHOIS. Dec. igoi. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 121 {l>.) The manas. These are young men and boys who are dressed up as maidens. They wear the regulation woman's dress, sash and moccasins and the ceremonial blanket called atoe. Around the neck they wear beads and in the ears the square mosaic ear pendants {tuoynahkaata). The hair is put up in whorls and to the forehead is fastened an artificial sunflower. They hold a twig of pine in their left, nothing in their right hand. The body decoration of the men is the same as that of th^ Aholi Katcina, which has already been described. A little corn-meal is rubbed into the face, which is occasionally repeated later during the dance with corn-meal carried by the manas in corn husks behind their sashes. It is said this is done to absorb the perspiration. The manas have their hands and arms painted white with kaolin and their faces with corn-meal, the same as the men. Other Katcinmanas, such as the Hano, Takush (Yellow), Tassap (Navajo) and Qotca (White) mana, may also be seen here and there among the Powamu manas, but it is said that formerly the Powamu mana proper only appeared. Besides these participants, certain men are dressed up as old decrepit women. These wear masks which represent wrinkled, ugly faces of old hags. They carry little doll babies, which are generally partly hidden in large pine branches. They are called Powamu-Wuhti-Tiata, and some represent little boys, some girls. They are made in many different styles. (For two samples of these dolls see PI. LXXIII.) Women who are sterile, and also others, throw pinches of corn-meal to these dolls as prayers that they may bear children. The meal is thrown towards the male doll if a boy, to the female doll if a girl baby is desired. The dance takes place in all the kivas except the Honani and the Marau kivas. On several occasions, however, several kivas were known to club together, as neither of them could muster enough dancers, or, at least, not as many as the other kivas. The occupants of each kiva dance not only in their own but also in every other par- ticipating kiva. The dance is a peculiar one. Upon entering a kiva the dancers file on the east side of the ladder into the deeper portion of the kiva and line up along the banquette on each side and the end of this part of the kiva, thus forming a line having the shape of an inverted V. The manas and old women form the east, the men the west half of the line. When all are in, the two dancers at the apex of the line — a man and a mana — join hands, dance forward in the middle of the kiva, recede, dance forward again and then release each other's hand, the mana joining the line on the east, the man that on the west side. 122 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. Several other pairs have followed the first at once in the same man- ner, so that always three or four couples are dancing backward and forward in the middle of the kiva and then releasing each other, others constantly following, so that the two circles keep always mov- ing, the men from left to right, the manas from right to left. It is extremely interesting to watch the two moving circles with their constantly varying combinations of the couples as they meet and join hands at the apex of the line. In some instances the two are young and handsome figures ; in others the male dancer is an old decrepit man, the mana a child ; still in others the male a youth, the mana an old crone, carrying a large pine branch and in it one of the aforementioned dolls, and, besides that, often a heavy load of parcels, bundles and bags on her back. This constant change in the com- bination of the moving figures, the doleful singing in the deep, sonorous voices of the men and the high-pitched tones of the chil- dren, the dimly lighted kiva, the spectators squatting on the nearly dark elevated portion of the kiva, presents a scene never to be for- gotten. When the dance in one kiva is over the dancers proceed to another kiva, another group enters, and so on until the dancers from every kiva have made the round of all the kivas, which is usually the case by about three o'clock in the morning, when all retire for a few hours' rest, and the village is suddenly wrapped up in the stillness of the chilly winter's night. In the Honani kiva nothing of importance is usually going on. On one occasion I found the old Powamu chief alone there, silently smoking. He has told me, however, that on those occasions when a full Wowochim ceremony had taken place the preceding fall in times past, he used to bury four bahos towards morning of this night on the four sides of the village, placing them in the ground against the foundation walls of four different houses. These bahos are called the roots of the houses or of the village. They are a prayer offering for the safety of the village. Tenth Day. (Ninth Day of the People.) As the ceremonies of this day have never been observed because, as already stated, they have not taken place for many years, the facts recorded below are again based upon hearsay. It is believed, how- ever, that while these notes do not by any means exhaust the subject, they are substantially correct. They were submitted for revision to several men who had witnessed the ceremonies. The latter did not take place every year, but only on those Powamu ceremonies follow- Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony— Voth. 123 ing a full Wowochim ceremony. It seems that on these occasions the different kinds of Katcinas that roamed through the village on the previous day, as described before, again appeared in the same manner. The Pachawa manas, the same that were conducted from the " Dog-house " to the village on the previous evening by the Pow- amu priest, repaired to a place about a quarter of a mile south of the village called Towanashabee,* where they and the Mongwi Katcinas had gone the previous evening, and where they were dressed up in the costume of the Katsinmana the same as on the night before, only the hair was tied in a knot behind the head instead of in whorls. (PI. LXXII, b.) Just who was with them could not be ascertained, but it seems that, besides some old women belonging to the Honani clan, the chief Powamu priest was one of them, at least conducted them later on to another place, as will be described presently. Some time in the afternoon the Powamu priest sent some one to the village to tell the Katcinas to drive the people into their houses and keep them there, to notify the men to cut the beans in the kivas, to dig holes near the kivas and bury in them the sand in which the beans were grown and to take the beans to Kuwawaimavee, another place about a quarter of a mile south of the village. Hereupon the Haaa Katcina at once ascended to the roof of the house from which all sacred ceremonies are announced, swung and twirled his bow and quiver and shouted. Just what no one could tell me. Most of my informants say he simply shouted. It seems to have been a signal to the other Katcinas in the village because they at once dispersed, scat- tered through the village, urged the people to go into their houses and then watched the doors that no one should leave a house. In the kivas the men now cut the beans that had not been cut in the morn- ing for the feast, tied them in small bunches to short sticks and fastened these to a framework or "tree" of sticks and dry grass ; with them were tied pine saplings and bunches of awatsi and nyi, two common herbs. These were then placed into large trays and taken to Kuwawaimavee, where those who were to take part in the procession were assembling. The earth in which the beans had been grown was dumped into the holes made for that purpose and then covered up. As soon as all the beans had been taken to the aforementioned place the people were allowed to leave their houses and to go to Kuwawai- ♦Towanashabee is a place about three miles south of Oraibi, where the Honani people are said to have lived a while after coming from Ki shiwuu and before having been admitted to the village. It is a peculiar custom, however, that distant places, sacred to the Hopi, have duplicates, as it were, near the village. Thus, there is a Ki shiwuu, Homolovi (ancient village near VVinslow), Nuwatikiovi (San Francisco Mountains) and Towanashabee, close to Oraibi, because, the Oraibis say, it is too far to always go to those distant places to deposit prayer offerings, etc. 124 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. mavee except, of course, the children who had not yet been initiated into a religious fraternity. Here many men had in the meanwhile dressed up as Katcinas, each kiva representing a different kind and sometimes, as I understand it, the same kiva sent different kinds of Katcinas. At Towanashabee the maidens had in the meanwhile arrived and been dressed up as the Katcinmana that accompanies the Hemis, Qfioqoqlom and other Katcinas. They were then conducted by one of the Powamu priests to Kuwawaimavee, where they were handed the tray with beans and then the procession was formed in the following manner :* At the head of the line walked the kikmongwi who was followed by the chaakmongwi, kalehtakmongwi, the Powamu priest, the Aototo Katcina and the Aholi Katcina, in the order named. Then came a so-called Tocauv or relieving Katcina, f so-called because they occasionally relieve the Pachawo manas of the trays, which are said to have been quite heavy. This Katcina was followed by a mana, the two belonging to one kiva. Then followed another pair from another kiva, then another, etc. The order in which the kivas were represented is said to have been as follows : Sakwalanve (Blue Flute), Nashabe (Centre), Tcua (Rattle Snake), Kwan (Agave), Hawovi (Descending or Going Down), Tao (Singers), Hano (Hano), Wikolapi (Wrinkle) and Pongovi (Circle). Each pair was, as I understand it, accompanied by the different Katcinas from that kiva, who walked on either side constantly shouting, some also carrying beans in hoapus (a deep basket, carried on the back). On both sides of the procession walked the inhabitants of the village. At short intervals the Tusauv Kat- cinas would ask the manas : '■^Um nat ka manguuf ("Are you not yet tired?") and if answered in the affirmative would take the tray and carry it awhile. The Haaa Katcina (Katcina Mother) is said to have kept somewhat at the head of the procession but without having con- fined himself to a special place. Having arrived at Pachawo Nanasungoi (Pachawo Resting Place) all halted, the trays were placed on the ground and all rested a few minutes. This place is situated at the south edge of the village. Soon the procession was again formed and proceeded to a plaza south of the Honani kiva in the centre of which there is a small opening in *My informants diifer somewhat on this point, but the order here given is believed to be very nearly if not entirely correct. Some claim the Powamu fraternity not to have been represented, others that the Katcina priest also took part in the procession. tThe Tocauv Katcinas were always boys ormen that had been initiated into the Katcina order during that Powamu ceremony. It is said that they might represent any kind of Katcina (such as the Maalo, Hopi-Anga, Sio, having been noticed), but none of the so-called angry Katcinas. Some claim, however, that formerly they had a special Tocauv Katcina. Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 125 the ground, called batni (well or cistern), which belongs to the Bow clan and into which one of the Bow people deposits a baho and some sacred meal very early on the eighth day of the Po- wamu ceremony. Around this batni the procession moved four times from right to left, the trays being placed on the ground for a few minutes on the north, west, south and east sides, and also being carried occasionally by the Tucauv Katcinas, as I understand it. The trays are set down — planted — as a prayer that those things in them might grow abundantly. They then proceed to the Honani kiva which is located only a few steps to the northeast. They walked around the kiva also four times. During the fourth round the manas handed the trays to the Tusauv Katcinas, and then all the leaders or momngwitu (chiefs) and the Tusauv Katcinas with their manas arranged themselves around the kiva. The pipe-lighter and the Powamu chief priest emerged from the kiva, the first with a reed cigarette and a lighted fuse of cedar bark, the latter with the medicine bowl and aspergill. The first smoked on the back of the leaders and Katcinas, the latter sprinkled them with water. Hereupon the chaakmongwi (crier) shouted that all should cover up or otherwise hide their children (/. e. those who had not yet been initiated). As soon as this was done all the Katcinas took off their masks, certain men from each kiva took the trays from the manas and the hoapus from the Katcinas and carried them with their contents to the houses of the respective manas. The latter, as well as all the Katcinas, went to their respective kivas where they disrobed, the manas going to their houses, where they distributed the beans {Jiaru) to their friends, who took them home to use as one of the dishes in the feast that followed. The herbs and pine saplings were also distributed and placed, as is usually the case, on the corn piles or put away otherwise in the different houses. 126 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. POWAMU SONGS. It has not yet been possible to obtain all the songs used in the entire Powamu ceremony. Fortunately, all those which are sung in the regular morning and evening ceremonies of the Powamu ceremony proper have been recorded. Of the Powalawu songs, however, we have only three. Besides these we have the Discharming or Purifica- tion song, and of others, for instance that sung by the Powamu priest over the four bahos, etc., on the last day, we have some notes but too incomplete to be published. The language of some of the songs is almost entirely archaic and that of others contains many archaic words, while all of them contain words that have no special meaning, so that the interpretation of the songs has thus far been very unsatisfactory. Most of the words undergo considerable change and receive additional syllables when used in songs, so that it is often very difficult to identify them when hearing or even when writing them. I may state in this connection that the number of songs of the Hopi is legion, but it is surprising what a great percentage of them are not at all or are only partly understood by the Hopi, because the songs are either entirely or partly composed of archaic words or have been borrowed from other tribes. The latter is especially the case with the songs of such Kat- cinas as have been introduced from other tribes, and it is self-evident that the knowledge of such songs by the Hopi is but imperfect at best and, in fact, some are used in fragmentary form only. It is to be hoped that someone will be able to make a special study of this sub- ject, which, however, will necessitate a study of the language thorough enough to enable the student to dispense with interpreters, as in many cases either the old priests will not sing the most valuable and sacred songs, or the interpreters, who are young people, are unable to give the meaning of the words, many of which are not used in every- day life. Dec. igoi. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 127 SONGS USED AT THE POWAMU CEREMONY PROPER. FIRST SONG. 1. To the North. Kayav komacitotoooo, "j Kayav komacitotoooo, I Meaning could not be ascertained. The Kayav komacitotoooo, f words are archaic. Kayav komacitotoooo, J Anihiyahana, "1 A^;,,oo,.-. Words archaic. Meaning unknown. These Haaniyana, f ^°"'' "'"^^ ^''^ ^""^ ^* ^^^ beginning of u„„„:.,.,.,„l the first stanza only. Haaniyaana, } ^ Nana kwininaaaaa, (You) over yonder to the north. Sika omaw omi nononga, .... Yellow clouds, come out and rise. Latakihuy ayoangqo, Latakihuy^ (obscure) come from over yonder. Sika talawipi omi nononga, . . . Yellow lightning, come out and rise. Lataciwuy ayoangqo, Lataciwuy* (obscure) come from over yonder. Siica chocholomakata,^ Yellow (rain) drops, give us (?) sprinkle (?) Akwa tohikangwinaaaa, .... To refresh our crops. Anihiyahanaha, [obsolete. Anihiyahanaha, ) 2. To the West. Kayav komacitotoooo, -^ Kayav komacitotoooo, K 1^ 1 ■. . j>Obscure. Kayav komacitotoooo, f Kayav komacitotoooo, J Nana tawangqoo, (You) over yonder to the west. Sakwa omaw omi nononga, . . . Blue clouds, come out and rise. Latakihuy ayoangqo, Latakihuy (obscure) come from over yonder. Sakwa talawipi omi nononga, . . Blue lightning, come out and rise. Lataciwuy ayoangqo, Lataciwuy (obscure) come from over yonder. Sakwa chocholomakata, .... Blue (rain) drops give us (?). Akwa tohikangwinaaaa To refresh our crops. Anihiyahanaha, \^. . ., / , , ?-Obscure. Anihiyahanaha, \ 3. To the South. Kayav komacitotoooo '^ Kayav komacitotoooo, I ^ 1^ 1 . . ^Obscure. Kayav komacitotoooo, f Kayav komacitotoooo, J Nana tatyaqoo, (You) over yonder to the south. Pala omaw omi nononga, . . . , Red clouds, come put and rise. Latakihuy ayoangqo, Latakihuy (obscure) come from over yonder. Pala talawipi omi nononga, . . . Red lightning, come out and rise. Lataciwuy ayoangqo, Lataciwuy (obscure), come from over yonder. Pala chocholomakata, Red (rain) drops give us (?). Akwa tohikangwinaaaa, .... To refresh our crops. Anihiyahanaha, lr»>, Anihiyahanaha, ) 128 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. 4. To the East. Kayav komacitotoooo, ^ Kayav komacitotoooo, I Kayav komacitotoooo, f scure. Kayav komacitotoooo, J Nana nahopoqoo, (You) over yonder to the east. Qocha omaw omi nononga, . . . White clouds, come out and rise. Latakihuy ayoangqo, Latakihuy (obscure) come from over yonder. Qotcha talawipi omi nononga, . . White lightning, come out and rise. Lataciwuy ayoangqo, Lataciwuy (obscure) come from over yonder. Qocha chocholomakata, .... White (rain) drops give us. Akwa tohikangwinaaaa, . . . . ^ Aniiyahanaha }>Obscure. Aniiyahanaha, J 5. Towards Above. Kayav komacitotoooo, ^ Kayav komacitotoooo, I Kayav komacitotoooo, ..... | scure. Kayav komacitotoooo, J Nana ongaqo, (You) over yonder above. Toko omaw omi nononga, . . . Black clouds, come out and rise. Latakihuy ayoangqo Latakihuy (obscure) come from over yonder. Toko talawipi omi nononga, . . . Black lightning, come out and rise. Lataciwuy ayoaiigqo, Lataciwuy (obscure) come from over yonder. Toko chocholomakata, Black (rain) drops give us. Akwa tohikangwinaaaa ^ Anihiyahanaha, >Obscure. Anihiyahanaha, ^ 6. Towards Below. Kayav komacitotoooo, "i Kayav komacitotoooo, I Kayav komacitotoooo, | Kayav komacitotoooo, j Nana atyatoqo, (You) yonder below. Soyohimu omaw omi nononga, . . All kinds of clouds, come out and rise! Latakihuy ayo anqo, ...... Latakihuy (obscure) come from over yonder. Soyohimu talawipi omi nononga, . All kinds of lightning, come out and rise! Lataciwuy ayoanqo, Lataciway (obscure) come from over yonder. Soyohimu chocholomakata, . . . All kinds of (rain) drops give us! Akwa tohikanwinaaaa, .,...> Anihiyahanaha, >Obscure. Anihiyahanaha, J 1. Several priests insist that the word refers to the dwellings or houses, kihu, of the clouds, though all agree that the first part of the word, ^' Lata," is archaic; one of them, however, sug- gested that it meant " your," in which case the line would read: " From your dwellings over yonder come (here)." 2. " Lataci-wuy." One of the priests stated that an old man had told him that this word was an obsolete word for mongwikuru. This is not at all unlikely, as these vessels are used in all ceremonies for getting from various springs the water that is used to asperge on altars, priests, novitiates, seeds (see the Powalawu ceremony), etc. In that case, however, the explanation of *'/ato," as given in the previous note, would hardly be admissible. 3. The information obtainable on the last part of the word, " makata" is unsatisfactory. Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 129 SECOND SONG. 1. To the North. Pahahawihiihi, Come this way! Yoyahiwitaahaahaa, Array yourself! Pahahawihiihi, Come this way! Yojahiwitahahaahaa, Array yourself! Shushukwininaqo, From the north, Chochomiongwu/ . A perfect corn ear, Tomaciinuu, My clan mother. Tawamanawu-vohokomuyu,* . . Oriole bird, Shurunahashayamuyu, In the middle of your tail, Ikwiltato,' . . . , You are carrying. Pitohopuhutavi, You have now come, Uushikano timahay, Dressed up to the dance (ceremony); Yahapik wolu* timahay, .... Yes, well now, to the dance, Pahahawihiihi, Come here, Timaiwishaahaaha, To the dance. 2. To the West. Pahahawihiihi Come this way! Yoyahiwitaahaahaa, Array yourself! Pahahawihiihi, Come this way! Yoyahiwitaahaahaa, Array yourself! Shuhuhtawahangqo, From the west, Totoloongwu A perfect corn ear, (?) Tomaciinguu, My clan mother. Choro vohokomuyu, Bluebird bird, Shurunahashayamuya, In the middle of your tail, Ikwiltato, You are carrying. Pitohopuhutavi You have now come, Uushikango, Dressed up to the dance (ceremony); Yahapik wolu timahay, .... Yes, well now, to the dance, Pahahawihiihi, Come here, Timaiwishaahaaha, To the dance. 3. To the South. Pahahawihiihi, Come this way! Yoyahiwitaahaahaa, Array yourself! Pahahawihiihi, Come this way! Yoyahiwitaahaahaa Array yourself! Shuhuhtatyahaqo, ...... From the south, Chochomiongwu, A perfect corn ear, Tomaciinguu, My clan mother. Karro vohokomuyu, Parrot bird, Shurunahashayamuya, In the middle of your tail, Ikwiltato, You are carrying. Pitohopuhutavi, You have now come, Uushikango, Dressed up to the dance (ceremony); Yahapik wolu timahay, .... Yes, well now, to the dance, Pahahawihiihi, Come here, Timaiwishaahaaha, To the dance. 13© Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. 4. To the East. Pahahawihiihi Come this way! Yoyahiwitaahaahaa Array yourself! Pahahawihiihi, ........ Come this way! Yoyahiwitaahaahaa, Array yourself! Shuhuhhopohoqci, From the east, Totoloongwu, A perfect corn ear, (?) Tomaciinguu, My clan mother. Pohosiowu vohokomuyu, .... Magpie bird, Shurunahashayamuyu, In the middle of your tail, Ikwiltato, You are carrying. Pitohopuhutavi, You have now come, Uushikango, . Dressed up to the dance (ceremony); Yahapik wolu timahay, .... Yes, well now, to the dance, Pahahawihiihi, Come now, Timaiwishaahaaha To the dance. 1. Chochomingwu really means a corn ear filled to the point with kernels. 2. The word fohko (in compound words vohko) means animal and is used either alone (ivohko, my animal) or in connection with the name of the animal referred to: {ikaway-vohko, my horse animal; itnotdvo/iko, my burro-animal); but is used of birds as well: [iiavamana-vohko, ichoro-vohko, my oriole animal or bird, my bluebird animal or bird) . 3. These two lines refer in the first place to the two feathers in the middle of the tail of the oriole, which seem to be preferred to the others for ceremonial purposes. But they are also said to refer to newly married women (brides) who are here represented by the different birds (see the dif- ferent verses) and who appear in public on the last day of the Niman (farewell) Katcina ceremony in summer, which is also under the direction of the Powamu fraternity and during which this song is also sung. They are then dressed in their white bridal robe (pwa), to the back of which a strand of yarn is attached on that occasion. The following lines also refer to these brides. 4. The two words "^aA/i/fe" and "wolu" are exclamations without any special meaning and hence difficult to translate. THIRD SONG. I. To the North. Iwiwi iwiwii iwiwihi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwi iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Hapi uhura Towanashabee, . . . Hapi, ura,* Towanashabee.' >Obscure. Takurii kaae tomaci'' inguu, . . . Yellow corn ear, my clan* mother. Kwiniwii Tawamana, From the north the oriole. Nakway akwa, For prayer head dresses'* (nakwaita). Timuyu wangwayi wangwayi, . . Call the children! call the children!^ Iwiwika iwiwi, "^ Iwiwika iwiwi, l>Obscure.. Iwiwika iwiwihihi, J Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 131 2. To the West. Iwiwi iwiwii iwiwihi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwi iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi, flapi uhura Towanashabee, . . Sakwapukae tomaci inguu, . . Tavanga choro, From the west the bluebird. Nakway akwa, For prayer head dresses. Timuyi wangwayi wangwayi, . . Call the children! call the children Iwiwika iwiwi, *i Iwiwika iwiwi, >Obscure. Iwiwi'ka iwiwihihi J >Obscure. Hapi, ura, Towanashabee. Blue corn ear, my clan mother. 3. To the South. Iwiwi iwiwii iwiwihi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwi iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Hapi uhura Towanashabee, . . Pawalakae tomaci inguu, . . . Tatoe karro, From the south the parrot. Nakway akwa, For prayer head dresses. Timuyu wangwayi wangwayi, . . Call the children! call the children! Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi, J>Obscure. Iwiwika iwiwihihi, >Obscure. Hapi, ura, Towanashabee. Red corn ear, my clan mother. 4. To the East. Iwiwi iwiwii iwiwihi, Iwiwika iwiwi Iwiwi iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi Hapi uhura Towanashabee, . . •Ooyawi kare tomaci inguu, . . Hopoo pociwu, From the east the magpie. Nakway akwa, For prayer head dresses. Timuyi, wangwayi wangwayi, . . Call the children! call the children! Iwiwika iwiwi ^ Iwiwika iwiwi, ^Obscure. Iwiwika iwiwihihi J >Obscure. Hapi, ura, Towanashabee. White corn ear, my clan mother. 132 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. 5. To the Northeast {above). Iwiwi iwiwii iwiwihi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwi iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Hapi uhura Towanashabee, . . . Kokoma kahae, tomaci inguu, . . Ohomi Asya, Nakway akwa, Timuyu, wangwayi wangwayi, . . Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwihihi >Obscure. Hapi, ura, Towanashabee. Black corn ear, my clan mother. From above the Asya (unidentified). For prayer head dresses. Call the children! call the children! Obscure. 6. To the Southwest {below). Iwiwi iwiwii iwiwihi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwi iwiwika iwiwi Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Iwiwika iwiwi, Hapi uhura Towanashabee, . . Tawakchi kae tomaci inguu, >Obscure. Hapi, ura, Towanashabee. Sweet corn ear, my clan mother. Aatyamii toposhkwa, From below toposhkwa (unidentified), Nakway akwa, For prayer head dresses. Timuyu wangwayi wangwayi, . . Call the children! call the children! Iwiwika iwiwi, • ^ Iwiwika iwiwi, . . . • SObscure. Iwiwika iwiwihihi J Close. Iwiwika, iwiwi. ( These words are sung at the close about eight times, although sometimes more, sometimes less) and then Iwiwiwika, iwiwiwi-i. 1. These two words have no special meaning; they are exclamations, similar to our "well," "well now," or the German " wohlanl" "ei!" "ei nun!" etc. 2. Towanashabee is a place a few miles south of Oraibi, where the Honani clan is said to have lived. Reference is also sometimes made to a Towanashabee Atyaka (down below) some- where. 3. Tomaci, from tomci. A man calls any woman belonging to the same clan iiomci, ray iomci—my clan fellow or clan sister. Every child when being initiated into some fraternity is given, a corn ear, which it calls forever after inguu, my mother, because it is said the Hopi live on corn as the child draws life from the mother. Such corn ears are used especially in the women's cere- monies, every participant having a corn ear which she calls ingttu. These facts must be borne in mind in reading this line, a literal translation of which is hardly intelligible. 4. A priest stated once that the corn ear, when looked upon as a "mother" (see previous note), was considered as a mana, virgin, maiden. 5. The feathers worn in the hair of the participants of a ceremony are called nakwaita (wish, prayer). The idea expressed here is that these birds might come from the different direc- tions as their feathers are wanted for prayer offerings. The word mostly used for "to pray" is " aonawakna." 6. Meaning the corn ears on the. stalks, which are usually called the children of the corn stalk. Dec. igoi. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 133 FOURTH SONG. 1. To the North. Haowhaow inguu, Towanashabee Takuri kae haiinguu, .... Utumu namaa akwiniwii asika iola Atimuuya turn wangwayiihi, . . Hapi, yepe umungem passiohti/ Nayawunhoputa chorowunhoputa- paassiohti, 2. To the West. Haowhaow inguu, Towanashabee Sakwapu kae haiinguu, ... Utumu namaa tawanee asakwa iola Atimuuya turn wangwayiihi, . . Hapi, yepe umungem passiohti, Choronakhoputa palanakhoputa' paassiohti, 3. To the South. Haowhaow inguu, Towanashabee Pawala kae haiinguu, .... Utumu namaa atatoee pala iola, Atimuuya turn wangwayiihi, . . Hapi, yepe umungem passiohti, Palanakhoputa shaatsinhoputa paassiohti, 4. To the East. Haowhaow inguu, Towanashabee Qoyawi kae haiinguu Utumu namaa ahopoo aqocha iola Atimuuya turn wangwayiihi, . . Hapi, yepe umungem passiohti, Shaatsinhoputa nayawunhoputa* paassiohti, Haowhaow,' my mothjer, Towanashabee.* (The) yellow corn ear, my mother. Let us go together north to the yellow iola.' The children, let us call (them). Hapi, here we have for you a ceremony. 'See note. Haowhaow, my mother, Towanashabee. The blue corn ear, my mother. Let us go together west to the green iola. The children, let us call (them). Hapi, here we have for you a ceremony. ■See note. Haowhaow, my mother, Towanashabee. The red corn ear, my mother. Let us go together south to the red iola. The children, let us call (them). Hapi, here we have for you a ceremony. ■ See note. Haowhaow, my mother, Towanashabee. (The) white corn ear, my mother. Let us go together east to the white iola. The children, let us call (them). Hapi, here we have for you a ceremony. -See note. 1. An exclamation, difficult to translate; similar to " oh." 2. See note on Towanashabee under third song. 3. Iola is an archaic word. It very likely means corn ear. One priest said that he had heard it meant mother. 4. The exact meaning of the word passiohti is somewhat obscure. Sometimes it is used where we would use such terms as "ended," " finished." " completed." But it also seems to have a meaning that refers to religious exercises, and further investigations will probably show that it may properly be translated: "to hold a ceremony," to "worship," etc. And some such a meaning it very likely has here in this song. Different forms of the word exist. 5. Having thus far been unable to find the meaning of archaic word hofiuta, I am at a loss how to translate this line. One priest thought lioputa referred to the beads and ear pendants worn by the priests and also by various fetishes in the ceremonies. But I am much more inclined to believe that it refers to the small stones and pieces of shell lying by the sides of the corn ears around the medicine bowl in nearly every ceremony. In the first place, certain Hopi songs do refer to them; secondly, an old man, one of the best authorities on songs in Oraibi, gave me the following " old " words for these objects. Some of them occur in this song: 134 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. } These three are given in a different order by others. (i) Naydwuna, a yellowish white stone (north', (a) Sowimina (now generally called choshmuma), turquoise (west). (3) Wa-wuna, a pink stone of which certain beads are made (south). (4)' Shaatcina, a whitish pearly substance from shells (east). (5) i4»7i/a«^a, a black stone (above). (6) Tcimotcima. a grayish stone (below). So if this opinion be correct— and I am inclined to so consider it until a better one is found — this line would refer to the whitish yellow or yellowish white object (Nayawuna) on the north and the green object on the west side of the medicine bowl, etc. Attention is here drawn to the fact that in every verse first the object is mentioned of the direction or cardinal point towards which that verse is sung and the one belonging to the next direction, an order of things which the author has observed in other Hopi songs. 6. Referring to the green stone on the west and the red stone (or sometimes shell) on the south of the medicine bowl. Others give wawuna for west, sowimina for the south. 7. Referring to the red stone (or shell) on the south, or the white on the east side. 8. Referring to the white stone, Shaatcina (archaic) , or shell, on the east, and the yellowish stone, nayawuna, on the north side. Others give sowimina for the east. FIFTH SONG. {Whistling Song}) I. To the North. Ahayihi ahayihi, Ayihi ayihi, Ahayihi ahayihi ahayihi, . . . Ayihi ayihi ahayihi, Iki oohove, My house above. >Meaning obscure. Oriole ingwato.' Whistle to the different cardinal points!? Meaning obscure. Meaning obscure. >Meaning obscure. Tanvamanaoo ingwato* . . . Nahahoi ttihotoqimahahahai, . Shoholahawaka* vihimahay, . . Kuwanhawaka* vihimahay," . . Ahahayihihi ahahayihihi, . . . Ahayihi ahayihi, Ayihi ayihi, Ahayihi ahayihi ahayihi, . . . Ayihi ayihi, Ahayihi, 2. To the West. Chohoro ingwato,* Bluebird ingwato. 3. To the South. Kaharo ingwato,* Parrot ingwato. 4. To the East. Pohosionv ingwato,* Magpie ingwato. 5 . To the Northeast [above). Ahasya ingwato,* Asya ingwato. 6. To the Southwesti^below). Topockwa ingwato,* Roadrunner ingwato Ahahayihi ahahayihihi,' .... ♦This is the only line that varies in the different stanzas and so this line only is given in five stanzas. Besides this the whole stanza as given for the north is sung to each cardinal point. Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 135 1. Because while sung: one of the priests, in this case the chief priest, blows with the bone whistle, totdeqpi, into the medicine bowl at stated intervals. 2. An archaic word whith may mean, " come here! " 3. When this line is sunt; the whistle is blown. 4. This word is not understood; someone' thought it meant "good," but that is very doubtful. 5. Also an archaic word; but one of the priests suggested that it meant happy, saying that it is derived from wimaa. 6. May mean beautiful, from kuwawauna? 7. These two words are sung after the sixth stanza only. SIXTH SONG. Chochong {Smoking) Song. Tomuhoviyooonahay, ... . Toohomuhoviyooonahay, . Tomuhoviyooonahay, . . Tohohomohoviyooonahay, And hawiyoonahay, . . . Aaahanahaviyooonahay, . Anahaviyoonahay, . . . Ahahanahaviyooonahay,* . ♦This song is sung four times without any variations. It is probable that it is a remnant of an obsolete song, this being all the priests know about it. The author has noticed on other occa- sions that where parts of old songs seem to be forgotten, the parts that are Icnown are sung instead and frequently repeated. An old priest said he had heard that ana was an old word for tobacco. It is not quite apparent why the song is called Smoking Song, no special smoking taking place while it is being sung. This may, however, be the case in other ceremonies, several of the Powamu songs also being used by other societies. SEVENTH SONG. ( Yonawi.'^) Ha ayo ayo ayo aye ayo ayo nayiwaa,* • . . Ha ayo ayo ayo ayo ayo ayo nayiwaa, . . . . Hatumu tumu tiimu tumu tumu tumu nayonaa," Hatumu tumu tumu tumu tumu tiimu nayonaa, *This song is sung four times without any variations. 1. From yona, to owe something, to be indebted to. 2. The words in this line seem to be archaic. Someone suggested that ayo meant "here," and an old man from another village stated that nayiwaa meant " cold," but neither could thus far be confirmed. 3. //Meaning obscure. Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai, . . Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai, . . Itaham hahahacihita sivahavayina, . We are happy' over the haci.' Itaham hahahacihita sivahavayina, . We are happy over the haci. Umiingaham kuwahaaow unanwaha kwushihiwaniwa! May it bring you a beautiful' heartl Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 137 Umungaham wopahakatchihi kwushi- hiwaniwa! Hinahaianibiyahaha, . Nahahahai,* 2. To the West. Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai, . . Hinahaianiiyahahahaana Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai, . . Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianiiyahahahaana Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai, . . Itaham chorohocihita sivahavayina, . Itaham chorohocihita sivahavayina, . Umungaham kuwahaaow unanwaha kwushihiwaniwa! Umungaham wopahakatchihi kwushi- hiwaniwa! Hinahaianihiyahaha, Nahahahai, 3. To the South. Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai, . . Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianiiyahahahaana Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai, . . Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, . , . . . Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai, . . Itaham manahacihita sivahavayina, . Itaham manahacihita sivahavayina, . Umungaham kuwahaaow unanwaha kwushihiwaniwa! Umungaham wopahakatchihi kwushi- hiwaniwa! Hinahaianihiyahaha, Nahahahai, 4. To the East. Hinahaianiiyahahahaana Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai, . . Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, . . . . . Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai, . . Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai, . . May it bring you a long life! [-Meaning obscure. ►Meaning obscure. We are happy over the choroci.* We are happy over the choroci. May it bring you a beautiful heart 1 May it bring you a long life! ■Meaning obscure. "Meaning obscure. We are happy over the manaci.' We are happy over the manaci. May it bring you a beautiful heart I May it bring you a long life! ■Meaning obscure. /Meaning obscure. 138 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. Itaham polihicihita sivahavayina, . . Itaham polihicihita sivahavayina, . . Umungaham kuwahaaow unanwaha kwushihiwaniwa! Umungaham wopahakatchihi kwushi- hiwaniwa! Hinahaianihiyahaha, Nahahahai, 5. To the Northeast {above). Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai, . . Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai, . . Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai, . . Itaham akahaucihita sivahavayina, . Itaham akahaucihita sivahavayina, . Umungaham kQwahaaow unanwaha kwushihiwaniwa! Umungaham wopahakatchihi kwushi- hiwaniwa! Hinahaianihiyahaha, Nahahahai, 6. To the Southwest {below). Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianiiyahahahaana Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai, . . Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai, . . Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai, . . Itaham sokohocihita sivahavayina, . Itaham sokohocihita sivahavayina, . Umungaham kuwahaaow unanwaha kwushihiwaniwa! Umungaham wopahakatchihi kwushi- hiwaniwa! Hinahaianihiyahaha, Nahahahai, We are happy over the polici." We are happy over the polici. May it bring you a beautiful heart! May it bring you a long life! -Meaning obscure. 'Meaning obscure. We are happy over the akanci'(sunflower). We are happy over the akanci (sunflower). May it bring you a beautiful heart! May it bring you a long life! -Meaning obscure. ►Meaning obscure. We are happy over the cokoci.* We are happy over the cokoci. May it bring you a beautiful heart! May it bring you a long life! -Meaning obscure. I. The word jm'a7«'a«)'»«a, "we are happy," or " we rejoice," may also be derived from «w«7- tangwu, which means "to grow," "to thrive," "to develop," and is used of growing, thriving people, branches, vines, etc., and one Powamu priest suggested that the word might here have that meaning, in which case this line in the different stanzas would mean: " We thrive," or rather, " may we thrive," or "grow," "develop," like the Kiici^ choroci, etc. Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 139 2. The word ku7vdnaoo has different meanings, but here undoubtedly means "fine," " beautiful," " handsome." A variety of the Tatcioq Katcina is called 'Kuwan Tatcidqti on account of its handsome decorations. 3. Had (Calochortus aureus, Wats.). Girls get the blossoms occasionally and the boys of the village try to take them away from them. 4. Choroci, bluebird blossom (Phocelia ileyxifolia, Torr.)? This herb is a good feed for stock, though it is a little doubtful whether this variety is meant. 5. Manci, girl or maiden blossom (Castilleya linearifolia, Bentham). Used as a "flower" by children, also as a coloring material. 6. Polici, butterfly blossom (Anothera albicaulis, Nutt). A good feed for stock. Also used by ihe Nayang^aptumci, a woman representingchisdeity in the A/arax ceremony. It is furthermore used as a medicine for sterility. 7. Akanci, sunflower blossom (Helianthus annuus, Linn.) A good stock feed. The powder of the yellow blossoms is used to decorate the faces of certain personages in the Oaqol and Logon ceremonies. 8. Coksi, unidentified plant. ELEVENTH SONG. Pichangw Tawi {Face Decorating- Song). A. First Circuit. 1. To the North. Shiwahawai nuuhuuiahai I am happy (or rejoicing"). Shiwahawai nuuhuuiahai, .... I am happy (or rejoicing). Hapi ma ayamo, Towanashabeehe, Hapi ma, over yonder at Towanashabee. Takuri kahaehe, tumaci^ inguu, . (The) yellow corn ear, my (clan) mother.* Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May the children grow* (become large)! Yuwashinaaahai Being clothed,* ahahahai, etc. Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai (obscure). Hahaci uyiyuhui, . • (Over the) Haci* plant, Pichangwatoyahai, For decorating faces, Shiwawayitja nuuhuuhuiyahai, . I am happy. 2. To the West. Hapi ma ayamo, Towanashabeehe, Hapi ma, over yonder at Towanashabee. Sakwapu kahaehe, tumaci inguu, . (The) green corn ear, my (clan) mother, Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May the children grow (become large)! Yuwashinaaahai, Being clothed, ahahahai, etc. Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai (obscure). Choroci uyiyuhui, « (Over the) bluebird blossom plantj Pichangwatoyahai, For decorating faces, Shiwawayina nuuhuuhuiyahai, . . I am happy. 3. To the South. Shiwahawai nuuhuuiaha,* .... I am happy (or rejoicing). Shiwahawai nuuhuuiaha, .... I am happy (or rejoicing). Hapi ma ayamo, Towanashabeehe, Hapi ma, over yonder at Towanashabee. Pawala kahaehe, tumaci inguu, . (The) red corn ear, my (clan) mother. Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May the children grow (become large)! Yuwashinaaahai, Being clothed, ahahahai, etc. Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai (obscure). Manaci uyiyuhui, (Over the) maiden blossom plant, Pichangwatoyahai, For decorating faces, Shiwawayina nuuhuuhuiyahai, . I am happy. 140 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. 4. To the East. Hapi ma ayamo, Towanashabeehe, Hapi ma, over yonder at Towanashabee. Qoyawi kahaehe, tumaci inguu, . (The) white corn ear, my (clan) mother. Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May the children grow (become large)! Yuwashinaaahai, Being clothed, ahahahai, etc. Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai (obscure). Polici uyiyQhui, (Over the) butterfly blossom, Plchangwatoyahai, For decorating faces, Shiwawayina nuuhuuhuiyahai, . I am happy. 5. To the Northeast {above). Shiwahawai nuuhuuiahai/ ... I am happy (or rejoicing). Shiwahawai nuuhuuiahai I am happy (or rejoicing). Hapi ma ayamo, Towanashabeehe, Hapi ma, over yonder at Towanashabee. Kokoma kahaehe, tumaci inguu, . (The) black corn ear, my (clan) mother. Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May the children grow (become large)! Yuwashinaaahai, Being clothed, ahahahai, etc. Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai (obscure). Akanci uyiyiihui (Over the) sunflower blossom plant, Plchangwatoyahai, For decorating faces, Shiwawayina nuuhuuhuiyahai, . . I am happy. 6. To the Southwest {below). Hapi ma ayamo, Towanashabeehe, Hapi ma, over yonder at Towanashabee. Tawakchi kahaehe, tumaci inguu, (The) sweet corn ear, my (clan) mother. Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May the children grow (become large)! Yuwashinaaahai Being clothed, ahahahai, etc. Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai (obscure). Shokoci uyiyuhui, (Over) shokoci* blossom plants, Plchangwatoyahai, For decorating faces, Shiwawayina nuuhuuhuiyahai, . . I am happy. B, Second Circuit. 1. To the North. Hapi ma ayamo, Towanashabeehe, Hapi ma, over yonder at Towanashabee. Takuri kahaehe, tumaci inguu,. . (The) yellow corn ear, my (clan) mother. Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May the children grow (become large)! Yuwashinaaahai, Being clothed, ahahahai, etc. Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai (obscure). Homici uyiyuhui, (Over the) shelled corn blossom plant, Plchangwatoyahai, For decorating faces, Shiwawayina nuuhuuhuiyahai, . . I am happy. 2. To the West. Hapi ma ayamo, Towanashabeehe, Hapi ma, over yonder at Towanashabee. Sakwapu kahaehe, tumaci inguu, . (The) green corn ear, my (clan) mother. Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May the children grow (become large)! Yuwashinaaahai, Being clothed, ahahahai, etc. Ahahaiahai Ahahahai (obscure). Morici iayiyuhui, (Over the) bean blossom plant, Plchangwatoyahai, For decorating faces, Shiwawayina nuuhuuhuiyahai, . . I am happy. Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 141 3. To the South. Hapi ma ayamo, Towanashabeehe, Hapi ma, over yonder at Towanashabee. Pawala kahaehe, tumaci inguu, . (The) red corn ear, my (clan) mother. Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May the children grow (become large)! Yuwashinaaahai, Being clothed, ahahahai, etc. Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai (obscure). Batangci Qyiyuhui, (Over the) squash blossom plant, Pichangwatoyahai, For decorating faces, Shiwawayina nuuhuuhuiyahai, . . I am happy. 4. To the East. Hapi ma ayamo, Towanashabeehe, Hapi ma, over yonder at Towanashabee. Qoyawi kahaehe, tumaci inguu, . (The) white corn ear, my (clan) mother. Tiwungwinimuyuhai May the children grow (become large)! Yuwashinaaahai, Being clothed, ahahahai, etc. Ahahaiahai Ahahahai (obscure). Pichinci iiyiyuhui, (Over the) cotton blossom plant, Pichangwatoyahai, For decorating faces, Shiwawayina nuuhuuhuiyahai, . . I am happy. 5. To the Northeast {above) ^ Hapi ma ayamo, Towanashabeehe, Hapi ma, over yonder at Towanashabee. Kokoma kahaehe, tumaci inguu, . (The) black corn ear, my (clan) mother. Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May the children grow (become large)! Yuwashinaaahai, Being clothed, ahahahai, etc. Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai (obscure). Kawaici uyiyuhui, (Over the) watermelon blossom plant, Pichangwatoyahai, For decorating faces, Shiwawayina nuuhuuhuiyahai, . . I am happy. 6. To the Southwestibelow). Hapi ma ayamo, Towanashabeehe, Hapi ma, over yonder at Towanashabee. Tawakchi kahaehe, tumaci inguu, . (The) sweet corn ear, my (clan) mother. Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May the children grow (become large)! Yuwashinaaahai, Being clothed, ahahahai, etc. Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai (obscure). Melonci uyiyuhui, (Over the) melon blossom plant, Pichangwatoyahai For decorating faces, Shiwawayina nuuhuuhuiyahai, . . I am happy. C. Third Circuit. I. To the North. Hapi ma ayamo, Towanashabeehe, Hapi ma, over yonder at Towanashabee. Takuri kahaehe, tumaci inguu,. . (The) yellow corn ear, my (clan) mother. Tiwungwinimuyuhai! May the children grow (become large)! Yuwashinaaahai, Being clothed, ahahahai, etc. Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai (obscure). Talaoci iiyiyuhui, (Over the) dawn blossom plant, Pichangwatoyahai, For decorating faces, Shiwawayina nuuhuuhuiyahai, . . I am happy. 142 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III. 2. To the West. Hapi ma ayamo, Towanashabeehe, Hapi ma, over yonder at Towanashabee. Sakwapu kahaehe, tumaci inguu, . (The) green corn ear, my (clan) mother. Tiwungwiiiimuyuhai! May the children grow (become large)! Yuwashinaaahai, Being clothed, ahahahai, etc. Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai (obscure). Tokwunangwci uyiyuhui, .... (Over the) tokwunangw* blossom plant, Pichangwatoyahai, For decorating faces, Shiwawayina nuuhuuhuiyahai, . . I am- happy. 3. To the South. Hapi ma ayamo, Towanashabeehe, Hapi ma, over yonder at Towanashabee. Pawala kahaehe, tumaci inguu, . (The) red corn ear, my (clan) mother. Tiwungwinimuyuhai! May the children grow (become large)! Yuwashinaaahai, Being clothed, ahahahai, etc. Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai (obscure). Katcici uyiyiihui, (Over the) "life blossom "'" plant, Pichangwatoyahai, For decorating faces, Shiwawayina nuuhuuhuiyahai, . . I am happy. 4. To the East. Shiwahawai nuuhuuiahai, .... I am happy (or rejoicing). Shiwahawai nuuhuuiahai, .... I am happy (or rejoicing). Hapi ma ayamo, Towanashabeehe, Hapi ma, over yonder at Towanashabee. Qciyawi kahaehe, tumaci inguu, . (The) white corn ear, my (clan) mother. Tiwungwinimuyuhai! May the children grow (become large)! Yuwashinaaahai, Being clothed, ahahahai, etc. Ahahaiahai, . . ' Ahahahai (obscure). Tawici uyiyiihui," (Over the) water gourd blosssom plant, Pichangwatoyahai, For decorating faces, Shiwawayina nuuhuuhuiyahai, . . I am happy. 1. See note i, Tenth Song. 2. The rendering, " my clan njother," may upon further investigation be found inaccurate; the word tumact is derived from iumci. .\ man calls a woman who belongs to the same clan to which he belongs his tumct, " clan fellow" or " clan sister," though neither of these words is a literal trans- lation of the word tumci. It may be that " my clan fellow (/«;««), mother," would be a better render- ing of the expression, '7M»2ac/m^tMeaning not known.^ Aniyana aniyana, Aniyanayahahana, Hiyahahanahahahai Aniyana aniyana, Aniyanayaahaana Hiyahahanahahahai, .... Ayanqoho shuhkwinifiaqo, . . . From over there, due' north. Shuhsikangpu wiicoko, Just* (the) yellow eagle wing feather. Itamuyu chionani, chiwanani, . . (Come and) discharm, discharm us. 2. To the West. Aniyana aniyana, .... Aniyanayahahana, . . . Hiyahahanahahahai, . . Ayanqoho shuhtawanqo, . Shu ushkwanqpu wiicoko, Itamuyu chionani, chiwanani, 1 Meaning not known. From over there, due west. Just (the) blue eagle wing feather. (Come and) discharm, discharm us. ■Meaning not known. 3. To the South. Aniyana aniyana, Aniyanayahahana, Hiyahahanahahahai, .... Ayangqoho shutatyaqo, .... From over there, due south. Shupalangpu wiicoko, Just (the) red eagle wing feather. Itamuyu chionani, chiwanani, . . (Come and) discharm, discharm us. 4. To the East. Aniyana aniyana, Aniyanayahahana, Hiyahahanahahahai Ayanqo shushhopaqo Shuuqotcwi wiicoko, Itamuyu chionani, chiwanani, . . 5. To the Northeast {above). Aniyana aniyana, Aniyanayahahana, Hiyahahanahahahai, Ayanqo shushongaqo, . . . . . Shuuqomvi wiicoko, Itamuyu chionani, chiwanani, . . ^Meaning not known. From over there, due north. Just (the) white eagle wing feather. (Come and) discharm, discharm us. ^Meaning not known. From over there, due (just) above. Just (the) black eagle tail feather. (Come and) discharm, discharm us. Dec. 1901. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 149 6. To the Southwest (below). Aniyana aniyana, "1 Aniyanayahahana ^Meaning not known. Hiyahahanahahahai, | Ayaqoho shuatyaqo, From over there, due (just) below. Coonwaiyo pawonmana/ .... Beautiful corn stalk maiden. Itamuyuwungwinani,wungwinana, (Come and) raise,* raise us. Aniyana aniyana, . . . . "l Aniyahayahana K Meaning not known. Hiyahahanahahahai, ... 1. The paraphernalia of every secret society is supposed to exert a certain charm on any- one coming in contact with them or even seeing them. This charm is of an evil nature to anyone not a member of that fraternity. The charm of theSnaice fraternity is a swelling of any part of the body, but principally of the abdomen; that of the Lalakontu a peculiar eczema, that of the Powamu fraternity a swelling of the knee, etc. Thus the author is at present treating an old man for a swelling in the foot. He is said to be Tcu naapanvu (snake charmed), and lately the author was treating a man whose knee was bent from rheumatism'and who Was supposed to have been hurt by the charm of the Popwamu. In either case the chief priest of the respective order was called to drive out the charm, which he tried to do by singing the Naivohchi ta-ivi (discharming song). In order to relieve the participants in a secret ceremony of this Charm so that it should not extend its evil influence to any uninitiated, all gather around the fireplace at the conclusion of the ceremony and sing this song in connection with certain ceremonies,. as described at the proper place in this paper. (See page 109.) 2. It seems strange that we have thus far been unable to ascertain the meaning of this word aniyana or aniyaana, which occurs in so many Hoi)i songs. 3. The prefix jAm, here translated "due," may also mean "just," " straight," "exactly," etc. 4. See previous note. . . 5. No explanation could be given by the priests why the last two lines in the sixth stanza should be so different from what would be expected from the order observed in the other five stanzas. The corn stalk is considered to be of female gender and called a ntana, virgin, or maiden, although she is supposed to have children (the corn ears), as has already been explained. The corn ear which is given to the candidates for initiation. is also said .to be a tftana, virgin, although the owner calls it his mother, because, the Hopi say, they live on and draw life from the corn as the child draws life from its mother. 6. The word " raise" is here used in the sense that we speak of a child being raised. The yirord in the original may also be rendered " to grow," " to become large." See previous note. PAWALAWU SONGS.i /. Natwan Tawi {Planting Song). A. Places Mentioned West of Oraibi. Tahaow, tahaow muraa, . . . . ) Tahaow, tahaow muraa, .... J Meaning obscure.'^ Uhuyi yuyaha, Thq pjants are being clothed.* 1 Tahawaha wikimuyiwa The sun he is bringing. Tahawaha wunimuyiwa The sun he is watching.* Apoh'niwa tahawata pakiqohoo, . Whenat Apohoniwa*^ the sun is setting. Uhuyi yuyaha, The plants are being clothed. 2 Tahawaha wikimuyiwa, .... The sun he is bringing. Tahawaha wunimuyiwa, .... The sun he is watching. Polikiwa tahawata pakiqohoo, . . When at Polikiwa* the sun is setting. Uhuyi yuyaha, The plants are being clothed. 150 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropologv^ Vol. III. 3 Tahawaha wikimuyiwa, . . . The sun he is bringing'. Tahawa wunimiiyiwu, The sun he is watching. Angwushkiwatahawatapakiqohoo, When at Angwushki^ the sun is setting. Uhuyi yuyaha, The plants are being clothed. 4 Tahawaha wikimuyiwa, .... The sun he is bringing. Tahawaha wunimuyiwa The sun he is watching. Kihishkiwa tahawata pakiqohoo, . When at Kishki* the sun is setting. Uhuyi yiiyaha, The plants are being clothed. 5 Tahawaha wikimuyiwa, .... The sun he is bringing. Tahawaha wunimuyiwa, .... The sun he is watching. Biwashchomo tawahato pakiqohoo, When at Biwashchomo* the sun is setting. Uhuyi yuyaha, The plants are being clothed. 6 Tahawaha wikimuyiwa, .... The sun he is bringing. Tahawaha wunimuyiwa The sun he is watching. Matcikuypiwatahawata pakiqohoo, When at Matcikuypi'" the sun is setting. Uhuyi yuyaha, The plants are being clothed. 7 Tahawaha wikimuyiwa, .... The sun he is bringing. Tahawaha wunimiiyiwa, .... The sun he is watching. Tobospiwa tahawata pakiqohoo, . When at Tohospi" the sun is setting. Uhuyi yiiyaha The plants are being clothed. 8 Tahawaha wikimviyiwa, .... The sun he is bringing. Tahawaha wunimiiyiwa, .... The sun he is watching. Awawawa tahawata pakiqohoo, . When at Awaawa'" the sun is setting. Uhuyi yuyaha, The plants are being clothed. 9 Tahawaha wikimuyiwa, .... The sun he is bringing. Tahawaha wunimuyiwa, .... The sun he is watching. Piihiipava tahawata pakiqohoo, . When at the traiP' the sun is setting. Uhuyi yuyaha The plants are being clothed. 10 Tahawaha wikimuyiwa, .• . . . The sun he is bringing. Tahawaha wunimuyiwa, .... The sun he is watching. Shiwaatciwa tahawata pakiqohoo, When at Shiwaatciwi'* the sun is setting. Uhuyi yuyaha, The plants are being clothed. 11 Tahawaha wikimiiyiwa, .... The sun he is bringing. Tahawaha wunimiiyiwa, .... The sun he is watching. Tcookavowa tahawata pakiqohoo, When at Tcookavo'* the sun is setting. Uhuyi yuyaha, The plants are being clothed. B. Places Mentioned East of Oraibi. 1 Tahawaha wikimuyiwa, Tahawaha wunimuyiwa, Tukwaachiwi tahawata qoho, Uhuyi yuyaha, .... 2 Tahawaha wikimiiyiwa, Tahawaha wunimuyiwa, yamaqo The sun he is bringing. The sun he is watching. When at Tukwaachiwi'" the sun is rising. The plants are being clothed. The sun he is bringing. The sun he is watching. Kwihihovi tahawata yamaqoqoho, When at Kwiwiovi*' the sun is rising. Uhuyi yiiyaha, The plants are being clothed. Dec. 1 90 1. The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony — Voth. 151 3 Tahawaha wikimuyiwa The sun he is bringing. Tahawaha wunimuyiwa, .... The sun he is watching. Hotakpiwu tahawata yamaqoqoho, When at Hotaku" the sun is rising. Uhiiyi yuyaha, The plants are being clothed. 4 Tahawaha wikimuyiwa, .... The sun he is bringing. Tahawaha wunimuyina, .... The sun he is watching. Munaooi tahawata pamaqoqoho, . When at Mufiaooi" the sun is rising. Uhuyi yuyaha, The plants are being clothed. 5 Tahawaha wikimuyiwa, .... The sun he is bringing. Tahawaha wunimuyiwa, .... The sun he is watching. Hatikupiwa tahawata yamaqoqoho, When at Hatikuypi'" the sun is rising. Uhiiyi yuyaha, The plants are being clothed. 6 Tahawaha wikimuyiwa, .... The sun he is bringing. Tahawaha wunimuyiwa, .... The sun he is watching. Moriuypiwa tahawata yamaqoqoho, When at Moriuypi" the sun is rising. Uhuyi yuyaha, The plants are being clothed. 7 Tahawaha wikimuyiwa, .... The sun he is bringing. Tahawaha wunimuyiwa, .... The sun he is watching. Tobaawawa tahawata yamaqoqoho. When at Tobaawawa" the sun is rising. Uhuyi yuyaha, The plants are being clothed. 8 Tahawaha wikimuyiwa The sun he is bringing. Tahawaha wunimuyiwa, .... The sun he is watching. Oatcmowa tahawata yamaqoqoho. When at Oatcma" the sun is rising. Uhuhi yuyaha, The plants are being clothed. 9 Tahawaha wikimuyiwa, .... The sun he is bringing. Tahawaha wunimuyiwa, .... The sun he is watching. Tuhutckwahat anashat yamaqo- ) When midway at the fields'* the sun is qoho, ) rising. Uhuyi yuyaha, The plants are being clothed. 10 Tahawaha wikimuyiwa The sun he is bringing. Tahawaha wunimiiyiwa The sun he is watching. Tawakingaqo tahawata yamaqo- ^ When at the sun shrine'* the sun is ris- qoho J ing. Uhuyi yuyaha, The plants are being clothed. Tahaow, tahoow muraa, . . . ■> Tahaow, tahoow muraa, . . . I Meaning obscure. Tahaow, tahoow muraa, ... I Tahaow, tahoow wikimuyiwa, . . The sun he is bringing. UhQyi yuyaha, The plants are being clothed. 1. Unfortunately only three of the Powalawu songs could thus far be obtained, and it is to be feared that with the old Powamu chief most of them will die out. 2. The first two words refer to the sun, but as the meaning of the last word seems to be lost, it is difficult to say what these two lines really say. 3. The idea is that the seeds and plants supposed to be planted at the time when the sun rises or sets at the places named in the different verses are being clothed or dressed in the ground —probably with moisture and the power of germination — so that they can grow. When asked by whom, the priests said that they did not know, but thought by Muyingwa, the God of Germination, 152 Field Columkian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. III.. who is supposed to live atyaka (below). The husks on a- corn ear are called its clothes, and the putting on of feathers and herbs on a baho is called clothing or dressing it, and of clouds it is said that they are clothed with balaye (rain water). 4. Reference is here made to the watching of the sun and the infiuencing of his return by the priests. It is said that especially the Flute priests are here meant because from January, when the Flute priests make baJios especially to the sun, until the summer solstice, when they do so again, it is their business to see that the sun receives his proper prayer offerings; while from the summer to the winter solstice the sun is under the "care" of the Soyal priest, who also controls the Soyal ceremony by which the sun is sup))0sed to be induced to return from his southward course. 5. A high peak northwest of Oraibi. 6. k small bluff northwest of Oraibi called " Butterfly house." 7. " Crow house," a steep bluff northwest of Oraibi, a favorite place for crows. 8. " Hawk house," a bluff in the same direction from Oraibi, a favorite hatching place for hawks. 9. " Breast hill," referring to the shape of the knoll, which is said to resemble that of a female breast. .Also northwest of Oraibi. 10. .\ place in the same direction. Meaning obscure; perhaps "hand cup" or "hand vessel," the name being derived from its shape. 11. K place in the same direction. Meaning obscure; might perhaps mean an implement for grinding tohci (sweet corn-meal). 12. .A ridge-like elevation consisting principally of awu