LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN • From the collection of Julius Doerne]:*, Chicago Purchased, 1918 941 3co8t V.3 The person charging this material is re¬ sponsible for its return to the library from which it was withdrawn on or before the Latest Date stamped below. Theft, mutilation, and underlining of books are reasons for disciplinary action and may result in dismissal from the University. To renew call Telephone Center, 333-8400 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2019 with funding from University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign Alternates https://archive.org/details/talesofgrandfath03scot TiirKrr, A HiSY ^ 0 W f\ K K SC>0T1F, Its.f\ iH(!' 'VQiL^nii, ■ TALES OF A GRANDFATHER (HISTORY OF SCOTLAND) BY SIE WALTER SCOTT, BART. IN THREE VOLUMES. VOL. III. WITH NOTES. EDINBURGH: ROBERT CADELL, ST. ANDREW SQUARE. M.DCCC.XLII. EDINBURGH ; PRINTED BY T. CONSTABLE PRINTER TO HER MAJESTY. CONTENTS OF VOLUME III. LXIV.—Influence of the Duchess of Marlborough over Queen Anne—Trial of Doctor Sacheverel—Uniropularity of the Whigs—their Dismissal—Ac¬ cession of the Tory Party to Power—Peace of Utrecht—Plan of the Queen for her Brother’s Sucession to the Throne—Proceedings of the Faculty of Advocates at Edinburgh on being presented with a Medal of the Cheva¬ lier—Intrigues of Bolingbroke—Duel between the Duke of Hamilton and Lord Mohun—Mission ot Bolingbroke to Paris, Chap. LXV.—Persecution of the Scottish Episcopalians by the Presby¬ terians—Act of Toleration—Abjuration Oath—Law of Patronage—Pen¬ sions to the Highland Chiefs—Preparations of the Whigs to secure the succession of the House of Hanover—Quarrel between Oxford and Bo¬ lingbroke—Death of Queen Anne, ..... Chap. LX VI.—Proclamation of King George 1.—The Earl of Stair’s Em¬ bassy to France—his influence in preventing opposition on the part of Louis XIV. to the accession of the Elector of Hanover—State of Parties on the arrival of George I.—Imprisonment of Oxford, and impeachment of Bolingbroke and Ormond—Insurrection planned by the J acobites—The Earl of Mar, repulsed in his advances to the new Monarch, retires to Scot¬ land—The Scottish Cavaliers—Hunting of Braemar, and resolution of the Jucobite Leaders to take up arms—Attempt to surprise Edinburgh Castle —Preparations of Government to oppose the Insurgent Jacobites, . Chap. LX VII.—Raising of the Standard for the Chevalier de St. George, and Proclamation of him as James VIII. of Scotland, and III. of England and Ireland—Capture of Perth by the Jacobites, and Seizure of 200 Stand of Arms from a Vessel in the Frith of Forth—Character of Mar’s Army —Incajjacity of Mar as a General—Plan of an Expedition into the Low Country, ......... Chap. LX VIII.—Progress of Insurrection in the South of Scotland—Catas¬ trophe in the Family of Hepburn of Keith—Rising of the Jacobites of the Western Frontier under Kenmure, and of those of the North ol England under Forster—Junction of Kenmure’s party Avith that of For¬ ster—Reinforcements join Mar at Perth—Delay in the Rising of the Western Clans—Procrastination of Mar—Descent of Macintosh upon Lothian—Junction of Macintosh with Kenmure and Forster at Kelso— They hold a Council, • • IV CONTENTS. FAGR Chap. LXIX.—The Earl of Mar remains inactive at Perth—his Resolution to march upon Stirling—his Advance, Abandonment of the Plan, and Return to Perth—Surprisal of a Jacobite Detachment at Dunfermline— Argyle joined by Reinforcements—Mar also joined by Seaforth, General Gordon, with the Clans of the West, ..... 68 Chap. LXX.—Motives of the Earl of Mar for Undertaking the Insurrec¬ tion—Causes which devolved the Command of the Army upon him—In¬ terception of Supplies of Arms and Ammunition destined for the J acobite Army—Addresses to the Chevalier de St. George and the Duke of Orleans from the Army at Perth—Dissatisfaction among Mar’s Army—Plans of Mar—March of Mar from Perth, and of Argyle from Stirling—Mar’s Coun¬ cil of War—Battle of Sheriffmuir, ..... 74 Chap. LXXI.—Mar’s Retreat to Perth—Dissensions among the Troops under Forster and Kenmure—Forster returns to England, and is recog¬ nised as General of the Chevalier’s Forces there—He marches to Pres¬ ton, is blockaded there by General Willis, and surrenders at Discretion —The Prisoners of Rank sent to London—Escape of Forster, Macintosh, and Hepburn of Keith—Execution of Derwentwater and Kenmure— Escape of Nithisdale—the other Noblemen pardoned, after a long Impri¬ sonment, .... ..... 88 Chap. LXXII. — The Arrival of Dutch Troops—Simon Fraser of Lovat — Desertion of the Clan Fraser to the Whig Interest—A General Council of the Jacobite Leaders breaks up without coming to any Conclusion—An Offer of Submission upon Terms, made to Argyle, and Rejected—Arri¬ val of the Chevalier—Exertions of Argyle to put an end to the Rebellion —His March towards Perth—Exultation of the Jacobite Highlanders in the Prospect of another Battle—their Fury and Despair on a Retreat being resolved on, . . . . . . . ]t)3 » Chap. LXXIII.—Retreat of the Jacobite Army from Perth—Escape of the Chevalier and the Earl of Mar—Dispersion of the Jacobite Army—Inca¬ pacity of Mar as a General—Argyle’s Arrival in London—He is deprived of all his Employments—Causes of this Act of Ingratitude on the part of the English Government —Trial of the Jacobite Prisoners, at Carlisle —Disarming of the Highlanders—Sale of Forfeited Estates—Plan of Charles XII. of Sweden for Restoring the Stewarts—Expedition fitted out by Cardinal Alberonj for the same purpose—Battle of Glenshiel— the Enterprise abandoned, . . . . . . 116 Chap. LXXIV.—Plans for the Pacification and Improvement of the High¬ lands-Highland Roads—Tax upon Ale—Opposition to it in Scotland— Riots at Glasgow—The Brewers of Edinburgh—Decay of Jacobitism— The Porteous Mob, ....... 124 Chap. LXXV.—State of the Lowlands—Landlords and Tenants—State of Learning—Oaths of Office—Decay of the Feudal Authority of Landlords —State of the Highlands—Influence of the Chiefs—Cameron of Lochiel and Fraser of Lovat—Unpopularity of the first two Georges, and of Wal- CONTENTS. V PAOB pole’s Administration—Marriage of the Chevalier de St. George—Petty Intrigues among his Adherents—Character of Prince Charles Edward— Projected Invasion on his behalf, in 1744—The French Fleet dispersed— Resolution of Prince Charles to try his fortune in Scotland—he Embarks and Lands at Moidart.— Notk, Personal Appearance and Demeanour of Prince Charles, . . . . . . . .140 Chap. LXXVI. — Commencement of Hostilities— Raising of Prince Charles’s Standard—March of Sir John Cope into the Highlands—In¬ trigues of Lord Lovat—Preparations of the Prince for fighting Cope, who takes the Route to Inverness—March of Prince Charles towards the South—Character of Lord George Murray—.Arrival of the Highland Army at Perth, ........ 165 Chap. LXXVII.—Preparations for defending Edinburgh against Prince Charles, who Marches from Perth—Confusion occasioned by his ap¬ proach to Edinburgh—Pusillanimity of the Volunteers—Flight of two Regiments of Dragoons—Consternation of the Citizens—Negotiations be¬ tween the Magistrates and the Prince—The City Captured—Prince Charles takes possession of the Palace of Holyrood—Appearance of his Army, 181 Chap. LXXVIII.—Proclamation of James VIII. at the Cross of Edin¬ burgh—Supplies raised from the City by Prince Charles—Landing of Cope’s Army at Dunbar—Battle of Preston—Total Rout of Cope’s Army, 196 Chap. LXXIX.—Prince Charles’s Proclamations on returning to Edin¬ burgh—Results of his Victory at Preston—his Plans and Levies—his Council and Court at Holyroodhouse—Arrival of French Vessels with Supplies—Duplicity of Lord Lovat—Resolution of Charles to march into England—his Arrival at Carlisle—at Preston—at Manchester—Alarm of Government—Resolution of George 11. to take the Field in person—Ar¬ rival of Charles at Derby—Lord George Murray urges Retreat, . 213 Chap. LXXX.—Retreat of the Highland Army from Derby—Dejection of the Prince—Pursuit by the Duke of Cumberland—Skirmish at Clifton— Reinforcements left with the Jacobite Garrison in Carlisle—the High¬ land Army re-enter Scotland, ...... 240 Chap. LXXXI.—State of Aflairs in Scotland—Spirit of Resistance to the Jacobites—Fines levied by Prince Charles from Dumfries and Glasgow —Levies for his Service assembled at Perth—Failure of Richelieu’s pro¬ jected Expedition—Junction of the Jacobite Forces at Stirling—Surren¬ der of Carlisle to the Duke of Cumberland—General Hawley appointed to the Command in Scotland—Battle of Falkirk—The Duke of Cumber¬ land appointed to the Chief Command in Scotland, . . 247 Chap. LXXXII.—Retreat of Prince Charles’s Army from Stirling into the Highlands—The Rout of Moy—Arrival of Hessian Troops—Council held at Edinburgh by the Duke of Cumberland and the Prince of Hesse Cassel—Disappointment of Prince Charles’s hopes of Assistance from VI CONTENTS. rAOB France—Lord George Murray seizes the Military Posts in Athole—in¬ vests the Castle of Blair—The Prince’s suspicions of Lord George Mur¬ ray’s fidelity, ....... 265 Chap. LXXXIII.—Dispersion of the Forces under Lord Loudon, and Oc¬ cupation of Sutherland by the Earl of Cromarty—The Duke of Cumber¬ land’s Army crosses the Spey—Dissatisfaction among Prince Charles’s Followers—Resolution of the Prince to fight the Duke of Cumberland— Council of War—Night March undertaken with a view to surprise the Duke of Cumberland’s Camp at Nairne—its Failure, and Retreat of the Highland army to Culloden—Battle of Culloden, . . . 280 Chap. LXXXIV.—Claims of the Jacobite Prisoners to Clemency—Seve¬ rity of the Duke of Cumberland—Ravages committed by his Troops— his return to London, and Cessation of Cruelties in the Highlands—Es¬ cape of Prince Charles—his remarkable Wanderings, in various Dis¬ guises—his Embarkation at Lochnanuagh, and arrival at Morlaix, in Britanny, on the 2.9th of September, 1746, .... 29i> Chap. LXXXV.—Lord George Murray—Pardon of Murray of Broughton, on his becoming Evidence for the Prosecutions—Trials of the Earls of Kilmarnock, Cromarty, and Lord Balmerino—Reprieve of Cromarty— Execution of Kilmarnock and Balmerino—Trial and Execution of Lord Lovat—Executions on Kennington Common, at Brampton, Penrith, York, and Carlisle—Act of Indemnity—Short Imprisonment of Flora MacDonald—Long Period during which Prosecutions of the Jacobites were kept on Foot, . . . . . . . 313 Chap. LXXXVL—Daring Character of Prince Charles’s Enterprise—The Consequences that must have attended its Success—Causes which Con¬ tributed to Charles’s temporary Success—False Lustre which Romance throws around the System of Clanship—Abuses to which that System led —Proscription of the Highland Garb—Abolition of Hereditary Jurisdic¬ tions, and of Feudal Tenures, ...... 325 Chap. LXXXVII.—Allowance granted by France to Charles’s Followers —Removal of the Prince from France—Miss Walkinshaw—Charles’s Visit to London-Jacobite Intrigues—Death of Prince Charles and of his brother, Cajrdinal Duke of York—Changes etfected in the Highlands— Decay of the System of Clanship—the Jacobites become reconciled to the House of Hanover—Restoration of the Forfeited Estates—The Highland Garb again permitted to be worn—Introduction of Store Farming-—Im¬ provement in the Agriculture and Commerce of Scotland, . . 333 TALES OF A GRANDFATHEE. CHAPTER LXIV. Injiuence of the Duchess of Marlborough over Queen Anne—Trial of Doctor Sacheverel—Unpojmlarity of the Whigs—their Dis¬ missal—Accession of Harley and the Tory Party to Poicer — Peace of Utrecht—Plan of the Queen for hringing in her Brother as Successor to the Throne—Proceedings of the Faculty of Advo¬ cates at Edinburgh on being presented uith a Medal of the Che¬ valier—Intrigues of Bolingbroke—Duel between the Duke of Hamilton and Lord Mohun—Mission of Bolingbroke to Paris. [Retrospect, 1708—1713.] In my last Chapter I detailed to you the consequences of the Union, and told you how the unfair, unkind, and disparaging re¬ ception which the English afforded to the Scottish members in the Houses of Lords and Commons, although treating them in their private capacities with every species of kindness, had very nearly occasioned the breach of the treaty. I must now retrace the same ground, to give you a more distinct idea how Britain stood in general politics, independent of the frequent and fretful bicker¬ ings between England and Scotland in the British Parliament. King William, as I have aKeady told you, died in 1701, little lamented by his subjects, for though a man of great ability, he was too cold and phlegmatic to inspire affection, and besides he was a foreigner. In Scotland his memory was little reverenced by, any party. The Highlanders remembered Glencoe, the Low- landers could not forget Darien ; the Episcopalians resented the destruction of their hierarchy, the Presbyterians discovered in his measures something of Erastianism, that is, a purpose of sub¬ jecting the Church to the State. Queen Anne, therefore, succeeded to her brother-in-law, to the general satisfaction of her subjects. Her qualities, too, were such as gained for her attachment and esteem. She was a good wife, a most affectionate mother, a kind mistress, and, to add to her domestic virtues, a most confiding and faithful friend. The object of her attachment in this latter capacity was Lady Churchill, who had been about her person from a very early VOL. III. A 2 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. period. This woman was so high-spirited, haughty, and assuming that even her husband (afterwards the celebrated Duke of Marl¬ borough,) the conqueror in so many battles, frequently came off less than victorious in any domestic dispute with her. To tliis lady, Anne, for several years before her succession to the crown, had been accustomed in a great measure to yield up her own opinions. She left the house of her father, James II., and mingled in the Revolution at the instance of Lady Churchill. At her accession Queen Anne was rather partial to the Tories, both from regarding their principles as more favourable to monarchy, and because, though the love of power, superior to most other feelings, might induce her to take possession of the throne, which by hereditary descent ought to have been that of her father or brother, yet she still felt the ties of family affection, and was attached to that class of politicians who regarded the exiled family with compassion at least, if not with favour. All these. Queen Anne’s own natural wishes and predilections, were over¬ borne by her deference to her favourite’s desires and interest. Their intimacy had assumed so close and confidential a character, that she insisted that her friend should lav aside all the dis- V tinctions of royalty in addressing her, and they corresponded together in terms of the utmost equality, the sovereign assuming the name of Morley, the servant that of Freeman, which Lady Chimchill, now Countess of Marlborough, chose as expressive of the frankness of her own temper. Sunderland and Godolphin were ministers of unquestionable talent, who carried on with perseverance and skill the scheme formed by King William for defending the liberties of Europe against the encroachments of France. But Queen Anne reposed her confidence in them chiefly because they were closely connected with Mrs. Freeman and her husband. Now, this species of arrangement, my dear boy, was just such a childish whim as when you and your little brother get into a basket, and play at sailing down to A-, to see grand¬ papa. A sovereign cannot enjoy the sort of friendsliip which sub¬ sists between equals, for he cannot have equals with whom to form such a union; and every attempt to play at make-believe intimacy commonly ends in the royal person’s being secretly guid¬ ed and influenced by the flattery and assentation of an artful and smooth-tongued parasite, or tyrannized over by the ascendance of a haughtier and higher mind than his own. The husband of Queen Anne, Prince George of Denmark, might have broken off this extreme familiarity between his wife and her haughty favourite; but he was a quiet, good, humane man, meddling with nothing, and apparently considering himself as unfit for public affairs, which agreed with the opinion entertained of him by others. The death of Queen Anne’s son and heir, the Duke of Glou¬ cester, the sole survivor of a numerous family, by depriving her of the last object of domestic affection, seemed to render the DUCHESS OF MARLBOROUGH. 3 Queen’s extreme attachment to her friend more direct, and Lady Marlborough’s influence became universal. The war which was continued against the French, had the most brilliant success, and the general was loaded with honours; * but the Queen favoured Marlborough less because he was the most accomplished and successful general at that time in the world, than as the husband of her affectionate Mrs. Freeman. In short, the affairs of Eng¬ land, at all times so influential in Europe, turned altogether upon the private friendship between Mrs. Freeman and Mrs. Morley. At the moment when it seemed most completely secure, this intimacy was overthrown by the influence of a petty intrigue in the Queen’s family. The Duchess of Marlborough, otherwise Mrs. Freeman, had used the power with which her mistress’s partiality had invested her, far too roughly. She was avaricious and imperious in her demands, careless, and even insolent in her conduct towards the Queen herself. For some time this was endured as an exercise of that frank privilege of equality with which her Majesty’s friendship had invested her. For a much longer space, it may be supposed, the Queen tolerated her caprice and insolence, partly because she was afraid of her violent tem¬ per, partly because she was ashamed to break off" the romantic engagement which she had herself formed. She was not, how¬ ever, the less impatient of the Duchess of Marlborough’s yoke, or less watchful of an opportunity to cast it off. The Duchess had introduced among the Queen’s attendants, in the capacity of what was called a dresser, a young lady of good birth, named Abigail Hill, a kinswoman of her own. She was the reverse of the Duchess in her temper, being good-humoured, lively, and, from disposition and policy, Avilhng to please her mistress in every manner possible. She attracted by degrees first tlie Queen’s favour, and at length her confidence ; so that Anne sought, in the solicitous attentions and counsels of her new friend, consolation from the rudeness with which the Duchess treated her both in private and public life. The progress of this intimacy was closely watched by Harley, a statesman of talents, and hither¬ to professing the principles of the Whigs. He had been re¬ peatedly Speaker of the House of Commons, and was Secretary of State in the existing Whig administration. But he was ambi¬ tious of higher rank in the cabinet, being conscious of superior talents, and he caballed against the Duchess of Marlborough, in consequence of her having repulsed his civilities tow ards her wdth her usual insolence of manner. The partner of Harley’s counsels 1 The offices and emoluments enjoyed by the Duke of Marlborough at this period are rated at £54,825, those of the duchess at £t)500 per annum. “ A profusion of kindness, which was rather an evidence of the weakness than the generosity of the Queen,” says Dr. Somerville, “ served only to inflame the avarice and multiply the demands of her rapacious dependent. Presents, honours, offices, were accumulated upon her and her husband beyond any precedent of royal munificence. The relations, the dependents, the favourites of the favourite, were preferred in every competition .”—History of Britain during the Reign of Queen Anne, p. 259. 4 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. Was Mr. Henry St. John (afterwards Lord Bolinghroke,) a young man of the most distinguished abilities, and who subsequently made a great figure both in politics and in literature. Harley lost no time in making advances to intimacy with the new faAmurite; and as he claimed some kindred with Miss Hill’s family, this was easily accomplished. This lady’s interest with the Queen was noAv so great that she Avas able to procure her cousin private audiences with the Queen, who, accustomed to the harshness of the Duchess of Marlborough, whose tone of autho¬ rity had been adopted by the Whig Ministers of the higher class, was soothed by the more respectful deportment of these new counsellors. Harley was more submissive and deferential in his manner, and conducted himself Avith an attention to the Queen’s Avishes and opinions, to which she had been hitherto little accus¬ tomed. It Avas undoubtedly his purpose to use the influence thus acquired, to the destruction of Godolphin’s authority, and to ac¬ complish his OAvn rise to the office of first Minister. But his attempt did not succeed in the first instance. His secret in¬ trigues and prh^ate • interviews Avith the Sovereign Avere pre¬ maturely discovered, and Harley and his friends were compelled to resign their offices ; so that the Whig administration seemed more deeply rooted than ever. About the same time. Miss Hill Avas secretly married to Mr. IMasham; a match which gave great offence to the Duchess of Marlborough, who Avas beginning to feel that her relation had superseded her in her mistress’s affections. As this high-tem¬ pered lady found the Queen’s confidence Avas transferred from her, she endeavoured to maintain her ascendancy by threats and in¬ timidation, and was for a time successful in ruling the mind of her late friend by means of fear, as she did formerly by affec¬ tion. But a false step of the Whig administration enabled Queen Anne at last to shake off this intolerable bondage. A silly and hot-headed clergyman, named Sacheverel had preached and printed a political sermon,* in which he main¬ tained high Tory principles, and railed at Godolphin, the Lord High Treasurer, and head of Queen Anne’s Administration, Avhom he termed Volpone, after an odious character so named in one of Ben Jonson’s plays. The gi’eat majority of the landed gentlemen of England were then addicted to Tory principles, and those of the High Church. So bold and daring a sermon, though it had no merit but its audacity to recommend it, pro¬ cured immense popularity amongst them. The Ministers were incensed beyond becoming moderation. The House of Commons impeached the preacher before the tribunal of the House of Lords, and his trial came before the Peers on 27th February, 1710. The utmost degree of publicity Avas giAxn to it, by the efforts of the Wliigs to obtain Doctor Sacheverel’s conviction, ^ The text was in these words of St Paul, “ Perils from false brethren.” CHANGE OF MINISTRY. and a severe sentence, and by the corresponding exertions of the Tories to screen him from punishment. The multitude took up the cry of High Church and Sacheverel, with which they beset the different members of both Houses as they went down to Parliament. The trial, which lasted three weeks, excited pub¬ lic attention, in a degree hitherto almost unknown. The Queen herself attended almost every day, and her sedan chair was sur¬ rounded by crowds, shouting, “ God bless the Queen and Doctor Sacheverel! we hope yom* Majesty is for High Church and Sache¬ verel.” The mob arose, and exhibited their furious zeal for the Church by destroying the chapels and meeting-houses of Dissen¬ ters, and committing similar acts of violence. The consequence was, that the Doctor was found guilty indeed by the House of Peers, but escaped with being suspended from preaching for three years; a sentence so slight,^ that it was re¬ garded by the accused and his friends as an acquittal, and they triumphed accordingly. Bonfires, illuminations, and other marks of rejoicing appeared in celebrating of the victory. As these manifestations of the public sentiment were not con¬ fined to the capital, but extended over all England, they made evident the unpopularity of the Whig government, and en¬ couraged the Queen to put in execution the plan she had long proposed to herself, of changing her Ministry, and endeavouring to negotiate a peace, and terminate the war, which seemed to be protracted without end. Anne, by this change of govern¬ ment and system, desired also to secure the Church, which her old prejudices taught her to believe was in danger—and, above all, to get rid of the tyranny of her former friend, Mrs. Freeman. A new admmistration, therefore, was formed under Harley and St. John, who, being supported by the Tory interest, were chiefly, if not exclusively, governed by Tory principles. At the same time, the Duchess of Marlborough was deprived of all her offices about the Queen’s person, and disgraced, as it is termed, at court, that is, dismissed from favour and employment. Her hus¬ band’s services could not be dispensed with so easily; for while the British army were employed, no general could supply the place of Maidborough, who had so often led them to victory 1 “ The Ministry,” says Lockhart, “ could not prevail in having the punish¬ ment half so high as they designed and expected; for the Queen haying inter- E osed therein, influenced several of the Lords to be tender in that point, which ighly enraged the Ministry, who designed nothing less than the pillory, and being whipt at a cart from the Royal Exchange to Charing Cross, besides a severe fine, long imprisonment, and deprivation of his livings, with an inca¬ pacity of any preferment in the Churcn fdr the future.”— Papers, vol. i., p. 313. 2 “It is to his wife the Duchess,” says Dean Swift, “ the Duke is chiefly indebted for his greatness and his fall; for about twenty years she possessed, without a rival, the favours of the most indulgent mistress in the world, nor ever missed one single opportunity that fell in her way of improving it to her own advantage. She has preserved a tolerable court reputation, with respect to love and gallantry; but three Furies reigned in her breast, the most mortal 6 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. But the Tory Ministers endeavoured to lower him in the eyes of the public, by an investigation into certain indirect emoluments taken in his character as general-in-chief, and to get rid of the indispensable necessity of his military services, by entering into negotiations for peace. The French Government saw and availed themselves of the situation in which that of Britain was placed. They perceived that peace was absolutely necessary to Oxford and Bolingbroke’s existence as ministers, even more so than it was to France as a nation, though her frontiers had been invaded, her armies repeat¬ edly defeated, and even her capital to a certain degree exposed to insult. The consequence was, that the French rose in their terms, and the peace of Utrecht, after much negotiation, was at length concluded, on conditions which, as they respected the allies, and the British nation in particular, were very much disproportioned to the brilliant successes of the war. That article of the treaty, which was supposed by all friends of Revolution principles to be most essential to the independence and internal peace of Great Britain, seemed indeed to have been adjusted with some care. The King of France acknowledged, with all formality, the right of Queen Anne to the throne, gua¬ ranteed the Act of Succession settling it upon the House of Han¬ over, and agreed to expel from his territories the unfortunate son of James II. This was done accordingly. Yet, notwithstanding that the Chevalier de St. George was compelled to remove from the territories of his father’s ally, who, on James’s death, had formally proclaimed him King of England, the unhappy Prince had perhaps at the moment of his expulsion more solid hopes of l^eing restored to his father’s throne, than any which the favour of Louis could have afforded him. This will appear from the fol¬ lowing considerations. Queen Anne, as we have already stated, was attached to the High Church establishment and clergy ; and the principles with which these were embued, if not universally Jacobitical, were at least strongly tinctured with a respect for hereditary right. These doctrines could not be supposed to be very unpleasing to the Queen herself, as a woman or as a sovereign, and there were circumstances in her life which made her more ready to admit them. We have already said, that the part which Anne had taken at the Revolution, by withdrawing from her father’s house, had been detei’mined by the mfluence of Lady Churchill, who enemies of all softer passions, which were sordid Avarice, disdainful Pride, and ungovernable Rage; by the last of these often breaking out in sallies of the most unpardonable sort, she had long alienated her Sovereign’s mind, be¬ fore it appeared to the world. This lady is not without some degree of wit, and has in her time affected the character of it, by the usual method of argu¬ ing against religion, and proving the doctrines of Christianity to be impossible and absurd. Imagine what such a spirit, irritated by the loss of power, favour, and employment, is capable of acting or attempting; and then I have said enough .”—History of the four last years of the Queen, Works, vol. v., pp. 26, 27. VIEWS OF QUEEN ANNE. 7 was now, as Duchess of Marlborough, the object of the Queen’s hatred, as much as ever she had been that of her affection in the character of Mrs. Freeman, and her opinions, and the steps which they had led to, were not probably recollected with much complacency. The desertion of a father, also, however coloured over with political argument, is likely to become towards the close of life a subject of anxious reflection. There is little doubt that the Queen entertained remorse on account of her filial dis¬ obedience ; more especially, when the early death of her children, and finally that of a hopeful young prince, the Duke of Glouces¬ ter, deprived her of all chance of leaving the kingdom to an heir of her own. These deprivations seemed an appropriate punish¬ ment to the disobedient daughter, who had been permitted to as¬ sume for a time her father’s crown, but not to transmit it to her heirs. As the Queen’s health became broken and infirm, it was natural that these compunctious thoughts should become still more engrossing, and that she should feel no pleasure in con¬ templating the prospect which called the Prince of Hanover, a distant relation, to reign over England at her decease; or that she should regard with aversion, almost approaching to horror, a proposal of the Whig party, to invite the Electoral Prince to visit Britain, the crown of which was to devolve upon him after the de¬ cease of its present possessor. On the other hand, the condition of the Chev^ier de St. George, the Queen’s brother, the only surviving male of her family, a person whose restoration to the crown of his fathers might be the work of her own hand, was likely to affect the Queen with compassionate interest, and seem¬ ed to afford her at the same time an opportunity of redressing such wrongs as she might conceive were done to her father, by making large though late amends to his son. Actuated by motives so natural, there is little doubt that Queen Anne, so soon as she had freed herself from the control of the Duchess of Marlborough, began to turn her mind towards fixing the succession of the crown on her brother, the Chevalier de St. George, after her own death, to the prejudice of the act which settled it on the Electoral Prince of Hanover. And she might be the more encouraged to nourish some hopes of success, since a great portion of her subjects of the Three Kingdoms were Jacobites upon principle, and others had but a short step to make from the extremity of Tory sentiments to those which were di¬ rectly favourable to the House of Stewart. Ireland, the last portion of the British dominions which adhered to King James the Second, could not be supposed indifferent to the restoration of his son. In England, a very great proportion of the High Church clergy, the Universities, and the Tory interest, which prevailed among the country gentlemen, entertained the same bias, and were at little pains to conceal it. In Scotland men were still bolder in avowing their opinions, of which there oc¬ curred the following instance. 8 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. The Faculty of Advocates in Scotland, that is to say, the incor¬ porated society of lawyers entitled to practice at the bar, are a body even of more weight and consequence than is attached to them in most countries from the nature of their profession. In the beginning of the 18th century, especially, the Faculty com¬ prehended almost all the sons of good family who did not em¬ brace the army as their choice ; for the sword or gown, accord¬ ing to the ideas of that time, were the only occupations which could be adopted by a gentleman. The Advocates are possess¬ ed of a noble library, and a valuable collection of medals. To this learned body, Elizabeth, Duchess of Gordon (by birth, a daughter of the noble house of Howard, and a keen Jacobite,) sent the present of a medal for their cabinet. It bore on the one side the head of the Chevalier de St. George, with the motto, Cujus estl (Whom does it represent?) and on the reverse the Bri¬ tish Isles, with the legend, Meddite (Restore them.) The Dean of Faculty having presented this very intelligible emblem to his brethren, a debate arose, whether or not it should be received into their collection, which was carried on in very warm language,^ and terminated in a vote, which, by a majority of sixty-three to twelve, resolved on the acceptance of the medal. Two advo¬ cates were deputed to express, in the name of the learned body, their thanks to the Duchess; and they failed not to do it in a man¬ ner expressing pointedly their full comprehension of the import of her Grace’s compliment. They concluded, by stating their hope, that her Grace would soon have a farther opportunity to oblige the Faculty, by presenting them with a second medal on the subject of a restoration. But when the proceeding became public, the Advocates seem to have been alarmed for the conse¬ quences, and at a general meeting of the Faculty (27th July, 1711,) the medal was formally refused, and placed in the hands of the Lord Advocate, to be restored to the Duchess of Gordon. The retractation, however, could not efface the evidence, that ] It was moved that the medal should be returned to her Grace, as their re¬ ceiving it implied insult to the government. “ Oliver Cromwell, who deserved to he hanged,” said Mr. Robert Fraser, “ his medal, and the arms of the Commonwealth of England, had been received, and why not this?”—“When the Pretender is hanged,” said Mr. Duncan Forbes, “it will be time enough to receive the medal.” In which opinion Sir James Stewart of Goodtrees, and others coinciding, Mr. Dundas of Arniston rose in great wrath, and replied, “ Dean of Faculty, whatever these gentlemen may say of their loyalty, I think they affront the Queen whom they pretend to honour, in disgracing her brother, who is not only a prince of the blood, but the first thereof; and if blood can give any right, he is our undoubted sovereign. I think, too, they call her Ma¬ jesty’s title in question, which is not our business to determine. Medals are the documents of history, to which all historians refer; and therefore, though I should give King William’s stamp, with the devil at his right ear, I see not how it (could be refused, seeing one hundred years hence, it would prove that such a coin had been in England. But what needs further speeches! None oppose the receiving the medal and returning thanks to her Grace, but a few pitiful scoundrel vermin and mushrooms, not worthy our notice. Let us there¬ fore proceed to name some of our number to return our hearty thanks to the Duchess of Gordon.”— Tindal’s Continuation of Rapin's History, vol. i., folio, p. 830. OXFORD AND BOLINGBROKE. 0 this learned and important public body, the commentators on the laws of Scotland, from whom the guardians of her juris¬ prudence are selected, had shown such boldness as to give a pub¬ lic mark of adherence to the Chevalier de St. George. It was also remarked, that the Jacobite interest predominated in many of the Scottish elections. While the Queen saw a large party among her subjects in each kingdom well disposed to her brother’s succession, one at least of her ministers was found audacious enough to contemplate the same measure, though in doing so, he might be construed into impeaching his mistress’s own right to the sovereign authority. This was Henry St. John, created Lord Viscount Bolingbroke. He was a person of lively genius and brilliant parts—a scholar, an orator, and a philosopher. There was a reverse to the fair side of the picture. Bolingbroke was dissipated in private life, dar¬ ingly sceptical in theological speculation, and when his quick per¬ ception showed him a chance of rising, he does not appear to have been extremely scimpulous concerning the path which he trode, so that it led to power. In the beginning of his career as a public man he attached himself to Harley; and when that states¬ man retired from the Whig Administration in 1708, St. John shared his disgrace, and lost the situation of Secretary at War. On the triumph of the Tories, in 1710, when Harley was made Prime Minister, St. John was named Secretary of State. Pro¬ sperity, however, dissolved the friendship which had withstood the attacks of adversity; and it was soon obseiwed that there was a difference of opinion as well as character between the Premier and his colleague. Harley, afterwards created Earl of Oxford, was a man of a dark and reserved character—slow, timid, and doubtful, both in counsel and action, and apparently one of those statesmen who affect to govern by balancing the scales betwixt two contending factions, until at length they finally become the objects of suspi¬ cion and animosity to both. He had been bred a Whig, and al¬ though circumstances had disposed him to join, and even to head, the Tories, he was reluctantly induced to take any of the violent party measures which they expected at his hand, and seems, in return, never to have possessed their full confidence or unhesitat¬ ing support. However far Oxford adopted the principles of Tory¬ ism, he stopped short of their utmost extent, and was one of the political sect then called Whimsicals, who were supposed not to know their own minds, because they avowed principles of heredi¬ tary right, and at the same time desired the succession of the line of Hanover. In evidence of his belonging to this class of poli¬ ticians, it was remarked that he sent his brother, Mr. Harley, to the court of Hanover, and through him affected to maintain a close intercourse with the Elector, and expressed much zeal for the Protestant line of succession. All this mystery and indecision was contrary to the rapid and 10 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. fiery genius of St. John, who felt that he was not admitted into the private and ultimate views of the colleague with whom he had suffered adversity. He was disgusted, too, that Harley should he advanced to the rank of an earl, while he himself was only created a viscount. His former friendship and respect for » Oxford was gradually changed to coldness, enmity, and hatred, and he began, with much art, and a temporary degree of success, to prepare a revolution in the state, which he designed should end in Oxford’s disgrace, and his own elevation to the supreme au¬ thority. He entered with zeal into the ulterior designs of the most extravagant Tories, and, in order to recommend himself to the Queen, did not, it is believed, spare to mingle in intrigues for the benefit of her exiled brother. It was remarked, that the Chevalier de St. George, when obliged to leave France, found refuge in the territories of the Duke of Lorraine ; and that petty German Prince had the boldness to re¬ fuse an application of the British Government, for the removal of his guest from his dominions. It was believed that the Duke dared not have acted thus unless he had had some private assur¬ ance that the application was only made for an ostensible purpose, and that the Queen did not, in reality, desire to deprive her bro¬ ther of this place of refuge. Other circumstances led to the same conclusion, that Anne and her new ministers favoured the Jaco¬ bite interest. It is more than probable that the Duke of Hamilton, whom we have so often mentioned, was to have been deeply engaged in some transactions with the French court, of the most delicate na¬ ture, when, in 1713, he was named ambassador extraordinary to Paris; and there can be little dovibt that they regarded the re¬ storation of the line of Stewart. The unfortunate nobleman hint¬ ed this to his friend, Lockhart of Carnwath, when, parting with him for the last time, he turned back to embrace him again and again, as one who was impressed with the consciousness of some weighty trust, perhaps with a prescient sense of approaching calamity. Misfortune, indeed, was hovering over him, and of a strange and bloody character. Having a law-suit with Lord Mo- hun,^ a nobleman of debauched and profligate manners, whose greatest achievement was having, a few years before, stabbed a poor play-actor, in a drunken frolic, the Duke of Hamilton held a meeting with his adversary, in the hope of adjusting their dis¬ pute. In this conference, the Duke, speaking of an agent in the case, said the person in question had neither truth nor honour, to which Lord Mohun replied he had as much of both qualities as his Grace. They parted on the exchange of these words. One would have thought that the offence received lay on the Duke’s 1 “ His Grace, and Lord Mohun, had married two nieces of Charles, Earl of Macclesfield, and for several years had been engaged in a Chancery suit for part of his estate, which created much animosity, inflamed by their espous¬ ing different sides in Parliament.”— Wood’s Peerage, vol. i., p. 718. DUEL WITH LORD MOHUN. 11 side, and that it was he who was called upon to resent what had passed, in case he should think it worth his while. Lord Mohun, however, who gave the affront, contrary to the practice in such cases, also gave the challenge. They met at the Ring in Hyde Park, where they fought with swords, and in a few minutes Lord Mohun was killed on the spot; and the Duke of Hamilton, mor¬ tally wounded, did not survive him for a longer space. Mohun, who was an odious and contemptible libertine, was regretted by no one; but it was far different with the Duke of Hamilton, who, notwithstanding a degree of irresolution which he displayed in politics, his understanding, perhaps, not approving the lengths to which his feelings might have carried him, had many amiable, and even noble qualities, which made him generally lamented. The Tories considered the death of the Duke of Hamilton as so peculiar, and the period when it happened as so critical, that they did not hesitate to avow a confident belief that Lord Mohun had been pushed to sending the challenge by some zealots of the Whig party,^ and even to add, that the Duke fell, not by the sword of his antagonist, but by that of General Macartney, Lord Mohun’s second. The evidence of Colonel Hamilton, second to the Duke, went far to establish the last proposition ; and General Macartney, seeing, perhaps, that the public prejudice was extreme against him, absconded, and a reward was offered for his dis¬ covery. In the subsequent reign, he was brought to trial, and acquitted, on evidence which leaves the case far from a clear one. The death of the Duke of Hamilton, however, whether caused by political resentment or private hatred, did not interrupt the schemes formed for the restoration of the Stewart family. Lord Bolingbroke himself went on a mission to Paris, and it appears highly probable he then settled secret articles explanatory of those points of the Utrecht treaty, which had relation to the expulsion of the Pretender from the dominions of France, and the discla¬ mation of his right of succession to the crown of Britain. It is probable, also, that these remained concealed from the Premier Oxford, to whose views in favour of the Hanoverian succession they were distinctly opposed. Such being the temper of the Government of England, divided, as it was, betwixt the dubious condvact of Lord Oxford, and the more secret, but bolder and decided intrigues of Bolingbroke, the general measures which were adopted with respect to Scot¬ land indicated a decided bias to the Jacobite interest, and those by whom it was supported. ’ “ Macartney and two or three more of that gang never left him (Mohun,) from the time that he was with the Duke, till the duel was fought, keeping him (as was deposed [deponed] by the evidences) flushed with wine during all that time, which was two nights and a day and a half, and calling upon him, when he took fits of being grave and melancholy, to cheer up, take the other glass, and not be afraid.”— Lockhart Papers, vol. i., p. 404. 12 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. CHAPTER LXV. Persecution of the Scottish Episcopalians by the Presbyterians — Act of Toleration—Abjuration Oath—Law of Patronage — Pensions given to the Highland Chiefs to preserve their attach¬ ment to the Jacobite interest—Preparations of the Whigs to se¬ cure the Succession of the House of Hanover—Quarrel between Oxford and Bolingbroke—Heath of Queen Anne. [Retrospect —1714.] The Presbyterians of Scotland had been placed by the Revo¬ lution in exclusive possession of the Church government of that kingdom. But a considerable proportion of the country, particu¬ larly in the more northern shires, remained attached to the Epis¬ copal establishment and its forms of worship. These, however, were objects of enmity and fear to the Church of Scotland, whose representatives and adherents exerted themselves to suppress, by every means in their power, the exercise of the Episcopal mode of worship, forgetful of the complaints which they them¬ selves had so justly made concerning the violation of the liberty of conscience during the reigns of Charles II. and James II. We must here remark, that the Episcopal Church of Scotland had, in its ancient and triumphant state, retained some very slight and formal differences, which distinguished their book of Com¬ mon Prayer from that which is used in the Church of England. But in their present distressed and disconsolate condition, many of them had become content to resign these points of distinction, and, by conforming exactly to the English ritual, endeavoured to obtain a freedom of worship as Episcopalians na Scotland, similar to the indulgence which was granted to those professing Presby¬ terian principles, and other Protestant Dissenters in England. The Presbyterian Church Courts, however, summoned such Epis¬ copal preachers before them, and prohibited them from exercis¬ ing their ministry, under the penalty of fine and imprisonment, which, in the case of one person (the Rev. Mr. Greenshields,) was inflicted with no sparing hand.i Others were insulted and ill- used by the multitude, in any attempt which they made to exer¬ cise their form of worship. This was the more indefensible, as some of these reverend persons joined in prayer for the Revo¬ lution establishment; and whatever conjecture might be formed concerning the probability of their attachment to the exiled fami¬ ly, they had laid aside every peculiarity on which their present mode of worship could be objected to as inferring Jacobitism. An Act of Toleration was, therefore, most justly and rightfully 1 This gentleman’s chapel was shut up, and himself incarcerated for some time. OATH OF ABJURATION. 13 passed (February, 1712) by Parliament, for the toleration of all such Episcopal clergymen using the Church of England service, as should be disposed to take the Oath of Abjuration, renouncing all adherence to the cause of James II., or his descendant, the existing Pretender. This toleration gave great offence to the Presbyterian clergy, since it was taking out of their hands a means, as they alleged, of enforcing uniformity of worship, which, they pretended, had been insured to them at the Revolution. Every allowance is justly to be made for jealousies and appre¬ hensions, which severe persecution had taught the ministers of the Scottish Church to entertain ; but impartial history shows us how dangerous a matter it is to intrust the judicatures of any Church with the power of tyrannizing over the consciences of those who have adopted different forms of worship, and how wise as well as just it is to restrict their authority to the regulation of their own establishment. The Presbyterian Church was still more offended by the intro¬ duction of a clause into this Act of Toleration, obliging the members of their own Church, as well as Dissenters from their mode of worship, to take the Oath of Abjuration. This clause had been inserted into the Act as it passed the House of Com¬ mons, on the motion of the Tories, who alleged that the ministers of the Kirk of Scotland ought to give the same security for their fidelity to the Queen and Protestant succession, which was to be exacted from the Episcopalians. The Scottish Presbyterians complained bitterly of this application of the Oath of Abjuration to themselves. They contended that it was unnecessary, as no one could suspect the Church of Scotland of the least tendency towards Jacobitisra, and that it was an usurpation of the State over the Church to impose by statute law an oath on the ministers of the Church, whom, in religious matters, they considered as bound only by the Acts of their General Assembly. Notwithstanding their angry remonstrances, the Oath of Abjuration was imposed on them by the same act which decreed the tolerance of the Episcopal form of worship on a similar condition. The greater number of the Presbyterian ministers did at length take the oath, but many continued to be recusants, and suffered nothing in consequence, as the Government overlooked their non-compliance. There can be little doubt that this clause, which seems otherwise a useless tampering with the rooted opinions of the Presbyterians, was intended for a double purpose. First, it was likely to create a schism in the Scottish Church, between those who might take, and those who might refuse the oath, which, as dividing the opinions, was likely to dimmish the authority, and affect the respectability, of a body zealous for the Protestant succession. Secondly, it was foreseen that the great majority of the Episcopal clergy in Scotland avowedly attached to the exiled family, would not take the Oath of Abjviration, and were likely on that account to be interrupted by the Presby- 14 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. terians of the country where they exercised their functions. But if a number of the Presbyterian clergy themselves were rendered liable to the same charge for the same omission, and only in¬ debted for their impunity to the connivance of the Government, it was not likely they would disturb others upon groimds which might be objected to themselves. The expedient was success¬ ful ; for though it was said that only one Episcopal minister in Scotland, Mr. Cockburn of Glasgow, took the Oath of Abjura¬ tion, yet no prosecutions followed their recusancy, because a large portion of the ministers of the Kirk would have been liable to vexation on the same account. Another act of the same session of Parliament, which restored to patrons, as they were called, the right of presenting clergymen to vacant churches in Scotland, seemed calculated, and was pro¬ bably designed, to render the churchmen more dependent on the aristocracy, and to separate them in some degree from their congregations, who coiild not be supposed to be equally attached to, or influenced by a minister who held his living by the gift of a great man, as by one who was chosen by their own free voice. Each mode of election is subject to its own particular disadvan¬ tages. The necessity imposed on the clergyman who is desirous of preferment, of suiting his style of preaching to the popular taste, together with the indecent heats and intrigues w'hich attend popular elections, are serious objections to permitting the flock to have the choice of their shepherd. At the same time, the right of patronage is apt to be abused in particular instances, where persons of loose morals, slender abilities, or depraved doctrine, may be imposed by the fiat of an unconscientious individual, upon a congregation w'ho are unwilling to receive him. But as the Presbyterian clergy possess the power of examination and re¬ jection, subject to an appeal to the superior Church Courts, what¬ ever may be thought of the law of patronage in theory, it has not, durmg the lapse of more than a century, had any effect in practice detrimental to the respectability of the Church of Scot¬ land. There is no doubt, however, that the restoration of the fight of lay patrons in Queen Anne’s time was designed to sepa¬ rate the ministers of the Kirk from the people, and to render them more dependent on the nobility and gentry, amongst whom, much more than the common people, the sentiments of Jacobitism pre¬ dominated. These measures, though all of them indirectly tending to favour the Tory party, which might, in Scotland, be generally termed that of the Stewart family, had yet other motives which might be plausibly alleged for their adoption. Whatever might be the number and importance of the Lowland gentry in Scotland, who were attached to the cause of the Che¬ valier de St. George, and that number was certainly very con¬ siderable, the altered circumstances of the country had so much restricted their authority over the inferior classes, that they could STATE OF THE HIGHLANDS. 15 no longer reckon upon raising any considerable number of men by their own influence, nor had they, since the repeal of the Act of Security, the power of mustering or disciplining their followers, so as to render them fit for milit^’y service. It was not to be expected that, with the aid of such members of their family, domestics, or dependents, as might join them in any insurrection, they could do more than equip a few squadrons of horse, and even if they could have found men, they were generally deficient in arms, horses, and the means of taking the field. The Highland clans were in a different state ; they were as much under the command of their superior chiefs and chieftains as ever they had been during the earlier part of their history; and, separated from civilisation by the wildernesses in which they lived, they spoke the language, wore the dress, submitted to the government, and wielded the arms of their fathers. It is true, that clan wars were not now practised on the former great scale, and that two or three small gai^isons of soldiers quartered amongst them put some stop to their predatory incursions. The superior chieftains and tacksmen, more especially the duinhe wa&salSy or dependent gentlemen of the tribe, were in no degree superior in knowledge to the common clansmen. The high chiefs, or heads of the considerable clans, were in a very different situation. They were almost all men of good education, and polite manners, and when in Lowland dress and Lowland society, were scarce to be distinguished from other gentlemen, excepting by an assumption of consequence, the natural companion of con¬ scious authority. They often travelled abroad, and sometimes entered the military service, looking always forward to the time when their swords should be required in the cause of the Stewarts, to whom they were in general extremely attached; though in the West Highlands the great influence of the Duke of Argyle, and in the North that of the Earl of Sutherland and Lord Reay, to¬ gether with the Chiefs of Grant, Ross, Munro, and other north¬ ern tribes, fixed their clans in the Whig interest. These chiefs were poor; for the produce of their extensive but barren domains was entirely consumed in supporting the military force of the clan, from whom no industry was to be expected, as it would have degraded them in their own eyes, and in those of their leaders, and rendered them unfit for the discharge of their warlike duties. The chiefs, at the same time, when out of the Highlands, were expensive as well as needy. The sense of self- importance, which we have already noticed, induced them to imitate the expenses of a richer country, and many, by this in¬ consistent conduct, exposed themselves to pecuniary distress. To such men money was particularly acceptable, and it was distri¬ buted among them annually by Queen Anne’s Government, during the latter years of her reign, to the amount of betwixt three and four thousand pounds. The particular sum allotted to each chief was about £360 sterling, for which a receipt was taken, as for 16 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. a complete year’s payment of the bounty-money which her Ma¬ jesty had been pleased to bestow on the receiver. These supplies were received the more willingly, because the Highland chiefs had no hesitajiion in regarding the money as the earnest of pay to be issued for their exertions in the cause of the House of Stewart, to which they conceived themselves to be at¬ tached by duty, and certainly were so by inclination. And there can be no doubt, as the pensions were sure to be expended in maintaining and increasing their patriarchal followers, and keep¬ ing them in readiness for action, it seems to have been considered by the chiefs, that the largesses were designed by Government for that, and no other purpose. The money was placed at the dis¬ posal of the Earl of Mar, Secretary of State, and his being the agent of this bounty, gave him the opportunity of improving and extending his influence among the Highland chiefs, afterwards so fatally employed for them and for himself. The construction which the chiefs put upon the bounty bestowed on them was clearly shown by their joining in a supplication to the Queen, about the end of the year 1713, which got the name of the Sword-in-Jiand Address. In one paragraph, they applaud the measures taken for repressing the license of the press, and trust that they should no longer be scandalized by hearing the Deity blasphemed and the sacred race of Stewart traduced, with equal malice and impunity. In another, they expressed their hopes, that, after her Majesty’s demise, " the hereditary and parliamentary sanction might possibly meet in the person of a lineal successor.” These intimations are sufficiently plain, to testify the sense in which they understood the Queen’s bounty-money. The Duke of Argyle, whose own influence in the Highlands was cramped and interfered with by the encouragement given to the Jacobite clans, brought the system of their pensions before Parliament, as a severe charge against the Ministers, whom he denounced as rendering the Highlands a seminary for rebellion. The charge led to a debate of importance. The Duke of Argyle represented that the Scots Highlanders, being for the most part either rank Papists, or declared Jacobites, the giving them pecuniary assistance was, in fact, keeping up Popish seminaries and fomenting rebellion. In answer to this the Treasurer Oxford alleged, “ That in this particular he had but followed the example of King William, who, after he had re¬ duced the Highlanders, thought fit to allow yearly pensions to the heads of clans, in order to keep them quiet; and if the present Ministry could be charged with any mismanagement on that head, it was only for retrenching part of these gratuities.” This reference to the example of King William, seemed to shut the door against all cavil on the subject, and the escape from censure was regarded as a triumph by the Ministers. Yet as it was well imderstood, that the pensions were made under the guise of mili- tary pay, it might have been safely doubted, whether encourag- PLANS OF THE WHIGS. 17 ing the chiefs to increase the numbers and military strength of their clans was likely to render them more orderly or peaceable subjects; and the scheme of Ministers seemed, on the whole, to resemble greatly the expedient of the child’s keeper, who should give her squalling charge a knife in order to keep it quiet. These various indications manifested that the Ministry, at least a strong party of them, were favourable to the Pretender, and meant to call him to the throne on the Queen’s decease. This event could not now be far distant, since, with every symptom of declining health, Anne was harassed at once with factions among her subjects and divisions in her councils, and, al¬ ways of a timid temper, had now become, from finding her con¬ fidence betrayed, as jealous and suspicious as she had been origi¬ nally docile in suffering herself to be guided without doubt or hesitation. She had many subjects of apprehension pressing upon a mind which, never of peculiar strength, was now enfeeb¬ led by disease. She desired, probably, the succession of her brother, but she was jealous lest the hour of that succession might be anticipated by the zeal of his followers; nor did she less dread, lest the effects of that enthusiasm for the House of Hanover, which animated the Whigs, might bring the Electoral Prince over to England, which she compared to digging her grave while she was yet alive. The disputes betwixt Oxford and Bo- lingbroke divided her councils, and filled them with mutual up- braidings, which sometimes took place before the Queen; who, naturally very sensitive to the neglect of the personal etiquette due to her rank, was at once alarmed by their violence, and offended by the loose which they gave to their passions in her very presence. The Whigs, alarmed at the near prospect of a crisis Avhich the death of the Queen could not fail to bring on, made the most energetic and simultaneous preparations to support the Hanove¬ rian succession to the crowm, by arms, if necessary. They took special care to represent, at the Court of Hanover, their dangers and sufferings on account of their attachment to the Protestant line; and such of them as lost places of honour or profit, were, it may be believed, neither moderate in their complaints, nor sparing in the odious portraits which they drew of their Tory opponents. The Duke of Argyle, and Generals Stanhope and Cadogan, were actively engaged in preparing such officers of the British army as they dared trust, to induce the soldiers, in case of need, to declare themselves against the party who had disgraced Marlborough, their victorious general—had undervalued the achievements which they had performed under his command, and put a stop to the career of British conquest by so doing. The Elector of Hanover was induced to negotiate with Holland and other powers, to supply him with troops and shipping, in case it should be necessary to use force in supporting his title to the suc¬ cession of Great Britain. i A scheme was laid for taking posses- 1 “ These proceedings did not escape the notice of the Ministers; and in the VOL. III. B 18 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. sion of the Tower on the first appearance of danger; and the great men of the party entered into an association, hmding them¬ selves to stand by each other in defence of the Protestant succes¬ sion. While the Whigs were united in these energetic and daring measures, the Tory Ministers were, by their total disunion, ren¬ dered incapable of availing themselves of the high ground which they occupied, as heads of the Administration, or by the time al¬ lowed them by the flitting sands of the Queen’s life, which were now rapidly ebbing. The discord between Oxford and Boling- broke had now risen so high, that the latter frankly said, that if the question were betwixt the total ruin of their party, and re¬ conciliation with Oxford and safety, he would not hesitate to choose the first alternative. Their views of public affairs were totally different. The Earl of Oxford advised moderate mea¬ sures, and even some compromise or reconciliation with the Whigs. Bolingbroke conceived he should best meet the Queen’s opinions by affecting the most zealous high Church principles, giving hopes of the succession of her brother after her death, and by assiduously cultivating the good graces of Mrs. Hill (now created Lady Masham,) the royal favourite ; in which, by the superior grace of his manners, and similarity of opinions, he had entirely superseded the Lord Treasurer Oxford. This dissension betwixt the political rivals, which had smould¬ ered so long, broke out into open hostility in the month of July, 1714, when an extremely bitter dialogue, abounding in mutual recriminations, passed in the Queen’s presence betwixt Lord Treasurer Oxford on tlie one part, and Bolingbroke and Lady Masham on the other. It ended in the Lord Treasurer’s being deprived of his office. The road was now open to the full career of Bolingbroke’s ambition. The hour he had wished and lived for was arrived; and neither he himself, nor any other person, entertained a doubt that he would be raised to the rank of Lord Treasurer and first minister. But vain are human hopes and expectations! The un¬ fortunate Queen had suffered so much from the fatigue and agi¬ tation which she had undergone during the scene of discord which she had witnessed, that she declared she could not survive it. Her apprehensions proved prophetic. The stormy consulta¬ tion, or rather debate, to which we have alluded, was held on the 27th July, 1714.1 On the 28th, the Queen was seized with a leth¬ argic disorder. On the 30th her life was despaired of. course of the last session. Lord Oxford had moved for a hill to 'make it trea¬ son to bring foreign troops into the kingdom. The motion was ridiculed by the Whigs, because foreign troops, if not brought into the kingdom with the permission of the legislature, were open enemies; but as the Treasurer could not be ignorant of this, his intention probably was to convey to the Whigs a hint of his being acquainted with their design.”— Eomerville, p. 565. t “ The heat of their disputes, prolonged till two in the morning in her Majesty’s presence, threw her into dreadful agitation, which was followed by such an alarming disorder, as rendered her unable to come to the council next day, when she intended to settle the new arrangements.”—p. 567' VIEWS OF OXFORD. 19 Upon that day, the Dukes of Somerset and x4rgyle, both hos¬ tile to the present, or, as it might rather now be called, the late Administration, took the determined step of repairing to the Council-board where the other members, humbled, perplexed, and terrified, were well contented to accept their assistance. On their suggestion, the treasurer’s staff was conferred on the Duke of Shrewsbury, a step with which the dying Queen declared her satisfaction; and thus fell the towering hopes of Bolingbroke. On the 1st of August Queen Anne expired, the last of the lineal Stewart race who sat on the throne of Britain. She was only fifty years old, having reigned for twelve years; and her death took place at the most critical period which the empire had experi¬ enced since the Revolution. CHAPTER LXVI. Proclamation of King George I.—The Earl of Stair’s Embassg to France—his influence in preventing opposition on the part of Louis XIV. to the accession of the Elector of Hanover—State of Parties on the arrival of George I.—Imprisonment of Oxford, and Impeachment of Bolingbroke and Ormond—Insurrection planned by the Jacobites—The Earl of Mar is repulsed in his advances to the new Monarch, and retires to Scotland—The Scottish Cavaliers—Hunting of Braemar, and resolution of the Jacobite Leaders to take up arms—Attempt to surprise Edin¬ burgh Castle—Preparations of Government to oppose the Insur¬ gent Jacobites, [1714—1715.] The period of Queen Anne’s demise found the Jacobites, for a party who were both numerous and zealous, uncommonly ill prepared and irresolute. They had nursed themselves in the hope that the dark and mysterious conduct of Oxford was de¬ signed to favour his purpose of a counter-revolution; and the more open professions of Bolingbroke, which reached the Jaco¬ bites of Scotland through the medium of the Earl of Mar, were considered as pointing more explicitly to the same important end. But they were mistaken in Oxford’s purpose, who only acted towards them as it was in his nature to do towards all mankind ; and so regulated his conduct as to cause the Jacobites to believe he was upon their side, while, in fact, his only purpose was to keep factions from breaking into extremities, and to rule all parties, by affording hopes to each in their turn, which were all to be ul¬ timately found delusive.* ^ “ That the Queen did of a long time design her brother’s restoration,” says Lockhart, “ I do not in the least question, but was prevailed with to postpone and delay it, partly by her own timorous nature, partly by the divisions and discord of her ministry, and partly by the tricks, intrigues, and pretences of the 20 TALES OP A GRANDFATHER. Bolingbroke, on the other hand, was more sanguine and decid¬ ed, both in opinion and action ; and he would probably have been sufficiently active in his measures in behalf of King James, had he possessed the power of maturing them. But being thus mock¬ ed by the cross fate which showed him the place of his ambition at one moment empty, and in the next all access to it closed against him, he was taken totally unprepared ; and the Duke of Ormond, Sir William Windham, and other leaders of the Jaco¬ bite party, shared the same disadvantage. They might, indeed, have proclaimed King James the Third in the person of the Che¬ valier de St. George, and trusted to their influence with the Tory landed gentlemen, and with the populace, to effect an universal insurrection. Some of them even inclined to this desperate measure ; and the celebrated Dr. Atterbury, Bishop of Roches¬ ter, offered to go to Westminster in his rochet and lawn sleeves, and himself to perform the ceremony. This, however, would have been commencing a civil war, in which, the succession of the house of Hanover being determined by the existing law, the insurrectionists must have begun by incurring the guilt of high treason, without being assured of any force by which they might be protected. Upon the whole, therefore, the Jacobites, and those who wished them well, remained, after the Queen’s death, dejected, confused, and anxiously watchful of circumstan¬ ces, w'hich they did not pretend to regulate or control. On the contrary, the Whigs, acting with uncommon firmness and unanimity, took hold of the power wffiich had so lately been possessed by their opponents, like troops who seize in action the artillery of their enemy, and turn it instantly against them. The privy counsellors who were of that party, imitating the determined conduct of the Dukes of Somerset and Argyle, re¬ paired to the Council, without waiting for a summons, and issued instant orders for the proclamation of King George, which were generally obeyed without resistance. The assembled Parliament recognised King George I. as the sovereign entitled to succeed, in terms of the act regulating the destination of the crown. The same proclamation took place in Ireland and Scotland without opposition ; and thus the King took legal and peaceable posses¬ sion of his kingdom. It appeared, also, that England’s most powerful, and, it might seem, most hostile neighbour, Louis XIV., was nowise disposed to encourage any machinations which could disturb the Elector of Hanover’s accession to the crown. Lord Oxford, in whom for a long time she placed entire confidence, and could scarce at last be persuaded that he did not deserve it. I have mentioned the particulars of several private conversations and little emergencies, which hap¬ pened to myself and consisted with my knowledge, by which I think it may ap¬ pear that my opinion therein is not ill founded, though it pleased God, by the Queen’s death, to blast all our hopes and expectations.” In relation to other frustrated attempts on the part of his friends in this cause, he adds “ they w’ere more occasioned by the immediate interposition and visible hand of God, than by the power and contrivance of their enemies.”—•Vol. i., p. 480. EARL OF STAIR. 21 The Chevalier de St. George had made a hasty journey to Paris, upon learning the tidings of Q,ueen Anne’s death; but far from experiencing a reception favourable to his views on the British crown, he was obliged to return to Lorraine, with the sad assur¬ ance that the monarch of France was determined to adhere to the Treaty of Utrecht, by an important article of which he had recog¬ nised the succession of the House of Hanover to the Crown of Great Britain. It is more than probable, as before hinted, that there had been, during the dependence of the treaty, some pri¬ vate imderstanding, or perhaps secret agreement with Boling- broke, which might disarm the rigour of this article. But it was evident that the power of the minister with whom such an en¬ gagement had been made, if indeed it existed in any formal shape, was now utterly fallen ; and the affairs of Britain were soon after King George’s accession, intrusted to a ministry, who had the sagacity to keep the French King firm to his engagement, by sending to Paris an ambassador, equally distinguished for talents in war and in diplomacy, and for warm adherence to the Protes¬ tant line. This eminent person was John Dalrymple, the second Earl of Stair, whose character demands particular notice amongst the celebrated Scotsmen of this period. He was eldest surviving son of the first Earl, distinguished more for his talents than his prin¬ ciples, in the reigns of King William and Queen Anne, infam¬ ous for his accession to the massacre of Glencoe, and unpopular from the skill and political talent which he displayed in favour of the Union, in carrying which through the Scottish Parliament he was a most useful agent. According to the prejudiced observa¬ tions of the common people, ill fortune seemed to attend his house. He died suddenly during the dependence of the Union treaty, and vulgar report attributed his death to suicide, for which, how¬ ever, there is no evidence but that of common fame. A previous calamity of a cruel nature had occurred, in which John, his second son, was the unfortunate agent. While yet a mei’e boy, and while playing with fire arms, he had the great misfortune to shoot his elder brother, and kill him on the spot. The unhappy agent in this melancholy affair was sent off by the ill-fated parents, who could not bear to look upon him, to reside with a clergyman in Ayrshire, as one who was for ever banish¬ ed from his family. The person to whose care he was commit¬ ted was fortunately a man of sound sense, and a keen discrimina¬ tor of character. The idea he formed of the young exile’s powers of mind induced him, by a succession of favourable reports, mix¬ ed with intercession, warmly to solicit his pupil’s restoration to the family, of which he afterwards became the principal orna¬ ment. It was long before he could effect a reconciliation ; and the youth, when this was accomplished, entered into the army with the advantages of his rank, and those arising out of early misfortune, which had compelled him to severe study. He was 22 TALES OF A GUANDFATHER. repeatedly distinguished in the wars of Marlborough, and parti¬ cularly at Ramilies, Oudenarde, and Malplaquet. Lord Stair rose in rank in proportion to his military reputation, but was de¬ prived of his command when the Tory ministers, in the latter end of Queen Anne’s reign, new modelled the army, to the ex¬ clusion of the Whig ofhcers. Upon the accession of George I. he was appointed a lord of the bed-chamber, a privy counsellor, and commander of the Scottish forces in the absence of the Duke of Argyle. Shortly after that great event, the Earl of Stair was, as we have already mentioned, sent to Paris, where he held for several years the situation of ambassador extraordinary, and where his almost miraculous power of acquiring information en¬ abled him to detect the, most secret intrigues of the Jacobites, and to watch, and even overawe, the conduct of the court of France, who, well disposed as they were to encourage privately the undertakings of the Chevalier St. George, which public faith prevented them from countenancing openly, found themselves under the eye of the most active and acute of statesmen, from whom nothing seemed to remain concealed ; while his character for courage, talent, and integrity, made it equally impossible to intimidate, deceive, or influence him. It may be added, that his perfect knowledge of good breeding, in a nation where manners are reduced almost to a science,^ enabled Lord Stair to preserve the good-will and favour of those with whom he treated, even while he insisted upon topics the most unpalatable to the French Tvlonarch and his ministers, and that in a manner the most courte¬ ous in style, though most unyielding in purpose. It may be be¬ lieved that large sums in secret service money were lavished in tliis species of diplomacy. Lord Stair was always able, by his superior information, to counteract the plots of the Jacobites, and, satisfied with doing so, was often desirous of screening from the vengeance of his own court the misguided individuals who had rashly engaged in them. It was owing to the activity of this vigilant diplomatist that George I. owed, in a great measure, the neutrality of France, which was a very important addition to the security of his new throne. To retuim to our history :—George I., in the fifty-fifth year of his age, thus quietly installed in his British dominions, landed at Greenwich on the 17th of September, six weeks after the death of his predecessor. Queen Anne. The two great parties of the kingdom seemed in appearance equally disposed to receive him as their rightful monarch ; and both submitted to his SAvay, though with very different hopes and feelings. The triumphant Whigs w ere naturally assured of King George’s favour towards those who had always shown themselves friendly to his title to the throne ; and, confident of the merit they might 1 Voltaire records the admiration of Louis XIV. at Lord Stair’s tact in at once entering the royal cai’riage, when his Majesty who stood beside it, bid him do so, without hesitating to take precedence of the Sovereign. STATE OF PARTIES. 23 claim, were desirous of exerting their influence, to the utter dis¬ grace, discomfiture, and total suppression, of their political oppo- nents- The Tories, on the other hand, thought it still possible, while renouncing every plan of opposing the accession of King George, to present themselves before him in such a manner as might com¬ mand regard ; for the number, quality, and importance of a party, which comprised a great majority of the established clergy, the greater part of both the universities, many, if not the largest por¬ tion of the lawyers, and the bulk of the proprietors of the soil, or W’hat is called the landed interest, i*endered their appearance im¬ posing. Though dejected and humbled, therefore, by their fall from power, they consoled themselves with the idea, that they w'ere too numerous and too important to be ill received by a So¬ vereign whose accession they had not opposed, and whom, on the contrary, they had shown themselves willing to acknowledge in the cr^pacity of their monarch, disproving, as they might be disposed to think, by their dutiful demonstrations, any rumours which might have reached his Majesty of the disaffection of many among them to his person. It would certainly have been the best policy of the newly en¬ throned monarch, to have received and rewarded the services of the Whigs, without lending himself to the gratification of their political enmities. There was little policy in taking measures which were likely to drive into despair, and probably into re¬ bellion, a large party among his subjects ; and there might have been more wisdom, perhaps, as well as magnanimity, in overlook¬ ing circumstances which had occurred before his accession—in receiving the allegiance and dutiful professions of the Tories, without attaching any visible doubts to their sincerity—in becom¬ ing thus the King of Great Britain, instead of the chief of a party -—and by stifling the remembrance of old feuds, and showing himself indifferently the paternal ruler of all his subjects, to have convinced any who remained disaffected, that if they desired to have another prince, they had at least no personal reason for do¬ ing so.^ We cannot, however, be surprised that George I., a foreign prince, totally unacquainted with the character of the British nation,, their peculiar constitution, and the spirit of their parties, —which usually appear, when in the act of collision, much more violent and extravagant than they prove to be when a cessation of hostilities takes place,—should have been disposed to throw 1 “ It was the misfortune of this prince,” says Smollett, “ as well as a very great prejudice to the nation, that he had been misled into strong preposses¬ sions against the Tories, who constituted such a considerable part of his sub¬ jects. 'They were now excluded from all share of the royal favour, which was v/holly engrossed by their enemies. These early marks of aversion, which he was at no pains to conceal, alienated the minds of many from his person and government, who would otherwise have served him with fidelity and affection.” — Hist., b. ii., c. i. 24 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. himself into the arms of the Whigs, who could plead their suf¬ ferings for having steadily adhered to his interest; or that those who had been his steady adherents should have found him wil¬ lingly inclined to aid them in measures of vindictive retaliation upon their opponents, whom he had some reason to regard as his personal enemies. It was a case, in which to forgive would have been politic as well as magnanimous : but to resent injuries, and revenge them, was a course natural to human feeling. ^ The late Ministers seemed for a time disposed to abide the shock of the enmity of their political rivals. Lord Oxford waited on the King at his landing, and, though coldly received, remained in London till impeached of high treason by the House of Com¬ mons, and committed to the Tower. Lord Bolingbroke continued to exercise his office of Secretary of State until he was almost forcibly deprived of it. An impeachment was also brought against him. His conscience probably pleaded guilty, for he retired to France, and soon after became Secretary to the Chevalier de St. George. The Duke of Ormond, a nobleman of popular qualities, brave, generous, and liberal, was in like manner impeached, and in like manner made his escape to France. His fate was peculiarly regretted, for the general voice exculpated him from taking any step with a view to selfish aggrandisement. Several of the Whigs themselves, who were disposed to prosecute to the uttermost the mysterious Oxford and the intriguing Bolingbroke, were inclined to sympathise with the gallant and generous cavalier, who had always professed openly the principles on which he acted. Many other distinguished persons of the Tory party were threatened with prosecutions, or actually subjected to them ; which filled the whole body with fear and alarm, and inclined some of the leaders amongst them to listen to the desperate counsels of the more zealous Jacobites, who exhorted them to try their strength with an enemy who showed themselves implacable, and not to submit to their ruin without an effort to defend themselves. A large party of the populace all through the country, and in Lon¬ don itself, renewed the cry of High Church for ever,” with which were mingled the names of Ormond and Oxford, the principal persons under prosecution.^ Among the clergy, there were foimd 1 “ Conformably to this mode of thinking, which he perhaps carried to excess, George placed, not only the administration, but all the considerable employ¬ ments of the kingdom, both civil and military, in the hands of the Whigs. The treasury and admiralty w^ere put in commission; the command of the army was taken from the Duke of Ormond, and restored to the Duke of Marl¬ borough ; the Duke of Argyle was made commander of the forces in Scotland; the great seal was given to Lord Cowper, the privy seal to the Earl of Wharton, and the government of Ireland to the Earl of Sunderland. Lord Townshend and Mr. Stanhope were appointed secretaries of state; the Duke of Somerset was declared master of the horse; Mr. Pultney, secretary at war; Mr. Wal¬ pole, paymaster-general; and the post of secretary for Scotland was bestowed on the Duke of Montrose. A new Parliament was called, in which the inte¬ rest of the Whigs predominated.”— Russell, vol. iv., p. 387. Smollett, b. ii., c. i. 2 “ The Earl of Oxford, when brought to his trial after remaining near two JACOBITE MOBS. 25 many who, out of zeal for their order, encouraged the lower classes in their disorderly proceedings ; in which they burnt and destroyed the meeting-houses of Dissenters, pillaged the houses of their ministers, and committed all those irregularities by which an English mob is distinguished, but whose vehemence of sen¬ timent generally evaporates in such acts of clamour and vio¬ lence.* There were, however, deeper symptoms of disaffection than those displayed in the empty roar and senseless ravage of the po¬ pulace. Bolingbroke and Ormond, who had both found refuge at the court of the Pretender to the crown, and acknowledged his title, carried on a secret correspondence with the Tories of influ¬ ence and rank in England, and encouraged them to seek, in a general insurrection for the cause of James IIL, a remedy for the evils with which they were threatened, both personally and as a political party. But England had been long a peaceful country. The gentry were opulent, and little disposed to risk, in the event of war, their fortunes and the comforts which they procured them, strong assistance from France might have rendered the proposal )f an insurrection more acceptable ; but the successful diplo¬ macy of Lord Stair at the Court of Louis destroyed all hopes of this, unless on a pitifully small scale. Another resource occurred to the Jacobite leaders, which might be attained by instigating Scotland to set the example of insurrection. The gentry in that country were ready for war, which had been familiar to them on many occasions, during the lives of their fathers and their own. They might be easily induced to take arms—the Highlanders, to whom war was a state preferable to peace, were sure to take the field with them—the Border counties of England were most likely to catch the flame, from the disposition of many of the gentry there,—and tlie conflagration, it was expected, might, in the present humour of the nation, be extended aU over England. To effect a rising, therefore, in Scotland, with a view to a general insurrection throughout Great Britain, became the principal ob- years in prison, was dismissed for want of accusers. The proceedings in his case occasioned a rupture betwixt the two Houses of Parliament, and the Commons refused ultimately to appear against him.”— Smollett, b. ii., c. i. 1 ‘'The clamour of the Church being in danger was revived; jealousies were excited; seditious libels dispersed; and dangerous tumults raised in different parts of the kingdom. Birmingham, Bristol, Chippenham, Norwich, and Read¬ ing, were filled with licentious riot. The party cry was ‘ Down with the Whigs!’ —‘ Sacheverel forever.’ Many gentlemen of the Whig faction were abused; ma¬ gistrates in toYms, and justices in the country, were reviled and insulted by the populace in the execution of their office.”— Ibid. “ At Bristol they mur¬ dered one Mr. Thomas for persuading them to withdraw; and several gentle¬ men were hurt, abused, and insulted. At Taunton, several were knocked down for naming King George; some had their limbs broken, and many were so abused that their lives were despaired of. In Bedford, the mob, in con¬ tempt of his Majesty, put the Maypole in mourning, and hung mourning garments thereon. At Frome, in Somersetshire, this brutish crew, in con¬ tempt of the King, dressed up an idiot, called George, in a fool’s coat, saying, ‘ Here’t our George.' ”— Rae’s Hist, of the Rebellion 1715, p. 109, 4to. 26 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. ject of those who were affected by, or who resented, the prose¬ cutions directed with so much rigour against the members of Queen Anne’s last ministry. John, eighteenth Lord Erskine, and eleventh Earl of Mar, whom we have repeatedly mentioned as Secretary of State during the last years of Queen Anne, and as the person to whom the distribution of money among the Highland clans, and the general management of Scottish affairs, was intrusted by her Ministry, was naturally considered as the person best qualified to bring his countrymen to the desired point. Mar had not felt any difficulty in changing from the Whig principles which he pro¬ fessed at the time of the Union,—on which occasion he was one of the Scottish Secretaries of State,—to the Tory principles of Bolingbroke, which he now professed. We do him, therefore, no wrong in supposing, that he would not have sturdily rejected any proposal from the court of George I. to return to the party of Whig and Low Church. At least it is certain, that when the heads of the Tory party had determined to submit themselves to George I., Lord Mar, in following the general example, endea¬ voured to distinguish himself by a display of influence and conse¬ quence, which might mark him as a man whose adherence was worth securing, and who was, at the same time, willing to attach himself to the new Sovereign. In a letter addressed to King George while in Holland, and dated 30th August, 1714, the Earl expresses great apprehension that his loyalty or zeal for the King’s interests may have been misrepresented to his Majesty, because he found himself the only one of Queen Anne’s ser¬ vants whom the Hanoverian ministers at the court of London did not visit. His lordship then pleads the loyalty of his ancestors, his own services at the Union, and in passing the Act of Suc¬ cession ; and, assuring the King that he will find him as faithful a subject and servant as ever any of his family had been to the preceding royal race, or as he himself had been to the late Queen; he conjures him not to believe any misrepresentations of his con¬ duct, and concludes with a devout prayer for the quiet and peace¬ ful reign of the Monarch, in disturbing which he himself was destined to be the prime instrument. But it was not only on his individual application that the Earl of Mar expected indemnity, and perhaps favour, at the court of George I. He desired also to display his influence over the Highlanders, and for that purpose procured a letter, subscribed by a number of the most influential chiefs of the clans, addressed to himself, as having an estate and interest in the Highlands, con¬ juring him to assure the Government of their loyalty to his Sacred Majesty, King George, and to protect them, and the heads of other clans who, from distance, could not attend at the signing of the letter, against the misrepresentations to which they might be exposed; protesting, that as they had been ready to follow Lord CONDUCT OF THE EARL OF MAR. 27 Mar’s directions in obeying Queen Anne, so they would be equally forward to concur with him in faithfully serving King George. * At the same time, a loyal address of the clans to the same effect, drawn up by Lord Grange, brother to Mar, was forwarded to and placed in the hands of the Earl, to be delivered to the King at his landing. Lord Mar attended at Greenwich accordingly, and doubtless expected a favourable reception, when delivering to the new Monarch a recognition of his authority on the part of a class of his subjects who were supposed to be inimical to his accession, and were certainly best prepared to disturb his new reign. Lord Mar was, however, informed that the King would not receive the address of the clans, alleging it had been concocted at the court of the Pretender; and he was at the same time com¬ manded to deliver up the seals, and informed that the King had no farther occasion for his services. On the policy of this repulse it is almost unnecessary to make observations. Although it might be very true that the address was made up with the sanction of the Chevalier de St. George and his advisers, it was not less the interest of George I. to have received, with the usual civility, the expressions of homage and allegiance which it contained. In a similar situation. King William did not hesitate to receive, with apparent confidence, the submission of the Highland clans, tliough it was well understood that it was made under the express authority of King James II. A monarch whose claim to obedience is yet young, ought in policy to avoid an immediate quarrel with any part of his sub¬ jects who are ready to profess allegiance as such. His authority is, like a transplanted tree, subject to injury from each sudden blast, and ought, therefore, to be secured from such, until it is gradually connected by the ramification of its roots incorporating themselves with the soil in which it is planted. A sudden gust may in the one case overturn, what in the other can defy the rage of a continued tempest. It seems at least certain, that in bluntly, and in a disparaging manner, refusing an address expressing alle¬ giance and loyalty, and affronting the haughty courtier by w'hom it was presented, King George exposed his government to the desperate alternative of civil war, and the melancholy expedient of closing it by bringing many noble victims to the scaffold, which during the reign of his predecessor had never been stained with British blood shed for political causes. The impolicy, however, cannot justly be imputed to a foreign Prince, who, looking at the list of Celtic names, and barbarously unpronounceable designa¬ tions which were attached to the address, could not be supposed to infer from thence, that the subscribers were collectively capable of bringing into the field, on the shortest notice, ten thousand 1 The Highland chiefs who adhibited their signatures to this letter, were Maclean of Maclean; Macdonnell of Glengarry; Mackenzie of Fraserdale; Cameron of Lochiel; Macleod of Contulick; Macdonald of Keppoch; Grant of Glenmoristown; Macintosh of Macintosh; Chisholm of Comar; Macpherson of Cluny; and Sir Donald Macdonald.—R ab, p. 86. 28 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. men, who, if not regular soldiers, were accustomed to a sort of discipline which rendered them equal to such. There were many around the King who could have informed him on this subject; and, to their failing to do so, the bloodshed, and concomitant mis¬ fortunes of the future civil war, must justly be attributed. The Earl of Mar, thus repulsed in his advances to the new Monarch, necessarily concluded that his ruin was determined on; and, witli the desire of revenge, which was natural at least, if not justifiable, he resolved to place himself at the head of the disaf¬ fected party in Scotland, encouraging them to instant insurrection, and paying back the contumely with which his offer of service had been rejected, by endangering the government of the Prince at whose hands he had experienced such an insult. It was early in August, 1715, that the Earl of Mar embarked at Gravesend, in the strictest incognito, having fop his companions Major-General Hamilton and Colonel Hay, men of some military experience. They sailed in a coal-sloop, working, it was said, their passage, the better to maintain their disguise, landed at Newcastle, hired a vessel there, and then proceeded to the small port of Elie, on the eastern shore of Fife, a county which then abounded with friends to the Jacobite cause. The state of this province in other respects offered facilities to Mar. It is a penin¬ sula, separated from Lothian by the frith of Forth, and from the shire of Angus by that of Tay ; and as it did not, until a very late period, hold much intercourse with the metropolis, though so near it in point of distance, it seemed like a district separated from the rest of Scotland, and was sometimes jocosely termed the “ King¬ dom of Fife.” The commonalty were, in the beginning of the 18th century, almost exclusively attached to the Presbyterian per¬ suasion ; but it was otherwise with the gentry, who were numerous in this province to a degree little known in other parts of Scot¬ land. Its security, during the long wars of former centuries, had made it early acquainted with civilisation. The value of the soil, on the sea-coasts at least, had admitted of great subdivision of property ; and there is no county of Scotland which displays so many country-seats within so short a distance of each other. These gentlemen were, as we have said, chiefly of the Tory per¬ suasion, or, in other words, Jacobites ; for the subdivision of poli¬ ticians termed Whimsicals, or Ivories attached to the House of Hanover, could hardly be said to exist in Scotland, though well known in South Britain. Besides their tenants, the Fife lairds were most of them men who had not much to lose in civil broils, having to support an establishment considerably above the actual rents of their estates, which were, of course, impaired by increas¬ ing debts: they were, therefore, the less unwilling to engage in dangerous enterprises. As a party affecting the manners of the ancient Cavaliers, they were jovial in their habits, and cautious to omit no opportunity of drinking the King’s health; a point of loyalty which, like virtue of other kinds, had its own immediate THE SCOTTISH CAVALIERS. 29 reward. Loud and bold talkers, the Jacobites had accustomed themselves to think they were the prevailing party; an idea which those of any particular faction, who converse exclusively with each other, are usually found to entertain. Their want of know¬ ledge of the world, and the total absence of newspapers, save those of a strong party leaning, whose doctrines or facts they took care never to correct by consulting any of an opposite tendency, rendered them at once curious and credulous. This slight sketch of the Fife lairds may be applied, with equal justice, to the Jaco¬ bite country gentlemen of that period in most counties of Scot¬ land. They had virtues to balance their faults and follies. The political principles they followed had been handed down to them from their fathers ; they were connected, in their ideas, with the honour of their country ; and they were prepared to defend them with a degree of zeal, which valued not the personal risks in which the doing so might place life and property. There were also indi¬ viduals among them who had natural talents improved by educa¬ tion. But, in general, the persons whom the Earl of Mar was now desirous to stir up to some sudden act of mutiny, were of that frank and fearless class who are not guilty of seeing far be¬ fore them. They had already partaken in the general excitation caused by Queen Anne’s death, and the approaching crisis w^hich was expected to follow that important event. They had struggled with the Whig gentry, inferior in number, but generally more alert and sagacious in counsel and action, concerning the addresses of head-courts and the seats on the bench of justices. Many of them had commissioned swords, carabines, and pistols, from abroad. They had bought up horses fit for military service ; and some had taken into their service additional domestics, selecting in preference men who had served in some of the dragoon regi¬ ments, which had been reduced in consequence of the peace of Utrecht. Still, notwithstanding these preparations for a rising, some of the leading men in Fife, as elsewhere, were disposed to hesitate before engaging in the irretrievable step of rebellion against the established government. Their reluctance was over¬ come by the impatience of the majority, excited by the flatter¬ ing though premature rumours which w'ere actively circulated by a set of men, who might be termed the Intelligencers of the faction. It is well known, that in every great political body there are persons, usually neither the wisest, the most important, or most estimable, who endeavour to gain personal consequence by pre¬ tending peculiar access to information concerning its most inti¬ mate concerns, and who are equally credulous in believing, and indefatigable in communicating, whatever rumours are afloat con¬ cerning the affairs of the party, whom they encumber by adher¬ ing to. With several of these Lord Mar communicated, and exalted their hopes to the highest pitch, by the advantageous fight in which he placed the political matters which he wished them to 30 TALES OF A GRANDFATKEIi. support, trusting to the exaggerations and amplifications with which they were sure to retail what he had said. Such agents, changing what had been stated as probabilities into certainties, furnished an answer to every objection which could be offered by the more prudent of their party. If any cautious person objected to stir before the English Jacobites had shown themselves serious—some one of these active vouchers was ready to affirm, that every thing was on the point of a general rising in England, and only waited the appearance of a French fleet with ten thousand men, headed by the Duke of Ormond. Did the listener prefer an invasion of Scotland,—the same num¬ ber of men, with the Duke of Berwick at their head, were as readily promised. Supplies of every kind were measured out, according to the desire of the auditors ; and if any was mode¬ rate enough to restrain his wish to a pair of pistols for his own use, he was assured of twenty brace to accommodate his friends and neighbours. This kind of mutual delusion was every day increasing ; for as those who engaged in the conspiracy were interested in obtaining as many proselytes as possible, they be¬ came active circulators of the sanguine hopes and expectations by which they, perhaps, began already to suspect that they had been themselves deceived. It is true, that looking abroad at the condition of Europe, these unfortunate gentlemen ought to have seen, that the state of France at that time was far from being such, as to authorize any expectations of the prodigal supplies which she was repre¬ sented as being ready to furnish, or, rather, as being in the act of furnishing. Nothing was less hkely, than that that king¬ dom, just extricated from a war in which it had been nearly ruined by a peace so much more advantageous than they had reason to expect, should have been disposed to afford a pretext for breaking the treaty which had pacified Europe, and for renewing against France the confederacy under whose pressure she had nearly sunk. This was more especially the case, when, by ® the death of Louis XIV., whose ambition and sense¬ less vanity had cost so mdch blood, the government devolved on the Regent Duke of Orleans. Had Louis survived, it is probable that, although he neither did nor dared to have publicly adopted the cause of the Chevalier de St. George, as was indeed evident by his refusing to receive him at his court; yet, the recollection of his promise to the dying James II., as well as the wish to embarrass England, might have induced him to ad¬ vance money, or give some underhand assistance to the unhappy exile. But, upon Louis’s death, the policy of the Duke of Orleans, who had no personal ties whatever with the Chevalier de St. George, induced him to keep entire good faith with Britain—to comply with the requisitions of the Earl of Stair—and to put a stop to all such preparations in the French ports, as the vigi¬ lance of that minister had detected, and denounced as being made THE SCOTTISH CAVALIERS. 31 for the purpose of favouring the Jacobite insurrection. Thus, while the Chevalier de St. George was represented as obtaining succours in arms, money, and troops, from France, to an amount which that kingdom could hardly have supplied, and from her in¬ feriority in naval force, certamly must have found it difficult to have transported into Britain, even in Louis’s most palmy days, the ports of that country were even closed against such exertions as the Chevalier might make upon a small scale by means of his private resources. But the death of Louis XIV. w'as represented in Scotland, as rather favourable, than otherwise, to the cause of James the Pre¬ tender. The power of France was now wielded, it was said, by a courageous and active young prince, to whose character enterprise was more natural than to that of an aged and heart-broken old man, and who would, of course, be ready to hazard as much, or more, in the cause of the Jacobites, than the late monarch had so often promised. In short, the death of Louis the Great, long the hope and prop of the Jaeobite cause, was boldly represented as a favourable event during the present crisis. Although a little dispassionate inquiry would have dispelled the fantastic hopes, founded on the baseless rumour of foreign assistance, yet such fictions as I have here alluded to, tending to exalt the zeal and spirits of the party, were circulated because they were believed, and believed because they w^ere circulated ; and the gentlemen of Stirlingshire, Perth, Angus, and Fifeshire, began to leave their homes, and assemble in arms, though in small parties, at the foot of the Grampian hills, expecting the issue of Lord Mar’s negotiations in the Highlands. Upon leaving Fifeshire, having communicated with such gentle¬ men as were most likely to serve his purpose. Mar proceeded instantly to his own estates of Braemar, lying along the side of the river Dee, and took up his residence with Farquharson of Inver- cauld. This gentleman was chief of the clan Farquharson, and could command a very considerable body of men. But he was vassal to Lord Mar for a small part of his estate, which gave the Earl considerable influence with him ; not, however, sufficient to induce him to place himself and followers in such hazard as would have been occasioned by an instant rising. He went to Aberdeen, to avoid importunity on the subject, having previously declared to Mar, that he would not take arms until the Chevalier de St. George had actually landed. At a later period he joined the insurgents. Disappointed in this instance. Mar conceived, that as desperate resolutions are usually most readily adopted in large assemblies, where men are hurried forward by example, and prevented from retreating, or dissenting, by shame, he should best attain his pur¬ pose in a large convocation of the chiefs and men of rank, who professed attachment to the exiled family. The assembly was made under pretext of a grand hunting match, which, as main- oo Oii TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. tained in the Highlands, was an occasion of general rendezvous of a peculiar nature. The lords attended at the head of their vassals, all, even Lowland guests, attired in the Highland garb, and the sport was carried on upon a scale of rude magnificence. A circuit of many miles was formed around the wild desolate forests and wildernesses, which are inhabited by the red-deer,- and is called the tinckel. Upon a signal given, the hunters who compose the tinchel begin to move inwards, closing the circle, and driving the terrified deer before them, with whatever else the forest contains of wild animals who cannot elude the surround¬ ing sportsmen. Being in this manner concentrated and crowded together, they are driven down a defile, where the principal hunters lie in wait for them, and show their dexterity by marking out and shooting those bucks which are in season. As it required many men to form the tinchel, the attendance of vassals on these occasions was strictly insisted upon. Indeed, it was one of the feudal services required by the law, attendance on the superior at hunting being as regularly required as at hosting, that is, joining his banner in war; or watching and warding, garrisoning, namely, his castle in times of danger. An occasion such as this was highly favourable; and the gene¬ ral love of sport, and well-known fame of the forest of Braemar for game of every kind, assembled many of the men of rank and influence who resided within reach of the rendezvous, and a great number of persons besides, who, though of less consequence, served to give the meeting the appearance of numbers. This great council was held about the 26th of August, and it may be supposed, they did not amuse themselves much with hunting, though it was the pretence and watchword of their meeting. Among the noblemen of distinction, there appeared in person, or by representation, the Marquis of Huntly, eldest son of the Duke of Gordon ; the Marquis of Tulliebardine, eldest son of the Duke of Athole; the Earls of Nithsdale, Marischal, Traquair, Errol, Southesk, Carnwath, Seaforth, and Linlithgow; the Vis¬ counts of Kilsythe, Kenmuir, Kingston, and Stormount; the Lords Rollo, Duffus, Drummond, Strathallan, Ogilvy, and Nairne. Of the chiefs of clans, there attended Glengarry, Campbell of Glendarule, on the part of the powerful Earl of Breadalbane, with others of various degrees of importance in the Highlands. When this council was assembled, the Earl of Mar addressed them in a species of eloquence which was his principal accomplish¬ ment, and which was particularly qualified to succeed with the high-spirited and zealous men by whom he was surrounded. He confessed, with tears in his eyes, that he had himself been but too instrumental in forwarding the Union between England and Scotland, which had given the English the power, as they hac the disposition, to enslave the latter kingdom. He urged that tht Prince of Hanover was an usurping intruder, governing by meam. of an encroaching and innovating faction ; and that the only raodt HUNTING OF BRAEMAR. 33 to escape liis tyranny was to rise boldly in defence of their lives and property, and to establish on the throne the lawful heir of these realms. He declared that he himself was determined to set up the standard of James III., and summon around it all those over whom he had influence, and to hazard his fortune and life in the cause. He invited all who heard him to unite in the same generous resolution. He was large in his promises of assistance from France in troops and money, and persisted in the story that two descents were to take place, one in England, under the command of Ormond, the other in Scotland, under that of the Duke of Berwick. He also strongly assured his hearers of the certainty of a general insurrection in England, but alleged the absolute necessity of showing them an example in the north, for which the present time was most appropriate, as there were few regular troops in Scotland to restrain their operations, and as they might look for assistance to Sweden as well as to France. It has been said that Mar, on this memorable occasion showed letters from the Chevalier de St. George, with a commission no¬ minating the Earl his lieutenant-general and commander-in-chief of his armies in Scotland. Other accounts say, more probably, that Mar did not produce any other credentials than a picture of the Chevalier, which he repeatedly kissed, in testimony of zeal for the cause of the original, and that he did not at the time pretend to the supreme command of the enterprise. This is also the ac¬ count given in the statement of the transaction drawn up by Mar himself, or under his eye, where it is plainly said, that it was nearly a month after the standard was set up ere the Earl of Mar could procure a commission. The number of persons of rank who were assembled, the elo¬ quence with which topics were publicly urged which had been long the secret inmates of every bosom, had their effect on the assembled guests; and every one felt, that to oppose the current of the Earl’s discourse by remonstrance or objection, would be to expose himself to the charge of cowardice, or of disaffection to the common cause. It was agreed that all of them should return home, and raise, under various pretexts, whatever forces they could individually command against a day, fixed for the third of September, on which they were to hold a second meeting at Aboyne, in Aberdeenshire, in order to settle how they were to take the field. The Marquis of Huntly alone declined to be bound to any limited time; and in consequence of his high rank and importance, he was allowed to regulate his own motions at his own pleasure. Thus ended that celebrated hunting in Braemar, which, as the old bard says of that of' Chevy Chace, might, from its conse¬ quences, be wept by a generation which was yet unborn.^ There 1 “ To drive the deer with hound and horn, Earl Percy took his way; The child may rue that is unborn, The hunting of that day.” Ballad of Chevy Chace. VOL. III. C 34 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. was a circumstance mentioned at the time, which tended to show that all men had not forgotten that the Earl of Mar, on whose wan’ant this rash enterprise was undertaken, was considered by some as rather too versatile to be fully trusted. As the castle of Braemar was overflowing with guests, it chanced that, as was not unusual on such occasions, many of the gentlemen of the secondary class could not obtain beds, but were obliged to spend the night aroimd the kitchen fire, which was then accounted no great grievance. An English footman, a domestic of the Earl, was of a very different opinion. Accustomed to the accommodations of the south, he came bustling in among the gentlemen, and com¬ plained bitterly of being obliged to sit up all night, notwithstand¬ ing he shared the hardship with his betters, saying, that rather than again expose himself to such a strait, he would return to his own country and turn Whig. However, he soon after com¬ forted himself by resolving to trust to his master’s dexterity for escaping every great danger. “ Let my Lord alone,” he said; “ if he finds it necessary, he can turn cat-in-pan with any man in England.” While the Lowland gentlemen were assembling their squadrons, and the Highland chiefs levying their men, an incident took place in the metropolis of Scotland, which showed that the spirit of enterprise which animated the Jacobites, had extended to the capital itself. James Lord Drummond, son of that unfortunate Earl of Perth, who, having served James VII. as Chancellor of Scotland, had shared the exile of his still more unfortunate master, and been rewarded with the barren title of Duke of Perth, was at present in Edinburgh; and by means of one Mr. Arthur, who had been formerly an ensign m the Scots Guards, and quartered in the Castle, had formed a plan of surprising that inaccessible fortress, which resembled an exploit of Thomas Randolph, or the Black Lord James of Douglas, rather than a feat of modern war. This Ensign Arthur found means of seducing, by money and promises, a sergeant named Ainslie, and two privates, who engaged, that, when it was their duty to watch on the walls which rise from the precipice looking northward, near the Sally-port, they would be prepared to pull up from the bottom certain rope-ladders pre¬ pared for the purpose, and furnished with iron grapplmgs to make them fast to the battlements. By means of these, it was concluded that a select party of Jacobites might easily scale the walls, and make themselves masters of the place. By a beacon placed on a particular part of the Castle, three rounds of artillery, and a succession of fires made from hill to hill through Fife and Angus shires, the signal of success was to be communicated to the Earl of Mar, who was to hasten forward with such forces as he had collected, and take possession of the capital city and chief strength of Scotland. There was no difficulty in finding agents in this perilous and ATTEMPT ON EDINBURGH CASTLE. 35 important enterprise. Fifty Highlanders, picked men, were sum¬ moned up from Lord Drummond’s estates in Perthshire, and fifty more were selected among the Jacobites of the metropolis. These last were disbanded officers, writers’ clerks and apprentices, and other youths of a class considerably above the mere vulgar. Drummond, otherwise called MacGregor, of Bahaldie, a Highland gentleman of great courage, was named to command the enter¬ prise.^ If successful, this achievement must have given the Earl of Mar and his forces the command of the greater part of Scot¬ land, and afforded them a safe and ready means of commimication with the English malecontents, the want of which was afterwards so severely felt. He would also have obtained a large supply of money, arms, and ammunition, deposited in the fortress, all of which were most needful for his enterprise. And the apathy of Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart, then deputy-governor of the castle, was so great that, in spite of numerous blunders on the part of the conspirators, and an absolute revelation on the subject made to Government, the surprise had very nearly taken place. The younger conspirators who were to go on this forlorn hope, had not discretion in proportion to their courage. Eighteen of them, on the night appointed, were engaged drinking in a tip- pling-house, and were so careless in their communications, that the hostess was able to tell some person who inquired what the meeting was about, that it consisted of young gentlemen who were in the act of having their hair powdered, in order to go to the attack of the castle. At last, the full secret was intrusted to a woman. Arthur, their guide, had communicated the plot to his brother, a medical man, and engaged him in the enterprise. But when the time for executing it drew nigh, the doctor’s extreme melancholy was observed by his wife, who, hke a second Belvidera or Portia, suffered him not to rest until she extorted the secret from him, which she communicated in an anonymous letter to Sir Adam Cockburn of Ormiston, then Lord Justice- Clerk, who instantly despatched the intelligence to the castle. The news arrived so critically, that it was with difficulty the mes¬ senger obtained entrance to the castle ; and even then the deputy- governor, disbeheving the intelligence, or secretly well affected to the cause of the Pretender, contented himself with directing the rounds and patrols to be made with peculiar care, and retired to rest. In the mean time, the Jacobite storming party had ^ rendezvoused at the churchyard of the West Kirk, and ^ “The principal traitor,” says Rae, “ William Ainslie, a sergeant, who hath since been hanged for his villany, had the promise of a Lieutenant’s place; and James Thomson and John Holland, two single sentinels, had received, the one eight guineas, and the other four, with a promise of a better reward' if the design should succeed. And it hath since appeared by their own con¬ fession, that the numbers engaged in this attempt were about eighty, besides officers; and that each of them was to have A'lOO sterling, and a commission in the army, if the attempt had succeeded, and that the-Lord Drummond was to be the governor of the castle.”—/fist., p. 198. TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. S6 proceeded to post themselves beneath the castle wall. They had a part of their rope ladders in readiness, but the artificer, one Charles Forbes, a merchant in Edinburgh, who ought to have been there with the remainder, which had been made vmder his direction, was nowhere to be seen. Nothing could be done during his absence; but, actuated by their impatience, the party scram¬ bled up the rock, and stationed themselves beneath the wall, at the point where their accomplice kept sentry. Here they found him ready to perform his stipulated part of the bargain, by pul¬ ling up the ladder of ropes which was designed to give them admittance. He exhorted them, however, to be speedy, telling them he was to be relieved by the patrol at twelve o’clock, and if the affair were not completed before that hour, that he could give no further assistance. The time was fast flying, when Bahaldie, the commander of the storming party, persuaded the sentinel to pull up the grapnel, and make it fast to the battle¬ ments, that it might appear whether or not they had length of ladder sufficient to make the attempt. But it proved, as indeed they had expected, more than a fathom too short. At half-past eleven o’clock, the steps of the patrol, who had been sent their rounds earlier than usual, owing to the message of the Lord Justice-Clerk, were heard approaching, on which the sentinel exclaimed, with an oath, “ Here come the rounds I have been telling you of this half hour; you have ruined both yourself and me; I can serve you no longer.” With that he threw down the grappling-iron and ladders, and in the hope of covering his own guilt, fired his musket, and cried “ Enemy!” Every man was then compelled to shift for himself, the patrol firing on them from the wall. Twelve soldiers of the burgher guard, who had been directed by the Lord Justice-Clerk to make the round of the castle on the outside, took prisoners three youths, who insisted that they were found there by mere accident, and an old man. Captain MacLean, an officer of James VII., who was much bruised by a fall from the rocks. ^ The rest of the party escaped alongst the north bank of the North Loch, through the fields cal¬ led Barefoord’s Parks, on which the New Town of Edinburgh now stands. In their retreat they met their tardy engineer, Charles Forbes, loaded with the ladders which were so much wanted a quarter of an hour before. Had it not been for his want of punctuality, the information and precautions of the Lord Justice-Clerk would have been insufficient for the safety of the place. It does not appear that any of the conspirators were punished, nor would it have been easy to obtain proof of their guilt. The treacherous sergeant was hanged by sentence of a 1 “The patrol found one Captain MacLean, -whom they secured, shawling on the ground and bruised; with Alexander Ramsay and George Roswell, writers in Edinburgh, and one Lesly, formerly page to the Duchess of Gordon ; they likewise found the ladder, with a dozen of firelocks and carabines, which the conspirators had thrown away, in order to make their escape the better.”— Rae, p. 200. PREPARATIONS OF GOVERNMENT. 37 court-martial, and the deputy-governor (whose name of Stewart might perhaps aggravate the suspicion that attached to him) was deprived of his office, and imprisoned for some time. It needed not this open attack on the castle of Edinburgh, or the general news of Lord Mar’s Highland armament, and the rising of the disaffected gentlemen in arms throughout most of the counties of Scotland, to call the attention of King George’s Government to the disturbed state of that part of his dominions. Measures for defence were hastily adopted. The small number of regular troops who were then in Scotland were concentrated, for the purpose of forming a camp at Stirling, in order to prevent the rebels from seizing the bridge over the Forth, and thereby forcing their way into the Low country. But four regiments, on the peace establishment, only mustered two hundred and fifty- seven men each; four regiments of dragoons were considerably \mder two hundred to a regiment—a total of only fifteen hundred men at the utmost. To increase these slender forces, two regiments of dragoons, belonging to the Earl of Stair, with two regiments of foot quarter¬ ed in the north of England, were ordered to join the camp at Stirling with all possible despatch. The foot regiments of Clay¬ ton and Wightman, with the dragoons of Evans, were recalled from Ireland. The six thousand auxiliary forces with whom the Dutch had engaged, in case of need, to guarantee the succession of the House of Hanover, were required of the States, who ac¬ cordingly ordered the Scotch regiments in their service to march for the coast, but excused themselves from actually embarking them, in consequence of the French ambassador having disowned, in the strongest manner, any intent on the part of his court to aid tlie factions in England by sending over the Pretender to Britain, or to assist those who were in arms in his behalf. The Dutch alleged this as a sufficient reason for suspending the shipment of these auxiliaries. Besides these military measures, the Ministers of George I. were not remiss in taking such others as might check the prime cause of rebelUons in Scotland, namely, that feudal influence possessed by the aristocracy over their vassals, tenants, and de¬ pendents, by which the great men, when disgraced or disappoint¬ ed, had the power of calling to arms, at their pleasure, a number of individuals, who, however unwilling they might be to rise against the Government, durst not, and could not, without great loss and risk of oppression, oppose themselves to their superior’s pleasure. On the 30th of August, therefore, an act was passed for the purpose of encouraging loyalty in Scotland, a plant which of late years had not been foimd to agree with the climate of that cold and northern country, or at least, where found to luxuriate, it was of a nature different from that known by the same name at West- minster. TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. 38 This statute, commonly called the Clan Act, enacted, 1. That if a feudal superior went into rebellion, and became liable to the pains of high treason, all such vassals holding lands under him, as should continue in their allegiance, should in future hold these lands of the Crown. 2. If a tenant should have remained at the King’s peace while his landlord had been engaged in rebellion, and convicted of treason, the space of two years’ gratuitous posses¬ sion should be added to that tenant’s lease. 3. If the superior should remain loyal and peaceful while the vassal should engage in rebellion, and incur conviction of high treason, then the fief, or lands held by such vassal, shall revert to the superior as if they had never been separated from his estate. 4. Another clause declared void such settlements of estates and deeds of entail as might be made on the 1st day of August, 1714, or at any time thereafter, declaring that they should be no bar to the for¬ feiture of the estates for high treason, seeing that such settle¬ ments had been frequently resorted to for the sole purpose of evading the punishment of the law. This remarkable act was the first considerable step towards un¬ loosing the feudal fetters, by which the command of the superior became in some measure the law of the vassal. The clause con¬ cerning settlements and entails was also important, and rendered nugatory the attempts which had been frequently made to evade the punishment of forfeiture, by settlements made previous to the time when those who granted the deeds engaged in rebellion. Such deeds as were executed for onerous causes, that is, for value of some kind received, were justly excepted from the operation of this law. There was, moreover, another clause, empowering the crown to call upon any suspected person or persons in Scotland to ap¬ pear at Edinburgh, or where it should be judged expedient, for the purpose of finding bail, with certification that their failure to appear should subject them to be put to the horn as rebels, and that they should incur the forfeiture of the liferent escheat. Im¬ mediately afterwards, summonses were issued to all the noblemen and gentlemen either actually in arms, or suspected of favouring the Jacobite interest, from the Earl of Mar and his compeers, down to Rob Roy MacGregor, the celebrated outlaw. The list amounted to about fifty men of note, of which only two. Sir Patrick Murray, and Sir Alexander Erskine, thought proper to surrender themselves. Besides these general measures, military resistance to the ex¬ pected rebellion was prepared in a great many places, and parti¬ cularly in borough-towns and seaports. It is here to be remarked, that a great change had taken place among the bulk of the people of Scotland, from the ill-humour into which they had been put by the conclusion of the Union treaty. At that time, such were the effects of mortified pride, popular apprehension, and national antipathy, that the populace in every town and country PREPARATIONS OF GOVERNMENT. 39 would have arisen to place the Pretender on the throne, notwith¬ standing his professing the Catholic religion, and being the grand¬ son of James VII., of whose persecutions, as well as those in the time of his predecessor, Charles 11., the Presbyterians of the west nourished such horrible recollections. Accordingly, we have seen that it was only by bribing their chiefs, and deceiving them by means of adroit spies, that the Cameronians, the most zealous of Presbyterians, who disowned the authority of all magistrates who had not taken the Solemn League and Covenant, were pre¬ vented from taking arms to dissolve the Union Parliament, and to declare for the cause of James III. But it happened with the Union, as with other political measures, against which strong pre¬ judices have been excited during their progress;—the complica¬ tion of predicted evils were so far from being realized, that the opponents of the treaty began to be ashamed of having enter¬ tained such apprehensions. None of the violent changes which had been foretold, none of the universal disgrace and desolation which had been anticipated in consequence, had arisen from that great measure. The enforcing of the Malt Tax was the most un¬ popular, and that impost had been for the time politically sus¬ pended. The shopkeepers of Edinburgh, who had supplied the peers of Scotland with luxuries, had found other customers, now that the aristocracy w'ere resident in London, or they had turned their stock into other lines of commerce. The ideal consequence of a legislatime of their own, holding its sittings in the metropolis of Scotland, was forgotten when it became no longer visible, and the abolition of the Scottish Privy Council might, on calm re¬ flection, be considered as a national benefit rather than a priva¬ tion. In short, the general resentment excited by the treaty of Union, once keen enough to suspend all other motives, was a paroxysm too violent to last—men recovered from it by slow de¬ grees, and though it was still predominant in the minds of some classes, yet the opinions of the lower orders in general had in a great measure returned to their usual channel, and men enter¬ tained in the south and west, as well as in many of the boroughs, their usual wholesome horror for the Devil, the Pope, and the Pretender, which, for a certain time, had been overpowered and lost in their apprehensions for the independence of Scotland. In 1715, also, the merchants and better class of citizens, who began to" entertain some distant views of enriching themselves by engaging in the commerce of the plantations, and other lucrative branches of trade opened up by the Union, were no longer dis¬ posed to see any thing tempting in the proposal of Mar and his in¬ surgents, to destroy the treaty by force; and were, together with the lower classes, much better disposed to listen to the expostula¬ tions of the Presbyterian clergy, who, sensible of what they had to expect from a counter-revolution, exerted their influence, generally speaking, with great effect, in support of the present Government of King George. The fruits of tliis change in the 40 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. temper and feelings of the middling and lower classes, were soon evident in the metropolis and throughout Scotland. In Edin¬ burgh, men of wealth and substance subscribed a bond of asso¬ ciation, in order to raise subscriptions for purchasing arms and maintaining troops ; and a body of the subscribers themselves formed a regiment, under the name of the Associate Volunteers of Edinburgh. They were four hundred strong. Glasgow, with a prescient consciousness of the commercial eminence which she was to attain by means of the treaty of Union, contributed liberally in money to defend the cause of King George, and raised a good regiment of volunteers. The western counties of Renfrew and Ayrshire offered four thousand men, and the Earl of Glasgow a regiment of a thousand at his own charge. Along the Border, the Whig party were no less active. Dumfries distinguished itself, by raising among the inhabitants seven volunteer companies of sixty men each. This was the more necessary, as an attack was apprehended from the many Catholics and disaffected gentlemen who resided in the neighbourhood. The eastern part of Teviot- dale supplied the Duke of Roxburgh, Sir William Bennet of Grubet, and Sir John Pringle of Stitchell, with as many men as they could find arms for, being about four companies. The upper part of the county, and the neighbouring shire of Selkirk, were less willing to take arms. The hatred of the Union still prevailed amongst them more than elsewhere, inflamed, probably, by the very circumstance of their vicinity to England, and the recollec¬ tion of the long wars betwixt the kingdoms. The Cameronian preachers, also, had possessed many speculative shepherds with their whimsical and chimerical doubts concerning the right of un¬ covenanted magistrates to exercise any authority, even in the most urgent case of national emergency. This doctrine was as rational as if the same scrupulous persons had discovered that it was unlawful to use the assistance of firemen during a conflagra¬ tion, because they had not taken the Solemn League and Covenant. These scruples were not universal, and assumed as many different hues and shades as there were popular preachers to urge them ; they tended greatly to retard and embarrass the exertions of Government to prepare for defence in these districts. Even the popularity of the Reverend Thomas Boston, an eminent divine of the period, could not raise a man for the service of Govern¬ ment out of his parish of Ettrick. Notwithstanding, however, partial exceptions, the common people of Scotland, who were not overawed by Jacobite land¬ lords, remained generally faithful to the Protestant line of suc¬ cession, and showed readiness to arm in its behalf. Having thus described the preparations for war, on both sides, we will, in the next Chapter, relate the commencement of the campaign. RAISING OF THE STANDARD FOR THE CHEVALIER. 41 CHAPTER LXVII. Raising of the Standard for the Cheralier de St. George, and Pro¬ clamation of him as James VIII. of Scotland, and III. of England and Ireland—Capture of Perth hy the Jacobites, and Seizure o/200 Stand of Arms from a Vessel in the Frith of Forth—Character of MaCs Army—Incapacity of Mar as a General—Plan of an Expedition into the Low Country. [1715.] On the 6th September, 1715, the noblemen, chiefs of clans, gentlemen, and others, with such followers as they could im¬ mediately get in readiness, assembled at Aboyne ; and the Earl of Mar, acting as General on the occasion, displayed the royal standard,^ at Castletown, in Braemar ; and proclaimed, with such solemnity as the time and place admitted, James King of Scotland, by the title of James VIII., and King of England, Ireland, and their dependencies, by that of James III. The day was stormy, and the gilded ball which was on the top of the standard spear was blown down,—a circumstance which the superstitious High¬ landers regarded as ominous of ill fortune ; while others called to mind, that, by a strange coincidence, something of the same kind happened in the evil hour when King Charles I. set up his standard at Nottingham.^ After this decisive measure, the leaders of the insurgents separated to proclaim King James in the towns where they had influence, and to raise as many followers as each could possibly command, in order to support the daring defiance which they had given to the established Government. It was not by the mildest of all possible means that a Highland following, as it is called, was brought into the field at that period. Many vassals were, indeed, prompt and ready for service, for which their education and habits prepared them. But there were others who were brought to their chief’s standard by much the same enticing mode of solicitation used in our own day for re¬ cruiting the navy, and there were many who conceived it prudent not to stir without such a degree of compulsion as might, in case 1 The standard was blue, having on one side the Scottish arms wrought in gold, on the other the thistle and ancient motto Nemo me impune lacesset, and underneath, “No Union.” The pendants of white ribbon were inscribed, the one, “for our wronged King and oppressed country,” and the other, “for our lives and liberties.” 2 “ At Nottingham, on the 25th of August, 1642, Charles’s standard was erected about six in the evening of a very stormy and tempestuous day, with little other cerenmny than the sound of drums and trumjjets. Melancholy men observed many ill presages. There was not one regiment of foot yet brought thither; so that the trained bands which the Sheriffs had drawn to¬ gether, were all the strength the King had for his person and the guard of the standard. It was blown down the same night it had been set up, by a very strong and unruly wind, and could not be fixed again in a day or two, till the tempest was allayed.”— Clarendon. 42 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. of need, serve as some sort of apology for having been in arms at all. On this raising of the clans in the year 1715, the fiery cross was sent through the districts or countries, as they are termed, inhabited by the different tribes. This emblem consisted of two branches of wood, in the form of a cross, one end singed vdth fire, and the other stained with blood. The inhabitants transmitted the signal from house to house with all possible speed, and the symbol implied, that those who should not appear at a rendezvous which was named, when the cross was presented, should suffer the extremities of fire and sword. ^ There is an intercepted letter of Mar himself, to John Forbes of Increrau, bailie of his lordship of Kildrummie, which throws considerable light on the nature of a feudal levy:— “ Inverauld, Sept. 9, at Night, 1715. “Jocke ,—Ye was in the right not to come with the hundred men you sent up to-night, when I expected four times their num¬ bers. It is a pretty thing my own people should be refractory, when all the Highlands are rising, and all the Lowlands are ex¬ pecting us to join them. Is not this the thing we are now about, which they have been wishing these 26 years ? And now when it is come, and the King and comitry’s cause is at stake, will they for ever sit still and see all perish ? I have used gentle means too long, and so I shall be forced to put other orders I have in execution. I send you enclosed an order for the Lordship of Kildrummie, which you will immediately intimate to all my vas¬ sals. If they give ready obedience, it will make some amends, and if not, ye may tell them from me, that it will not be in my power to save them (were I willing) from being treated as enemies by those that are soon to join me; and they may de¬ pend upon it that I will be the first to propose and order their being so. Particularly, let my own tenants in Kildrummie know, that if they come not forth with their best arms, I will send a party immediately to burn what they shall miss taking from them. And they may believe this only a threat,—but by all that’s sacred. I’ll put it in execution, let my loss be what it will, that it may be an example to others. You are to tell the gentle¬ men that I expect them in their best accoutrements on horse¬ back, and no excuse to be accepted of. Go about this with all diligence, and come yourself and let me know your having done so. All this is not only as ye will be answerable to me, but to your King and country.” This remarkable letter is dated three days after the displaying of the standard. The system of social life in the Highlands, when viewed through the vista of years, has much in it that is in¬ teresting and poetical; but few modern readers would desire to exchange conditions with a resident within the romantic bounds of Mar’s lordship of Kildrummie, where such were liable to a peremptory summons to arms, thus rudely enforced. • See The Lady of the Lake, Note to Canto iii., stanza i. CAPTURE OF PERTH. 43 Proceeding towards the Lowlands by short marches, Mar paused at the small town of Kirkmichael, and afterwards at Mouline in Perthshire, moving slowly, that his friends might have leisure to assemble for his support. In the mean time. King James was proclaimed at Aberdeen by the Earl Marischal; at Dunkeld by the Marquis of Tullibardine, contrary to the wishes of his father, the Duke of Athole; at Castle Gordon by the Marquis of Huntly; at Brechin by the Earl of Panmure, a rich and powerful nobleman, who had acceded to the cause since the rendezvous at the Braemar hunting. The same ceremony was performed at Montrose by the Earl of Southesk; at Dundee by Graham of Duntroon, of the family of the celebrated Claverhouse, and to whom King James had given that memorable person’s title of Viscount of Dundee; and at Inverness by the Laird of Borlum, commonly called Brigadier Macintosh, from his having held that rank in the service of France. This officer made a con¬ siderable figure during the Rebellion, in which he had influence to involve his chief and clan, rather contrary to the pohtical sen¬ timents of the former; he judged that Inverness was a station of importance, and therefore left a garrison to secure it from any attack on the part of the Grants, Monroes, or other Whig clans in the vicinity. The possession of the town of Perth now became a point of great importance, as forming the communication between the Highlands and the Lowlands, and being the natiiral capital of the fertile countries on the margin of the Tay. The citizens were divided into two parties, but the magistrates, who, at the head of one part of the inhabitants, had declared for King George, took arms and applied to the Duke of Athole, who re¬ mained in allegiance to the ruling monarch, for a party to sup¬ port them. The Duke sent them three or four hundred Athole Highlanders, and the inhabitants conceived themselves secure, especially as the Earl of Rothes, having assembled about four hundred militia men, was advancing from Fife to their support. The honourable Colonel John Hay, brother to the Earl of Kin- noul, took, however, an opportunity to collect together some fifty or a hundred horse from the gentlemen of Stirling, Perthshire, and Fife, and marched towards the town. The Tory burghers, who were not inferior in numbers, began to assume courage as these succours appeared, and the garrison of Highlanders, Imow- ing that although the Duke of Athole remained attached to the Government, his eldest son was in the Earl of Mar’s army, gave way to their own inchnations, which were decidedly Jacobitical, and joined Colonel Hay, for the purpose of disarming the Whig burghers, to whose assistance they had been sent. Thus Perth, by a concurrence of accidents, fell into the hands of the insurgent Jacobites, and gave them the command ‘ of all the Lowlands in the east part of Scotland. Still, as the town was but slightly fortified, it might have been recovered by a TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. 4i sudden attack, if a detachment had been made for that purpose, from the regular camp at Stirling. But General Whetham, who as yet commanded there, was not an officer of activity. He was indeed superseded by the Duke of Argyle, commander-in-chief in Scotland, who came to Stirling on the 14th September ; but the opportunity of regaining Perth no longer existed. The town had been speedily reinforced, and secured for the Jacobite interest, by about two hundred men, whom the Earl of Strathmore had raised to join the Earl of Mar, and a body of Eifeshire cavalry who had arrayed themselves for the same service under the Master of Sinclair. Both these noblemen were remarkable characters. The Earl of Strathmore, doomed to lose his life in this fatal broil, was only about eighteen years old, but at that early age he exhibited every symptom of a brave, generous, and modest dis¬ position, and his prematime death disappointed the most flourish¬ ing hopes. He engaged in the Rebellion with all the zeal of sincerity, raised a strong regiment of Lowland infantry, and dis¬ tinguished himself by his attention to the duties of a military life. The Master of Sinclair, so called because the eldest son of Henry seventh Lord Sinclair, had served in Marlborough’s army with good reputation; but he was especially remarkable for having, in the prosecution of an affair of honour, slain two gentle¬ men of the name of Shaw, brothers to Sir John Shaw of Greenock, and persons of rank and consequence. He was tried by a court- martial, and condemned to death, but escaped from prison, not without the connivance of the Duke of Marlborough himself. As the Master of Sinclair’s family were Tories, he obtained his pardon on the accession of their party to power in 1712. In 1715, he seems to have taken arms with great reluctance, deem¬ ing the cause desperate, and having no confidence in the probity or parts of the Earl of Mar, who assumed the supreme authority. He was a man of a caustic and severe turn of mind, suspicious and satirical, but acute and sensible. He has left Memoirs, curiously illustrative of this ill-fated enterprise, of which he seems totally to have despaired long before its termination. That part of the Earl of Mar’s forces which lay in the eastern and north-eastern parts of Scotland, were now assembled at Perth, the most central place under his authority. They amount¬ ed to four or five thousand men, and although formidable for courage and numbers, they had few other qualities necessary to constitute an army. They wanted a competent general, money, arms, ammunition, regulation, discipline ; and, above all, a set¬ tled purpose and object of the campaign. On each of these defi¬ ciencies, and on the manner and degree in which they were seve¬ rally supplied, I will say a few words, so as to give you some idea of this tumultuary army, before proceeding to detail what they did, and what they left undone. There can be no doubt, that from the time he embarked in this dangei’ous enterprise, Mar had secretly determined to put CHARACTER OF MAR’s ARMY. 45 himself at the head of it, and gratify at once his ambition and his revenge. But it does not appear that at first he made any pre¬ tensions to the chief command. On the contrary, he seemed willing to defer to any person of higher rank than his own. The Duke of Gordon would have been a natural choice, from his ele¬ vated rank and great power. But, besides that he had not come out in person, though it was not doubted that he approved of his son’s doing so, the Duke was a Catholic, and it was not con¬ sidered politic that Papists should hold any considerable rank in the enterprise, as it would have given rise to doubts among their own party, and reproaches from their opponents. Finally, the Duke, being one of the suspected persons summoned by Go¬ vernment to surrender himself, obeyed the call, and was ap¬ pointed to reside at Edinburgh on his parole.^ The Duke of Athole had been a leader of the Jacobites during the disputes concerning the Union, and had agreed to rise in 1707, had the French descent then taken place. Upon him, it is said, the Earl of Mar offered to devolve the command of the forces he had levied. But the Duke refused the offer at his hands. He said, that if the Chevalier de St. George had chosen to impose such a responsible charge upon him, he would have opened a direct communication with him personally; and he complained that Mar, before making this proposal to him, had intrigued in his family; having instigated his two sons, the Marquis of Tullibar- dine and Lord Charles Murray, as well as his uncle. Lord Nairne, to take arms without his consent, and made use of them to se¬ duce the Athole men from their allegiance to their rightful lord. He therefore declined the offer which was made to him of com¬ manding the forces now in rebellion, and Mar retained, as if by occupancy, the chief command of the army. As he was brave, high-born, and possessed of very considerable talent, and as his late connexion with the chiefs of Highland clans, while distributor of Queen Anne’s bounty, rendered him highly acceptable to them, his authority was generally submitted to, especially as it was at first supposed that he acted only as a locum tenens for the Duke of Berwick, whose speedy arrival had been announced. Time passed on, however, the Duke came not, and the Earl of Mar continued to act as commander-in-chief, xmtil confirmed in it, by an express commission from the Chevalier de St. George. As the Earl was unacquainted with military affairs, he used the experience of Lieutenant-General Hamilton and Clephane of Carslogie, who had served during the late war, to supply his de¬ ficiencies in that department. But though these gentlemen had 1 “ In some places in their drunken frolics, the Highland Jacobites took an opportunity to proclaim the Pretender in the night time. The Government or¬ dered those concerned in these riots to be prosecuted, and for preventing any further disturbance from that party, the Lords Justices ordered some of their chiefs to be confined; the Duke of Gordon to the city of Edinburgh (Sept. 1714,) the Marquis of Huntly to his house at Brahen, and the Lord Drummond to Castle Drummond.”— Rae, p. 77- 46 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. both courage, zeal, and warlike skill, they could not assist their principal in what his own capacity could not attain—the power of forming and acting upon a decided plan of tactics. Money, also much wanted, was but poorly supplied by such sums as the wealthier adherents of the party could raise among themselves. Some of them had indeed means of their own, but as their funds became exhausted, they were under the necessity of returning home for more ; which was with some the apology for absence from their corps much longer and more frequently than was consistent with discipline. But the Highlanders and Lowlanders of inferior rank, could not subsist, or be kept within the bounds of discipline, without regular pay of some kind. Lord Southesk gave five hundred pounds, and the Earl of Panmure the same sum, to meet the exigencies of the moment. Aid was also solicited and obtained from various individuals, friendly to the cause, but unequal, from age or infirmity, to take the field in person; and there were many prudent persons, no doubt, who thought it the wisest course to sacrifice a sum of money, which, if the insurrection were successful, would give them the merit of having aided it, while, if it failed, their lives and estates were secured from the reach of the law against treason. Above all, the insurgents took especial care to secure all the public money that was in the hands of collectors of taxes, and other public offi¬ cers, and to levy eight months’ cess, wherever their presence gave them the authority. At length, considerable supplies were re¬ ceived from France, which in a great measure relieved their wants in that particular. Lord Drummond was appointed to be treasurer to the army. Arms and ammunition were scarce amongst the insurgents. The Highland clans were, indeed, tolerably armed with their na¬ tional weapons ; but the guns of the Lowlanders were in wretch¬ ed order, and in a great measure unfit for service. The success of an expedition in some degree remedied this important defi¬ ciency. Among other northern chiefs who remained faithful to George I., amidst the general defection, was the powerful Earl of Suther¬ land, who, on'the news of the insurrection, had immediately pro¬ ceeded by sea to his Castle of Dunrobin, to collect his vassals. In order that they might be supplied with arms, a vessel at Leith was loaded with firelocks, and other weapons, and sailed for# the Earl’s country. The wind, however, proving contrary, the mas¬ ter of the ship dropped anchor at Burntisland, on the Fife shore of the Frith of Forth, of which he was a native, that he might have an opportunity to see his wife and children before his departure. The Master of Sinclair, formerly mentioned, whose family estate and interest lay on the shores of the Frith, got information of this circumstance, and suggested the seizure of these arms by a scheme which argued talent and activity, and was the first symp- SEIZURE OF ARMS. 47 tom which the insurgents had given of either one or other. The Master of Sinclair, with about fourscore troopers, and carrying with him a number of baggage-horses, left Perth about nightfall, and, to baffle observation, took a circuitous road to Burntisland. He arrived in that little seaport town with all the effect of a complete surprise, and though the bark had hauled out of the harbour into the roadstead, he boarded her by means of boats, and secured possession of all the arms, which amounted to three hundred. Mar, as had been agreed upon, pro¬ tected the return of the detachment by advancing a body of five hundred Highlanders as far as Auchtertool, halfway between Perth and Burntisland. On this occasion, the Master of Sinclair, an old officer, and acquainted with the usual discipline of war, was greatly annoyed by the disorderly conduct of the volunteer forces under his charge. He could not prevail on the gentlemen of his squadron to keep watch with any vigilance, nor prevent them from crowding into ale-houses to drink. In returning home¬ ward, several of them broke off without leave, either to visit their own houses which were near the road, or to indulge themselves in the pleasure of teazing such Presbyterian ministers as came in their way. When he arrived at Auchtertool, the disorder was yet greater. The Highland detachment, many of them Mar’s own men from Dee-side, had broken their ranks, and were dispersed over the country, pillaging the farm-houses; when Sinclair got a Highland officer to command them to desist and return, they refused to obey, nor was there any means of bringing them off', save by spreading a report that the enemy’s dragoons were ap¬ proaching ; then they drew together with wonderful celerity, and submitted to be led back to Perth with the arms that had been seized, which went some length to remedy the scarcity of that most important article in the insurgent army. A greater deficiency even than that of arms, was the want of a general capable to form the plan of a campaign suitable to his situation and the character of his troops, and then carry it into effect with firmness, celerity, and decision. Generals Hamilton and Gordon, both in Mar’s army, were men of some military ex¬ perience, but totally void of that comprehensive genius which combines and executes the manoeuvres of a campaign; and Mar himself, as already intimated, seems to have been unacquainted even with the mere mechanical part of the profession. He ap¬ pears to have thought that the principal part of his work was done when the insurrection was set on foot, and that once effected, that it would carry itself on, and the rebels increase in such num¬ bers, as to render resistance impossible. The greater part of the Jacobites in East Lothian were, he knew, ready to take horse; so were those of the counties of Dumfries and Lanark; but they were separated from his army by the frith of Forth, and likely to require assistance from him, in order to secure protection when they assembled. Montrose, or Dundee, with half the men whom 48 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. Mar had already under him, would have marched without hesita¬ tion towards Stirling, and compelled the Duke of Argyle, who had not as yet quite two thousand men, either to fight or retreat, which must have opened the Lowlands and the Borders to the operations of the insurgents. But such was the reputation of the Duke, that Mar resolved not to encounter him until he should have received all the reinforcements from the north and west which he could possibly expect, in the hope, by assembling an immense superiority of force, to counterbalance the acknowledged military skill of his distinguished opponent. As it was essential, however, to the Earl of Mar’s purpose, to spread the flame of insurrection into the Lowlands, he deter¬ mined not to allow the check which Argyle’s forces and position placed on his movements, to prevent his attempting a diversion by passing at all hazards a considerable detachment of his army into Lothian, to support and encourage his Jacobite friends there. His proposal was to collect small vessels and boats on the Fife side of the frith, and dispatch them across with a division of his army, who were to land on such part of the coast of East Lo¬ thian as the wind should permit, and unite themselves with the malecontents wherever they might find them in strength. But ere noticing the fate of this expedition, we must leave Mar and his army, to trace the progress of the insurrection in the south of Scotland and the north of England, where it had already bro¬ ken out. CHAPTER LXVIII. Progress of Insurrection in the South of Scotland—Catastrophe in the Family of Hepburn of Keith—tlising of the Jacobites of the Western Frontier under Kenmure, and of those of the North of England^ under Forster—Junction of Kenmure’s Party with that of Forster—Reinforcements join Mar at Perth, his head-quarters —Delay in the Rising of the Western Clans—Procrastination of Mar—Descent of Macintosh upon Lothian—Junction of Mac¬ intosh with Kenmure and Forster at Kelso—They hold a Coun¬ cil, to decide on their plan of Operations. [1715.] The reports of invasion from France—of King James’s land¬ ing with a foreign force, abundance of arms, ammunition, and treasure, and the full purpose to reward his friends and chastise his enemies—the same exaggerated intelligence from England, concerning general discontent and local insurrection, which had raised the north of Scotland in arms—had their effect also on the gentlemen of Jacobite principles in the south of that country, and in the contiguous frontiers of England, where a number of Catholic families, and others devoted to the exiled family, were JACOBITES OF THE SOUTH. 49 still to be found. Ere the hopes inspired by such favourable rumours had passed away, came the more veracious intelligence, that the Earl of Mar had set up James’s standard in the High¬ lands, and presently after, that he had taken possession of Perth —that many noblemen of distinguished rank and interest had joined his camp, and that his numbers were still increasing. These reports gave a natural impulse to the zeal of men, who, having long professed themselves the liege subjects of the Stewart family, were ashamed to sit still when a gallant effort was made to effect their restoration, by what was reported to be, and in very truth was, a very strong party, and an army much larger than those commanded by Montrose or Dundee, and composed chiefly of the same description of troops at the head of whom they had gained their victories. The country, therefore, through most of its districts, was heaving with the convulsive throes which pre¬ cede civil war, like those which announce an earthquake. Events hurried on to decide the doubtful and embolden the timorous. The active measures resolved on by Government, in arresting suspect¬ ed persons throughout England and the southern parts of Scot¬ land, obliged the professed Jacobites to bring their minds to a re¬ solution, and either expose their persons to the dangers of civil war, or their characters to the shame of being judged wanting in the hour of action, to all the protestations which they had made in those of safety and peace. These considerations decided men according to their charac¬ ters, some to submit themselves to imprisonment, for the safety of their lives and fortunes—others to draw the sword and venture their all in support of their avowed principles. Those gentlemen who embraced the latter course, more honourable, or more im¬ prudent, perhaps, began to leave their homes, and drew together in such bodies as might enable them to resist the efforts of the magistrates, or troops sent to arrest them. The civil war began by a very tragical rencounter in a family, with the descendants of which your grandfather has long enjoyed peculiar intimacy, and of which I give the particulars after the account preserved by them, though it is also mentioned in most histories of the times. Among other families of distinction in East Lothian, that of Mr. Hepburn of Keith was devotedly attached to the interests of the House of Stewart, and he determined to exert himself to the utmost in the approaching conflict. He had several sons, with whom, and his servants, he had determined to join a troop to be raised in East Lothian, and commanded by the Earl of Winton. This gentleman being much respected in the county, it was deemed of importance to prevent his showing an example which was like¬ ly to be generally followed. P’or this purpose, Mr. Hepburn of Humbie and Dr. Sinclair of Hermandston resolved to lay the Laird of Keith under arrest, and proceeded towards his house with a party of the horse-militia, on the morning of the 8th of Oc¬ tober, 1715, which happened to be the very morning that Keith VOL. III. D 50 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. had appointed to set forth on his campaign, having made all pre¬ parations on the preceding evening. The family had assembled for the last time at the breakfast-table, when it was observed that one of the young ladies looked more sad and disconsolate, than even the departure of her father and brothers upon a dis¬ tant and precarious expedition seemed to warrant at that period, when the fair sex were as enthusiastic in politics as the men. Miss Hepburn was easily induced to tell the cause of her fears. She had dreamed she saw her youngest brother, a youth of great hopes, and generally esteemed, shot by a man whose features were impressed on her recollection, and stretched dead on the floor of the room in which they were now assembled. The females of the family listened and argued—the men laugh¬ ed, and turned the visionary into ridicule. The horses were sad¬ dled, and led out into the court-yard, when a mounted party was discovered advancing along the flat ground in front of the man¬ sion-house, called the Plain of Keith. The gate was shut; and when Dr. Sinclair, who was most active in the matter, had an¬ nounced his purpose, and was asked for his warrant, he handed in at a window the commission of the Marquis of Tweeddale, Lord Lieutenant of the county. This Keith returned with contempt, and announced that he would stand on his defence. The party within mounted their horses, and sallied out, deter¬ mined to make their way; and Keith, discharging a pistol in the air, charged the Doctor sword in hand; the militia then fired, and the youngest of the Hepburns was killed on the spot. The sister beheld the catastrophe from the window, and to the end of her life persisted that the homicide had the features of the person whom she saw in her dream. The corpse was carried into the room where they had so lately breakfasted, and Keith, after having paid this heavy tax to the demon of civil war, rode off with the rest of his party to join the insurgents. Dr. Sin¬ clair was censured very generally, for letting his party zeal hurry him into a personal encounter with so near a neighbour and familiar friend; he vindicated himself, by asserting that his intentions were to save Keith from the consequences into which his rash zeal for the Stewart family was about to precipitate that gentleman and his family. But Dr. Sinclair ought to have been prepared to expect, that a high-spirited man, with arms in his hands, was certain to resist this violent mode of opening his eyes to the rashness of his conduct; and he who attempts to make either religious or political converts by compulsion, must be charged with the consequences of such violence as is most likely to ensue. Mr. Hepburn and his remaining sons joined the Jacobite gen¬ try of the neighbourhood, to the number of fifty or sixty men, and directed their course westward towards the Borders, where a considerable party were in arms for the same cause. The leader of the East Lothian troop was the Earl of Win ton, a young INSURRECTION IN THE SOUTH. 51 nobleman twenty-five years old, said to be afflicted by a vicissitude of spirits approaching to lunacy. His life had been marked by some strange singularities, as that of his living a long time as bellows-blower and assistant to a blacksmith in France, without holding any communication with his country or family. But, if we judge from his conduct in the rebellion. Lord Winton ap¬ pears to have displayed more sense and prudence than most of those engaged in that unfortunate affair. This Lothian insurrection soon merged in the two principal southern risings, which took place in Dumfries-shire and Gallo¬ way in Scotland, and in Northumberland and Cumberland in England. On the western frontier of Scotland, there were many families not only Jacobites in politics, but Roman Catholics in religion; and therefore bound by a double tie to the heir of James II., who, for the sake of that form of faith, may be justly thought to have forfeited his kingdoms. Among the rest, the Earl of Nithis- dale, combining in his person the representation of two noble fa¬ milies, those of the Lord Herries and the Lord Maxwell, might be considered as the natural leader of the party. But William, Viscount Kenmure, in Galloway, a Protestant, was preferred as chief of the enterprise, as it was not thought prudent to bring Catholics too much forward in the affair, on account of the scan¬ dal to which their promotion might give rise. Many neighbouring gentlemen were willing to throw themselves and their fortunes into the same adventure in which Nithisdale and Kenmure stood committed. The latter was a man of good sense and resolution, well acquainted with civil affairs, but a total stranger to the mili¬ tary art. In the beginning of October, the plan of insurrection was so far ripened, that the gentlemen of Galloway, Nithisdale, and Annandale, proposed by a sudden effort to possess themselves of the county town of Dumfries. The town was protected on the one side by the river Nith; on the others it might be considered as open. But the zeal of the inhabitants, and of the Whig gen¬ tlemen of the neighbourhood,^ baffled the enterprise, which must otherwise have been attended with credit to the arms of the in¬ surgents. The Lord Lieutenant and his deputies collected the fencible men of the county, and brought several large parties into Dumfries, to support, if necessary, the defence of the place. 1 “ The ministers of the neighbouring parishes (then in Dumfries for the sa¬ cramental dispensation) went out in the afternoon, and returned that night with their fencible parishioners armed. Expresses were also sent to the loyal gentlemen and people in the adjacent country, and the town was provided next day with a considerable body of armed men from the several parishes in Nithsdale and Galloway all volunteers. So quick were their motions on this occasion, that Captain Fullarton, Provost of Kirkcudbright, and others, set out from thence with a company of foot, on the 12th, in the morning, and arrived at Dumfries that night, having marched no less than twenty-four long miles of very bad way. And those who lived in the remotest parts of the county, and were latest in getting the alarm, were all in Dumfries within two days after.”— Rak, p. 249. TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. O *a The provost, Robert Corbett, Esq., mustered the citizens, and putting himself at their head, harangued them in a style pe¬ culiarly calculated to inspire confidence. He reminded them that their laws and religion were at stake, and that their cause resembled that of the Israelites, when led by Joshua against the unbelieving inhabitants of the land of Canaan. “Nevertheless,” said the considerate Provost of Dumfries; “ as I, who am your unworthy leader, cannot pretend to any divine commission like that of the son of Nun, I do not take upon me to recommend the extermination of your enemies, as the judge of Israel was commanded to do by a special reve¬ lation. On the contrary, I earnestly entreat you to use your assured victory with clemency, and remember, that the misguid¬ ed persons opposed to you are still your countrymen and breth¬ ren.” This oration, which, instead of fixing the minds of his followers on a doubtful contest, instructed them only how to make use of a certain victory, had a great effect in encouraging the bands of the sagacious provost, who, with their auxiliaries from the country, drew out and took a position to cover the town of Dumfries. Lord Kenmure marched from Moffat, with about a hundred and fifty horse, on Wednesday the 13th of October, with the pur¬ pose of occupying Dumfries. But finding the friends of Govern¬ ment in such a state of preparation, he became speedily aware that he could not with a handful of cavalry propose to storm a town, the citizens of which were determined on resistance. The Jacobite gentlemen, therefore, retreated to Moffat,^ and thence to Langholm and Hawick. From thence they took their departure for the eastward, to join the Northumberland gentlemen who were in arms in the same cause, and towards whom we must now direct our attention. In England, a very dangerous and extensive purpose of in¬ surrection certainly existed shortly after the Queen’s death; but the exertions of Government had been so great in all quarters, that it was every where disconcerted or suppressed. The Uni¬ versity of Oxford was supposed to be highly dissatisfied at the accession of the House of Hanover; and there, as well as at Bath, and elsewhere in the west, horses, arms, and ammunition, were seized in considerable quantities, and most of the Tory gentle- J “ On Thursday, when they entered the town of Lochmaben, they pro¬ claimed the Pretender there. Upon their approach, the people of that place had put their cattle in a fold to make room for their horses, but the beasts having broken the fold, some of them drew home to the town a little before day; and a townsman going to hunt one of them out of his yard, called on his dog, named Hdp, —help, help! Hereupon the sentries called. Where? And apprehending it had been a party from Dumfries to attack them, gave the alarm to the rebels, who got up in great confusion. It is said their conster¬ nation was such as made some of them cut up their boots for haste to get them on; others, who could not get their horses in an instant, were at throwing them off, that they might flee on foot; and some who had mounted their horses, had almost dropt off for fear, until the mistake was discovered.”—R ak, p. 254. ENGLISH INSURGENTS. 53 men, who were suspected' of harbouring dangerous intentions, were either arrested, or delivered themselves up on the summons of Government. Amongst these was Sir William Wyndham, one of the principal leaders of the High Church party. In Northumberland and Cumberland, the Tories, at a greater distance from the power of the Government, were easily in¬ clined to action ; they were, besides, greatly influenced by the news of the Earl of Mar’s army, which, though large enough to have done more than it ever attempted, was still much magnified by common fame. The unfortunate Earl of Derwentwater, who acted so prominent a part in this shortlived struggle, was by birth connected with the exiled royal family ; his lady also was a bigot in their cause; and the Catholic religion, which he profes¬ sed, made it almost a crime in this nobleman to remain peaceful on the present occasion. Thomas Forster of Bamborough, mem¬ ber of Parliament for the county of Northumberland, was equally attached to the Jacobite cause; being a Church-of-England man, he was adopted as the commander-in-chief of the insurrection, for the same reason that the Lord Kenmure was preferred to the Earl of Nithisdale in the command of the Scottish levies. War¬ rants being issued against the Earl of Derwentwater and Mr. Forster, they absconded, and lurked for a few days among their friends in Northumberland, till a general consultation could be held of the principal northern Tories, at the house of Mr. Fen- wick of By well; when, as they foresaw that, if they should be arrested, and separately examined, they could scarce frame such a defence as might save them from the charge of high treason, they resolved to unite in a body, and try the chance that fortune might send them. With this purpose they held a meet- g ^ q ^ ing at a place called Greenrig, where Forster arrived ^ ‘ with about twenty horse. They went from this to the top of a hill, called the Waterfalls, where they were joined by Lord Der¬ wentwater. This reinforcement made them near sixty horse, with which they proceeded to the small town of Rothbury, and from thence to Warkworth, where they proclaimed King James III. On the 10th of October they marched to Morpeth, where they received further reinforcements, which raised them to three hmidred horse, the highest number which they ever attained. Some of these gentlemen remained undecided till the last fatal moment, and amongst these was John Hall of Otterburn. He attended a meeting of the quarter sessions, which was held at Alnwick, for the purpose of taking measures for quelling the re¬ bellion, but left it with such precipitation that he forgot his hat upon the bench, and joined the fatal meeting at the Waterfalls. The insurgents could levy no foot soldiers, though many men offered to join them ; for they had neither arms to equip them, nor money to pay them. This want of infantry was the principal cause why they did not make an immediate attack on Newcastle, which had formed part of their original plan. But tl|5 town, 51 ^ TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. though not regularly fortified, was surrounded with a high stone wall, with old-fashioned gates. The magistrates, who were zeal¬ ous on the side of Government, caused the gates to be walled up with masonry, and raised a body of seven hundred volunteers for the defence of the town, to which the keelmen or bargemen employed in the coal-trade upon the Tyne, made offer of seven hundred more; and, in the course of a day or two, General Car¬ penter arrived with part of those forces with whom he after¬ wards attacked the insurgents. After this last reinforcement, the gentlemen, as Forster’s cavalry were called, lost all hopes of surprising Newcastle. About the same time, however, a beam of success which attended their arms, might be said just to glimmer and disappear. This was the exploit of a gentleman named Lancelot Errington, who, by a dexterous stratagem, contrived to surprise the small castle, or fort, upon Holy Island,’ which might have been useful to the insurgents in maintaining their foreign communication. But before Errington could receive the neces¬ sary supplies of men and provisions, the governor of Berwick de¬ tached a party of thirty soldiers, and about fifty volunteers, who, crossing the sands at low water, attacked the little fort, and car¬ ried it sword in hand. Errington was wounded and taken prisoner, but afterwards made his escape. This disappointment, with the news that troops were advancing to succour Newcastle, decided Forster and his followers to unite themselves with the Viscount Kenmure and the Scottish gentle¬ men engaged in the same cause. The English express found Kenmure near Hawick, at a moment when his little band of about two hundred men had almost determined to give up the enterprise. Upon receiving Forster’s communication, however, they resolved to join him at Rothbury. On the 19th of October, the two bodies of insurgents met at Rothbury, and inspected each other’s military state and equip¬ ments, with the anxiety of mingled hope and apprehension. The general character of the troops was the same, but the Scots seemed the best prepared for action, being mounted on strong, hardy horses, fit for the charge, and, though but poorly disci- phned, were well armed with the basket-hilted broadswords, then common throughout Scotland. The English gentlemen, on the other hand, were mounted on fleet blood-horses, better adapted for the race-course and hunting-field than for action. There was among them a great want of war-saddles, curb-bridles, and, above all, of swords and pistols; so that the Scots were inclined to doubt whether men ^ so well equipped for flight, and so imper- 1 “ Lindisfarne,” about eight miles S.E. of Berwick, “ was called Holy Island, from the sanctity of its ancient monastery, and from its having been the Episcopal seat of the See of Durham during the early ages of British Christianity. It is not properly an island, but rather a semi-isle; for, although surrounded by the sea at full tide, the ebb leaves the sands dry between it and the coast of Northumberland, from which it is about three miles distant.”— Note, Mar- mion. Canto ii., stanza i. ENGLISH INSURGENTS. 55 fectly prepared for combat, might not, in case of an encounter, take the safer course, and leave them in the lurch. Their want of swords in particular, at least of cutting swords fit for the cavalry service, is proved by an anecdote. It is said, that as they entered the town of Wooler, their commanding-officer gave the word—“ Grentlemen, you that have got swords, draw them to which a fellow among the crowd answered, not irrelevantly— “ And what shall they do who have none?” When Forster, by means of one of his captains named Douglas, had opened a direct commimication with Mar’s army, the messenger stated that the English were willing to have given horses worth £25 —then a considerable price—for such swords as are generally worn by Highlanders. It may be also here noticed, that out of the four troops com¬ manded by Forster, the two raised by Lord Derwentwater and Lord Widrington were, like those of the Scots, composed of gentle¬ men, and their relations and dependents. But the third and fourth troops differed considerably from the others in their com¬ position. The one was commanded by John Hunter, who united the character of a Border farmer with that of a contraband trader; the other by the same Douglas whom we have just mentioned, who was remarkable for his dexterity and success in searching for arms and horses, a trade which he is said not to have limited to the time of the Rebellion. Into the troops of these last-named officers, many persons of slender reputation were introduced, who had either lived by smuggling, or by the ancient Border practice of horse-lifting, as it was called. These light and sus¬ picious characters, however, fought with determined courage at the barricades of Preston. The motions of Kenmure and Forster were now decided by the news, that a detachment from Mar’s army had been sent across the Frith of Forth to join them; and this requires us to return to the Northern insurrection, which was now endeavour¬ ing to extend and connect itself with that which had broke out on the Border. The Earl of Mar, it must be observed, had, from the first moment of his arrival at Perth, or at least as soon as he was joined by a disposable force, designed to send a party over the frith into Lothian, who should encourage the Jacobites in that country to rise; and he proposed to confer this command upon the Master of Sinclair. As, however, this separation of his forces must have considerably weakened his own army, and per¬ haps exposed him to an unwelcome visit from the Duke of Argyle, Mar postponed his purpose until he should be joined by reinforce¬ ments. These were now pouring fast into Perth. From the North, the Marquis of Huntly, one of the most powerful of the confederacy, joined the army at Perth with foot and horse, Lowlanders and Highlanders, to the amount of nearly four thousand men. The Earl-Marischal had the day before brought up his own power, consisting of about eighty horse. The 56 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. arrival of these noblemen brought some seeds of dissension into the camp. Marischal, so unlike the wisdom of his riper years, with the indiscretion of a very young man, gave just olfence to Huntly, by endeavouring to deprive him of a part of his follow¬ ing. The occasion was this: The MacPhersons, a very stout, hardy clan, who are called in Gaelic MacVourigh, and headed by Cluny MacPherson, held some possessions of the Gordon family, and therefore naturally placed themselves under the Marquis of Huntly’s banner on the present occasion, although it might be truly said, that in general they were by no means the most tract¬ able vassals. Marischal endeavoured to prevail on this Clan- Vourigh to place themselves under his command instead of that of Huntly, alleging, that as the MacPhersons always piqued themselves on being a distinguished branch of the great confede¬ racy called Clan-Chattan, so was he, by his name of Keith, the natural chief of the confederacy aforesaid. Mar is said to have yielded some countenance to the claim, the singularity of which affords a curious picture of the matters with which these insur¬ gents were occupied. The cause of Mar’s taking part in such a debate was alleged to be, the desire which he had to lower the estimation of Huntly’s power and numbers. The MacPhersons, however, considered the broad lands which they held of the Gordon as better reason for rendering him their allegiance, than the etymological arguments urged by the Earl-Marischal, and re¬ fused to desert the banner under which they had come to the field. Another circumstance early disgusted Huntly with an enter¬ prise in which he could not hope to gain any thing, and which placed in peril a princely estate, and a ducal title. Besides about three squadrons of gentlemen, chiefly of his own name, well mounted and well armed, he had brought into the field a squad¬ ron of some fifty men strong, whom he termed Light Horse, though totally vmfit for the service of petite guerre which that name implies. A satirist describes them as consisting of great lubberly fellows, in bonnets, without boots, and mounted on long-tailed little ponies, with snaffle bridles, the riders being much the bigger animals of the two ; and instead of pistols, these horsemen were armed with great rusty muskets, tied on their backs with ropes. These uncouth cavaliers excited a degree of mirth and ridicule among the more civilised southern gentry; which is not surprising, any more than that both the men, and Huntly, their commander, felt and resented such uncivil treat¬ ment—a feeling which was gradually increased into a disinclina¬ tion to the cause in which they had received the indignity. Besides these Northern forces. Mar also expected many power¬ ful succours from the north-west, which comprehended the tribes termed, during that insurrection, by way of excellence. The Clans. The chiefs of these families had readily agreed to hold THE WESTERN CLANS. 57 the rendezvous which had been settled at the hunting match of Braemar; but none of them, save Glengarry, were very hasty in recollecting their promise. Of this high chief a contemporary says, it would be hard to say whether he had more of the lion, the fox, or the bear, in his disposition; for he was at least as crafty and rough as he was courageous and gallant. At any rate, both his faults and virtues were consistent with his character, which attracted more admiration than that of any other engaged in Mar’s insurrection. He levied his men, and marched to the braes of Glenorchy, where, after remaining eight days, he was joined by the Captain of Clanranald, and Sir John MacLean; who came, the one with the MacDonalds of Moidart and Arisaig; the other with a regiment of his own name, from the Isle of Mull. A detachment of these clans commenced the war by an attempt to surprise the garrison at Inverlochy. They succeeded in taking some outworks, and made the defenders prisoners, but failed in their attack upon the place, the soldiers being on their guard. Still, though hostilities were in a manner begun, these western levies were far from complete. Stewart of Appin, and Cameron of Lochiel, would neither of them move; and the Breadalbane men, whose assistance had been promised by the singular Earl of that name, were equally tardy. There was probably little in¬ clination on the part of those clans who were near neighbours to the Duke of Argyle, and some of them Campbells, to displease that powerful and much-respected nobleman. Another mighty limb of the conspiracy, lying also in the north-western extre¬ mity of Scotland, was the Earl of Seaforth, chief of the Mac- Kenzies, who could bring into the field from two to three thousand men of his own name, and that of MacRae, and other clans de¬ pendent upon him. But he also was prevented from taking the field and joining Mar, by the operations of the Earl of Suther¬ land, who, taking the chief command of some of the northern clans disposed to favour Government—as, the Monroes, under their chief, Monro of Foulis; the MacKays, under Lord Rae; the numerous and powerful clan of Grant, along with his own follow¬ ing—had assembled a little army, with which he made a demon¬ stration towards the bridge of Alness. Thus, at the head of a body of about twelve or fifteen hundred men, Sutherland was so stationed on the verge of Seaforth’s country, that the latter chief could not collect his men, and move southward to join Mar, without leaving his estates exposed to ravage. Seaforth prepared to move, however, so soon as circumstances would admit, for while he faced the Earl of Sutherland with about eighteen hundred men, he sent Sir John MacKenzie of Coull to possess himself of Inverness, Brigadier Macintosh, by whom it was oc¬ cupied for James VIII., having moved southward to Perth. Thus, from one circumstance or another, the raising of the western dlans was greatly delayed; and Mar, whose plan it w'as not to attempt any thing till he should have collected the whole 58 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. force together which he could possibly expect, was, or thought himself, obliged to remain at Perth, long after he had assembled an army sufficient to attack the Duke of Argyle, and force his way into the southern part of Scotland, where the news of his success, and the Duke’s defeat or retreat, together with the hope of plunder, would have decided those tardy western chieftains, who were yet hesitating whether they should join him or not. Mar, however, tried to influence them by arguments of a different nature, such as he had the power of offering; and despatched General Gordon to expedite these levies, with particular instruc¬ tions to seize on the Duke of Argyle’s castle at Inverary, and the arms understood to be deposited there. There was afterwards supposed to be some personal spleen, in the Earl’s thus beginning direct hostilities against his great opponent; but it must be said, to the honour of the rebel general, that he resolved not to set the example of beginning with fire and sword; and therefore di¬ rected, that though General Gordon might threaten to burn the castle at Inverary, he was on no account to proceed to such ex¬ tremity without farther orders. His object probably was, besides a desire to possess the arms said to be in the place, to effect a complete breach between the Duke of Argyle and the clans in his vicinity, which must have necessarily been attended with great diminution of the Duke’s influence. We shall see presently how far this line of policy appears to have succeeded. During the currency of these events. Mar received informa¬ tion of the partial rising which had taken place in Northumber¬ land, and the disposition to similar movements which showed it¬ self in various parts of Scotland. It might have been thought that these tidings would have induced him at length to burst from the sort of confinement, in which the small body commanded by Argyle retained so superior an army. If Mar judged that the troops under his command, assembled at Perth, were too few to attack a force which they more than doubled, there remained a plan of manoeuvring by which he might encounter Argyle at a yet greater advantage. He might have commanded General Gordon, when he had collected the western clans, who could not amount to fewer than four thousand men, instead of amusing himself at Inverary, to direct their course to the fords of Frew, by which the river Forth may be crossed above Stirling, and near to its source. Such a movement would have menaced the Duke from the westward, while Mar himself might have advanced against him from the north, and endeavoured to possess himself of Stir¬ ling bridge, which was not very strongly guarded. The insurgent cavalry of Lord Kenmure could also have co-operated in such a plan, by advancing from Dumfries towards Glasgow, and threat¬ ening the west of Scotland. It is plain that the Duke of Argyle saw the danger of being thus cut off from the western counties, where Government had many zealous adherents; for he ordered up five hundred men from Glasgow to join his camp at Stirling; PROCRASTINATION OF MAR. 59 and on the 24th of September, commanded all the regiments of fencibles and volunteers in the west of Scotland to repair to Glas¬ gow, as the most advantageous central point from which to pro¬ tect the country, and cover his own encampment; and established garrisons at the village of Drymen, and also in several gentle¬ men’s houses adjacent to the fords of Frew, to prevent or retard any descent of the Highlanders into the Low Country by that pass. But the warlike habits of the Highlanders were greatly superior to those of the raw Lowland levies, whom they would probably have treated with little ceremony. Nevertheless, the Earl of Mar, far from adopting a plan so decisive, resolved to afford support to Kenmure and Forster, by his original plan of marching a detachment to their assistance, instead of moving his whole force towards the Lowlands. This, he conceived, might be sufficient to give them the aid and protec¬ tion of a strong body of infantry, and enable them to strengthen and increase their numbers, whilst the measure allowed him to remain undisturbed at Perth, to await the final result of his in¬ trigues in the Highlands, and those which he had commenced at the Court of the Chevalier de St. George. There w'ere many and obvious dangers in making the proposed movement. A great inlet of the sea was to be crossed ; and if the passage was to be attempted about Dunfermline or Inverkeithing, where the Forth was less broad, it was to be feared that the bustle of collecting boats, and the march of the troops which were to form the de¬ tachment, might give warning to the Duke of Argyle of what was intended, who was likely to send a body of his dragoons to sur¬ prise and cut off the detachment on their arrival at the southern side of the Forth. On the other hand, to attempt the passage over the lower part of the frith, where vessels were more nume¬ rous, and could be assembled with less observation, was to expose the detachment to the uncertainties of a passage of fifteen or eighteen miles across, which was guarded by men-of-war, with their boats and launches, to which the officers of the customs at every seaport had the most strict orders to transmit intelligence of whatever movement might be attempted by the rebels. Upon a choice of difficulties, however, the crossing of the frith from Pittenweem, Crail, and other towns situated to the eastward on the Fife coast, was determined on. The troops destined for the adventure were Mar’s own regi¬ ment, as it was called, consisting of the Farquharsons, and others from the banks of the Dee—that of the Macintoshes—those of Lords Strathmore, Nairne, and Lord Charles Murray, all High¬ landers, excepting Lord Strathmore’s Lowland regiment. They made up in all about two thousand five hundred men; for in the rebel army the regiments were weak in numbers. Mar hav¬ ing gratified the chiefs, by giving each the commission of colonel, and allowing him the satisfaction to form a battalion out of his own followers, however few in number. GO TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. The intended expedition was arranged with some address. Considerable parties of horse traversed Fifeshire in various directions, proclaiming James VIII., and levying the cess of the coxmty, though in very different proportions on those whom they accounted friends or enemies to their cause, their demands upon the latter being both larger, and more rigorously enforced. These movements were contrived to distract the attention of the Whigs, and that of the Duke of Argyle, by various rumours, tending to conceal Mar’s real purpose of sending a detachment across the frith. For the same purpose, when their intention could be no longer concealed, the English men-of-war were deceived concern¬ ing the place where the attempt was to be made. Mar threw troops into the castle of Burntisland, and seemed busy in collect¬ ing vessels in that little port. The armed ships were induced by these appearances to slip their cables, and, standing over to Burntisland, commenced a cannonade, which was returned by the rebels from a battery which they had constructed on the outer port of the harbour, with little damage on either side. By these feints Mar was enabled to get the troops, designed to form the expedition, moved in secrecy down to Pittenweem, the Ely, Crail, and other small ports so numerous on that coast. They were placed under the command of Macintosh of Borlum, already mentioned, commonly called Brigadier Macintosh, a Highland gentleman, who was trained to regular war in the French service. He was a bold, rough soldier, but is stated to have degraded the character by a love of plunder which would have better become a lower rank in the army. But this may have been a false or ex¬ aggerated charge. The English vessels of war received notice of the design, or observed the embarkation from their topmasts, but too late to offer effectual interruption. They weighed anchor, however, at flood-tide, and sailed to intercept the flotilla of the insurgents. Nevertheless, they only captured a single boat, with about forty Highlanders. Some of the vessels were, however, forced back to the Fife coast, from which they came; and the boats which bore Lord Strathmore’s Lowland regiment, and others filled with Highlanders, were forced into the island of May, in the mouth of the Forth, where they were blockaded by the men-of-war. The gallant young Earl intrenched himself on the island, and harangued his followers on the fidelity which they owed to the cause ; and undertook to make his own faith evident, by exposing his person wherever the peril should prove greatest, and account¬ ing it an honour to die in the service of the Prince for whom he had taken arms. Blockaded in an almost desert island, this young nobleman had the additional difficulty of subduing quar¬ rels and jealousies betwixt the Highlanders and his own followers from Angus. These dissensions ran so high, that the Lowlanders resolved to embrace an opportunity to escape from the island with their small craft, and leave the Highlanders to their fate. The DESCENT UPON LOTHIAN. 61 proposal was rejected by Strathmore with ineffable disdain, nor would he leave his very unpleasant situation, till the change of winds and waves afforded him a fair opportunity of leading all who had been sharers in his misfortune in safety back to the coast they sailed from. Mean time, the greater part of the detachment designed for the descent upon Lothian, being about sixteen hundred men, suc¬ ceeded in their desperate attempt, by landing at North Berwick, Aberlady, Gulan, and other places oi\ the southern shores of the frith, from whence they marched upon Haddington, where they again formed a junction, and refreshed themselves for a night, till they should learn the fate of their friends who had not yet ap¬ peared. We have not the means of knowing whether Macintosh had any precise orders for his conduct when he should find him¬ self in Lothian. The despatches of Mar would lead us to infer that he had instructions, which ought to have directed his march instantly to the Borders, to unite himself with Kenmure and For¬ ster. But he must have had considerable latitude in his orders, since it was almost impossible to frame them in such a manner as to meet, with any degi’ee of precision, the circumstances in which he might be placed, and much must have, of course, been intrusted to his own discretion. The surprise, however, was great, even in the Brigadier’s own little army, when, instead of marching southward, as they had expected, they were ordered to face about and advance rapidly on the capital. This movement Mar afterwards termed a mistake on the Bri¬ gadier’s part. But it was probably occasioned by the informa¬ tion which Macintosh received from friends in Edinburgh, that tlie capital might be occupied by a rapid march, before it could be relieved by the Duke of Argyle, who was lying thirty miles off. The success of such a surprise must necessarily have given great eclat to the arms of the insurgents, with the more sohd advan¬ tages of obtaining large supplies both of arms and money, and of intercepting the communication between the Duke of Argyle and the south. It is also probable, that Macintosh might have some expectation of an insurrection taking place in Edinburgh, on the news of his approach.^ But, whatever were his hopes and mo¬ tives, he marched with his small force on the metropolis, 14th October, 1715, and the movement excited the most universal alarm. The Lord Provost, a gentleman named Campbell, was a man of sense and activity. The instant that he heard of the High¬ landers havmg arrived at Haddington, he sent information to the Duke of Argyle, and arming the city guard, trained bands, and 1 Lockhart and a number of the gentry who would have supported Mac¬ intosh, were unapprized of his expedition; and the moment the authorities at Edinburgh heard of his landing, they sent a party of militia horse, who appre¬ hended Lockhart and lodged him in the castle, by which means the others were overawed; and remained quiet.— Lockhart Papers, vol. i., p. 495. 62 TALES OP A GRANDFATHER. volunteers, took such precautions as he could to defend the city, which, though surrounded by a high wall, was far from being tenable even against a coup-de-main. The Duke of Argyle, fore¬ seeing all the advantages which the insurgents would gain even from the temporary possession of the capital, resolved on this, as on other occasions, to make activity supply the want of numbers. He mounted two hundred infantry soldiers on country horses, and uniting them with three hundred chosen dragoons, placed himself at their head, and made a forced march from Stirling to relieve Edinburgh. This he accomplished with such rapidity, that he entered the West Port of Edinburgh about ten o’clock at night, just about the same moment that Macintosh had reached tlie place where Piershill barracks are now situated, within a mile of the eastern gate of the city. Thus the metropolis, which seemed to be a prey for the first occupant, was saved by the promptitude of the Duke of Argyle. His arrival spread universal joy among the friends of Government, who, from something re¬ sembling despair, passed to the opposite extremity of hope and triumph. The town had been reinforced during the day by vari¬ ous parties of horse militia from Berwickshire and Mid-Lothian, and many volunteers, whom the news of the Duke of Argyle’s arrival greatly augmented, not so much on account of the num¬ ber which attended him, as of the general confidence reposed in his talents and character. The advancing enemy also felt the charm communicated by the Duke’s arrival; but to them it conveyed apprehension and dismay, and changed their leader’s hopes of success into a desire to provide for the safety of his small detachment, respecting which he was probably the more anxious that the number of the Duke’s forces were in all likelihood exaggerated, and besides consisted chiefly of cavalry, respecting whom the Highlanders entertained at that time a superstitious terror. Moved by such considera¬ tions, and turning off the road to Edinburgh, at the place called Jock’s Lodge, Brigadier Macintosh dii-ected his march upon Leith, which he entered without opposition. In the prison of that place he found the forty men belonging to his own detachment who had been taken during the passage, and who were now set at liberty. The Highlanders next took possession of such money and provisions as they found in the Custom House. After these preliminaries, they marched across the drawbridge, and occupied the remains of a citadel, built by Oliver Cromwell during the period of his usurpation. It was a square fort, with five demi- bastions and a ditch; the gates were indeed demolished, but the ramparts were tolerably entire, and the Brigadier lost no time in barricading all accessible places with beams, planks, carts, and barrels, filled with stones and other similar materials. The ves¬ sels in the harbour supplied them with cannon, which they plant¬ ed on the ramparts, and prepared themselves as well as circum¬ stances admitted for a desperate defence. DESCENT UPON LOTHIAN. 63 Early next morning, the Duke of Argyle presented himself before the fortified post of the Highlanders, with his three hun¬ dred dragoons, two hundred infantry, and about six hundred new-levied men, militia, and volunteers; among the latter class were seen several clergymen, who, in a war of this nature, did not consider their sacred character inconsistent with assuming arms. The Duke summoned the troops who occupied the citadel to surrender, under the penalty of high treason, and declared, that if they placed him under the necessity of bringing up can¬ non, or killed any of his men in attempting a defence, he would give them no quarter. A Highland gentleman, named Kinackin, answered resolutely from the ramparts, “ That they laughed at his summons of surrender—that they were ready to abide his assault; as for quarter, they would neither give nor receive it —and if he thought he could force their position, he was wel¬ come to try the experiment.” The Duke having I’eceived this defiance, carefully reconnoit¬ red the citadel, and found the most important difficulties in the way of the proposed assault. The troops must have advanced two hundred yards before arriving at the defences, and during all that time would have been exposed to a fire from an enemy under cover. Many of those who must have been assailants were unacquainted with discipline, and had never seen action ; the Highlanders, though little accustomed to exchange the fire of musketry in the open field, were excellent marksmen from behind walls, and their swords and daggers were likely to be formid¬ able in the defence of a breach or a barricade, where the attack must be in some degree tumultuary. To this was to be added the Duke’s total want of cannon and mortars, or artillery-men by whom they could be managed. All these reasons induced Argyle to postpone an attack, of which the result was so uncer¬ tain, until he should be better provided. The volunteers were very anxious for an attack; but we are merely told, by the reve¬ rend historian of the Rebellion, that when they were given to un¬ derstand that the post of honour, viz. the right of leading the at¬ tack, was their just right as volunteers, it made them heartily approve of the Duke’s measure in deferring the enterprise. Argyle therefore retreated to Edinburgh, to make better pre¬ parations for an attack with artillery next day. But as Macintosh’s intention of seizing on the capital had failed, it did not suit his purpose to abide in the vicinity. He left the citadel of Leith at nine o’clock, and conducted his men in the most profound silence along the sands to Seaton house,^ about 1 “ They marched off by the head of the pier on the sands, crossing the mouth of the river no deeper tlian to the knees in water, and came safe to Sea¬ ton-house, leaving about forty behind them that had made too free with the brandy which they found in the Custom-house, besides some stragglers that lagged in their march. Several little odd accidents happened to them in that march, occasioned by the darkness of the night, and the mistakes natural to attempts of that nature. When they came near Musselburgh some people 64 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. ten miles from Edinburgh, a strong castle belonging to the Earl of Winton, surrounded by a high wall. Here they made a show of fortifying themselves, and collecting provisions, as if they intended to abide for some time. The Duke of Argyle, with his wonted celerity, made preparations to attack Macintosh in his new quarters. He sent to the camp at Stirling for artillery-men, and began to get ready some guns in Edinburgh castle, with which he proposed to advance to Seaton, and dislodge its new occupants. But his purpose was again interrupted by express upon express, despatched from Stirling by General Whetham, who commanded in the Duke’s absence, acquainting his. superior with the unpleasing information that Mar, with his whole array, was advancing towards Stirling, trusting to have an opportunity of destroying the few troops who were left there, and which did not exceed a thousand men. Upon these tidings the Duke, leaving two hundred and fifty men of his small command under the order of General Wightman, to prosecute the plan of dislodging the Highlanders from their stronghold of Seaton, returned in all haste, with the small remain¬ der of his forces, to Stirling, where his presence was much called for. But before adverting to events which took place in that quarter, we shall conduct Macintosh and his detachment some days’ journey farther on their progress. On Saturday, the 15th of October, the environs of Seaton house were reconnoitred by a body of dragoons and volunteers. But as the Highlanders boldly marched out to skirmish, the party from Edinburgh thought themselves too weak to hazard an action, and retired towards the city, as did the rebels to their garrison. On Monday, the 17th of October, the demonstration upon Seaton was renewed in a more serious manner. Lord Rothes, Lord Torphichen, and other officers, marching against the house with three hundred volunteers, and the troops which had been left by the Duke of Argyle, to dislodge Macintosh. But neither in this third attempt was it found prudent, without artillery, to attack the pertinacious mountaineers, as indeed a repulse, in the neigh¬ bourhood of the capital, must necessaialy have been attended with consequences not to be rashly risked. The troops of the Govern¬ ment, therefore, returned a third time to Edinburgh, without hav- from the end of that town fired upon their front, but did no harm; yet occa¬ sioned great disorder among them. At first this made the Highlanders sus¬ pect all horsemen for enemies; the consequence of which was very unhappy to Mr. Alexander Maloch of Mutreeshields, a gentleman of character and for¬ tune who had just joined them. Being on horseback, he was challenged by a Highlander; and unable to answer in his language, the Highlander shot him dead on the spot. The Brigadier took what money he had upon him, which was about sixty guineas, and left him; for they could not stay to bury him. On the other side of the town, they were again alarmed with the noise of guns on the front, and here the like mistake occasioned further mischief; for tak¬ ing a party of their own men for enemies, the foremost of the body fired upon them, and killed a sergeant and a private, belonging to the Earl of Mar’s re¬ giment. They arrived at Seaton-house about two in the morning.”— Fatten, pp. 15, 16; Rae, p. 264. JUNCTION AT KELSO. 65 ing further engaged with the enemy than by a few exchanges of shot. Macintosh did not consider it prudent to give his opponent an opportunity of attacking him again in his present position. He had sent a letter to General Forster, which, reaching the gentle¬ men engaged in that unadvised expedition, while they were de¬ liberating whether they sliould not abandon it, determined them to remain in ai'ms, and unite themselves with those Highlanders, who had crossed the frith at such great risk, in order to join them. Forster and Kenmure, therefore, returned an answer to Macintosh’s communication, proposing to meet his forces at Kelso or Coldstream, as should be most convenient for him.— Such letters as the Brigadier had received from Mar, since pass¬ ing the Forth, as well as the tenor of his former and original instructions, directed him to form a junction with the gentlemen engaged on the Borders and he accepted accordingly of their invitation, and assigned Kelso as the place of meeting. His first march was to the village of Longformachus, which he reached on the evening of the 19th of October. It may be mentioned, that, in the course of their march, they passed Hermandston, the seat of Dr. Sinclair, which Macintosh, with some of the old vin¬ dictive Highland spirit, was extremely desirous to have burned, in revenge of the death of young Hepburn of Keith. He was dissuaded from this extreme course, but the house was plundered by Lord Nairne’s Highlanders, who were active agents in this species of punishment. Sir William Bennet of Grubet, who had occupied Kelso for the Government, with some few militia and volunteers, learning that fifteen hundred Highlanders were advancing against him from the eastward, while five or six hun¬ dred horse, to which number the united forces of Kenmure and Forster might amount, were marching downwards from the Che¬ viot mountains, relinquished his purpose of defending Kelso ; and, abandoning the barricades, which he had made for that purpose, retired to Edinburgh with his followers, carrying with him the greater part of the arms which he had provided. The cavalry of Forster and Kenmure,^ marching from Wooler, arrived at Kelso a few hours before the Highlanders, who set out on the same morning from Dunse. The Scottish part of the horse marched through Kelso without halting, to meet with Mac¬ intosh at Ednam-bridge, a compliment which they conceived due to the gallantry with which, through many hazards, the 1 Before departing from the Citadel at Leith, “ they sent off a boat with an express to the Earl of Mar, to acquaint him with their proceedings. As soon as the boat went off, they discharged one of their cannons after her, to make the men of war imagine her an enemy to the rebels. Nor did that stratagem fait, but fully answered the design; the boat escaped unpursued, and returned to them again with letters from the Earl, and new orders about three hours be¬ fore they left Seaton-house.”— Patten, p. 14. 2 The Southrons halted on the moor before they entered Kelso, when they appointed their officers, and “ to each troop they assigned two captains, being the only way they had to oblige so many gentlemen.”— Patten, p. 39. VOL. III. E 6G TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. Brigadier and liis Highlanders had advanced to their succour. The united forces, when mustered at Kelso, were found to amount to about six hundred horse and fourteen hundred foot, for Mac¬ intosh had lost some men by desertion. They then entered the town in triumph, and possessed themselves of such arms as Sir William Bennet had left behind him. They proclaimed James VIII. in the market-place of this beautiful town, and attended ser¬ vice’ (the officers at least) in the Old Abbey Church, where a non-juring clergyman preached a sermon on hereditary right, the text being, Deut. xxi. 17, The right of the first-horn is his.'^ The chiefs then held a general council on the best mode of following out the purposes of their insurrection. There were two lines of conduct to choose betwixt, one of which was advocated by the Scottish gentlemen, the other by the insurgents from the north of England. According to the first plan of operations, it was proposed that their united forces should move westward along the Border, oc¬ cupying in their way the towns of Dumfries, Ayr, and Glasgow itself. They expected no resistance on either of these points, which their union with Macintosh’s troops might not enable them to overcome. Arrived in the west of Scotland, they proposed to open the passes, which were defended chiefly by militia and vo¬ lunteers, to the very considerable force of the Argyleshire clans, which were already assembled under General Gordon. With the Earl of Mar’s far superior army in front, and with the force of Macintosh, Kenmure, and Forster upon his left flank and in his rear, it was conceived impossible that, with all his abilities, the Duke of Argyle could persevere in maintaining his important post at Stirling ; there was every chance of his being driven entirely out of the “ ancient kingdom,” as Scotland was fondly called. This plan of the campaign had two recommendations. In the first place, it tended to a concentration of the rebel forces, which, 1 “ All the Lords that were Protestants/’ says the preacher himself, “ with a vast multitude attended ; it was very agreeable to see how decently and reve¬ rently the very common Highlanders behaved, and answered the responses according to the Rubric, to the shame of many that pretend to more polite breeding.”— Patten, p. 40. 2 “ The nreacher on this occasion was the Rev. Robert Patten, minister of Allandale, Northumberland, the historian of this Rebellion, and who some time afterwards found weighty reasons for adopting a different set of conduct and opinions. ‘ Whilst I continued,’ says he, ‘ amongst those unfortunate gentlemen, whose principles were once my own, I looked no further than esteeming what I had done the least part of my guilt; but no sooner was I re¬ moved into the custody of a messenger, and there closely confined, where I had leisure to reflect upon my past life (and especially that of engaging in the Re¬ bellion,) than a great many scruples offered themselves to my consideration.’ Having called in the aid of Dr. Cannon, a clergyman, ‘ a man of singular good temper and literature,’ to satisfy himself on the scruples of conscience, our historian adds, ‘from thence I began to think it a duty incumbent on me to make all the reparation I could for the injury I had done the Government; and, as the first thing in that way, I became an evidence for the King; which I am far from being ashamed of, let what calumny will follow.’”— Preface to his History, iyc. DIVIDED COUNCILS. 67 separated as they were, and divided through the kingdom, had hitherto been either checked and neutralized like that of Mar by the Duke of Argyle, or fairly obliged to retreat and shift for safety from the forces of the Government, as had been the fate on Forster and Kenmure. Secondly, the basis on which the scheme rested was fixed and steady. Mar’s army, on the one hand, and Gordon with the clans, on the other, were bodies of troops exist¬ ing and in arms, nor was there auy party in the field for the Go¬ vernment, of strength adequate to prevent their forming the pro¬ posed junction. Notwithstanding these advantages, the English insurgents ex¬ pressed the strongest wish to follow an opposite course, and carry the war again into England, from which they had been so lately obliged to retreat. Their proposal had at first a bold and spirited appearance, and might, had it been acted upon with heart and unanimity, have had a considerable chance of success. The dra¬ goons and horse which had assembled at Newcastle under Gene¬ ral Carpenter, were only a thousand strong, and much fatigued with forced marches. Reinforced as the insurgents were with Macintosh and his infantry, they might have succeeded by a sudden march in attacking Carpenter in his quarters, or fighting him in the field; at all events, their great superiority of numbers would have compelled the English general either to hazard an action at very great disadvantage, or to retreat. In either case, the Northumbrian gentlemen would have remained masters of their native province, and might have made themselves masters of Newcastle, and interrupted the coal trade; and, finally, the great possessions and influence of Lord Derwentwater and others would have enabled them to add to their force as many infantry as they might find means of arming, without which, the gentry who were in arms could only be considered as a soul without a body, or a hilt without a blade. But Forster and his friends would not agree to a measure which had so much to recommend it, but lost time in empty debates, remaining at Kelso from the 22d to the 27th of October, until it became impossible to put the plan in execution. For they learned, that while they were deli¬ berating, General Carpenter was acting; and his little army, being reinforced and refreshed, was now advanced to Wooler, to seek them out and give them battle. Forster and the English officers then insisted on another scheme, which should still make England the scene of the cam¬ paign. They proposed that, eluding the battle which General Carpenter seemed willing to offer, they should march westward along the middle and west Borders of Scotland, till they could turn southward into Lancashire, where they assured their Scot¬ tish confederates that their friends were ready to rise in num¬ bers, to the amount of twenty thousand men at least, which would be sufficient to enable them to march to London in defiance of all opposition. GS TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. Upon this important occasion the insurgents gave a decided proof of that species of credulity which disposes men to receive, upon very slight evidence, such tidings as flatter their hopes and feelings, and which induced Addison to term the Jacobites of that period a race of men who live in a dream, daily nourished by fiction and delusion, and whom he compares to the obstinate old knight in Rabelais, who every morning swallowed a chimera for breakfast. The Scottish gentlemen, and Lord Winton in particular, were not convinced by the reasoning of their Southern friends, nor do they appear to have been participant of their sanguine hopes of a general rising in Lancashire; accordingly, they strongly opposed the movement in that direction. All, therefore, which the rebels, in their divided councils, were able to decide upon with cer¬ tainty, was to move westward along the Border, a course which might advance them equally on their road, whether they should finally determine to take the route to the west of Scotland or to Lancashire. We must refer to a future part of this history for the progress and ultimate fate of this ill-starred expedition. CHAPTER LXIX. The Earl of Mar remains inactive at Perth—his Eesolution to march v.fon Stwling—his Advance, Abandonment of the Plan, and Return to Perth—Surprisal of a Jacobite Detachment at Dunfermline—Argyle joined by Reinforcements—Mar also join¬ ed by Seaforth, General Gordon, with the Clans of the West, and Breadalbane—Both Armies, being now fully reinforced, have no further pretext for postponing Active Operations. [1715.] WE must now return to the Earl of Mar’s army, which must be considered as the centre and focus of the insurrection. Since his occupation of Perth, Lord Mar had undertaken little which had the appearance of military enterprise. His possession even of Fifeshire and Kinross had been in some degree contested by the supporters of Government. The Earl of Rothes, with a few dragoons and volunteers, had garrisoned his own house of Lesly, near Falkland, and was active in harrassing those parties of horse which ]\Iar sent into the country to proclaim James VIII., and levy the cess and public taxes. Upon one of these occasions, (28th September) he surprised Sir Thomas Bruce, while in the act of making the proclamation in the town of Kinross, and car¬ ried him off a prisoner. The Earl of Rothes retained possession of his garrison till IMar’s army became very strong, Avhen he was obliged to withdraw it. But Mar continued to experience oc¬ casional checks, even in the military promenades in which he COUNCILS OF MAR. 69 employed the gentlemen who composed his cavalry. It is true, these generally arose from nothing worse than the loose discipline observed by troops of this condition, their carelessness in mount¬ ing guards, or in other similar duties, to which their rank and habits of life had not accustomed them. The only important manoeuvre attempted by the Earl of Mar, was the expedition across the frith under Brigadier Macintosh, of which the details are given in the last chapter. Its conse¬ quences were such as to force the General himself into mea¬ sures of immediate activity, by which he had not hitherto seemed much disposed to distinguish himself, but which became now inevitable. It happened that, on the second day after Macintosh’s depar¬ ture from Fife, a general review of the troops in Perth was held in the vicinity of tliat town, and the Earl-Marischal’s brother, James (afterwards the celebrated Field-Marshal Keith,) galloped along the line, disseminating some of those favourable reports which were the growth of the day, and, as one succeeded as fast as another dropped, might be termed the fuel which supplied the fire of the insurrection, or rather, perhaps, the bellows which kept it in excitation. The apocryphal tidings of this day were, that Sir William Wyndham had siirprised Bristol for King James III., and that Sir William Blacket had taken both Berwick and New¬ castle—intelligence received by the heai’ers with acclamations, which, if it had been true, were no less than it deserved. But from these visions the principal persons in the insurrec¬ tion were soon recalled to sad realities. A meeting of the noble¬ men, chiefs of clans, and commanders of corps, was summoned, and particular care taken to exclude all intruders of inferior rank. To this species of council of war Mar announced, with a dejected countenance, that Brigadier Macintosh, having, con¬ trary to his orders, thrown himself into the citadel of Leith, was invested there by the Duke of Argyle. He laid before them the letter he had received from the Brigadier, which stated that a few hours would determine his fate, but that he was detei’mined to do his duty to the last. The writer expressed his apprehen¬ sion that cannons and mortars were about to be brought against him. The Earl of Mar said that he gave the detachment up for lost, but suggested it might be possible to operate a diversion in its favour, % making a feint towards Stirling. The proposal was seconded by General Hamilton, who said that such a movement might possibly do good, and could produce no harm. The movement being determined upon. Mar marched with a large body of foot to Auchterarder, and pushed two squadrons of horse as far forward as Dunblane, which had the appearance of a meditated attack upon Stirling. It is said to have been the opinion of General Hamilton, that the foot should have taken possession of a defile which continues the road from the northern end of Stirling bridge through some low and marshy ground, and TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. 70 is called the Long Causeway. The rebels being in possession of this long and narrow pass, it would have been as difficult for tlie Duke of Argyle to have got at them as it was for them to reach him. And the necessity of guarding the bridge itself with the small force he possessed, must have added to Argyle’s diffi¬ culties, and afforded General Gordon, and the western clans who were by this time expected to be at Dunbarton, full opportunity to have advanced on Stirling by Drymen and the Loch of Mon- teith, keeping possession, during their whole march, of high and hilly grounds fit for the operations of Highlanders. In this manner the Duke of Argyle would have been placed between two fires, and must have run the greatest risk of being cut off from the reinforcements which he anxiously expected from Ire¬ land, as well as from the west of Scotland. Against this very simple and effective plan of the campaign. Mar had nothing to object but the want of provisions; in itself a disgrace to a general who had been quartered so long in the neighbourhood of the Carse of Gowrie, and at the end of autumn, when the farm-yards are full, without having secured a quantity of meal adequate to the maintenance of his army for a few days. General Hamilton combated this objection, and even demonstrat¬ ed that provisions were to be had; and Mar apparently acquiesced in his reasoning. But having come with the infantry of his army as far as Ardoch, the Earl stopped short, and refused to permit the movement on the Long Causeway to be made, alleging that Marischal and Linlithgow had decided against the design. It seems probable, that, as the affair drew to a crisis. Mar, the more that military science was w^anted, felt his own ignorance the more deeply, and, afraid to attempt any course by which he might have controlled circumstances, adopted every mode of postponing a decision, in the hope they might, of themselves, be¬ come favourable in the long run. In the mean time, the news of Mar’s march to Auchterarder and Dunblane had, as we have elsewhere noticed, recalled the Duke of Argyle to his camp at Stirling, leaving a few of his ca¬ valry, with the militia and volunteers, to deal with Macintosh and his nimble Highlanders, who escaped out of their hands, first by their defence of Seaton, and then by their march to Kelso. Argyle instantly took additional defensive measures against Mar, by barricading the bridge of Stirling, and breaking down that which crosses the Teith at the village of Doune. But his presence so near his antagonist was sufficient to induce the Earl of Mar to retreat with his whole force to his former quarters at Perth, and wait the progress of events. These were now approaching to a crisis. With Macintosh’s detachment Mar had now no concern ; they were to pursue their good or evil destiny apart. The Earl of Mar had also received a disagreeable hint, that the excursions by which he used to supply himself with funds, as well as to keep up the terror of his arms. SURPRISAL AT DUNFERMLINE. 71 were not without inconvenience. A detachment of about foxir- score horse and three hundred Highland foot, chiefly followers of the Marquis of Huntly, was sent to Dunfermline to raise the cess. The direct road from Perth to Dunfermline is considerably shorter, but the troops had orders to take the route by Castle- Campbell, which prolonged the journey considerably, for no ap¬ parent purpose save to insult the Duke of Argyle’s garrison there, by marching in their view. When the detachment arrived at Dunfermline, Gordon of Glenbucket, who commanded the High¬ landers, conducted them into the old abbey, which is strongly situated, and there placed a sentinel. He took up his own qiiar- ters in the town, and placed a sentinel there also. The com¬ mander of the horse. Major Graham, took the ineffectual precau¬ tion of doing the same at the bridge, but used no further means to avoid surprise. The gentlemen of the squadron sought each his personal accommodation, with their usual neglect of disci¬ pline, neither knowing with accuracy where they were to find their horses, nor fixing on any alarm-post where they were to rendezvous. Their officers sat down to a bottle of wine. During all this scene of confusion, the Honourable Colonel (afterwards Lord) Cathcart, was lying without the town, with a strong party of cavalry, and obtaining regular information from his spies with¬ in it. About five in the morning of the 24th of October, he entered the town with two parties of his dragoons, one mounted and the other on foot. The surprisal w'as complete, and the Jacobite cavaliers suffered in proportion; several were killed and wound¬ ed, and about twenty made prisoners, whose loss was the more felt, as they were all gentlemen, and some of them considerable proprietors. The assailants lost no time in their enterprise, and retreated as speedily as they entered. The neighbourhood of the Highland infantry in the Abbey was a strong reason for des¬ patch. This slight affair seemed considerable in a war which had been as yet so little marked by military incident. The appear¬ ance of the prisoners at Stirling, and the list of their names, gave eclat to the Duke of Argyle’s tactics, and threw disparagement on those of Mar. On the other side, stories were circulated at Perth of the loss which Cathcart had sustained in the action, with ru¬ mours of men buried in the night, and horses returned to Stirling without their riders. This account, however fabulous, was re¬ ceived with credit even by those Avho were engaged at Dunferm¬ line ; for the confusion having been general, no one knew wdiat was the fate of his comrade. But in very deed, the whole return of casualties on Colonel Cathcart’s side amounted to a dragoon hurt in the cheek, and a horse wounded. This little affair was made the subject of songs and pasquils in the army at Perth, which increased the Marquis of Huntly’s disgust at the enterprise. By this time three regiments of infantry, and Evans’s dragoons, had joined the Duke of Argyle, who now felt himself strong 72 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. enough to make detachments, without the fear of weakening his own position. A battalion of foot was sent to Kilsythe, along with a detachment of dragoons, who were to watch the motions of the troops of Forster and Kenmure, in case the whole, or any part of them, should resolve to penetrate into the west of Scot¬ land. The Earl of Mar was also on the point of being joined by the last reinforcements which he could expect, the non-arrival of which had hitherto been the cause, or at least the apology, for his inactivity. The various causes of delay had been at length re¬ moved in the following manner. Seaforth, it must be remember¬ ed, was confronted by Lord Sutherland with his own following, and the Whig clans of Grant, Monro, Ross, and others. But about the same time the Earl of Seaforth was joined by Sir Donald MacDonald of Skye, with seven hundred of his own clan, and as many MacKinnons, Chisholms, and others, as raised the total number to about four thousand men. The Earl of Sutherland, finding this force so much stronger than what he was able to bring against it, retreated to the Bonar, a strait of the sea dividing Ross-shire from Sutherland, and there passed to his own side of the ferry. Seaforth, now unopposed, advanced to Inverness, and after leaving a garrison there, marched to Perth to join the Earl of Mar, to whose insurrectionary army his troops made a formidable addition. The clans of the West were the only reinforcements which Mar had now to expect; but these were not only considerable from their numbers, but claimed a peculiar fame in arms even over the other Highlanders, both from their zeal for the Jacobite cause, and their distinguished bi’avery. But Mar had clogged General Gordon, who was to bring up this part of his forces, with a commission which would detain him some time in Argyleshire. His instructions directed him especially to take and garrison the castle of Inverary, the principal seat of the Duke of Argyle. The clans, particularly those of Stewart of Appin, and Cameron of Lochiel, though opposed to the Duke in political principles, respected his talents, and had a high regard for his person as an individual, and therefore felt reluctance at entering upon a per¬ sonal quarrel with him by attacking his castle. These chiefs hung back accordingly, and delayed joining. When Glengarry and Clanronald had raised their clans, they had fewer scruples. During this time, Campbell of Finab was intrusted with the diffi¬ cult task of keeping the assailants in play until the Duke of Argyle should receive his expected reinforcements from Ireland. He was soon joined by the Earl of Islay, the Duke’s younger brother. By the assistance of Sir James Campbell of Auchin- breck, about a thousand men were assembled to defend Inverary, when four or five thousand appeared in arms before it. A sort of treaty was entered into, by which the insurgent clans agreed to withdraw from the country of Argyle; with which purpose, EARL OF BREADALBANE. 73 descending Strathfillan, they marched towards Castle-Drummond, which is in the vicinity of Perth, and within an easy march of Mar’s headquarters.^ One important member of the insurrection must also he men¬ tioned. This was the Earl of Breadalbane, the same unrelenting statesman who was the author of the massacre of Glencoe. He had been employed by King William in 1689 to achieve, by dint of money, the settlement and pacification of the Highlands; and now, in his old age, he imagined his interest lay in contribut¬ ing to disturb them. When cited to appear at Edinburgh as a suspected person, he procured a pathetic attestation under the hand of a physician and clergyman, in which the Earl was de¬ scribed as an infirm man, overwhelmed with all the evils that wait on old age.^ None of his infirmities, however, prevented him from attending the Earl of Mar’s summons, on the very day after the certificate is dated. Breadalbane is supposed to have received considerable sums of money from the Earl of Mar, who knew the only terms on which he could hope for his favoxir. But for a long time the wily Earl did nothing decisive, and it was beheved that he entertained a purpose of going to Stirling, and reconciling himself with the Duke of Argyle, the head of the elder branch of his house. This, however, Breadalbane did not do; but, on the contrary, appeared in the town of Perth, where the singular garb and peculiar manners of this extraordinary old chief attracted general attention. He possessed powers of satiri¬ cal observation in no common degree ; and seemed to laugh inter¬ nally at whatever he saw which he considered as ridiculous, but without suffering his countenance to betray his sentiments, except to very close observers.^ Amidst the various difficulties of the insurgents, his only advice to them was, to procure a printing press, and lose no time in issuing gazettes. Mar took the hint, whether given in jest or earnest. He sent 1 “ The preserving the town of Inverary,” says Patten, “ was a considerable piece of service ; for, had the rebels been master of that important pass, they might have poured in their men either towards Glasgow, or into the shire of Ayr, and must have been fought with perhaps to disadvantage, as things then stood, or they would have joined the rebels in the North of England, at their pleasure.”—P. 180. 2 “We, Mr. John Murray, Doctor of Medicine at Perth, and Mr. Alexander Comrie, Minister at Kenmore, do, upon soul and conscience, testify and de¬ clare, that John, Earl of Breadalbane, an old infirm man of four-score years of age, is much troubled with coughs, rheums, deductions, and other maladies and infirmities which usually attend old age; that he is much subject to the gravel and stitches, and that at this present, and for some time by-gone, he complains of pains in his back, &c.; and the stitches in his sides have been so violent, that notwithstanding of his great age, there was a necessity for blood¬ ing him, which has not yet removed them, and he is so ill that he cannot travel from this to Edinburgh without apparent danger of his health and life.” Signed as above, at Taymouth, Ifith Sept., 1715. On the day following Bread¬ albane arrived at Logierait .—Letters in the Appetidix to the Second Edition o/Rae’s History, 1746, p" 417. 3 “ He is of a fair complexion, and has the gravity of a Spaniard, is ^ cunning as a fox, wise as a serpent, and as slippery as an eel.”— Mackay’s Jlenioirs. TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. 74 to Aberdeen for a printing press, in order to lose no time in diffusing intelligence more widely by that comprehensive organ of information. It was placed under the management of Robert Freebairn, one of the printers for the late Queen Anne, whose principles had led him to join the insurgent army. He was chiefly employed in extending by his art the delusions through means of which the insurrection had been originally excited, and was in a great measure kept afloat. It is a strong example of this, that while Mar actually knew nothing of the fate of Forster and Kenmure, with the auxiliary party of Highlanders under Macintosh; yet it was boldly published that they were masters of Newcastle, and carried all before them, and that the Jacobites around London had taken arms in such numbers, that King George had found it necessary to retire from the metropolis. It does not appear that the Earl of Breadalbane was so frank in affording the rebels his military support, which was very exten¬ sive and powerful, as in imparting his advice how to make an impression on the public mind by means of the press. His o^vn age excused him from taking the field; and it is probable, his experience and sagacious observation discovered little in their counsels wliich promised a favourable result to their enterprise, though supported certainly by a very considerable force in arms. A body of his clan, about four or five hundred strong, command¬ ed by the Earl’s kinsman, Campbell of Glendarule, joined the force under General Gordon ; but about four hundred, who had apparently engaged in the enterprise against Inverary, and were embodied for that purpose, dispersed, and returned to their own homes afterwards without joining Mar. The whole force being now collected on both sides, it seemed inevitable, that the clouds of civil war, which had been so long lowering on the horizon, should now burst in storm and tempest on the devoted realm of Scotland. CHAPTER LXX. Motives of the Earl of Mar for undertaking the Insurrection —• Causes which devolved the Command of the Army upon him —■ Interception of Supplies of Arms and Ammunition destined for the Jacobite Army—Addresses to the Chevalier de St. George and the Duke of Orleans sent from the Army at Perth — Eissatis- faction among some of the Principal Men in Mar’s Army — Plans of Mar—March of Mar from Perth, and of Argyle from Stirling—the Armies come in sight of each other near Eunhlane — Mar’s Council of War—Battle of Sheriffmuir. [1715.] I HAVE delayed till this point in the Scottish history some attempt to investigate the causes and conduct of the Rebellion, MOTIVES OF MAR. and to explain, if possible, the supineness of the insurgent general and chiefs, who, having engaged in an attempt so desperate, and raised forces so considerable, should yet, after the lapse of two months, have advanced little farther in their enterprise than they had done in the first week after its commencement. If we review the Earl of Mar’s conduct from beginning to end, we are led to the conclusion, that the insurrection of 1715 was as hastily as rashly undertaken. It does not appear that ^Mar was in communication on the subject with the court of the Che¬ valier de St. George previous to Queen Anne’s death. That event found him at liberty to recommend himself to the favour of King George, and show his influence with the Highland chiefs, by procuring an address of adhesion from them, of a tenor as loyal as his own. These offers of service being rejected, as we have already said, in a harsh and an affronting manner, made the fallen Minister conclude that his ruin was determined on; and his private resentment, which, in other circumstances, would have fallen to the ground ineffectual and harmless, lighted unhappily amongst those combustibles, wliich the general adherence to the exiled family had prepared in Scotland. When Mar arrived in Fifeshire from London, it was reported that he was possessed of £100,000 in money,—instructions from the Pretender, under his own hand, and a commission appoint¬ ing him lieutenant-general, and commander-in-chief of his forces in Scotland. But though these rumours were scattered in the public ear, better accounts allege, that in the commencement of the undertaking, IHar did not pretend to assume any authority over the other noblemen of his own rank, or produce any other token from the Chevalier de St. George, than his portrait. A good deal of pains were taken to parade a strong-box, said to inclose a considerable sum of money, belonging to the Earl of Mar; but it was not believed to contain treasure to the amount of more tlian £3000, if, indeed, it held so much. As to the important point of a general to command in chief, the scheme, when ori¬ ginally contemplated at the Court of St. Germains, turned upon the Duke of Ormond’s landing in England, and the Duke of Ber¬ wick in Scotland, whose well known talents were to direct the whole affair. After commencing his insurrection, there can be little doubt that Mar did the utmost, by his agents in Lorraine, to engage the favourable opinion of the Chevalier; and the unex¬ pected success of his enterprise, so far as it had gone, and the great power he had been able to assemble, were well calculated to recommend him to confidence. In the mean time, it was ne¬ cessary there should be a general to execute the duties of the office ad interim. Mar offered, as I have told you, the command to the Duke of Athole, who refused to be connected with the affair. Huntly, from his power and rank in possession and expec¬ tation, might have claimed the supreme authority, but his religion was an otetacle. Seaforth lay distant, and was late in coming TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. 70 up. The claims of these great nobles being set aside, there was nothing so natural as that Mar himself should assume the com¬ mand of an insurrection, which would never have existed with¬ out his instigation. He was acceptable to the Highlanders, as having been the channel through which the bounty of the late Queen Anne had been transmitted to them; and had also parti¬ sans, from his liberality to certain of the Lowland nobles who had joined him, whose estates and revenues were not adequate to their rank, a circumstance which might be no small cause for their rushing into so ruinous an undertaking. Thus Mar assum¬ ed the general’s truncheon which chance offered to his hand, because there was no other who could pretend to it. Like most persons in his situation, he was not inclined to dis¬ trust his own capacity for using to advantage the power which he had almost fortuitously become possessed of; or, if he nourished any doubt upon this subject, he might consider his military charge to be but temporary, since, from the whole tenor of his conduct, it appears he expected from France some person whose trade had been war, and to whom he might with honour resign his office. Such an expectation may account for tlue care with which the Jacobite commander abstained from offensive ope¬ rations, and for his anxious desire to augment his army to the highest point, rather than to adventure it upon the most proinis- ing enterprise. It is probable Mar was encouraged to persevere in his military authority, in which he must have met with some embarrassment, when he found himself confirmed in it by Ogilvie of Boyne, an especial messenger from the Chevalier de St. George, who, greatly flattered by the favourable state of affairs in Scotland, conferred upon the Earl of Mar in form, that command, which he had so long exercised in point of fact, and it was said, brought a patent, raising him to the dignity of Duke of Mar. Of the last honour, little was known, but the commission of Mar as general was read at the head of every corps engaged in the insuirection. It might be matter of wonder that the vessel which brought over Mr. Ogilvie, the bearer of this commission, had not been freighted with men, money, or provisions. The reason appears to have been, that the Chevalier de St. George had previously expended all the funds he could himself command, or which he could borrow from foreign courts favourable to his title, in equip¬ ping a considerable number of vessels designed to sail from Havre-de-Grace and Dieppe, with large quantities of arms and ammunition. But the Earl of Stair, having speedily discovered the destination of these supplies, remonstrated with the Court of France upon proceedings so inconsistent with the treaty of Utrecht; and Sir George Byng, with a squadron of men-of-war, blockaded the ports of France, with the purpose of attacking the vessels if th^y should put to sea. The Regent Duke of Orleans immediately gave orders to the inspectors of naval affairs to pre- MISSIVES TO FRANCE. i i vent the arming and sailing of the vessels intended for the ser¬ vice of the Chevalier de St. George. Thus the supplies designed for the insurgents were intercepted, and the whole expense which had been laid out upon the projected expedition was en¬ tirely lost. This affords a satisfactory reason -Avhy the exiled Prince could send little to his partisans in Scotland, unless in the shape of fair words and commissions. In the mean time, the Earl of Mar, and the nobles and gentle¬ men embarked in his enterprise, although disappointed in these sanguine expectations under which it had been undertaken, and in finding that the death of Louis XIV., and the prudence of his successor in powder, would deprive them of all hopes of foreign assistance, were yet desirous to receive that species of encourage¬ ment which might be derived from seeing the Chevalier de St. George himself at the head of the army, which they had drawn together in his name and quarrel. An address, therefore, was made to King James VIII., as he was termed, praying him to repair to Scotland, and to encourage, by his personal presence, the flame of loyalty, wdiich was represented as breaking out in every part of that kingdom, pledging the lives and honour of the subscribers for his personal security, and insisting on the favour¬ able effect likely to be produced upon their undertaking, by his placing himself at its head. Another address was di’awn up to the Regent Duke of Orleans, praying him, if he was not pleased to aid the heir of the House of Stewart at this crisis of his fate, that he w’ould at least permit him to return to his own country, to share the fate of his trusty adherents, who were in arms in his behalf. This paper had rather an extraordinary turn, sounding as if the Chevalier de St. George had been in prison, and the Regent of France the keeper of the key. The addresses, how¬ ever, w ere subscribed by all the men of quality at Perth, though great was the resentment of these proud hidalgos, to find that the king’s printer, Mr. Robert Freebairn, was permitted to sign along with them. The papers w'ere, after having been signed, intrusted to the care of the Honourable Major Hay, having as his secre¬ tary the historian Dr. Abercromby,’ with charge to wait upon the Chevalier at the Court of Lorraine, or where he might happen to be, and urge the desire of the subscribers. The choice of the ambassador, and the secrecy which was observed on the subject of his commission, were regarded as deserving censure by those in the army who conceived that, the general w’elfare being con¬ cerned in the measures to be adopted, they had some right to be acquainted with the mode in which the negotiation was to pro¬ ceed. Mar afterwards despatched two additional envoys on the same errand ; the first was Sir Alexander Frskine of Alva, who w'as wrecked on his return ; the second, an agent of considerable acuteness, named Charles Forbes. 1 Author of “ The Martial Achievements of the Scots Nation.” 2 vols. folio. Edin., 1711-15. TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. 78 Tlie Earl of Mar had not ascended to the pitch of power which he now enjoyed, without experiencing the usual share of ill-will and unfavourable construction. The Master of Sinclair, a man of a temper equally shrewd and severe, had from the beginning shown himself dissatisfied with the management of the insurrec¬ tion, and appears, like many men of the same disposition, to have been much more ready to remark and censure errors than to assist m retrieving them. The Earl of Huntly seems also to have been disobliged by Mar, and to have looked on him with dis¬ like or suspicion ; nor were the Highlanders entirely disposed to trust him as their general. When Glengarry, one of their ablest chiefs, joined the army at Perth, he was anxious that the western clans should keep separate from those first assembled at Perth, and act in conjunction with the forces of the Earl of Huntly; and it was proposed to Sinclair to join in this sort of association, by which the array would in fact have been effectually separated into two parts. Glengarry, however, was dissuaded from this secession ; and although it is intimated, that in order to induce him to abandon his design, the arguments arising from good cheer and good fellowship were freely resorted to, it is not the less true, that his returning to the duty of a soldier was an act of sober reason. The Earl of Mar, amidst his other duties, having a wish to pre¬ pare a place of arras for the residence of the Chevalier de St. George on his expected arrival, made an attempt to cover Perth by fortifications, so as to place it out of danger from a coup-de- main. General Hamilton attended to this duty for a short time; but afterwards it was almost entirely given up to the direction of a Frenchman, who had been a dancing and fencing-master, and whose lines of defence furnished much amusement to the English engineers, who afterwards became possessed of them. Before resuming the narrative, I may tell you, that in this same eventful month of October, when there were so many mili¬ tary movements in Scotland, the Duke of Ormond was despatch¬ ed by the Chevalier de St. George, with arms and ammunition, and directions to land on the coast of England. Three cannon were fired as a signal to the Jacobites, who were expected to flock in numbers to the shore, the name of Ormond being then most popular among them. But the signals not being answei’ed, the vessel bore off, and returned to France. Had the Duke landed, the Jacobite party would have been in the singular predicament of having a general in England, without an army, and an army in Scotland without an effective general. We now approach the catastrophe of these intestine commo¬ tions ; for the Earl of Mar had by the beginning of November received all the reinforcements which he had to expect, though it may be doubted whether he had rendered his task of forcing or turning the Duke of Argyle’s position more easy, or his own army much stronger, by the time he had spent in inactivity. His PLANS OF MAR. 79 numbers were indeed augmented, but so were those of the Duke, so that the armies bore the same proportion to each other as be¬ fore. This Avas a disadvantage to the Highlanders ; for where a contest is to take place betwixt undisciplined energy and the steadiness of regular troops, the latter must always attain supe¬ riority in proportion as their numbers in the field increase, and render the day likely to be decided by manoeuvres. Besides this, the army of Mar sustained a very great loss by desertion during the time he lay at Perth. The Highlanders, with the im¬ patience and indolence of a half-civilized people, grew weary alike of remaining idle, and of being employed in the labour of forti¬ fication, or the dull details of ordinary parade exercise. Many also went home for the purpose of placing in safety their accumu¬ lation of pay, and what booty they had been able to find in the Lowlands. Such desertions were deemed by the clans to be per¬ fectly in rule, and even the authority of the chiefs was inadequate to prevent them. Neither do the plans of the Earl of Mar seem to have been more distinctly settled, when he finally determined on the impor¬ tant step of making a movement in advance. It seems to have been given out, that he was to make three feigned attacks upon the Duke’s army at one and the same time—namely, one upon the Long Causeway and Stirling bridge ; another at the Abbey ford, a mile below Stirling ; and a third at the Drip-coble, a ford a mile and a half above that town. By appearing on so many points at once. Mar might hope to occupy the Duke’s attention so effectually, as to cross the river with his main body at the fords of Forth. But, as the Duke of Argyle did not give his opponent time to make these movements, it cannot be known whether Mar actually contemplated them. It is, however, certain that the Earl of Mar entertained the general purpose of reaching, if possible, the fords of Forth, where tliat river issues out of Lochard, and thus passing over to the southern side. To reach this part of the river, required a march of two days through a hilly and barren country. Nor were Mar and his advisers well acquainted with the road, and they had no other guide but the celebrated freebooter, Rob Roy MacGregor, Avho they themselves said was not to be trusted, and who, in point of fact, was in constant communication with his patron, the Duke of Argyle, to whom he sent intelligence of Mar’s motions. ^ It was said, too, that this outlaw only knew the fords from having passed them with Highland cattle—a different thing, certainly, from being acquainted with them in a military point of view. It ^ “ The period of the Rehellion approached soon after Rob Roy had attained celebrity. His Jacobite partialities were now placed in opposition to his sense of the obligations which he owed to the indirect protection of the Duke of Argyle. But the desire of ‘ drowning his sounding steps amid the din of gene¬ ral war ’ induced him to join the forces of the Earl of Mar, although his patron, the Duke of Argyle, was at the head of the array opposed to the Highland in¬ surgents.”—/ntroductfoti to Rob Roy. 80 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. was probably, however, with a view to the information which Rob Roy could give on this point, that Mar, in a letter of the 4th of November, complains of that celebrated outlaw for not having come to Perth, where he wished much to have a meeting with him. But if Mar and his military council had known the fords of Forth accurately, still it was doubtful in what situation they might find the passes when they arrived there. They might have been fortified and defended by the Duke of Argyle, or a detachment of his army; or they might be impassable at this ad¬ vanced season of the year, for they are at all times of a deep and impracticable character. Last of all, before they could reach the heads of the Forth, Mar and his army must have found the means of crossing the Teith, a river almost as large and deep as the Forth itself, on which Argyle had destroyed the bridge of Doune, which afforded the usual means of passage. Such were the difficulties in the way of the insurgents ; and they are of a kind which argues a great want of intelligence in a camp which must have contained many persons from Menteith and Lennox, well acquainted with the country through which the Highland army were to pass, and who might have reconnoit¬ red it effectually, notwithstanding the small garrisons of west- country militia and volunteers, which the Duke had placed in Gartartan and other houses of strength in the neighbourhood of Aberfoil. But it was not the will of Heaven that the insurgents should ever march far enough on their expedition to experience inconveniences from the difficulties we have pointed out; for the Duke of Argyle, though far inferior in force, adopted the soldier¬ like resolution of drawing out such strength as he had, and inter¬ rupting the march of the insurgents by fighting them, before they should have an opportunity of descending upon the Forth. For this purpose, he called in all his garrisons and outposts, and having mustered a main body of not quite four thousand men, he marched from Stirling towards Dunblane, on the mbrning of Saturday, the 12th of November. On the 10th of November, the Earl of Mar had broken up from his quarters at Perth, and advanced to Auchterarder, where the infantry were quartered, while the cavalry found accommo¬ dation in the vicinity. But, during that night, the Highland army suffered in its no¬ minal strength by two considerable desertions. The one was that of the whole clan of Fraser, amounting to four hundred men. They had joined Mar’s army very recently, under Fraser of Fraserdale, who had married the heiress of their late chieftain. Just at this crisis, however, the heir-male of the family, the celebrated Fraser of Lovat, arrived in the north, and recalled by his mandate the clan of Fraser from the standards of King James VIIL, to transfer them to those of George I. The Frasers, deeming their duty to their chief paramount to that which they mar’s march from rerth. 81 owed to either monarch, and recognising the right of the male- heir to command them in preference to that of the husband of the heir-female, unanimously obeyed the summons of the former, and left the camp, army, and cause in which they were engaged. There will be occasion to mention more of the Frasers hereafter. The other desertion was that of two hundred of the Earl of Huntly’s Highland followers, who complained of having been unjustly overburdened with what is called fatigue-duty. Thus diminished, the army, after having been reviewed by their gene¬ ral, marched oif their ground in the following order. The Master of Sinclair with the Fifeshire squadron, and two squadrons of Huntly’s cavalry, formed the advance of the whole. The western clans followed, being, first, the MacDonalds, under their different chiefs of Clan Ranald, Glengarry, Sir Donald MacDonald, Kep- poch, and Glencoe. The next were Breadalbane’s men, with five regiments, consisting of the following clans: the MacLeahs, under Sir John MacLean, their chief; the Camerons, under Lochiel; the Stewarts, commanded by Appin; and those who remained of Huntly’s followers from Strathdon and Glenlivet, under Gordon of Glenbucket. This chosen body of Highlanders were in high spirits, and so confident of success, that they boasted that their division of Mar’s army only would be more than enough to deal with the Duke of Argyle and all the force he commanded. Ge¬ neral Gordon was commander of the whole Highland vanguard. The rest of the army, commanded by Mar in person, with the assistance of General Hamilton, followed the advanced division ; and it was settled that the rearguard should march only as far as Ardoch, while the vanguard should push forward as far as the town of Dunblane, where they had quartered on their former march from Perth, eight miles to the west of Ardoch, where the rear was to halt. The horse, at the head of the first column, were advancing, according to their orders, when a lame boy, running as fast as his infirmity would permit him, stated to the Master of Sinclair, who commanded the advance, that he was sent by the wife of the Laird of Kippendavie, whose husband was in the Jacobite army, to tell the Earl of Mar that the Duke of Argyle was in the act of marching through Dunblane. The news, though the appear¬ ance of the messenger excited some doubt, was entitled to be treated with respect. A reconnoiti'ing party was sent forward, an express was despatched to Mar, who was six or seven miles in the rear, and General Gordon anxiously looked around him to find some strong ground on which to post the men. The river Allan lay in their front, and the Master of Sinclair proposed pushing across, and taking possession of some farm-houses, visible on the opposite side, where the gentlemen might find refresh¬ ment, and the horses forage. But General Gordon justly thought that the passing a river at nightfall was a bad preparation for a body of infantry, who were to lie out till morning in the open air, VOL. III. F 82 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. in a hard frost, in the middle of November. At length the dis¬ pute was terminated, on two farm-houses being discovered on the left side of the river, where the horse obtained some accom¬ modation, though in a situation in which they might have been destroyed by a sudden attack, before they could have got out of the enclosures, among which they were penned up like cattle, rather than quartered like soldiers. To guard against such a catastrophe. General Gordon posted advanced guards and videttes, and sent out patrols with the usual military precautions. Soon after they had taken their quarters for the night. Lord Southesk and the Angus-shire cavalry came up, with the intelligence that Mar and the whole main body were following, and the Earl ac¬ cordingly appeared at the bivouac of the vanguard about nine o’clock at night. Fresh intelligence came to them from Lady Kippendavie, who seems to have been as correct in her intelligence, and accurate in communicating with the insurgent army, as she was singular in her choice of messengers, this last being an old woman, who con¬ firmed the tidings of the enemy’s approach. The reconnoitring parties, sent forward by Sinclair, came in with news to the same purpose. The whole of Mar’s army being now collected together within a very narrow circumference, slept on their arms, and wi’apped in their plaids, feeling less inconvenience from the weather, which was a severe frost, than would probably have been experienced by any other forces in Europe.^ By daybreak, on Sunday, 13th November, the insurgent army drew up in tw’o lines of battle, on the plain above the place Avhere they had spent the night. They had not long assumed this posture, when they perceived a strong squadron of horse upon an eminence to the south of their lines. This was the Duke of Argyle, who, with some general ofiicers, had taken this post in advance, for the purpose of reconnoitring the enemy’s position and proceedings. In this he succeeded but imperfectly, on account of the sw’ells and hollows which lay betw^een him and Mar’s army. In the mean time. Mar, after satisfying himself that he was in presence of the enemy, called a council of his nobles, general officers, chiefs of clans, and commanders of corps. He is allowed on this occasion to have made them a most animating speech. It 1 “The Duke of Argyle gave orders that no tent should be pitched that night, either by officers or soldiers; but the officers, without distinction, were ordered to their several posts, and the soldiers to lay close on their arms all night, under certification of the severest pains, in case they did otherwise. And thus they lay in an extreme cold night, without either tent or cover; nor could they much complain, while their general sat in a sheep-cot, upon straw, at the foot of the hill, on the right of the army. About twelve at night his Grace being informed by his spies w'here the enemy lay, and what was their posture, sent orders to the commanding officer of the artillery, to dis¬ tribute as much ammunition to the forces, as, with the twenty-four they had before, would make up thirty rounds to each man; which was done accordingly before tw'o in the morning.”—R ak, p. 302. 83 mar’s council of war. sunk, hi part, upon unwilling ears, for there were already several persons of consequence, among whom Huntly and Sinclair seem to have been the leaders, who, despamng of the cause in which they were engaged, ivere desirous to open a communication with the Duke of Argyle, in order to learn whether he had power to receive their submission, and admit them to pardon on their former footing of living quietly under Government. This, how¬ ever, was only whispered among themselves; for even those who entertained such opinions, were at the same time conscious that the crisis was come, in which they must fight for peace sword-in¬ hand, and that, by gaining a victory, they might dictate honour¬ able terms; while, if they attempted a retreat, they would be no longer able to keep their Highland levies together, or to open a negotiation with the air of strength absolutely necessary to com¬ mand a tolerable capitulation. When, therefore, the Earl of Mar reminded his military audi¬ tors of the injustice done to the royal English yoke, and conjured them not to let slip the opportunity which they had so long languished for, but instantly attack the enemy, with that spirit which their cause and their wrongs were calculated to inspire, his words awakened a corresponding energy in the hearers. The Earl of Huntly only asked, whether a battle won would, in their present circumstances, place their rights, and those of their country, within their reach ? or, whether there was any hope of foreign aid, to enable them to withstand the arms of England and her allies ? “ All this,” he said, “ my Lord of Mar could doubt¬ less inform them of, since he had lately received a letter from Lord Bolingbroke, which he desired might be laid before the council.” The critical circumstances of the moment, and the enthusiasm which had been excited in the assembly, enabled Mar to dispense with attending to questions which he might have found it difficult to answer. Gliding over the interruption given by Huntly, he stated to the council the question, in the words, ‘‘ Fight or not?” The chiefs, nobles, and officers, answered, with an universal shout of “ Fight;” and their resolution reaching the two lines, as they stood drawn up in order of battle, was welcomed with loud huzzas, tossing up of hats and bonnets, and a cheerfulness which seemed, even to those who had been before uncertain and doubt¬ ful of the issue, a sure presage of speedy victory. In this state of excited feeling, the army of Mar advanced to¬ wards the enemy. The two lines in which they stood upon the moor were broken up each into two columns, so that it was in four columns that they pursued the order of their march, de¬ scending the hill which they had first occupied, crossing a morass, which the hard frost of the night before had rendered passable for cavalry as well as infantry, and ascending the opposite height, from which the Duke of Argyle was observing their movements. The Duke, on his part, as soon as he saw the extremity of Mar's 84 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. wing wheel to the right, in order to make the movement we hav6 described, immediately comprehended that their purpose was to avail themselves of their superiority of numbers, and attack his small force at once on the left flank, and in front. He rode hastily down the eminence, at the foot of which his force was drawn up, in order at once to get them into such a disposition as might dis¬ appoint the object of the enemy, and to lead his troops up the hill. He drew up his little army of about four thousand men, extending his disposition considerably to the right, placing three squadrons of horse on that wing, and as many on the left of his front line ; the centre being composed of six battalions of foot. Each wing of horse was supported by a squadron of dragoons. The second line was composed of two battalions in the centre, with a squadron of dragoons on either wing. In this order, and having his right considerably advanced against the enemy’s left, so as to admit of his withdrawing his own left wing from a flank attack, the Duke ascended the hill, seeing nothing of the enemy, who had left the high grounds, and were advancing to meet him on the other side of the same height, which he was in the act of mounting. The Highlanders, as has been already stated, advanc¬ ed in four columns, marching by their right. Each column of infantry, four in number, was closed by a body of cavalry, which, when the column should deploy into line, were to take up their ground on the flank. The Highlanders marched, or rather ran, with such eagerness towards the enemy, that the horse were kept at the gallop in the rear. Both armies were thus ascending the hill in column, and met, as it were unex¬ pectedly, upon the top, being in some points within pistol-shot before they were aware of each other’s presence. Both, there¬ fore, endeavoured at the same time to form line-of-battle, and some confusion occurred on either side. In particular, two squad¬ rons of the insurgent cavalry were placed 'in the centre of the right wing, instead of being stationed on the flank, as had been intended, and as the rules of war required. This discovery, how¬ ever, was of much less consequence to the Highkanders, whose terrors consisted in the headlong fury of the onset, whilst the strength of the regulars depended on the steadiness of their dis¬ cipline. It was at this moment that an old chief, impatient for the com¬ mand to charge, and seeing the English soldiers getting into or¬ der, became enraged at seeing the favourable minute pass away, and made the memorable exclamation, “ Oh, for one hour of Dundee !” The Duke’s left wing was commanded by General Whitham, who does not appear to have been distinguished either for courage or conduct. The right of Mar’s line was hastily formed, consisting of the western clans, MacDonalds, MacLeans, and the followers of Breadalbane, when old Captain Livingstone rode up, a veteran soldier, who had served in King James’s army before BATTLE OF SHERIFFMUIR. 85 the Revolution, and with several oaths called to General Gordon, who commanded the right wing, instantly to attack. The Gene¬ ral hesitated, hut the chiefs and clans caught the enthusiasm of the moment. A gentleman, named MacLean, who lived to a great age, thus described the attack of his own tribe ; and there can be no doubt that the general onset was made under similar circumstances. When his clan was drawn up in deep order, the best born, bravest, and best armed of the warrioi’s in front,^ Sir John MacLean placed himself at their head, and said, with a loud voice, “ Gentlemen, this is a day we have long wished to see. Yonder stands MacCallanmore for King George—Here stands MacLean for Kmg James.— God bless MacLean and King James !—Charge, gentlemen !” The clan then muttered a very brief prayer, fixed the bonnet firm on the head, stripped off their plaids, which then compre¬ hended the philalDeg also,^ and rushed on the enemy, firing their fusees irregularly, then dropping them, and drawing their swords, and uniting in one wild yell, when they mingled among the bayonets. The regular troops on the left received this fierce onset of the mountaineers with a heavy fire, which did consider¬ able execution. Among others who dropped was the gallant young chief of Clan Ranald, mortally wounded. His fall checked for an instant the impetuosity of his followers, when Glengarry, so often mentioned, started from the ranks, waved his bonnet around his head, exclaiming, “ Revenge, revenge ! to-day for re¬ venge, and to-morrow for mourning !” The Highlanders, resum¬ ing the fury of their attack, mingled with the regulars, forced their line in every direction, broke through them and dispersed them, making great slaughter among men less active than them¬ selves, and loaded with an unwieldy musket, which in individual or irregular strife, has scarce ever been found a match for the broadsword. The extreme left of Argyle’s army was thus routed with considerable slaughter, for the Highlanders gave no quarter; but the troops of the centre, under General Wightman, remained unbroken ; and it. would seem to have been the business of the rebel cavalry to have charged them in the flank or rear, exposed as they must have been by the flight of Whitham and the left wing. Of their cavalry, however, two squadrons, commanded by Drummond and Marischal, went off in pursuit of those whom the Highlanders had scattered ; while Lord Huntly’s, and that of Fife, under the Master of Sinclair, remained inactive on the field of battle, without engaging at all. It would seem that they were ' The very existence of this regiment was an instance of the tenacity of clan attachment. The lands on which they lived in the Isle of Mull were become the property of the Duke of Areyle, and their chief resided for the most part in France, on an allowance w'hich Queen Anne liad assigned him; yet he found no difficulty in raising seven or eight hundred men in opposition to their actual landlord; so inferior was the feudal claim to the patriarchal. 2 The Highlanders wore long sliirts, which were disposed in a particular manner on such occasions. 8G TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. kept in check by the dragoons of Argyle’s second line, who did not fly like the first, but made an orderly retreat in the face of the enemy. On the right wing and centre, the event of the battle was very different. The attack of the Highlanders was as furious as on their right. But their opponents, though a little staggered, stood their ground with admirable resolution, and the Duke of Argyle detached Colonel Cathcart, with a body of horse, to cross a mo¬ rass, which the frost had rendered passable, and attack the High¬ landers on the flank as they advanced to the charge. In this manner their rapid assault was checked and baffled; and although the Camerons, Stewarts, and other clans of high reputation, form¬ ed the left wing of Mar’s army, yet that, and his whole second line, were put to flight by the masterly movement of the Duke of Argyle, and the steadiness of the troops he commanded. But his situation was very perilous; for as the fugitives consisted of five tliousand men, there was every prospect of their rall^dng and de¬ stroying the Duke’s small body, consisting only of five squadrons of horse, supported by Wightman, with three battalions of in¬ fantry, who had lately composed the centre of the army. Ar¬ gyle took the bold determination to press on the fugitives with his utmost vigour, and succeeded in driving them back to the river Allan, where they had quartered the night before. The fugitives made frequent halts, and were as often again attacked and broken. This was particularly remarked of the body of horse who carried James’s standard, and was called the Restora¬ tion Squadron. The gentlemen composing it made repeated and vigorous attacks, in which they were only broken and borne down by the superior weight of the English cavalry. It was in one of these reiterated charges that the gallant young Earl of Strath¬ more lost his life, while in vain attempting to rally his Angus- shire regiment. He was slain by a private dragoon, after hav¬ ing had quarter given to him. The Earl of Panmure was also wounded and made prisoner by the royalists, but was rescued by his brother, Mr. Henry Maule. The field of battle now presented a singular appearance, for the left of both armies were broken and flying, the right of both victorious and in pursuit. But the events of war are of less con¬ sequence than the use which is made of them. It does not ap¬ pear that any attempt was made on the part of Mar to avail himself of his success on the right. General Whitham had in¬ deed resigned the field of battle to his opponents, and from thence fled almost to Stirling bridge. The victorious Highlanders did not take the trouble to pursue them, but having marched across the scene of action, drew up on an eminence, called the Stony Hill of Kippendavie, where they stood in groups with their drawn swords in their hands. One cause of their inactivity at this cri¬ tical moment may be attributed to having dropped their fire¬ arms, according to their fashion when about to charge; another, BATTLE OF SHERIFFMUIR. 87 certainly, was the want of active aides-de-camp to transmit or¬ ders ; and a third, the character of the Highlanders, who are not always disposed to obedience. This much is certain, that had their victorious right wing pursued in the Duke of Argyle’s rear when he advanced towards the river Allan, they must have placed him in the gi^eatest danger, since his utmost exertion was scarce equal to keep the multitude before him in full retreat. It is also stated that some of the Highlanders showed an unwillingness to fight. This is alleged to have been particularly the case with the celebrated Rob Roy, a dependent, it will be observed, of the Duke of Argyle’s, and in the habit, during the whole insurrection, of furnishing him with intelligence from the enemy’s camp. A strong party of MacGregors and MacPliersons were under the command of this outlaw, who, when ordered to charge, answered coolly, “If they cannot do it without me, they cannot do it with me.” It is said, that a bold man of the Clan-Vourigh, called Alister MacPherson, who followed Rob Roy’s original profession of a drover, impatient at the inactivity in which they were de¬ tained, threw off his plaid, drew his sword, and called on the MacPhersons to follow. “ Hold, Sandie,” said Rob Roy ; “ were the question about a droA’^e of sheep, you might know something; but as it concerns the leading of men, it is for me to decide.”— “ Were the question about a drove of Glen-Angus wethers,” re¬ torted the MacPherson, “ the question with you, Rob, would not be Avho should be last, but who should be first.” This had almost produced a battle betwixt the two champions; but in the mean time, the opportunity of advancing was lost.^ The Duke of Argyle having returned back from his pursuit of the enemy’s left wing, came in contact with their right, which, victorious as we have intimated, w'as di’awn up on the hill of Kip- pendavie. Mutual menaces of attack took place, but the combat w'as renewed on neither side. Both armies showed a disposition to retreat, and Mar, abandoning a part of his artillery, drew back to Auchterarder, and from thence retired to Perth. Both gene¬ rals claimed the victory, but as Mar abandoned from that day all thoughts of a movement to the westward, his object must be con¬ sidered as having been completely defeated; while Argyle attain¬ ed the fruits of victory in retaining the position by which he de¬ fended the Lowlands, and barred against the insurgents every avenue by which they could enter them. 1 “Rob did not, however, neglect his own private interest on the occasion. In the confusion of an undecided field of battle he enriched his followers by plundering the baggage and the dead on both sides. The fine old satirical ballad on the battle of Sheriifmuir, does not forget to stigmatize our hero’s conduct on this memorable occasion. ‘ Rob Roy he stood watch On a hill for to catch The booty, for aught that I saw, man; For he ne’er advanced From the place he was stanced Till nae mair was to do there at a’, man.’ ” Introduction to Rob Roy. 88 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. The numbers slain in the battle of Sheriffmuir were consider¬ able. Seven or eight hundred were killed on the side of the re¬ bels, and the royalists must have lost five or six hundred. Much noble and gentle blood was mixed with that of the vulgar. A troop of volunteers, about sixty in number, comprehending the Dukes of Douglas and Roxburghe, the Earls of Haddington, Lauderdale, Loudon, Belhaven, and Rothes, fought brave^, though the policy of risking such a troupe dorte might be questionable. At all events, it marked a great change of times, when the Duke of Douglas, whose ancestors could have raised an army as numerous as those of both sides in the field of Sheriffmuir, fought as a private trooper, assisted only by two or three servants. This body of volunteers behaved in a manner becoming their rank. Many of them were wounded, and the Earl of Forfar was slain. The loss of the Earl of Strathmore and of the young Clan Ran¬ ald, was a severe blow to the Insm’rection. The last was a com¬ plete soldier, trained in the French Guards, and full of zeal for the cause of James. “ My family,” he replied to Mar’s summons to join him, “ have been on such occasions ever wont to be the first on the field, and the last to leave it.” When he fell out of the ranks, mortally wounded. Mar met him, and, ignorant of what had happened, demanded why he was not in the front. “ I have had my share,” said the dying chief, and fell dead before his com¬ mander. Many of his men retired from the army in consequence of his death. Thus began and thus ended a confused affray, of which a con¬ temporary ballad-maker truly says, “ there is nothing certain, ex¬ cept that there was actually a ^battle, which he witnessed.” ' CHAPTER LXXL Mar’s Retreat to Perth—Dissensions among the Troops under For¬ ster and Kenmure—Forster returns to England, and is recog¬ nised as General of the Chevalier’s Forces there—He marches, with the design of attaching Liverpool, to Preston, is blockaded there by General Willis, and, after some opposition, surrenders at discretion—The Prisoners of Rank sent to London—Escape of Forster, Macintosh, and Hepburn of Keith—Execution of Der- wentwater and Kenmure—Escape of Nithisdale—the other noble¬ men pardoned, after a long Imprisonment, [ 1715 - 16 .] The confused battle of Sheriffmuir being ended by the ap¬ proach of night, both parties had time to count what they had 1 “ There’s some say that we wan, Some say that they wan, Some say that nane wan at a’, man; But ae thing I’m sure, DESERTION FROM MAR’s ARMY. 89 lost and won in the course of the day. That of the insurgents was easily summed up. The Highlanders, on their right, had behaved with their usual courage, and maintained the reputation which they had acquired of old times under Montrose, and more lately Avhen commanded by Dundee. But in every other parti¬ cular the events of the battle were unfavourable to the insur¬ gents. A great many of their best men had retired without leave, as was their invariable practice, to see their families, or to secure their small stock of booty, which some of them had aug¬ mented by plundering the baggage of their own army. ^ This desertion thinned the ranks jeven of those clans who had been victorious, and the Highlanders of the vanquished division of the army had much better reasons for following the example thus set. Their numbers that morning had been from eight to ten thousand men; and at the close of the day, about four thousand of them were missing. Some leaders, too, of high I’ank and quality, had graced the retreat by their example ; and it was said of Huntly and Seaforth in particular, that they were the first fugitives of any rank or condition who reached Perth, and dis¬ couraged their numerous followers by their retreat from the field of action.2 It was therefore in vain for the insurgents, under this state of diminution and discouragement, to abide a second battle, or endeavour to renew the attempt to pass the Forth, which they had not been able to accomplish with double their now reduced numbers. But besides the effects of desertion, the insurgent army had other difficulties to contend with. The improvidence of their • That at Sheriffmuir, A battle there was, which I saw, man ; And we ran, and they ran. And they ran, and we ran. And we ran, and they ran awa, man. 5 ^ 3 ^ 3^5 3 ^ So there such a race was, As ne’er in that place was. And as little chase was at a’, man ; Frae ither they ran Without touk o’ drum, They did not make use o’ a paw, man.” ’ It had been said of the Highlanders, that they would desert Mar in three cases. If much time was lost ere brought to action, they would tire and go home. If they fought and were victorious, they would plunder and go home; if they fohght and were beaten, they would run away and go home. 2 “ For Huntly and Sinclair They both play’d the tinclair, Wi’ conscience black, like a craw, man. Some Angus and Fife men. They ran for their life, man; And ne’er a Lot’s wife there at a’, man And we ran, and they ran. * ;|c ^ 5(: St! And Hamilton pled The men were not bred; For he had nae fancy to fa’, man.” Ballad. 90 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. leaders had been so unpardonably great, that they had set out from one of the most fertile to a comparatively barren district of Scotland, with provisions for two or three days only, and their ammunition was proportionally scanty. It was therefore evi¬ dent, that they were in no condition to renew the attempt in which they had that morning miscarried; nor had Mar any alternative, save that of leading back his army to their old quar¬ ters at Perth, to wait until some unexpected event should give* them spirits for a fresh effort. Accordingly, as already men¬ tioned, having passed the night after the action among the en¬ closures of Auchterarder, he retusned towards Perth the next morning. The Duke of Argyle, on the other hand, having fallen back on Dunblane, with the troops he himself commanded, and, rejoined by such of the fugitives of the left wing as could be collected, he lay on his arms ail night, expecting to renew the action on the succeeding day. On approaching the field of battle on Monday the 14th of November, at break of day, the Duke of Argyle found it aban¬ doned by the enemy, who had left their dead and wounded at his disposal, together with the honours of the field, amongst which the principal trophies Avere fourteen colours, or standards, and six pieces of field cannon, which Mar had brought to the field in an useless bravado, since he had neither ammunition nor men to serve them, and which he had found himself unable to remove. Amongst the gentlemen who fell on this occasion, Avere several on both sides alike eminent for birth and character. The body of the gallant young Earl of Strathmore was found on the field, watched by a faithful nld domestic, who, being asked the name of the person Avhose body he Avaited upon with so much care, made this striking reply, “ He was a man yesterday.” ^ The Earl of Mar had endeavoured to pave the Avay for a triumphant return to Perth, by a species of Gazette, in which he claimed the victory on the right and centre, and affirmed, that had the left Aving and the second line behaved as his right and the rest of the first line did, the victory had been complete. But he could not again excite the enthusiasm of his folloAvers, many of Avhom began now in earnest to despair of their situation, the large odds of numbers which they possessed in the field of Sheriff- muir having been unable to secure them a decided victory. Many rumours were, in the mean time, spread among the in¬ surgents, concerning successes which were reported to have been obtained by Forster and his troops over General Carpenter in England, and bonfires and rejoicings Avere made for these sup- * Compare the finding the body of Sir John SAvinton, in the dramatic sketch of Halidon Hill. “Edward .— Where is he? Chandos .—Here lies the giant! Say his name, young Knight? Gordon .—Let it sufhee, he Avas a man this morning.” Act II. Scene III. Scott’s Poetical IForks, vol. xii., p. RETREAT OF MAR TO PERTH. 91 posed victories, at a time when, in fact, Forster and Kenmure were totally defeated, their soldiers dispersed, and themselves prisoners. You must not forget that the force of General Forster con¬ sisted of the troops of horse levied on the Northumberland frontier, by the Earl of Derwentwater and others, joined with the gentlemen of Galloway and Dumfries-shire, under Lord Ken- xnure, and the Lothian Jacobites, under the Earl of Winton, composing altogether a body of five or six hundred horse, to whom must be added about fourteen hundred Highlanders, being those sent across the frith by the Earl of Mar, under command of Macintosh of Borlum. You must also recollect, that in this little army there were great differences of opinion as to the route which they were to pursue. The English gentlemen persisted in the delusion, that they had only to show themselves in the west of England, in order to draw the whole country to their standard, while the Scots, both the Lowland gentlemen and Highlanders, desired to march upon Dumfries, and, after taking possession of that town, proceed to the west of Scotland, and force open a communication betwixt their force and the main army under Mar, by which they reasonably hoped to dislodge Argyle from his post at Stirling. Unfixed which course to pvirsue, and threatened by General Carpenter, who moved against them from Newcastle towards Kelso, at the head of a thousand horse, the insurgents left the latter town, where they had been joined by the Brigadier Mac¬ intosh, and marched to Jedburgh, not without one or two false alarms. They had, however, the advantage of outstripping Gene¬ ral Carpenter, and the English gentlemen became still more im¬ patient to return into their own country, and raise the Jacobites of the west. The Highlanders, learning that such a plan was at last adopted, separated themselves from the horse as soon as the march began, and drawing up on a moor above the town of Hawick, declared, that if the insurgents proposed to march against tlie enemy, they would fight it out to the last; but that they would not go into England to be kidnapped and made slaves of, as their ancestors were in Cromwell’s time. And when the horse drew up, as if for the purpose of attack, the Highlanders cocked their pieces, and prepared for action, saying, that if they must needs be made a sacrifice, they would prefer their own country as the scene of their death. The discontented mountaineers would listen to no one save the Earl of Winton, who joined them in de¬ siring to march westward to the assistance of the Earl of Mar; to whom, indeed, by preventing Argyle from concentrating his forces, they might have done excellent service, for the Duke could never have recalled a regiment of horse which he had at Kilsythe, had the southern insurgents threatened that post. The High¬ landers were at length put in motion, under a declaration that they would abide with the army while they remained in Scotland^ but should they enter England they would return back. 92 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. In the mean time, the citizens of the town of Dumfries saw themselves again threatened hy the rebel forces, and assuming an attitude of resistance, marched out to occupy a position in front of the place, on which they threw up some hasty fortifications.^ At the same time they received intelligence from General Carpen¬ ter, who had now reached Jedburgh, that if they could but defend themselves for six hours he would within that time attack the rear of the enemy. The news, that the Dumfries citizens intended to defend their town, which lay in front, while Carpenter was prepared to operate in the rear of the rebels, induced Mr. Forster and his friends to renew with great urgency their proposal of entering England, affirming to their northern associates that they were possessed of letters of advice, assuring them of a general insurrection. The Scots, worn out with the perseverance of their English associ¬ ates, and unable to believe that men would have deceived them¬ selves or others by illusory hopes, when engaged in such a mo¬ mentous undertaking, at length yielded to their remonstrances. Accordingly, having reached Ecclefechan on their way to Dum¬ fries, the English counsels prevailed, and the insurgents halted at the former village, turned south, and directed their march on Langholm, with the design of making for the west of England. The Earl of Winton dissented so widely from the general resolution, that he left the army with a considerable part of his troop, and it seemed for a time as if he had renounced the un¬ dertaking entirely.2 Ashamed, however, to break off abruptly from a cause which he had embraced from motives of duty and conscience, he changed his purpose, and again joined the main body. But though this unfortunate young nobleman returned to the fatal standard, it was remarked that from this time he ceased to take any interest in the debates or deliberations of his party, but seized with a kind of reckless levity upon such idle opportuni¬ ties of amusement as chance threw in his way, in a manner scarce resembling one engaged in an important and perilous enter¬ prise.^ 1 “ Likewise, considering that they had not arms for all the inhabitants who were fit for service, the Magistrates and Council bought up 100 sithes, caused streight their docks, and fixed them on shafts, delivering them to such of the inhabitants as had least skill of fire-arms, and added a certain number of these sithe-men to every company, to be employed at the barricades, and e^ecially at the trenches, which were now carrying on with all expedition.”—R ab, p. 272. 2 “ He was always forward for action, but never for the march into England. His advice, if followed, would in all probability have tended to their great ad¬ vantage, the King’s forces being then so small. However, therefore, some E eople have represented that lord, of which I shall say no more, all his actions oth before being made prisoner, and till he made his escape, speak him to be master of more penetration than many of those whose characters suffer no blemish as to their understanding.”—P atten, p. 53. 3 “ He was never again invited to their councils of war, and was otherwise treated with marked disrespect. These slights gave the Earl but little trouble; he continued to amuse himself with such company as chance threw in his way, and entertained them with stories of his travels and adventures in low life r" Sib Waltbb Scott’s Provincial Antiquities. Article “ Seton Chapel.” DISSENSIONS. 93 The Highlanders were again divided from their confederates in their opinion respecting the alteration of the line of march, and the object of their expedition. Many agreed to march into Eng¬ land. Others, to the number of four hundred, broke away entirely from their companions, with the purpose of returning to their mountains through the western districts and by the heads of the Forth. They might have accomplished this, but for the difficulty of finding provisions, which obliged them to separate into small parties, several of which were made prisoners by the peasantry, who in that country were chiefly Canieronians, and accustomed to the use of arms. The rest of the army, diminished by this desertion, proceeded to Brampton, near Carlisle, where Mr. Forster, producing his com¬ mission to that effect, was recognised as General of King James’s forces in England. It is possible, that the desire to obtain the supreme command of the array might have made this gentleman the more anxious for having the march directed on his native country; and his first exploit in his new capacity seemed to give a lustre to his undertaking, although the success was more owing to the fears of the opposite party, than to any particular display of courage on the part of the Jacobite General and his little army. It must be observed that the horse-militia of Westmoreland, and of the northern parts of Lancashire, had been d^a^vn out to oppose the rebels; and now the posse comitatus of Cumberland, araountmg to twelve thousand men, were assembled along with them at Penrith, by summons from Lord Lonsdale, sheriff of the county. But being a mere undisciplined mob, ill-armed, and worse arrayed, they did not wait for an attack either from the cavalry, or the Highlanders, but dispersed in every direction, leaving to the victors the field of battle, covered with arms and a considerable number of horses. Lonsdale, deserted by every one save about twenty of his own servants, was obliged to make his escape, and found shelter in the old castle of Appleby. In marching through Cumberland and Westmoreland,^ there was little seen of that enthusiasm in the Jacobite cause which the English officers had taught their associates to expect. Manches¬ ter was on this, as upon a later occasion, the first town where the , inhabitants seemed disposed to embark in the insurrection, and form a company for that purpose. Intimation of their friendly disposition reached the insurgents at Lancaster, and encouraged them to advance.'^ It was, indeed, time that their friends should 1 “ There was among the insurgents in this march, one Mr. Gavin, who went into the churches in their way, and scratched out King George’s name from the prayer-books, substituting that of the Pretender so nicely, that it resembled pruit very much, and the alteration could scarce be perceived.”— Patten. 2 “ They continued at Lancaster from Monday the 7th, to Wednesday the 9lh, during which time they seized some new arms, which were in the Custom¬ house, some claret, and a good quaritity of brandy, which was all given to the Highlanders to oblige them; they likewise took up all the money belonging to 94 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. join them, for they had daily news of troops marching to oppose and surround them. On their side they resolved to extend them¬ selves, the more easily to gather fresh forces and having moved from Lancaster to Preston, they resolved to possess themselves of Warrington bridge, with a view to securing Liverpool. While tliey were scheming an attack on this celebrated seaport, which its citizens were preparing to defend with much vigour, the Government forces, which had assembled around them, were ad¬ vancing towards them on several quarters. It seems strange, that while possessing a strong party of friends in the country, being a very large proportion of the landed gen¬ try, with a considerable proportion of the populace, the insurgents should nevertheless have suffered themselves to be so completely surprised. But the spirit of delusion which possessed the whole party, and pervaded all their proceedings, was as remarkable here as on other occasions. While Forster and his companions were thinking of extending the fire of insurrection to Manchester and Liverpool, General Willis, who commanded in Cheshire for King George, had taken measures for extinguishing it entirely. This active General issued orders to several regiments, chiefly of horse and dragoons, quartered in the neighbouring counties, ap¬ pointing them to rendezvous at Warrington bridge on the 10th November, on which day he proposed to place himself at their head, and dispute with the rebels their approach to Manchester. At the same time, Willis entered into communication with Gene¬ ral Carpenter, whose unwearied exertions had dogged the insur¬ gents from Northumberland, and was now advancing upon them. These tidings came like a thunderbolt on Forster’s army. For¬ ster had but a choice of difficulties, namely, either to march out and dispute with Major-General Willis the passage of the river Kibble, by which Preston is covered, or abide within an open town, and defend it by such assistance from fortifications, bar¬ ricades, and batteries, as could be erected within a few hours. the revenue, which was either in the Excise-office or Custom-house; also in the harbour, and which belonged to Mr. Heysham, a merchant of London, and member of Parliament. They found six pieces of cannon, M'hich they seized, mounted them upon new carriages, and took them to Preston.”— Patten, p. 91. i “ A great many Lancashire gentlemen joined us,” adds Patten, “ with their servants and friends. It is true that most of them M-ere Papists, which made the Scots gentlemen and the Highlanders mighty uneasy, very much suspect¬ ing the cause; for they expected all the High-church party to have joined them. Indeed, that party, who are never right hearty for the cause, till they are mellow, as they call it, over a bottle or two, begin now to show us their blind side; and that is their just character, that they do not care for venturing their carcasses any farther than the tavern; there indeed, with their High- church and Ormond, they would make men believe, who do not know them, that they would encounter the greatest opposition in the world; but after having consulted their pillows, and the fume a little evaporated, it is to be ob¬ served of them, that they generally become mighty tame, and are apt to look before they leap, and with the snail, if you touch their houses, they hide their beads, shrink back, and pull in their horns. 1 have heard Mr. Forster say he was blustered into this business by such people as these, but for the time to come he would never again believe a drunken Tory.” WILLIS AND CARPENTER. 95 The first of these courses had its adA^antages. The bridge across the Ribble w'as long, narrow, and might haA’e been easily defended, especially as there was a party of one hundred chosen Highlanders stationed there, under the command of John Far- quharson of Invercauld, a chief of great character for courage and judgment; and Avho, though General Willis was approaching very near to the bridge, might have been relied on as secure of maintaining his ground till succours were despatched from the town. Beyond the bridge there extended a long and deep lane, bordered with hedges, well situated for defence, especially against cavalry. All this was in favour of the defence of the bridge ; but, on the other hand, if Forster had drawn his squadrons of gentle¬ men out of Preston, he must have exposed them to the rough shock of ordinary troopers, which they were neither mounted nor armed so as to sustain. It was probably this Avhich determined the Jacobite leader to maintain his defence in the toAvn of Pres¬ ton itself, rather than in front of it. The insurgents took judici¬ ous measures for this purpose, and pursued them with zeal and spirit. Four barricades were hastily erected. The Earl of Ber- wentwater, stripping to the Avaistcoat, encouraged the men to la¬ bour as Avell by his own example, as his liberality, and the works were speedily completed. One of these barriers Avas situated a little beloAv the church, and Avas supported by the gentlemen volunteers, Avho mustered in the churchyard. The defence Avas commanded by Brigadier Macintosh. The second was formed at the end of a lane, Avhich was defended by Lord Charles Murray ; the third was called the Windmill barricade^—it was held out by the Laird of Macintosh, chief of the name; the fourth barricade was draAvn across the strees leading towards Liverpool, and was stoutly manned by Hunter, the Northumbrian freebooter, and his moss-troopers. Each barricade was protected by tAvo pieces of cannon ; and the houses on both sides of the street were occupied by defenders, so as to pour a destructive flanking fire on any assailant. Gene¬ ral Willis, ha,ving accurately surveyed the defences, resolved upon attacking them. On Saturday, the 12th of November, being the day previous to that on which the battle of Sheriffmuir Avas fought, General Willis commenced his operations upon the town of Preston by a double attack. The barricade on the street beloAv the church Avas assaulted Avith great fury; but so insupportable a fire was opened from the defences and the houses adjacent, that the assailants wei’e beat off with considerable loss. It Avould seem, that to aid him in the defence of his post. Brigadier Macintosh had called in some soldiers Avho had been posted in the street leading to Wigan. Preston’s regiment (well knoAvn as the Old Cameronian, and forming pai’t of Willis’s attacking force) were therefore en¬ abled to penetrate through that avenue, and seizing two houses which overlooked the town, did the defendants more injury than tliey sustained from any other attack. The barricade commanded 06 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. by Lord Charles Murray, was, in like manner, stoutly attacked, and fiercely defended; but the Jacobite officer receiving a rein¬ forcement of fifty volunteers, his resistance was ultimately suc¬ cessful. Captains Hunter and Douglas likewise made a desperate defence at the barrier intrusted to them, and the assault upon the post defended by the Chief of Macintosh, was equally fatal to the assailants. When the soldiers of Willis retired from their various points of attack, they set fire, according to their orders, to the houses betwixt them and the barricades. By the light afforded by this conflagration, the skirmish was carried on during the night; and had not the Aveather been uncommonly still, Preston, which was the scene of contest, must have been burned to the ground. Although the insurgents had preserved the advantage in every attack, it was evident, that, cut off from all assistance, and cooped up in the streets of a burning town, where they had but few men to maintain an extended circle of defence, nothing short of a mi¬ racle could relieve them. General Willis, whilst directing the attack on the barricades, had, at the same time, guarded every pass by which the devoted band could escape. Of those who des¬ perately attempted to sally, several were cut to pieces; and it was but very few who escaped by hewing their way through the enemy. On the morning of the 13th, being the day after the attack, the situation of Forster and his army became yet more desperate. General Carpenter, so long their pursuer, now came up with so many additional forces, chiefly cavalry, as completed the blockade of the place, and left the besieged no hope of escape or relief. Willis, as inferior in rank, offered to resign, of course, the charge of the siege to hia superior officer ; but General Carpenter gener¬ ously refused to take the command, observing, that Willis de¬ served the honour of finishing the affair which he had begun so auspiciously. The dispositions of the latter general were there¬ fore so actively followed up, that the blockade of the town was effectually completed, and the fate of the rebels became in¬ evitable. The scene of unavoidable destruction had different effects upon the different characters of the unfortunate insiu’gents in Preston, in like manner as the approach of imminent peril has upon do¬ mesticated and savage animals when they are brought to ex¬ tremity,—the former are cowed into submission, while the latter, brought to bay, become more desperately ferocious in their resist¬ ance. The English gentlemen began to think upon the possibility of savmg their lives, and entertained the hope of returning once more to the domestic enjoyments of their homes and their estates; while the Highlanders, and most of the Scottish insurgents, even of the higher classes, declared for sallying out and dying like men of honour, with SAVord in hand, rather than holding their lives on the base tenure of submission. Such bemg their different vieAvs of the measures to be adopted. DEFENCE OF PRESTON. 97 the English determined to accomplish a capitulation at all events: and Oxburgh, an Irish Catholic, who had been Forster’s tutor in military matters, went out to propose a surrender to the English generals.^ The mission was coldly received, and he was distinctly given to understand, that no terms would be granted excepting those of unconditional surrender, with the sole provision that they should be secured from immediate execution. He returned to the town, and the errand on which he had visited the enemy’s position being understood. General Forster was nearly pistolled by a Scottish gentleman, named Murray, and his life only saved by a friendly hand, which struck the weapon upwards in the act of its being discharged. Captain Dalzell, brother of the Earl of Camwath, then went out in the name of the Scots, but could obtain no more favourable terms. Some time, however, was gained, in which the principal leaders had time to consider that Government might be satisfied with a few examples, while the greater part of the insurgents, in which every one’s confidence in his individual good luck led him to hope he would be included, would escape at least the extremity of punishment. After the Scots, and especially the Highlanders, had persisted for some time in their determination of I’esistance, they at length found themselves obliged to surrender on no better terms tljan the English, which amounted only to this, that they should not be instantly put to the sword. Their leaders ^ were surrendered as hostages; and at length, after manifesting the greatest unwillingness to give up their arms, they accepted the capitulation, if such it could be called. It certainly appears, that by surrendering at discretion, the greater part of them expected at least to save their lives. On laying down their arms, the unhappy garrison were enclosed in one of the chiu'ches, and treated with considerable rigour, being stripped and ill-used by the soldiery.'^ About fourteen 1 “ Colonel Oxburgh, pretending acquaintance with some of the officers,” says Patten, “ made an offer to go out and treat of a surrender. As this was done without the knowledge of the rebel army, the common soldiers were told that General Willis had sent to offer honourable terms to them, if they would lay down their arms; so blinded were we with their Tory lies to the last: But certain it is, had his design been knovrn, that gentleman had never seen Ty¬ burn, for he had been shot dead by the consent of all the common men before he had gone out of the barrier.”—P. 113. 2 The Earl of Derwentwater, and Brigadier Macintosh. 3 “ Mr. Forster sent out to acquaint General Willis that they were willing to give themselves up, prisoners at discretion, as he had demanded. But Mac¬ intosh being present said, he could not answer that the Scots would surrender in that manner, that they were a people of desperate fortunes, and that hel'.ad known what it was to be a prisoner at discretion. Upon this the General said, ‘ Go back to your people again, and 1 will attack the town, and the conse¬ quence will be, I will not spare one man of youMacintosh went, but came running out immediately again, and said, that the Lord Kenmure, and the rest of the noblemen, with his brother, would surrender in like manner with the English.”— Rae, p. 322. ■* The laced clothes of the gentlemen was the temptation to this outrage. The prisoners were obliged to strip the pews of their baize linings, in order to apply the cloth to the purpose of decent covering. A family tradition runs VOL. III. G 98 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. hundred men, of all sorts, were included in the surrender; amongst whom there were about two hundred domestic servants, followers of the gentlemen who had assumed arms, about three hundred gentlemen volunteers, the rest consisting of Brigadier Macintosh’s command of Highlanders. Six of the prisoners were condemned to be shot by martial law, as holding commissions under the Government against which they had borne arms. ^ Lord Charles Murray obtained a reprieve with difficulty, through the interest of his friends. Little mercy was shown to the mis¬ guided private men, whose sole offence was having complied with what Was in their eyes a paramount duty, the obedience to their chiefs.'-^ Very many underwent the fate which made them so un¬ willing to enter England, namely, that of banishment to the plantations in America. The prisoners of most note were sent up to London, into which they were introduced in a kind of procession, which did less dis¬ honour to the sufferers than to the mean minds who planned and enjoyed such an ignoble triumph. By way of balancing the influ¬ ence of the Tory mob, whose violences in burning chapels, &c.. thus: A gentleman, who fought as a trooper in one of the Scottish squadrons, was sho't through the body at the barricade. He was conceived to be mortally wounded, and lay stretched in a pew in the Church, an affectionate comrade supporting his head, and expecting every moment to receive his'last sigh. After much sickness, the wounded man’s stomach is said to have relieved itself by discharging a piece of his scarlet waistcoat, which the ball had carried into his body. The assistant, much amazed at such a phenomenon, being also one of that class of men who cannot forbear a jest, even in the most melancholy circumstances, observed, “Heigh, Walter, I am fain to see you have a stock of braid cloth in your bowels ; and since it is sae, I wish you would exert your¬ self again, and bring up as much would make a pair of breeks, for I am in mickle need o’ them.’’ The wounded man afterwards recovered. 1 These were Lord James Murray, a younger son of the Duke of Athol, Major Nairne; Captain Philip Lockhart, brother to Mr. Lockhart of Carn- wath; Captain John Shoftoe; Ensign Erskine, and Ensign Dalziel, brother of the Earl of Carnwath. Dalziel was acquitted as to the crime of desertion, after proof that he had thrown up his commission before joining the rebels. Lord Murray was reprieved; the other four were shot at Preston, 2d December.— Rae, p. 326. 2 Patten records some instances of individual heroism and self devotion dur¬ ing the affair of Preston—“ Captain Peter Farquharson of Rochley, a gentle¬ man of an invincible spirit, and almost inimitable bravery, was shot through the bone of the leg. When brought into the White Bull Inn, where all the wounded were carried to be dressed, he took a glass of brandy, and said, ‘ Come, lads, here is our master’s health; though I can do no more, I wish you good success.’ His leg was cut off by an unskilful butcher, rather than a surgeon, and he presently died.”—P. 104. A nameless lad, and lame, was employed to carry powder on horseback from one post to another. “ He was told that they wanted powder at Macintosh’s barrier; but, if he went, he would certainly be shot. He answered, ‘I know I cannot avoid that if I go ; but since they want it, if I cannot carry it quite up to them. I’ll carry it as far as I can;’ and so set forward, and both he and his horse were .shot dead.”— P. 128. Major Preston, of the King’s forces, was shot through the body a little above the breast. “ He was a man of great gallantry and composed courage, as was visible in thus exposing himself to danger, for he was spent in a languish¬ ing consumption even to a skeleton; and told us (the rebels) that the wound he received had only shortened his days two or three months, and seeing it was in the service of his King and Country, he far preferred it to the lingering death he expected. He died in our hands.”—P. 127- JACOBITE PRISONERS. 99 liad been of a formidable and highly criminal character, plans had been adopted by Government to excite and maintain a rival spirit of tumult among such of the vulgar as were called, or called themselves, the Low Church party. Party factions often turn upon the most frivolous badges of distinction. As the Tories had affected a particular passion for ale, as a national and truly Eng¬ lish potation, their parliamentary associations taking the title of the October and the March Clubs ; so, in the spirit of opposition, the Whigs of the lower rank patronised beer (distinguished, ac¬ cording to Dr. Johnson from ale, by being either older or smaller,) and mug-houses were established, held by landlords of orthodox Whig principles, where this Protestant and Revolutionary liquor was distributed in liberal quantities, and they speedily were thronged by a set of customers, whose fists and sticks were as prompt to assault the admirers of High Church and Ormond, as the Tories were ready to defend them. It was for the gratifica¬ tion of the frequenters of these mug-houses, as they were called, that the entrance of the Preston prisoners into London was graced with the mock honours of a triumphal procession. The prisoners, most of them men of birth and education, were, on approaching the capital, all pinioned with cords like the vilest criminals. This ceremony they underwent at Barnet. At High- gate they were met by a large detachment of horse grenadiers and foot guards, preceded by a body of citizens decently dressed, who shouted to give example to the mob. Halters were put upon the horses ridden by the prisoners, and each man’s horse was led by a private soldier. Forster, a man of high family, and still Member of Parliament for Northumberland, Avas exposed in the same manner as the rest. A large mob of the patrons of the mug-houses attended upon the occasion, beating upon warming- pans (in allusion to the vulgar account of the birth of the Cheva¬ lier de St. George,) and the prisoners, with all sorts of scurrilous abuse and insult, were led through the streets of the city in this species of unworthy triumph, and deposited in the jails of New¬ gate, the Marshalsea and other prisons in the metropolis. In consequence of this sudden increase of tenants, a most ex¬ traordinary change took place in the discipline of these melan¬ choly abodes. When the High Church party in London began to recover from the astonishment with which they had witnessed the suppression of the insurrection, they could not look back with much satisfaction on their own passive behaviour during the con¬ test, if it could be called one, and now endeavoured to make up for it by liberally supplying the prisoners, whom they regarded as martyrs in their cause, with money and provisions, in which wine was not forgotten. The fair sex are always disposed to be compassionate, and certainly were not least so in this case, where the objects of pity were many of them gallant young cavaliers, .sufferers in a cause which they had been taught to consider as sacred. The consequence was, that the prisons overflowed with wine and good cheer, and the younger and more thoughtless 100 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. part of the inmates turned to revelling and drowning in liquor all more serious thoughts of their situation ; so that even Lord Derwentwater himself said of his followers, that they were fitter inhabitants for Bridewell than a state prison. Money, it is said circulated so plentifully among them, that when it was difficult to obtain silver for a guinea in the streets, nothing was so easy as to find change, whether of gold or silver, in the jail. A hand¬ some, high spirited young Highland gentleman, whom the pam¬ phlets of the day called Bottair (one of the family of Butter in Athole,) made such an impression on the fair visitors who came to minister to the wants of the Jacobite captives, that some re¬ putations were put in peril by the excess of their attentions to this favourite object of compassion. When such a golden shower descends on a prison, the jailor generally secures to himself the largest share of it; and those prisoners who desired sepai’ate beds, or the slightest accommoda¬ tion in point of lodging, had to purchase them at a rate which would have paid for many years the rent of the best houses in St. James’s Square or Piccadilly. Dungeons, the names of which indicate their gloomy character, as the Lion’s Den, the Middle Dark, and the like, were rented at the same extravagant prices, and were not only filled with prisoners, but abounded with good cheer. These riotous scenes went on the more gaily that almost all had nursed a hope, that their having surrendered at discretion would be admitted as a protection for their lives. But when numerous bills of high treason were found against them, escape from prison began to be thought of, which the command of money, and the countenance of friends without doors, as well as the ge¬ neral structure of the jails, rendered more easy than could have been expected. Thus, on the 10th of April, 1716, Thomas For¬ ster escaped from Newgate, by means of false keys, and having all things prepared, got safely to France. On the 10th of May, Brigadier Macintosh, whom we have so often mentioned, with fourteen other gentlemen, chiefly Scottish, took an opportunity to escape in the following manner. The Brigadier having found means to rid himself of his irons, and coming down stairs about eleven at night, he placed himself close by the door of the jail; and as it was opened to admit a servant at that time of night (no favourable example of prison discipline),^ he knocked down the jailor, and made his escape with his companions, some of whom were retaken in the streets, from not knowing whither to fly. Among the fugitives who broke prison with Macintosh, was Robert Hepburn of Keith, the same person in whose family befell the lamentable occurrence mentioned in a former chapter of this volume (at page 49.) Tills gentleman had pinioned the arms of the turnkey by an 1 “ Potts, the Keex)er of Newgate, being suspected of having connived at Forster’s escape, was tried for his life at the Old Bailey, and acquitted.”— S.VIOH,ETT. 101 ESC APE OF MACINTOSH, ETC. effort of strength, and effected his escape into the open street without pursuit. But he was at a loss whither to fly, or where to find a friendly place of refuge. His wife and family were, he knew, in London; but how, in that great city, was he to discover them, especially as they most probably were residing there under feigned names ? While he was agitated by this uncertainty, and fearful of making the least inquiry, even had he known in what words to express it, he saw at a window in the street an ancient piece of plate, called the Keith Tankard, which had long belonged to his family. He immediately conceived that his wife and chil¬ dren must be inhabitants of the lodgings, and entering, without asking questions, was received in their arms. They knew of his purpose of escape, and took lodgings as near the jail as they could, tliat they might afford him immediate refuge; but dared not give him any hint where they were, otherwise than by setting the well-known flagon where it might by good fortune catch his eye. He escaped to France. The noblemen who had placed themselves at the head of the rebellion were now called to answer for their guilt; and articles of impeachment of high treason were exhibited by the House of Commons against the Earl of Derwentwater, and the Lord Wid- drington, in England; and the Earls of Nithisdale, Winton, and Carnwath, Lord Viscount Kenmure, and Lord Nairne, in Scot¬ land. They severally pleaded Guilty to the articles, excepting the Earl of Winton, who pleaded Not Guilty. Lord Derwentwater and Lord Kenmure suffered death on the ,24th February, 1715-16. The Earl of Derwentwater, who was an amiable private character, hospitable and generous, brave and humane, revoked on the scaffold his plea of guilty, and died firmly avowing the political creed for which he suffered. Lord Ken¬ mure, a quiet, modest gentleman, shared Derwentwater’s fate; and he showed the same firmness. There is a tradition that the body of Lord Derwentwater was carried down to Westmoreland in great pomp, the procession, however, moving only by night, and resting by day in chapels dedicated to the exercise of the Catholic religion, where the funeral services of that Church were performed over the body during the day, until the approach of night permitted them to resume their progress northward; and that the remains of this unfortunate nobleman were finally de¬ posited in his ancestors’ burial-place at Dilston hall.^ His large estates were confiscated to the crown, and now form the valu¬ able property of Greenwich Hospital. Charles Ratcliff, brother to the Earl of Derwentwater, and doomed to share his fate, after a long interval of years, saved himself for the time by breaking prison. But what chiefly attracted the attention of the public was the ^ See the ballad of “ Lord Derwentwater’s Good Ni"ht,” and the Communi¬ cation from Mr. Surtees, in the Notes, Hogg’s Jacobite Relics, vol. ii., pp, 3W, 269 , 270 . 102 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. escape of the Earl of Nithisdale, who was destined to have shared the fate of Derwentwater and Kenmure. The utmost intercession had been made, in every possible shape, to save the lives of these unfortunate noblemen and their com¬ panions in misfortune, but it had been found unavailing. Lady Nithisdale, the bold and affectionate wife of the condemned Earl, having in vain thrown herself at the feet of the reigning monarch, to implore mercy for her husband, ^ devised a plan for his escape, of the same kind with that since practised by Madame Lavalette. She was admitted to see her husband in the Tower upon the last day which, according to his sentence, he had to live. She had with her two female confidants. One brought on her person a double suit of female clothes. This individual was in¬ stantly dismissed when relieved of her second dress. The other person gave her own clothes to the Earl, attiring herself in those which had been provided. Muffled in a riding-hood and cloak, the Earl, in the character of lady’s maid, holding a handker¬ chief to his eyes as one overwhelmed with deep affliction, passed the sentinels, and being safely conveyed out of the Tower, made his escape to France.^ We are startled to find, that, according to the rigour of the law, the life of the heroic Countess was con¬ sidered as responsible for that of the husband whom she had saved ; but she contrived to conceal herself. Lord Winton received sentence of death after trial, but also made his escape from the Tower, 4th August, 1716.^ As Charles Ratcliff had already broke prison about the same time, we may conclude either that the jailors and marshals did not exhibit much vigilance on this occasion, or that the prisoners found means of 1 “ I threw myself at the King’s feet,” says she, “and told him in French, that I was the unfortunate Countess of Nithisdale, that he might not pretend to be ignorant of my person. But perceiving that he wanted to go off without re¬ ceiving any petition, I caught hold of the skirt of his coat, that he might stop and hear me. He endeavoured to escape out of my hands; but I kept such strong hold, that he dragged me upon my knees from the middle of the room to the very door of the drawingroom. At last one of the hliie ribbons Avho attend¬ ed his Majesty, took me round the waiste, whilst another wrested the coat out of my hands. The ftetition which I had endeavoured to thrust into his pocket, fell down in the scuffle, and I almost fainted away through grief and disap¬ pointment.”— Letter to her sister the Countess of Trnquair, in Tra7isactions of the Society of Scottish Antiquaries, vol. i., pp. 523, 538. 2 “ His Lordship had disponed his estate to his son. Lord Maxwell, 28th November, 1712, reserving his own liferent; it was finally determined by the House of Lords, 21st January, 1723, that only his liferent of the estate was for feited. His honours were extinguished by his attainder; and he died at Rome 20th March, 1744. His Avife, Lady Winifred Herbert, daughter of William, Marquis of Powys, surviving him five years, died at Rome in 1749. Their son, John Lord Maxwell, came into possession of the family estate in 1744.”— Wood’s Peerage, vol. ii., p. 321. 3 “When waiting his fate in the Tower, he made good use of his mechanical skill, sawing through, with great ingenuity, the bars of the AvindoAvs through which he made his escape. He ended his motley life at Rome in 1749 [aged 70,'] and with him terminated the long and illustrious line of Seton, whose male descendants have, by intermarriage, come to represent the great houses of Gordon, Aboyne, and Eglinton. Their estate Avas forfeited, and has since passed through several hands.”— Sib Walter Scott, art. “Seton Chapel,” Wood’s Peerage, vol. ii., p. ()48. EXECUTIONS—ESCAPES. 103 lulling it to sleep. The Earl of Carnwath, Lords Widdrington and Nairne, were, after a long imprisonment, pardoned as far as their lives were concerned, in consequence of a general bill of indemnity. Of inferior persons, about twenty of the most resolute of the Preston prisoners were executed at that place and at Manchester, and four or five suffered at Tyburn. Amongst these the execu¬ tion of William Paul,^ a clergyman, a true friend, as he boasted himself, of the anti-revolutionary Church of England, made a strong impression on those of his party. Thus closed the Rebellion and its consequences, as far as Eng¬ land was concerned. We must now take a view of its last scenes as exhibited in Scotland. CHAPTER LXXII. The Arrival of Dutch Troops—Simon Fraser of Lovat—Desertion of the Clan Fraser to the Whig Interest—A General Council of the Jacobite Leaders breaks up without coming to any Conclusion —An Offer of Submission upon Terms, made to Argyle, and rejected—Arrival of the Chevalier—Exertions of Argyle to put an end to the Rebellion—His march towards Perth—^Exultation of the Jacobite Highlanders in the Prospect of another Battle — Their Fury and Despair on its being hinted that it icas intended to Retreat—A Retreat Resolved on. [1715—1716.] W E left the insurgents when the melancholy news of the ter¬ mination of the campaign of Forster, with his Highland auxiliaries, at the barricades of Preston, had not yet reached them; the mo¬ ment it did, all hopes of a general insurrection in England, or any advantage being obtained there, were for ever ended. I The Reverend William Paul, of St. John’s College, Cambridge. “ He came boldly up to Mr. Forster, as he was at dinner with Mr. Patten, at the Recorder of Lancaster’s house. He entered the room in a blue coat, with a long wig and a sword, and Mr. John Cotton of Cambridgeshire with him. They let him know who they were, and, in a flourishing way, made a tender of their services for the cause; which Mr. Forster accepting, they withdrew,”— Patten, p. 92. Mr. Paul ardently begged life, in letters and petitions of recantation and penitence. To the Archbishop of Canterbury he says, “ I humbly desire j'our Grace to use your utmost endeavours to save a poor clergyman’s life. If it will not be granted to spend the remainder of it in England, 1 beg you will be pleased to send me to the Plantations, or any where rather than Tyburn.” His petitions to the King, and others, speak of “ the late unnatural rebellion against his Majesty whicli he detests and abhors. He humbly begs leave, in all sorrow of heart, to acknowledge his great and heinous offence; and from the bottom of his soul, asks pardon of God, his Majesty, and the Church and nation.” And, at the place of execution, being interrupted in reading, he handed to the Sheriff of London a paper addressed to the people, which has, “ I exhort you all to return to your duty. Remember that King James the Third is your only rightful Sovereign, by the laws of the land, and therefore, if you would perform the duty of justice to him, which is due to all mankind, you are obliged in conscience to do all you can to restore him to his crown.”— Faithful Register. &c.. pp. 305. 312 323. 104 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. The regular troops which had been detained in England to suppress the northern insurgents, were now set at liberty, and Mar could no longer rely upon Argyle’s remaining inactive for want of men. Besides, the Estates of the United Provinces had now, upon the remonstrance of General Cadogan, despatched for Britain the auxiliary forces which they were bound by treaty to furnish in case of invasion, and three thousand of them had landed at Deptford. The other three thousand Dutch troops, designed for ports in the north, had been dispersed by a storm, and driven into Harwich, Yarmouth, and elsewhere, which induced the Go¬ vernment to order those at Deptford, as the most disposable part of this auxiliary force, to move instantly down to Scotland. Events equally unfavourable to the rebels were taking place in the North of Scotland; and, in order to ascertain the progress of these, it is necessary to trace some passages in the life of Simon Fraser, one of the most remarkable characters of his time. He was by birth the nearest male heir to the estate of Lovat, and to the dignity of Chief of the Frasers^—no empty honour, since the clan contained a following of from seven hundred to a thousand men. The chief last deceased, however, had left a daughter, and Simon was desirous, by marriage with this young lady, to unite her pretensions to the chieftainship and estate with his own. As his character was bad, and his circumstances ac¬ counted desperate, the widowed mother of the young heiress, a lady of the house of Athole, was averse to this match, and her powerful family countenanced her repugnance. ^ Being a man of a daring character, deep powers of dissimulation, and master of the tempers of the lower class of Highlanders, Simon found it no difficult matter to obtain the assistance of a strong party of Frasers, chiefly desperate men, to assist in a scheme of seizing on the per¬ son of the young heiress. She escaped his grasp, but her mother, the widow of the late Lord Lovat, fell into his power. Equally short-sighted as unprincipled, Fraser imagined that by marrying this lady, instead of her daughter, he would secure, through her large jointure, some legal interest in the estate. With this view he accomplished a forced marriage betwixt the Dowager Lady Lovat and himself, and enforced his rights as her pretended hus¬ band with the most brutal violence.^ For this abominable and ' “ Simon was the son of Thomas Fraser of Beaufort, next male heir to the house of Lovat after the death of Hugh, Lord Lovat, without male issue.”— Sir Walter Scott, Miscel. Prose Works, vol. xx., p. 61. 2 “ The Dowager Lady Lovat was a daughter of the Marquis of Athole; and that powerful family was, therefore, induced to take great interest in disposing of the young lady in marriage. Various quarrels, during the time that Simon of Beaufort held a commission in his regiment, had made him particularly un¬ acceptable to the Marquis of Athole and his family, who viewed his assumin'^ the title of Master of Lovat, and proposing himself as a husband for their kins¬ woman, with a very evil eye.”— Sir Walter Scott, Miscel. Prose Works, vol. XX., p. 61. 3 “ Having raised a gallows on the green before Cqstle Downie, where she then resided, to intimidate all who might protect the object of his violence~a lady advanced in life and whose person is said to have been as little inviting as her character was respectable,—he went through the mock ceremony of a wed- FRASER OF LOVAT. 105 atrocious outrage against a matron, widow of his own near con¬ nexion, and a sister of the powerful Marquis of Athole, letters of fire and sword were granted against Fraser and his adherents, and being outlawed by the High Court of Justiciary, he was forced to fly to France. Here he endeavoured to recommend himself at the Court of St. Germains, by affecting much zeal for the Jacobite cause, and pretending to great interest with the Highland chiefs, and the power of rendering effectual service amongst them. The Chevalier de St. George and the French King were aware of the infamy of the man’s character, and dis¬ trusted the proposal which he laid before them, for raising an insurrection in the Highlands. Mary of Este, more credulous, was disposed to trust him; and he was detached on a Jacobite mission, which he instantly betrayed to the Duke of Queensberry, and which created much disturbance in the year 1703, as we have noticed in its place. ^ His double treachery being discovered, Simon Fraser was, on his return to France, thrown into the Bas- tile, where he remained for a considerable time. Dismissed from this imprisonment, he waited for an opportunity where he might serves, his own interest, and advance his claims upon the chieftain¬ ship of the clan Fraser and the estate of Lovat, by adopting the political side betwixt the contending parties which should bid fairest to serve his purpose. The time seemed now arrived, when, by the insurrction of Mar, open war was declared betwixt the parties. His cousin, the heiress of Lovat, had been married to MacKenzie of Fraserdale, who, acting as chief of his wife’s clan, had summoned the Frasers to arms, and led a body of five hundred clansmen to join the standard of the Chevalier de St. George. They marched to Perth accordingly. In the mean time, Simon Fraser ari’ived in Scot¬ land, and made his appearance like one of those portentous sea monsters whose gambols announce the storm. He was first seen at Dumfries, where he offered his personal services to join the citizens, who were in arms to repel an attack from Kenmure, Nithisdale, and their followers. The Dumfriesians, however, trusted him not, nay, were disposed to detain him a prisoner; and only permitted him to march northward on the assurance of the Marquis of Annandale, that his presence there would be favom’- able to King George and his cause. It proved so accordingly. Simon Fraser arrived in Inverness-shire, and hastened to form an intimate alliance with Duncan Forbes, bi’other of John Forbes of Culloden, and a determined friend to Government. Forbes was an excellent lawyer, and a just and religious man. At another time he probably would have despised associating himself with a desperate outlaw to his country, black with the ding, had her dress cut from her person with a dirk, and subjected her to the last extremity of brutal violence, while the pipes played in the next apartment to drown her screams.”— Sir Walter Scott, Miscel. Prose fVorhs, vol. xx., p. 62. 1 See ante, vol. ii., p. 316. iOG TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. charges of rape, murder, and double treachery. But the case was an extreme one, in which no assistance that promised to be available was to be rejected.^ Simon Fraser obtained pardon and favour, and the influence of the patriarchal system was never more remarkably illustrated than in his person. His cha¬ racter was, as we have seen, completely infamous, and his state and condition that of an adventurer of the very worst description. But by far the greater number of the clan were disposed to think that the chiefship descended to the male heir, and therefore pre¬ ferred Simon’s title to that of Fraserdale, who only commanded them as husband of the heiress. The mandates of Fraser, now terming himself Lovat, reached the clan in the town of Perth. They were respected as those of the rightful chief ; and the Frasers did not hesitate to withdraw from the cause of the Che¬ valier de St. George, and march northwards, to place themselves under the command of their restored patriarch by male descent, who had embraced the other side. This change of sides was the more remarkable, as most of the Frasers were in personal opinion Jacobites. We have already noticed that the desertion of the Frasers took place the very morning when Mar broke up to march on Dunblane ; and, as a bold and warlike clan, their ab¬ sence, on the 12th November, was of no small disadvantage to the party from v/hom they had retired. Shortly after this, the operations of this clan, under their new leader, became directly hostile to the Jacobite cause. Sir John MacKenzie of Coull had, at the period of the Earl of Seaforth’s march to Perth, been left with four hundred MacKenzies, to gar¬ rison Inverness, which may be termed the capital of the North Highlands. Hitherto his task had been an easy one, but it was now likely to become more difficult. Acting upon a plan concerted betwixt him and Duncan Forbes, Lovat assembled his clan, and with those of the Monroes, Rosses, and Grants, who had always maintained the Whig interest, attacked Inverness, with such success, that they made themselves masters of the place, which Sir John MacKenzie found himself compelled to evacuate with¬ out serious resistance. The Eaid of Sutherland also, who was still in arms, now advanced across the Murray frith, and a con¬ siderable force was collecting in the rear of the rebels, and in a position which threatened the territories of Huntly, Seaforth, and several other chief leaders in Mar’s army. These various events tended more and more to depress the spirits of the noblemen and heads of clans who were in the Ja¬ cobite army. The indefinite, or rather unfavourable, issue of the affair of Sheriffmuir, had discouraged those who expected, by a 1 See Prose Works, vol. xx., pp. 63, 64. “ As Duncan Forbes.” adds Sir Walter Scott, “ was not so squeamish as to quarrel with the society of Colonel Charteris, there is the less wonder that he endured that of Lovat. Still there is something ludicrous in the coincidence, that two special friends of so respect¬ able a man should have both been in trouble on so infamous an accusation." DESERTION OF THE FRASERS. 107 decisive victory, if not to carry their principal and original pur¬ pose, at least to render themselves a foe to whom the Govern¬ ment might think it worth while to grant honourable terms of accommodation. Most men of reflection, therefore, now foresaw the inevitable ruin of the undertaking ; but the General, Mar, having formally invited the Chevalier de St. George to come over and put himself at the head of the insurrectionary army, was under the neces¬ sity, for his own honour, and to secure the chance which such an impulse might have given to his affairs, of keeping his troops to¬ gether to protect the person of the Prince, in case of his accept¬ ing this perilous invitation, which, given before the battle of SherifFmuir, was likely to be complied with. In this dilemma, he became desirous, by every species of engagement, to bind those who had enrolled themselves under the fatal standard, not to quit it. For this purpose, a military oath was proposed, in name of King James VIII.; an engagement, which, however solemn, has been seldom found stronger than the severe compulsion of neces¬ sity operating against it. Many of the gentlemen engaged, not wilhng to preclude themselves from endeavouring to procure terms, in case of need, refused to come under this additional obligation. The expedient of an association was next resorted to, and Mar summoned a general council of the principal persons in the army. This was the fourth time such a meeting had been con¬ voked since the commencement of the insurrection; the first had taken place when Macintosh’s detachment was in peril; the se¬ cond for the purpose of subscribing an invitation to the Chevalier de St. George to join them, and the third cn the field of battle at Sheri ffmuir. The Marquis of Huntly, who had already well nigh determined on taking separate measures, refused to attend the meeting, but sent a draught of an association to which he was willing to sub¬ scribe, and seemed to admit that the insurgents might make their peace separately. Mar flung it scornfully aside, and said it might be a very proper form, providing it had either sense or grammar. He then recommended his own draught, by which the subscribers agreed to continue in arms, and accept no conditions unless under the royal authority, and by the consent of the majority of the gentlemen then in arms. The proposed measure was opposed by the Master of Sinclair and many of the Lowland gentlemen. They complained, that by using the phrase “ Royal authority,” they might be considered as throwing the free power of deciding for themselves into the hands of Mar, as the Royal General, with whose management hitherto they had little reason to be satisfied. The Master of Sinclair demanded to know what persons were to vote, as constituting the majority of gentlemen in arms, and w'hether voices must be allowed to all who went by that general name, or whether the decision was to be remitted to those whom 108 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. the General might select 1 Sir John MacLean haughtily an¬ swered, that unless some such power of selection were lodged in the commander-in-chief, all his regiment of eight hundred men must be admitted to vote, since every MacLean was a gentleman. Mar endeavoured to soothe the disaffected. He admitted the King’s affairs were not in such a state as he could have de¬ sired ; but contended that they were far from desperate, inti¬ mated that he still entertained hopes, and in the same breath deprecated answering the questions put to him on the nature of his expectations. He was, however, borne down with queries; and being reminded that he could not propose remaining at Perth, when the Duke of Argyle, reinforced by six thousand Dutch, should move against him on one side, and Sutherland, with all the northern clans in the Government interest, should advance on the other, it was demanded, where he proposed to make a stand. Inverness was named; and the shire of Murray was pointed out as sufficient to find subsistence for a considerable army. But Inverness, if not already fallen, was in imminent danger; Murray, though a fertile country, was a narrow district, which would be soon exhausted; and it seemed to be the general opinion, that if pressed by the Government forces, there w'ould be no resource save falling back into the barren regions of the Highlands. The Master of Sinclair asked, at what season of the year forage and other necessaries for cavalry were to be found in the hills ? Glen¬ garry made a bizarre but very intelligible reply, “ that such ac¬ commodations were to be found in the Highlands at every season —by those who were provident enough to bring them with them.” The main ai'gument of Mar was to press upon the dissentients the dishonour of deserting the King, when he was on the point of throwing himself on their loyalty. They replied, he alone knew the King’s motions; of which they had no such assurances as could induce them to refuse any opportunity of saving themselves, their families, and estates from perdition, merely to preserve some punctilious scruples of loyalty, by which the King could gain no real advantage. They complained that they had been lured into the field, by promises of troops, arms, ammunition, trea¬ sure, and a general of military talent—all to be sent by France ; and that, these reports proving totally false, they did not incline to be detained there upon rumours of the King’s motions, which might be equally fallacious, as they came from the same quarter. In a word, the council of war broke up without coming to a resolution; and there was, from that time, established in the ai’my a party who were opposed to Mar’s conduct of affairs, who declared for opening a negotiation with the Duke of Argyle, and were distinguished at headquarters as grumblers and mutineers. These gentlemen held a meeting at the Master of Sinclair’s quarters, and opened a communication with Mar, in which they urged the total inadequacy of any resistance which they could now offer—the exhaustion of their sunnlies of ammunition, provision, COUNCILS OF MAR. 109 and money—the impossibility of their making a stand until they reached the Highland mountains—and the equal impossibility of subsisting their cavalry, if they plunged into these wildernesses. They declared that they did not desire to separate themselves from the army; all they Avished to know was, whether an honourable capitulation could be obtained for all who were engaged; and if dishonourable terms Avere offered, they expressed themselves de¬ termined to fight to the death rather than accept them. While such Avere the sentiments of the LoAA^-country gentle¬ men, dejected at their total want of success, and the prospect of misery and ruin Avhich they saAv fast approaching, the Highland chiefs and clans Avere totally disinclined to any terms of accom¬ modation. Their AA’arlike disposition made the campaign an en¬ joyment to them; the pay, which Mar dispensed liberally, Avas, Avhile it lasted, an object Avith people so poor; and, finally, they entertained the general opinion, founded upon the conA'ention made Avith their ancestors after the Avar of 1688-9, that they might at worst retreat into their hills, Avhere, rather than incur the loss of men and charges necessary for suppressing them, the Government would be glad to grant them peace upon their oaa'u terms, and, perhaps, not aA’erse to pay them for accepting it. Another class of men haA'ing influence in such a singular camp, were the nobility, or men of quality, Avho had joined the cause. Most of these Avere men of high titles but broken fortunes, Avhose patrimony Avas overburdened with debt. They had been early treated by Mar Avith distinction and preference, for their rank gaA'e credit to the cause AA'hich their personal influence could not greatly have advanced. They enjoyed posts of nominal rank in the insurrectionary army; and the pay conforming to these was not less acceptable to them than to the Highlanders. It may be also supposed, that they Avere more particularly acquainted than others with the reasons Mar had for actually expecting the King; and might, Avith spirit Avorthy of their birth, be Avilling to incur the worst extremities of Avar, rather than desert their monarch at the moment when, by their own invitation, he came to throAv himself on their fidelity. These noblemen, therefore, sup¬ ported the measures and authority of the commander, and dis¬ countenanced any proposals to treat. NotAvithstanding the aid of the nobles and the Highland chiefs. Mar found himself compelled so far to listen to the representa¬ tions of the discontented party, as to consent that application should be made to the Duke of Argyle to learn whether any ca¬ pitulation could be alloAved. There Avas so little faith betAvixt the officers and their general, that the former insisted on naming one of the delegates who were to be sent to Stirling about the proposed negotiation. The offer of submission upon terms was finally intrusted to Lieutenant-Colonel Lawrence, the officer of highest rank who had been made prisoner at Sheriffmuir. The C'olonel, agi’eeably to a previous engagement, returned with an 110 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. answer to the proposal of submission, that the Duke of Argyle had no commission from Court to treat with the insurgents as a body, but only with such individuals as might submit themselves; but his Grace promised that he would send the Duke of Roxburghe to court, for the purpose of soliciting such powers for a general pacification. A more private negotiation, instituted by the Coun¬ tess of Murray, whose second son, Francis Stewart, was engaged in the rebellion, received the same answer, with this addition, that the Duke of Argyle would not hear her pronounce the name of Mar, in whose favour she had attempted to make some interces¬ sion. Upon this unfavourable reception of the proposal of submis¬ sion, it was not difficult to excite the resentment of those who had declared for war, against that smaller party which advocated peace. The Highlanders, whose fierce temper was easily awa¬ kened to fury, were encouraged to insult and misuse several of the Low-country gentry, particularly the followers of Huntly, tearing the cockades out of their hats, and upbraiding them as cowards and traitors. The Master of Sinclair was publicly threat¬ ened by Farquharson of Inverey, a Highland vassal of the Earl of Mar; but his well-known ferocity of temper, with his habit of going continually armed, seem to have protected him. About this time, there were others among Mar’s principal asso¬ ciates who became desirous of leaving his camp at Perth. Huntly, much disgusted with the insults offered to his vassals, and the desperate state of things at Perth, was now preparing to withdraw to his own country, alleging that his presence was necessary to defend it against the Earl of Sutherland, whose march southward must be destructive to the estates of his family.^ The movements of the same Earl, with the clans of Rosses, MacKays, Frasers, Grants, and others, alarmed Seaforth also for the security of his dominions in Kintail; and he left Perth, to march northward, for the defence of his property, and the wives, families, and houses of his vassals in arms. Thus were two great limbs lopped off from Mar’s army, at the time when it was about to be assailed by Government with collected strength. Individuals also became 1 “ Wha wad hae thought the Gordons gay That day wad quat the green, man ? Auchluncart and Auchanochie, Wi a’ the Gordon tribe, man, Like their great Marquis, they could not The smell o’ powder bide, man. **:♦:*** Clunie play’d a game at chess As well as any thing, man; But like the knavish Gordon race, Gave check unto the King, man. He plainly saw, without a queen. The game would not recover. So therefore he witiidrew his knight. And join’d the rook Hanover.” Hogg’s Jacobite Relics, vol. ii., pp. 14,15. ARRIVAL OF THE CHEVALIER. Ill dispirited, and deserted the enterprise. There was at least one man of consideration who went home from the field of battle at Sheriffmuir—sat down by his own hearth, and, trusting to the clemency of the Government, renounced the trade of king-mak¬ ing. Others, in parties or separately, had already adopted the same course; and those who, better known, or more active, dared not remain at home, were seeking passages to foreign parts from the eastern ports of Scotland. The Master of Sinclair, after ex¬ changing mutual threats and defiances with Mar and his friends, left the camp at Perth, went north and visited the Marquis of Huntly. He afterwards escaped abroad from the Orkney islands. Amidst this gradual but increasing defection, Mar, by the course of his policy, saw himself at all rates obliged to keep his ground at Perth, since he knew, what others refused to take upon his au¬ thority, that the Chevalier de St. George was very shortly to be expected in his camp. This Prince, unfortunate from his very infancy, found himself, at the time of this struggle in his behalf, altogether unable to assist his partisans. He had been expelled from France by the Regent Duke of Orleans, and even the provision of arms and ammunition, which he was able to collect from his own slender funds, and those of his followers, or by the munificence of his allies, was intercepted in the ports of France. Having, there¬ fore, no more effectual mode of rendering them assistance, he generously, or desperately, resolved to put his own person in the hazard, and live and die along with them. As a soldier, the Che¬ valier de St. George had shown courage upon several other occa¬ sions ; that is, he had approached the verge of battle as near as persons of his importance are usually suffered to do. He was handsome in person, and courteous and pleasing in his manners; but his talents were not otherwise conspicuous, nor did he differ from the ordinary class of great persons, whose wishes, hopes, and feelings, are uniformly under the influence and management of some favourite minister, who relieves his master of the incon¬ venient trouble of thinking for himself upon subjects of impor¬ tance. The arrival of a chief, graced with such showy qualities us James possessed, might have given general enthusiasm to the insurrection at its commencement, but could not redeem it when it was gone to ruin; any more than the unexpected presence of the captain on board a half-wrecked vessel can, of itself, restore the torn rigging which cannot resist the storm, or mend the shattered planks which are yawning to admit the waves. The Chevalier thus performed his romantic adventure; — Having traversed Normandy, disguised in a mariner’s habit, he embarked at Dunkirk aboard a small vessel, formerly a privateer, as well armed and manned as time would admit, aud laden with a cargo of brandy. On the 2'2d December, 1715, he landed at Peterhead, having with him a retinue of only six gentlemen ; the rest of his train and equipage being to follow him in two other 112 TALES OP A GRANDFATHER. small vessels. Of these, one reached Scotland, bat the other was shipwrecked. The Earl of Mar, with the Earl-Marischal, and a chosen train of persons of quality, to the number of thirty, went from Perth to kiss the hands of the Prince for whose cause they were in arms. They found him at Fetteresso, discomposed with the ague,— a, bad disorder to bring to a field of battle. The de¬ putation was received with the courtesy and marks of favoiu* which could not be refused, although their news scarce deserved a welcome. While the Episcopal clergy of the diocese of Aber¬ deen congratulated themselves and James on the arrival of a Prince, trained like Moses, Joseph, and David, in the school of adversity, his general had to apprize his Sovereign of the cold tidings, that his education in that severe academy had not yet ended. The Chevalier de St. George now for the first time re¬ ceived the melancholy intelligence, that for a month before his arrival it had been determined to abandon Perth, which had hitherto been their headquarters, and that, as soon as the enemy began to advance, they would be under the necessity of retreat¬ ing into the wild Highlands. This was a reception very different from what the Prince an¬ ticipated. Some hopes were still entertained, that the news of the Chevalier’s actual arrival might put new life into their sink¬ ing cause, bring back the friends who had left their standard, and encourage new ones to repair thither, and the experiment was judged worth trying. For giving the greater effect to his pre¬ sence, he appeared in royal state as he passed through Brechin and Dundee, and entered Perth itself with an affectation of Majesty.^ James proceeded to name a privy council, to whom he made a speech, which had little in it tliat was encoui’aging to his follow¬ ers. In spite of a forced air of hope and confidence, it was too obvious that the language of the Prince was rather that of de¬ spair. There was no rational expectation of assistance in men, money, or arms, from abroad, nor did his speech hold out any such. He was come to Scotland, he said, merely that those who did not choose to discharge their own duty, might not have it in their power to make his absence an apology; and the ominous words escaped him, “ that for him it was no new thing to be im- fortunate, since his whole life, from his cradle, had been a con¬ stant series of misfortune, and he was prepared, if it so pleased 1 “He went from Fettererso to Brechin, on Monday, 2d of January; stayed there till Wednesday, when he came to Kinnaird; went to Glamis on Thurs¬ day, and on Friday, about eleven in the morning, he made his public entry into Dundee, with a retinue of about 300 men on horseback, having the Earl of Mar on his right, and the Earl of Marischal on his left. His friends desiring it, he continued about an hour on horseback in the market-place, the people kissing his hand all the while; he then went and dined at Stuart of Grandtully’s, where he lodged that night. On Saturday, he went from Dundee to Castle Lion, a seat of the Earl of Strathmore, where he dined, and after to Sir David Threipland’s, where he lodged. On Sunday, he arrived at Scoone, about two miles from Perth. On Monday the 9th, he made his public entry into Perth, where he viewed some of the soldiers quartered ih the town, and returned the same night to Scoone.”— Rae, p. 355. ARRIVAL OF THE CHEVALIER. 113 God, to suffer the extent of the threats which his enemies threw out against him.” These were not encouraging words, but they were the real sentiments of a spirit broken with disappointment. The Grand Council, to whom this royal speech was addressed, answered it by a declaration of their purpose of fighting the Duke of Argyle; and it is incredible how popular this determination was in the army, though reduced to one-fourth of their original numbers. The intelligence of the arrival of the Chevalier de St. George was communicated to Seaforth, Lord Huntly, and other persons of consequence who had formerly joined his standard, but they took no notice of his summons to return thither. He continued, notwithstanding, to act the sovereign. Six proclama¬ tions w'ere issued in the name of James the Eighth of Scotland, and Third of England : The first appointed a general thanksgiving for his safe arrival in the British kingdoms—a second, command¬ ed prayers to be offered up for him in all churches—a third en¬ joined the currency of foreign coins,—a fourth, directed the sum¬ moning together the Scottish Convention of Estates—a fifth, com¬ manded all the fencible men to join his standard—and a sixth, appointed the 23d of January for the ceremony of his coronation, A letter from the Earl of Mar was also published respecting the King, as he is called, in which, with no happy selection of phrase, he is termed the finest gentleman in person and manners, with the finest parts and capacity for business, and the finest writer whom Lord Mar ever saw; in a word, every way fitted to make the Scots a happy people, were his subjects worthy of him. But with these flattering annunciations came forth one of a different character. The village of Auchterarder, and other ham¬ lets lying between Stirling and Perth, with the houses, corn, and forage, were ordered by James’s edict to be destroyed, lest they should afford quarters to the enemy in their advance. In conse¬ quence of this, the town above named and several villages were burned to the ground, while their inhabitants, with old men and women, children and infirm persons, were driven from their houses in the extremity of one of the hardest winters which had for a long time been experienced even in these cold regions. There is every reason to believe, that the alarm attending this violent measure greatly overbalanced any hopes of better times, excited by the flourishing proclamations of the newly arrived candidate for royalty. While the insurgents at Perth were trying the effect of adula¬ tory proclamations, active measures of a very different kind were in progress. The Duke of Argyle had been in Stirling since the battle of 12th November, collecting gradually the means of to¬ tally extinguishing the rebellion. His secret wish probably was, that it might be ended without farther bloodshed of his misguided countrymen, by dissolving of itself. But the want of a battering train, and the extreme severity of the weather, served as ex¬ cuses for refraining from active operations. The Duke, however, VOL. III. H 114 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. seeras to have been suspected by Government of being tardy in his opei’ations; and, perhaps, of having entertained some idea of extending his own power and interest in Scotland, by treating the rebels with clemency, and allowing them time for submission. This was the rather believed, as Argyle had been the ardent op¬ ponent of Marlborough, now Captain General, and could not hope that his measures would be favourably judged by a political and personal enemy. The intercession of a part of the English mi¬ nistry, who declared against the impeachment of the rebel lords, had procured them punishment in the loss of their places; and notwithstanding the services he had performed, in arresting with three thousand men the progress of four times that number, Argyle’s slow and temporizing measures subjected him to a shade of malevolent suspicion, which his message to Government, through the Duke of Roxburghe, recommending an amnesty, per¬ haps tended to increase. Yet he had not neglected any opportunity to narrow the occu¬ pation of the country by the rebels, or to prepare for their final suppression. The English ships of war in the frith, acting under the Duke’s orders, had driven Mar’s forces from the castle of Burntisland, and the royal troops had established themselves throughout a great part of Fifeshire, formerly held exclusively by the rebel army. The Dutch auxiliaries, now, however, began to join the camp at Stirling; and as the artillery designed for the siege of Perth lay wind-bound in the Thames, a field-train was sent from Ber¬ wick to Stirling, that no farther time might be lost. General Cadogan also, the intimate friend of Marlborough, was despatched from London to press the most active operations ; and Argyle, if he had hitherto used any delay, in pity to the insurgents, was now forced on the most energetic measures. On the 24th of January, the advance from Stirling and the march on Perth were commenced, though the late hard frost, followed by a great fall of snow rendered the operations of the army slow and difficult. On the last day of January the troops of Argyle crossed the Earne without opposition, and advanced to Tullibardine, within eight miles of Perth. On the other hand, all was confusion at the headquarters of the rebels. The Chevalier de St. George had expressed the greatest desire to see the little kings, as he called the Highland chiefs, and their clans ; but, though professing to admire their singular dress and martial appearance, he was astonished to perceive their number so greatly inferior to what he had been led to expect, and expressed an apprehension that he had been deceived and betrayed. Nor did the appearance of this Prince excite much enthusiasm on the part of his followers. His person was tall and thin; his look and eye dejected by his late bodily illness ; and his whole bearing lacking the animation and fire which ought to cha¬ racterise the leader of an adventurous, or rather desperate cause. THE CHEVALIER 115 He was slow of speech and difficult of access, and seemed little interested in reviews of his men, or martial displays of any kind. The Highlanders, struck with his resemblance to an automaton, asked if he could speak ; and there was a general disappoint¬ ment, arising rather, perhaps, from the state of anxiety and de¬ pression in which they saw him, than from any natural want of courage in the unhappy Prince himself. Piis extreme attachment to the Catholic religion, also reminded such of his adherents as acknowledged the Reformed Church, of the family bigotry on ac¬ count of which his father had lost his kingdom; and they were much disappointed at his refusal to join in their prayers and acts of worship, and at the formal precision with which he adhered to his Popish devotions.^ Yet the Highlanders, though few in numbers, still looked for¬ ward with the utmost spirit, and something approaching to delight, to the desperate conflict which they conceived to be just approach¬ ing ; and when, on the 28th January, they learned tliat Argyle was actually on his march towards Perth, it seemed rather to announce a jubilee than a battle with fearful odds. The chiefs embraced, drank to each other, and to the good day which was drawing near; the pipes played, and the men prepared for action with that air of alacrity which a warlike people express at the approach of battle. When, however, a rumour, first slowly whispered, then rapidly spreading among the clans, informed them, that notwithstanding all the preparations in which they had been engaged, it was the general’s purpose to retire before the enemy without fighting, the grief and indignation of these men, taught to think so highly of their ancestors’ prowess, and feeling no inferiority in themselves, rose to a formidable pitch of fury, and they assailed their prin¬ cipal officers in the streets with every species of reproach. “ What can we dol” was the helpless answer of one of these gentlemen, a confidant of Mar, “ Do ?” answered an indignant Highlander; “ Let us do that which we were called to aimis for, which certainly was not to run away. Why did the King come hither?—was it to see his subjects butchered like dogs, without strildng a blow for their lives and honour ?” When the safety of the King’s person was urged as a reason for retreat, they answered—‘‘ Trust his safety to us; and if he is willing to die like a prince, he shall see there are ten thousand men in Scotland willing to die with him.” Such were the general exclamations without doors, and those 1 “As he never attended any Protestant, though Episcopal worship, nor heard any Protestant so ranch as say grace to him, hut coiistaiitly employed Father Innes to say the Pater Noster and Are Marias for him ; so he showed an invincible reluctancy to comply with the usual form of the coronation oath, obliging the Sovereign to maintain the established religion, wliich occasioned the putting otf that ceremony: And as his avowed bigotry to Popery occasioned great divisions among his new counsellors, so it cooled the affections of his female friends, the Episcopal ladies, who, entertaining the notion of his being a Protestant, had excited their husbands to take arms for him.”—R ak, p. 360. 116 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. in the councils of the Chevalier were equally violent. Many mili¬ tary men of skill gave it as their opinion, that though Perth was an open town, yet it was so far a safe post, that an army could not, by a coup-de-main, take it out of the hands of a garrison de¬ termined on its defence. The severity of the snow-storm and of the frost, precluded the opening of breaches; the country around Perth was laid desolate ; the Duke of Argyle’s army consisted in a great measure of Englishmen and foreigners, unaccustomed to the severe climate of Scotland ; and vague hopes were expressed, that, if the general of Government should press an attack upon the town, he might receive such a check as would restore the balance between the parties. To this it was replied, that not only the superiority of numbers, and the advantage of discipline, were on the side of the royal army, but that the garrison at Perth was destitute of the necessary provisions and ammunition; and that the Duke of Argyle had men enough at once to form the blockade of that town, and take possession of Dundee, Aberdeen, and all the counties to the northward of the Tay, which they lately occu¬ pied ; while the Chevalier, cooped up in Perth, might be per¬ mitted for some time to see all the surrounding country in his enemy’s possession, until it would finally become impossible for him to dtecape. In the end it was resolved in the councils of the Chevalier de St. George, that to attempt the defence of Perth would be an act of desperate chivalry. To reconcile the body of the army to the retreat, reports were spread that they were to make a halt at Aberdeen, there to be joined by a considerable body of troops which were expected to arrive from abroad, and advance again southwards under better auspices. But it was secretly understood that the purpose was to desert the enterprise, to which the contrivers might apply the lines of the poet— “ In an ill hour did we these arms commence, Fondly brought here, and foolishly sent hence.” CHAPTER LXXIII. Retreat of the Jacobite Army from Perth—Escape of the Chetalier and the Earl of Mar—Dispersion of the Jacobite Army — Inca- pacity of Mar as a General — Argyle’s Arrival in London, and Reception at Court—He is deprived of all his Employments — Causes of this Act of Ingratitude on the part of the English Go¬ vernment—Trial of the Jacobite Prisoners, at Carlisle — Disarm¬ ing of the Highlanders—Sale of Forfeited Estates—Plan of Charles XII. of Sweden for Restoring the Steicarts — Expedi¬ tion fitted out by Cardinal Alberoni for the same Purpose — Battle of Glenshiel—The Enterprise Abandoned, [1716—1719.] WHA.TEVER reports were spread among the soldiers, the princi- RETREAT OF THE JACOBITE ARMY. 117 pal leaders had determined to commence a retreat at the head of a discontented army, degraded in their own opinion, distrustful of their officers, and capable, should these suspicions ripen into a lit of fury, of caiTying off both king and general into the High¬ lands, and there waging an irregular war after their own manner. On the 28th of January an alarm was given in Perth of the Duke of Argyle’s approach; and it is remarkable, that, although in the confusion, the general officers had issued no orders what measures were to be taken in case of this probable event, yet the clans themselves, with intuitive sagacity, took the strongest posts for checking any attack; and, notwithstanding a momentary dis¬ order, were heard to cheer each other with the expression, “ they should do well enough.” The unhappy Prince himself was far from displaying the spirit of his partisans. He was observed to look dejected, and to shed tears, and heard to say, that instead of bringing him to a crown, they had led him to his grave. “ Weeping,” said Prince Eugene, when he heard this incident, “ is not the way to conquer kingdoms.” The retreat commenced under all these various feelings. On the 30th of January, the anniversary of Charles the First’s deca¬ pitation, and ominous therefore to his grandson, the Highland army filed off upon the ice which then covered the Tay, though a rapid and deep stream. The town was shortly afterwards taken possession of by a body of the Duke of Argyle’s dragoons; but the weather was so severe, and the march of the rebels so regular, that it was impossible to push forward any vanguard of strength sufficient to annoy their retreat. On the arrival of the rebels at the seaport of Montrose, a rumoiir arose among the Highlanders, that the King, as he was termed, the Earl of Mar, and some of their other principal leaders, were about to abandon them, and take their flight by sea. To pa¬ cify the troops, orders were given to continue the route towards Aberdeen ; the equipage and horses of the Chevalier de St. George were brought out before the gate of his lodgings, and his guards were mounted as if to proceed on the journey. But before the hour appointed for the march, James left his apartments pri¬ vately for those of the Earl of Mar, and both took a by-road to the water’s edge, where a boat waited to carry pebruar them in safety on board a small vessel prepared for ^ their reception. The safety of these two personages being as¬ sured, boats were sent to bring off Lord Drummond, and a few other gentlemen, most of them belonging to the Chevalier’s house¬ hold ; and thus the son of James II. once more retreated from the shores of his native country, which, on this last occasion, he seemed to have visited for no other purpose than to bring away his general in safety. General Gordon performed the melancholy and irksome duty of leading to Aberdeen the disheartened remains of the Highland army, in which the Lord Marischal lent him assistance, and IIS TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. brought up the rear. It is probable, that the rage of the men, on finding themselves deserted, might have shown itself in some acts of violence and insubordination; but the approach of the Duke of Argyle’s forces, which menaced them in difterent co¬ lumns, prevented this catastrophe. A sealed letter, to be opened at Aberdeen, contained the secret orders of the Chevalier for Ge¬ neral Gordon and his army. When opened, it was found to contain thanks for their faithful services ; an intimation, that dis¬ appointments had obliged him to retire abroad ; and a full per¬ mission to his adherents either to remain in a body and treat with the enemy, or disperse, as should best appear to suit the exigency of the time. The soldiers were at the same time apprized that they would cease to receive pay. A general burst of grief and indignation attended these commu¬ nications. Many of the insurgents threw down their arms in despair, exclaiming, that they had been deserted and betrayed, and were now left Avithout either king or general. The clans broke up into different bodies, and marched to the mountains, where they dispersed, each to its own hereditary glen. The gentlemen and LoAvlanders who had been engaged, either skulked among the mountains, or gained the more northerly shires of the country, where vessels sent from France to receive them, carried a great part of them to the continent. Thus ended the rebellion of 1715, without even the usual sad eclat of a defeat. It proved fatal to many ancient and illustrious families in Scotland, and appears to have been an undertaking too weighty for the talents of the person whom chance, or his OAvn presumption, placed at the head of it. It would be unjust to the memory of the unfortunate Mar not to acquit him of cowardice or treachery, but his genius lay for the intrigues of a court, not the labours of a campaign. He seems to have fully shared the chimerical hopes which he inspired amongst his followers, and to have relied upon the foreign assistance which the Regent Duke of Orleans wanted both power and inclination to afford. He be¬ lieved, also, the kingdom was so ripe for rebellion, that nothing was necessary save to kindle a spark in order to produce a general conflagration. In a word, his trust was reposed in what is called the chapter of accidents. Before the battle of Sheriflfmuir, his inactivity seems to have been unpardonable, since he suffered the Duke of Argyle, by assuming a firm attitude, to neutralize and control a force of four times his numbers; but after that event, to continue the enterprize was insanity, since each moment he lingered brought him nearer the edge of the precipice. Yet even the Chevalier was invited over to share the dangers and disgrace of an inevitable retreat. In short the Avhole liistory of the in¬ surrection shows that no combination can be more unfortunate than that of a bold undertaking with an irresolute leader. The Earl of Mar for several years afterv/ards managed the state affairs of the Chevalier de St. George, the mock minister of DISPERSION OF MAR’s ARMY. 119 a mock cabinet, until the beginning of the year 1721, Avhen he became deprived of his master’s confidence. He spent the rest of his life abroad, and in retirement. This unfortunate Earl was a man of fine taste ; and in devising modes of improving Edin¬ burgh, the capital of Scotland, was more fortunate than he had been in schemes for the alteration of her govei’nment. He gave the first hints for several of the modern improvements of the city. The Duke of Argyle having taken the most active measures for extinguishing the embers of the rebellion, by dispersing the bodies of men who were still in arms, directed moveable columns to tra¬ verse the Highlands in every direction, for receiving the submis¬ sion of such as were humbled, or exercising force on those who might resist. He arrived at Edinburgh on the 27th of February, when the magistrates who had not forgot his bold march to rescue the city, when menaced by Brigadier Macintosh, enter¬ tained him with magnificence. From thence he proceeded to London, where he was received with distinction by George I. , And now you are doubtless desirous of knowing with what new honours, augmented power, or increased wealth, the King of Eng* land rewarded the man, whose genius had supplied the place of fourfold numbers, and who had secured to his Majesty the crown of one at least of his kingdoms, at a moment when it was tottering on his head. I will answer you in a word. In a very short while after the conclusion of the war, the Duke of Argyle xcas deprived of all his employments. The cause of this extraordinary act of court ingratitude must be sought in the personal hatred of the Duke of Marlborough, in the high spirit of the Duke of Argyle, which rendered him a troublesome and unmanageable member of a ministerial cabinet, and probably in some apprehension of this great man’s increasing personal influence in his native country of Scotland, where he was universally respected and beloved by many even of the party which he had opposed in the field. It is imagined, moreover, that the Duke’s disgrace at Court was, in some degree connected with a legislative enactment of a very doubtful tendency, which was used for the trial of the rebel prisoners. We have already mentioned the criminal proceedings under which the Preston prisoners suffered. Those who had been taken in arms at Sheriffmuir, and elsewhere in Scotland, ought, according to the laws both of Scotland and England, to have been tried in the country where the treason was committed. But the English lawyers had in recollection the proceedings in the year 1707, when it was impossible to obtain from Grand Juries in Scotland the verdict of a true bill, on which the prisoners could be sent to trial. The close connexion, by friendship and alhance, even of those families which were most opposed as Whigs and Tories, made the victorious party in Scotland unwilling to be th^ means of distressing the vanquished, and disposed them to afford a loop-hole for escape, even at the expense of strict justice. To obviate the difficulties of conviction, which might have been an J20 TALES OE A GRANDFATHER. encouragement to future acts of high treason, it was resolved, that the Scottish offenders against the treason laws should be tried in England, though the offence had been committed in their own country. This was no doubt extremely convenient for the prose¬ cution, but it remains a question, where such innovations are to stop, when a government takes on itself to alter the formal pro¬ ceedings of law, in order to render the conviction of criminals more easy. The Court of Oyer and Terminer sat, notwithstand¬ ing, at Carlisle, and might have been held by the same parity of reason at the Land’s End in Cornwall, or in the isles of Scilly. But there was a studied moderation towards the accused, which seemed to intimate, that if the prisoners abstained from challeng¬ ing the irregularity of the court, they would be favourably dealt with. Many were set at liberty, and though twenty-four were tried and condemned, not one was ever brought to execution. It is asserted, that the Duke of Argyle, as a Scottish man, and one of the framers of the Union, had in his Majesty’s councils de¬ clared against an innovation which seemed to infringe upon that measure, and that the offence thus given contributed to the fall of his power at Court. Free pardons were liberally distributed to all who had seceded from the Rebellion, before its final close. The Highland chiefs and clans were in general forgiven, upon submission, and a sur¬ render of the arms of their people. This was with the disaf¬ fected chiefs a simulated transaction, no arms being given up but such as were of no value, while all that were serviceable were concealed and carefully preserved. The loyal clans, on the other hand, made an absolute surrender, and were afterwards found unarmed when the Government desired their assistance. Mean time, the principles of Jacobitism continued to ferment in the interior of the country, and were inflamed by the nume¬ rous exiles, men of rank and influence, who were fugitives from Britain in consequence of attainder. To check these, and to intimidate others, the estates of the attainted persons were de¬ clared forfeited to the Crown, and vested in trustees, to be sold for the benefit of the public. The revenue of the whole, though comprising that of about forty families of rank and consideration, did not amount to £30,000 yearly. These forfeited estates were afterwards purchased from Government by a great mercantile company in London, originally instituted for supplying the city with water by raising it from the Thames, but which having fal¬ len under the management of speculative persons, its funds, and the facilities vested in it by charter, had been applied to very dif¬ ferent purposes. Among others, that of purchasing the forfeited estates, was one of the boldest, and, could the company have maintained their credit, would have been one of the most lucra¬ tive transactions ever entered into. But the immediate return arising from this immense extent of wood and wilderness, inha¬ bited by tenants who were disposed to acknowledge no landlords SALE OF FORFEITED ESTATES. 121 but the heirs of the ancient families, and lying in remote districts, where law was trammelled by feudal privileges, and affording little protection to the intruders, was quite unequal to meet the interest of the debt which that company had incurred. The pur¬ chasers were, therefore, obliged to let the land in many cases to friends and connexions of the forfeited proprietors, through whom the exiled owners usually derived the means of subsisting in the foreign land to which their errors and misfortunes had driven them. The affairs of the York Building Company, who had in this singular manner become Scottish proprietors to an immense extent, afterwards became totally deranged, owing to the infi¬ delity and extravagance of their managers. Attempts were from time to time made to sell their Scottish estates, but very ineffi¬ ciently, and at great disadvantage. Men of capital showed an unwillingness to purchase the forfeited property ; and in two or three instances the dispossessed families were able to repurchase them at low rates. But after the middle of the eighteenth cen¬ tury, when the value of this species of property began to be bet¬ ter understood, rival purchasers came forward, without being deterred by the scruples which, in earlier days, prevented men from bidding against the heirs of the original possessor. Every new property as exposed to sale brought a higher price, some¬ times in a tenfold propoi’tion, than those which had been at first disposed of, and after more than a century of insolvency, the debts of the bankrupt company were completely discharged. Could they have retained their landed property, or, as was once attempted, could any other persons have been placed in the com¬ pany’s right to it, the emolument would have been immense. Before proceeding to less interesting matter, I must here notice two plans originating abi’oad, which were founded upon an ex- 4pectation of again reviving in Scotland the intestine war of 1715. Two years after that busy period, Baron Gorz, minister of Charles XII. of Sweden, a man whose politics were as chimerical as his master’s schemes of conquest, devised a confederacy for dethron¬ ing George I. and replacing on the throne the heir of the House of Stewart. His fiery master was burning with indignation at George for having possessed himself of the towns of Bremen and Verden.^ Charles’s ancient enemy, the Czar Peter, was also disposed to countenance the scheme, and Cardinal Alberoni, then the all-powerful minister of the King of Spain, afforded it his warm support. The plan was, that a descent of ten thousand troops should be effected in Scotland, under the command of 1 “ As Charles likewise threatened to invade the electorate of Saxony, and chastise his false friends, King George, for the security of his German domi¬ nions, concluded a treaty with the king of Denmark, by which the duchies of Bremen and Verden, which had been taken from the Swedes in his absence, were made over to his Britannic Majesty, on condition that he should imme¬ diately declare war against Sweden. Accordingly, he took possession of the duchies in October; published a declaration of war against Charles in his Ger¬ man dominions; and detached 6()U tons, the Scots made little figure in composition, compared to the period of Gawin Douglas and Dunbar. Upon the whole, the si¬ tuation of Scotland during the early part of the eighteenth cen¬ tury, was like that of a newly transplanted forest-tree, strong enough to maintain itself in its new situation, but too much in¬ fluenced by the recent violence of the change of position, to de- velope with freedom its principles of growth or increase. The principal cause which rendered Scotland stationary in its advance towards improvement, was the malevolent influence of political party. No efforts seem to have been made to heal the rankling wounds which the civil war of 1715 had left behind it. The party in favour failed not, as is always the case, to repre¬ sent those who were excluded from it as the most dangerous ene¬ mies of the king on the throne, and the constitution by which he reigned; and those who were branded as Jacobites, were con¬ firmed in their opinions by finding themselves shut out from all prospect of countenance and official employment. Almost all bene¬ ficial situations were barred against those who w^ere suspected of harbouring such sentiments, by the necessity imposed on them, not only of taking oaths to the established government, but also such as expressly denounced and condemned the political opin¬ ions of those who differed from it. Men of high spirit and hon¬ ourable feelings were averse to take oaths by which they were required openly to stigmatize and disown the opinions of their fathers and nearest relatives, although perhaps they themselves saw the fallacy of the proscribed tenets, and were disposed tacitly to abandon them. Those of the higlier class, once falling under suspicion, were thus excluded from the bar and the army, which we have said were tlie professions embraced by the elder sons of gentlemen. The necessary consequence was, that the sons of Ja¬ cobite families went into foreign service, and drew closer those connexions with the exiled family, which they might have other¬ wise been induced to drop, and became confirmed in their party opinions, even from the measures employed to suppress them. In the rank immediately lower, many yoimg men of decent fa¬ milies were induced to renounce the privileges of their birth, and undertake mechanical employments, in which their conduct could not be obstructed by the imposition of the obnoxious oaths. It was fortunate for the peace of the kingdom, that, though many of the landed gentry were still much imbued with the prin¬ ciples of Jacobitism, they did not retain the influence which so long rendered them the active disturbers of the Government; for, although the feudal rights still subsisted in form, it was now a more difficult matter for a great lord to draw into the field the vassals who held of him by military tenure. The various con¬ fiscations w'hich had taken place operated as serious warnings to 144 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. such great families as those of Gordon, Athole, Seaforth, or others, how they rashly hoisted the standard of rebellion, while the pro¬ visions of the Clan Act, and other statutes, enabled the vassal so summoned to dispense with attendance upon it, without hazard¬ ing, as in former times, the forfeiture of his fief. Nor was the influence of the gentry and landed proprietors over the farmers and cultivators of the soil less diminished than that of the great nobles. When the proprietors, as was now generally the case throughout the Lowlands, became determined to get the highest rent they could obtain for their land, the farmer did not feel his situation either so easy or so secure, that he should, in addition, be called on to follow his landlord to battle. It must also be re¬ membered, that though many gentlemen, on the north of the Tay especially, were of the Episcopal persuasion, which was almost synonymous with being Jacobites, a great proportion of the lower classes were Presbyterian in their form of worship, and Whigs in political principle, and every way adverse to the counter-revo¬ lution which it was the object of their landlords to establish. In the south and west, the influence of the established religion was general amongst both gentry and peasantry. The fierce feelings occasioned throughout Scotland generally, by the recollections of the Union, had died away with the gene¬ ration which experienced them, and the benefits of the treaty began to be visibly, though slowly, influential on their descend¬ ants. The Lowlands, therefore, being by far the wealthiest and most important part of Scotland, were much disposed to peace, the leather that those who might have taken some interest in cre¬ ating fresh distvirbances, had their power of doing so greatly di¬ minished. It is also to be considered, that the Lowlanders of this later period were generally deprived of arms, and unaccustomed to use them. The Act of Security, in the beginning of the 18th century, had been made the excuse for introducing quantities of arms into Scotland, and disciplining the population to the use of them; but the consequences of this general arming and training act had long ceased to operate, and, excepting the militia, which were offi¬ cered, and received a sort of discipline, the use of arms was to¬ tally neglected in the Lowlands of Scotland. The Highlands were in a very different state, and from the tenacity with which the inhabitants retained the dress, language,, manners, and customs of their fathers, more nearly resembled their predecessors of centuries long since past, than any other nation in Europe. It is true, they were no longer the ignorant and irreclaimable barbarians, in which light they were to be regarded so late perhaps as the sixteenth century. Civilisation had approached their mountains. Their manners were influenced by the presence of armed strangers, whose fortresses were a check to the fire of their restless courage. They were obliged to yield subjection to the law, and, in appearance at least, to pay INFLUENCE OF THE CHIEFS, M-5 respect to those by whom it was administered. But the patri¬ archal system still continued, with all the good and bad which attached to its influence. The chief was still the leader in war, the judge and protector in peace. The whole income of the tribe, consisting of numerous but petty articles of rude produce, was paid into the purse of the chief, and served to support the rude hospitality of his household, which was extended to the poorest of the clan. It was still the object of each leader, by all possible means, to augment the number capable of bearing arms; and, of course, they did not hesitate to harbour on their estates an excess of population, idle, haughty, and warlike, whose only labour was battle and the chase, and whose only law was the command of their chieftain,^ It is true, that, in the eighteenth century, we no longer hear of the chiefs taking arms in their own behalf, or fighting pitched battles with each other, nor did they, as formerly, put themselves at the head of the parties which ravaged the estates of rival clans or the Lowlands. The creaghs or inroads took place in a less open and avowed manner than formerly, and were interrupted frequently both by the regular soldiers from the garrisons, and by the soldiers of the independent companies, called the Black Watch. Still, however, it was well understood that on the estates, or countries, as they are called, of the great chiefs, there was suf¬ fered to exist, under some bond of understood but unavowed con¬ ditions of allegiance on the one side, and protection on the other, amongst pathless woods and gloomy valleys, gangs of banditti ready to execute the will of the chief by whom they were shel¬ tered, and upon a hint darkly given and easily caught up, willingly disposed to avenge his real or supposed wrongs. Thus the cele¬ brated Rob Roy, at the commencement of the eighteenth cen¬ tury, was able, though an outlawed and desperate man, to main¬ tain himself against every effort of the Montrose family, by the connivance which he received from that of Argyle, who allowed him, as the phrase then went, “ wood and water,” that is to say, the protection of their lakes and forests. This primitive state of things must, in the gradual course of events, have suffered great innovations. The young Highlanders of fortune received their education in English or Lowland schools, and, gradually adopting the ideas of those with whom they were brought up, must have learned to value themselves less on their solitary and patriarchal power, than on the articles of personal expenditure and display which gave distinction to those around ^ A letter from Lord Lovat to President Forbes, dated 20th October, 1745, has, “ I beg, my Lord, that you may not be in the least apprehensive that any of those Rogues, or any in my country, go and disturb your tenants; for I so¬ lemnly swear to Gortuleg, that if any villain or rascal of my country durst pre¬ sume to hurt or disturb any of your Lordship’s tenants, I would go personally, tho’ carried in a litter, and see them seized and hanged.” “ This language, ad¬ dressed to the first law officer in Scotland, may serve to show the state of the Highlands at that j)enoA”—Culloden Papers, p. 234. VOL. III. K 14G TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. them. This new passion would have been found in time incon¬ sistent witli the performance of the duties which the tribe expect¬ ed and exacted from their chief, and the bonds which connected them, though so singularly intimate, must have in time given way. The Reverend Peter Rae, historian of the Rebellion in 1715,^ states that, even in his own time, causes of the nature we have hinted at were beginning to operate, and that some chiefs, with the spaghlin, or assumption of consequence not uncommon to the Celtic race, had addicted themselves to expenses and luxuries to which their incomes were not equal, and which began already to undermine their patriarchal power and authority over their clans. But the operation of such causes, naturally slow, was rendered almost imperceptible, if not altogether neutralized, by the strong and counteractmg stimulus afforded by the feelings of Jacobitism common to the western chiefs. These persons and their relations had many of them been educated or served as soldiers abroad, and were in close intercourse with the exiled family, who omitted no means by which they could ensure the attachment of men so able to serve them. The communication of the Stewart family with the Highlands was constant and unceasing, and was, no doubt, most effectual in maintaining the patriarchal system in its integrity. Each chief looked upon himself as destined to be raised to greatness by the share he might be able to take in the event¬ ful and impending struggle which was one day to restore the House of Stewart to the throne, and that share must be greater or less according to the number of men at whose head he might take the field.2 This prospect, which to their sanguine eyes appeared a near one, was a motive which influenced the lives, and regu¬ lated the conduct, of the Highland chiefs, and which had its natu¬ ral effect in directing their emulous attention to cement the bonds of clanship, that might otherwise have been gradually relaxed. But though almost all the chiefs were endeavouring to preserve their people in a state to take the field, and to assist the cause of the heir of the Stewart family when the moment of enterprise should arrive, yet the individual character of each modified the manner in which he endeavoured to provide for this common object; and I cannot propose to you a stronger contrast than the manner in which the patriarchal power was exercised by Donald Cameron of Lochiel, and the notorious Fraser of Lovat. 1 Printed in 4to, Dumfries, 1718. Second Edition, with a Collection of Ori¬ ginal Letters, Ac., 8vo, Lond., 1746, and reprinted in a work entitled “ George Charles’ History of the Transactions in Scotland, 1715-16 and 1745-6.” 2 vols. 8vo. Stirling, 1817. 2 “ About the year 1740, some Lowland gentlemen made a party to visit the Highlands, where they were entertained at the house of one of the chiefs with great hospitality, and a profusion of game, fish, and French wine. One of the guests asked their landlord somewhat bluntly, what was the rent of his estate; he answered, he could raise 500 men. This story is told of M'Donald of Kep- poch, who was killed at the battle of Culloden.”— Home’s History of the Rebd- lion, 1745 . fForks, vol. ii., p. 405. CAMERON OF LOCHIEL. 147 The former was one of the most honourable and well-intention¬ ed persons in whom the patriarchal power was ever lodged. He was grandson of that Sir Evan Dhu, or Black Sir Evan, who made so great a figure in Cromwell’s time, and of whom I have already told you many stories in a former chapter of this little work.i Far from encouraging the rapine which had been, for a long time, objected to the men of Lochaber, he made the most anxious exertions to put a stop to it by severe punishment; and while he protected his own people and his allies, would not per¬ mit them to inflict any injury upon others. He encouraged among them such kinds of industry as they could be made to ap¬ ply themselves to; and in general united the high spirit of a High¬ land chief with the sense and intelligence of a well-educated Eng¬ lish gentleman of fortune. Although possessed of an estate, of which the income hardly amounted to seven hundred a-year, this celebrated chief brought fourteen hundred men into the Rebel¬ lion, and he was honourably distinguished by his endeavours on all occasions to mitigate the severities of war, and deter the in¬ surgents from acts of vindictive violence. A different picture must be presented of Lord Lovat, whose irregular ambition induced him to play the Highland chief to the very utmost, while he cared for nothing save the means of apply¬ ing the power implied in the character to the advancement of his own interest. His hospitality was exuberant, yet was regulated by means which savoured much of a paltry economy. His table was filled with Frasers, all of whom he called his cousins, but took care that the fare with which they were regaled was adapted, not to the supposed equality, but to the actual importance of his guests. Thus the claret did not pass below a particular mark on the table ; those who sat beneath that limit had some cheapei* liquor, which had also its bounds of circulation ; and the clans¬ men at the extremity of the board were served with single ale. Still it was drunk at the table of their chief, and that made amends for all. Lovat had a Lowland estate, where he fleeced 1 I there said that Sir Evan Dhu lived to extreme old age, and that he sunk at length into a sort of second childhood, and was rocked to sleep like an in¬ fant; but I have since had reason to think that the last part of the tradition was an exaggeration. The ancient chieftain used a contrivance, such as is sometimes applied to sick-beds in the present day, for enabling the patient to turn himself in bed ; and it was undoubtedly some misconception of the pur¬ pose of this machine which produced the report of his being rocked in a cradle. He was in perfect possession of his faculties during the year 1715, and expres¬ sed great regret that his clan, the Camerons, being in the Earl of Mar’s left wing, had been compelled to fly on that occasion. “ The Camerons,” he said, “ were more numerous than they were in his day, but they were become much less warlike.” This was a reproach which the clan speedily wiped away. From the evidence preserved in the family, it appears Sir Evan had preserved to the extremity of human life the daring expression of command which digni¬ fied his features, the tenacious power of his gripe, and his acute resentment of injuries. An English officer, who came from Fort-William on a visit, having made use of some words which the old chief took amiss, he looked on him sternly, and said, “ Had you used that expression but a few mouths since, you had never lived to repeat it.”—S. 148 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. his tenants without mercy, for the sake of maintaining his High¬ land military retainers. He was a master of the Highland cha¬ racter, and knew how to avail himself of its peculiarities. He knew every one whom it was convenient for him to caress; had been acquainted with his father; remembered the feats of his ancestors, and was profuse in his complimentary expressions of praise and fondness. If a man of substance offended Lovat, or, which was the same thing, if he possessed a troublesome claim against him, and was determined to enforce it, one would have thought that all the plagues of Egypt had been denounced against the obnoxious individual. His house was burnt, his flocks driven off, his cattle houghed; and if the perpetrators of such outrages were secured, the jail of Inverness was never strong enough to detain them till punishment. They always broke prison. With persons of low rank, less ceremony was used; and it was not un¬ common for witnesses to appear against them for some imaginary crime, for which Lord Lovat’s victims suffered the punishment of transportation. We cannot wonder that a man of Lovat’s disposition should also play the domestic tyrant; but it would be difficult to con¬ ceive the excess to which he carried enormities in this character. After his return to Scotland in 1715, he was twice married; first, in 1717 , to a daughter of the Laird of Grant, by whom he had two sons and two daughters ; his second, or rather his third wife, was a Campbell, a relation of the Argyle family. It is supposed he married her with a view to secure the friendship of that great family. Finding himself disappointed in this expectation, he vented his resentment on the poor lady, whom he shut up in a turret of his castle, neither affording her food, clothes, or other necessaries, in a manner suitable to her education, nor permitting lier to go abroad, or to receive any friend witliin doors. Dark rumours went forth of the treatment of the wife of this daring chief, who had thus vanished from society. She had a friend, whose fearless interest in her fate induced her to surmount all sense of personal danger, and to visit Castle Downie with the pur¬ pose of ascertaining the situation of Lady Lovat. She contrived to announce her arrival so unexpectedly as to leave Lovat no apology by which he could escape her intrusive visit. He took his resolution, went to the prison-chamber of his unfortunate wife, and announced to her the arrival of her friend. “ As it is ray pleasure, madam,” he said, “ that you receive your visitor in the character of a contented and affectionate wife, you will please to dress yourself” (laying proper apparel before her,) “ and come down with the easy and free air of the mistress of the mansion, happy in her husband’s affection and unlimited trust. It will be¬ come you to beware how you give the least hint of any discord between you and me; for secret eyes will be upon you, and you know what reason you have to dread disobeying my commands.” In this manner the poor lady met her friend, with her tongue FRASER OF LOVAT. 149 padlocked concerning all that she would willingly have disclosed, Lovat contriving all the while to maintain so constant a watch on his wife and her visitor, that they could not obtain the least opportunity of speaking apart. The visitor, however, in the very silence and constraint of her friend, had seen enough to satisfy her that all was not well; and when she left Castle Downie, be¬ came importunate with Lady Lovat’s family to be active in her behalf. She in consequence obtained a separation from her cruel husband, whom she long survived. Such acts of tyranny were the dismal fruits of the patriarchal power, when lodged in the hands of a man of fraud and violence. But Lovat’s conduct was so exaggerated, as inclines us to believe there must have been a certain mixture of deranged intellect with his wickedness ; a compound perfectly reconcilable to the pro¬ found craft which displayed itself in other points of his charac¬ ter. ^ I must not forget to notice that Lord Lovat, having obtained the command of one of the Highland independent companies, in consequence of his services in the year 1715, took advantage of the opportunity it gave him to make all the men of his clan familiar with the use of arms ; for though he could not legally have more than a certain number of men under arras at once, yet nothing was more easy than to exchange the individuals from time to time, till the whole younger Frasers had passed a few months at least in the corps. He became incautious, how¬ ever, and appeared too publicly in some suspicious purchases of arms and ammunition from abroad. Government became alarmed about his intentions,^ and withdrew his commission in the Black Watch. This happened in 1737, and it was, as we shall hereafter see, the indignation arising from being deprived of this independ¬ ent company, that finally determined him on rushing into the rebellion. > “He was, indeed, a most singular person: such as could only have arisen in a time and situation where there was a mxture of savage and civilized lifh. The wild and desperate passions of his youth were now matured into a cha¬ racter at once bold, cautious, and crafty ; loving command, yet full of flattery and dissimulation, and accomplished in all points of policy excepting that which is proverbially considered the best. He was at all times profuse of oaths and protestations, but chiefly, as was observed of Charles IX. of France, when he had determined in his own mind to infringe them. Like many cun¬ ning people, he often seems to have overshot his mark; while the indulgence of a temper so fierce and capricious as to infer some slight irregularity of intel¬ lect, frequently occasioned the shipwreck of his fairest schemes of self-interest. To maintain and extend his authority (over a Highland clan, he showed, in miniature, alternately the arts of a Machiavel, and the tyranny of a Csesar Borgio.”— Sir Walter Scott, Prose TVarks, vol. xx., p. 77- 2 “ No man played this game more deeply than Lord Lovat, to whom one of these independent companies had been given. He made it a main argument, to prevent the Frasers from relapsing into any haViits of industry unbecoining their military character and high descent, that it was their duty to enter into his company by rotation; and as he thus procured the means, without suspi¬ cion, of training to military discipline his whole clan by turns, it soon became plain that Government could not have put a more dangerous weapon into the hands of a more dangerous man.”— Scott, Prose fVorks, vol. xx., p. 76- 150 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. Few of the Highland chiefs could claim the spotless character due to Lochiel; and none, so far as is known to us, descended to such nefarious practices as Lovat. The conduct of most of them hovered between the wild and lawless expedients of their prede¬ cessors in power, and the new ideas of honour and respect to the rights of others which recent times had introduced ; and they did good or committed evil as opportunity and temptation were pre¬ sented to them. In general, a spirit of honour and generosity was found to unite easily and gracefully with their patriarchal pretensions; and those who had to deal with them gained more by an appeal to their feelings than by arguments addressed to their understandings. Having thus taken a view of the situation of Scotland both in the Highlands and Lowlands, we must next take some notice of the political condition of the two contending families, by whom the crown of Great Britain was at the time disputed. George, the first of his family who had ascended the British throne, had transmitted the important acquisition to his son, George II. Both sovereigns were men of honour, courage, and good sense ; but, being born and educated foreigners, they were strangers to the peculiar character, no less than to the very com¬ plicated form of government, of the country over which they were called by Providence to reign. They were successively under the necessity of placing the administration in the hands of a man of distinguished talent, the celebrated Sir Robert Wal¬ pole. Unfortunately, this great statesman was a man of a coarse mind, who, altogether disbelieving in the very existence of patri¬ otism, held the opinion that every man had his price, and might be bought, if his services were worth the value at which he rated them. His creed was as unfavourable to the probity of public men, as that of a leader who should disbelieve in the existence of military honour would be degrading to the character of a soldier. The venality of Sir Robert Walpole’s administration became a shame and reproach to the British nation, which was also bur¬ dened with the means of supplying the wages of the national cor¬ ruption. The Kings also, George I. and II., under whom Sir Robert Walpole conducted public affairs, were themselves unpopular from a very natural reason. They loved with fond partiality their paternal dominions of Hanover, and the manners and cus¬ toms of the country in which they had been born and bred. Their intimacy and confidence were chiefly imparted to those of their own nation ; and so far, though the preference might be disagree¬ able to their British subjects, the error flowed from a laudable motive. But both the royal father and son suffered themselves to be hurried farther than this. Regard for their German terri¬ tories was the principle which regulated their political movements, and both alliances and hostilities were engaged in for interests and disputes which were of a nature exclusively German, and THE TWO FIRST GEORGES. 151 with which the British nation had nothing to do. Out of this un¬ due partiality for their native dominions arose a great clamour against the two first kings of the House of Guelph, that, called to the government of so fair and ample a kingdom as Britain, they neglected or sacrificed its interests for those of the petty and subaltern concerns of their electorate of Hanover. Besides other causes of unpopularity, the length of Sir Robert Walpole’s administration was alone sufficient to render it odious to a people so fickle as the English, who soon become weary of one class of measures, and still sooner of the administration of any one minister. For these various reasons, the government of Sir Robert Walpole, especially towards its close, was highly un¬ popular in England, and the Opposition attacked it with a degree of fury which made those who watched the strife from a distance imagine, that language so outrageous was that of men in the act of revolt. The foreign nations, whose ideas of our constitution were as imperfect formerly as they are at this moment, listened like men who hear what they conceive to be the bursting of a steam-engine, when the noise only announces the action of the safety-valves. While the family of Hanover maintained an uneasy seat on an impopular throne, the fortunes of the House of Stewart seemed much on the decline. Obliged to leave France, Spain, and Avig¬ non, and not permitted to settle in Germany, the Chevalier de St. George was obliged, shortly after his Scottish enterprise of 1715, to retire to Italy, where the sufferings of his father for the Roman Catholic rehgion gave him the famest right to expect hospitality. He was then in the thirtieth year of his age, the last male of his unfortunate family, when, by the advice of his counsellors, he fixed his choice of a wife on the Prmcess Clementina Sobieski, daughter to Prince James Sobieski of Poland, and grand-daughter to that King John Sobieski who defeated the Turks before Vienna. This young lady was accounted one of the greatest fortunes in Europe. The dazzling pretensions to the British crown set forth by the negotiator of the marriage on the part of James, propitiated the parents of the princess, and it was agreed that she should be con¬ ducted privately to Bologna, with a view to her union with the Chevalier de St. George. Some extra preparation on the part of the princess and her mother, in the way of dress and equipage, brought the intrigue to the knowledge of the British court, who exerted all their influence with that of Austria for the interrup¬ tion of the match. The Emperor, obliged to keep measures with Britain on account of his pretensions to Sicily, which were sup¬ ported by the English fleet, arrested the bride as she passed through Innspruck, in the Tyrol, and detained her, along with her mother, prisoners in a cloister of that town. The Emperor also deprived Prince James Sobieski, the lady’s father, of his govern¬ ment of Augsburg, and caused him to be imprisoned. A bold attempt for the release of the princess was contrived 152 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. and executed by Charles Wogan, who had been one of the prisoners at Preston, and was a devoted partisan of the cause in which he had nearly lost his life. He obtained a passport from the Austrian ambassador, in the name of Count Cernes and family, stated to be returning from Loretto to the Low Coimtries. A Major Misset and his wife personated the supposed count and countess ; Wogan was to pass for the brother of the count; the Princess Clementina, when she should be liberated, was to repre¬ sent the count’s sister, which character was in the mean time enacted by a smart girl, a domestic of Mrs. Misset. They repre¬ sented to the wench that she was only to remain one or two days in confinement, in the room of a lady, whom Captain Toole, one of the party, was to carry off, and whose escape it might be ne¬ cessary to conceal for some time. Captain Toole, with two other steady partisans, attended on the party of the supposed Comit Cernes, in the dress and character of domestics. They arrived at Innspruck on the evening of the 27th of April, 1719, and took a lodging near the convent. It appears that a trusty domestic of the princess had secured permission of the porter to bring a female with him into the cloister, and conduct her out at whatever hour he pleased. This was a great step in favour of their success, as it permitted the agents of the Chevalier de St. George to introduce the young female, and to carry out Clementina Sobieski in her stead. But while they were in con¬ sultation upon the means of executing their plan, Jenny, the servant girl, heard them name the word princess, and afraid of being involved in a matter where persons of such rank were con¬ cerned, declared she would have nothing more to do with the plot. Many fair words, a few pieces of gold, and the promise of a fine suit of damask belonging to her mistress, overcame her scruples ; and, taking advantage of a storm of snow and hail, Jenny was safely introduced into the cloister, and the princess, changing clothes with her, came out at the hour by which the stranger was to return. Through bad roads and worse weather they pushed on till they quitted the Austrian territories, and entered those of Venice. On the 2d of May, after a journey of great fatigue and some danger, they arrived at Bologna, where the princess thought it unnecessary to remain longer incognita. In the mean time, while his destined bride made her escape from the Tyrol, the Chevalier had been suddenly called on to un¬ dertake a private expedition to Spain. The lady was espoused in his absence by a trusty adherent, who had the Chevalier’s proxy to that effect, and the bridegroom’s visit to Spain having termin¬ ated in nothing satisfactory, he soon after returned to complete the marriage. The Jacobites drew many happy omens from the success with which the romantic union of the Chevalier de St. George was achieved, although after all, it may be doubted whether the Austrian Emperor, though obliged in appearance to comply with INTRIGUES OP THE CHEVALIER. 153 the remonstrances of the British Court, was either seriously anxi¬ ous to prevent the Princess’s escape, or extremely desirous that she should be retaken. By this union the Chevalier de St. George transmitted his he¬ reditary claims, and with them his evil luck, to two sons. The first, Charles Edward, born the 31st of December, 1720, was re¬ markable for the figure he made during the civil war of 1745-6 ; the second, Henry Benedict, born the 6th of March, 1725, for being the last male heir, in the direct line, of the unfortunate House of Stewart. He bore the title of Duke of York, and en¬ tering the Clim’ch of Rome, was promoted to the rank of Cardinal. The various schemes and projects which were agitated, one after another, in the councils of the Chevalier de St. George, and which for a time served successively to nourish and keep afloat the hopes of his partisans in England and Scotland, were so numerous, so indifferently concocted, and so ineffectual in their consequences, that, to borrow an expression from the poet, the voyage of his life might be said to be spent in shallows.*^ With whatever Court Britain happened to have a quarrel, thither came the unfortunate heir of the House of Stewart, to show his miseries and to boast his pretensions. But though treated with decency, and sometimes fed with hopes which proved altogether fallacious, the Chevalier found his eloquence too feeble to persuade any Government to embarrass themselves by mak¬ ing common cause with him after the miscarriage of the Spanish invasion of 1719, which only gave rise to the petty skirmish of Glenshiel. In the intervals of these ineffectual negotiations, the Chevalier’s domestic establishment was divided by petty intrigues among his advisers, in which his wife occasionally took such keen interest, as to proclaim, in a public and scandalous degree, their domestic disunion. From all these circumstances, from his ad¬ vance in years, and the disappointments which he brooded over, the warmest adherents of the House of Stewart ceased to expect anything from the personal exertions of him whom they called their King,^ and reposed the hopes of their party in the spirit and 1 “ There is a tide in the affairs nf men, Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune; Omitted, all the voyage of their life Is bound in shallows, and in miseries. On such a full sea are we now afloat; And we must take the current when it serves, Or lose our ventures.” Julius CcEsar, Act iv. 2 In a letter, dated “Florence, July 16, 1740,” Gray the poet sa)'s, “The Pretender (whom you desire an account oil I have had frequent opportunities of seeing at church, at the Corso, and other places; but more particularly, and that for a whole night, at a great ball given by Count Patrizzii to the Prince and Princess Craon, &c.—at which he and his two sons were present. They are good, fine boys, especially the younger, who has the more spirit of the two, and both danced incessantly all night long. For him, he is a thin, ill-made man, extremely tall and awkward, of a most unpromising countenance, a good deal resembling King James the Second, and has extremely the air and look of an idiot, particularly when he laughs or prays: the first he does not 154 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. talents of his eldest son, Charles Edward ; whose external appear¬ ance, and personal accomplishments, seemed at first sight to justify his high pretensions, and to fit him well for the leader of any bold and gallant enterprise by which they might be enforced. In attempting to describe to you this remarkable young man, I am desirous of qualifying the exaggerated praise heaped upon him by his enthusiastic adherents, and no less so to avoid repeat¬ ing the disparaging language of public and political opponents, and of discontented and disobliged followers, who have written ra¬ ther under the influence of their resentments than in defence of truth. Prince Charles Edward, styling himself Prince of Wales, was a youth of tall stature and fair complexion. His features were of a noble and elevated cast, but tinged with an expression of me¬ lancholy. His manners were courteous, his temper apparently good, his courage of a nature fit for the most desperate under¬ takings, his strength of constitution admirable, and his know¬ ledge of manly exercises and accomplishments perfect. These were all qualities liighly in favour of one who prepared to act the restorer of an ancient dynasty. On the other hand, his edu¬ cation had been strangely neglected in certain points of the last consequence to his success. Instead of being made acquainted with the rights and constitution of the English nation by those who superintended his education, they had taken care to train him up exclusively in those absurd, perverse, exaggerated and antiquated doctrines of divine hereditary right, and passive obe¬ dience, out of which had arisen the errors and misfortunes of the reign of his ancestor, James the Second of England. He had been also strictly brought up in the Roman Catholic faith, which had proved so fatal to his grandfather ; and thus he was presented to the British nation without any alteration or modification of those false tenets in church and state so obnoxious to those whom he called his subjects, and which had cost his ancestor a throne. It was a natural consequence of the high ideas of regal preroga¬ tive in which he was trained, though it might also be in some re¬ spects owing to a temper naturally haughty and cold, that the young Prince was apt to consider the most important services ren¬ dered him, and the greatest dangers encountered in his cause, as sufficiently to reward the actors by the internal consciousness of having discharged their duties as loyal subjects, nor did he re¬ gard them as obligations laying him under a debt which required acknowledgment or recompense. This degree of indifference to the lives or safety of his followers (the effect of a very bad educa¬ tion) led to an indulgence in rash and sanguine hopes, which could only be indulged at an extravagant risk to all concerned. often, the latter continually. He lives private enough with his little court about him, consisting of Lord Dunbar [Murray,] who manages every thing, and two or three of the Preston Scotch lords, who would be very glad to make their peace at home.”—voL ii., 8vo, 1825, pp. 89, 90. PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD. 155 It was the duty of every subject to sacrifice everything for his Prince, and if this duty was discharged, what results could be ima¬ gined too difficult for their efforts ? Such were the principles in¬ stilled into the mind of the descendant of the ill-starred House of Stewart. It is easy to be imagined, that these latter attributes were care¬ fully veiled over in the accounts of the character of the young Chevalier, as spread abroad by his adherents within Scotland and England ; and that he was held up to hope and admiration, as a shoot of the stem of Robert Bruce, and as one who, by every perfection of mind and body, was ordained to play anew the part of that great restorer of the Scottish monarchy. The state of the Jacobite party, both in the Highlands and Low¬ lands of Scotland, has been already noticed. In England it was far inferior to its strength in 1715 ; the fatal affair of Pres¬ ton was remembered with dread. But many great families, at¬ tached to the High Church principles, continued to look with a longing eye towards him whom they regarded as the heir of the crown, by indefeasible right; and some, at considerable risk to their persons and estates, maintained an intercourse with the agents of the old Chevalier de St. George, who thus received in¬ telligence of their hopes and plans. The principal of these were the Wynnes of Wynnstay, in Wales, with the great family of Windham. Other houses, either Catholics or High Church¬ men, in the west, were united in the same interest. A great part of the Church of England clergy retained their ancient preju¬ dices ; and the Universities, Oxford in particular, still boasted a powerful party, at the head of which was Dr. William King, Principal of St Mary’s Hall, who entered into the same senti¬ ments. Such being the state of affairs when war was declared betwixt Britain and Spain, in 1740, seven daring Scottish Jacobites sign¬ ed an association, engaging themselves to risk their lives and for¬ tunes for the restoration of the Stewart family, provided that France would send a considerable body of troops to their assis¬ tance. The titular Duke of Perth, the Earl of Traquair, Lochiel, and Lovat, were of the number who signed this association.^ The agent employed to advocate the cause of the Jacobites at Paris, was Drummond, alias MacGregor, of Bohaldie, with whom was joined a person whom they called Lord Semple; these agents were supposed to have ready access to the French ministers. Bohaldie was closely related to several chieftains of the Scottish clans, and in particular to Cameron of Lochiel, on whose judg¬ ment and prudence the others were in a great degree disposed to rely. But after a protracted negotiation, nothing could be re¬ solved upon with any certainty; for the French ministers, on the ^ The others were Sir James Campbell of Auchinbreck, John Stuart, bro¬ ther to Lord Traquair, and Lord John Drummond, uncle to the Duke of Perth. 150 TALES OF A GRANDFATHEK. one hand, were afraid that the Jacobites in their political zeal might dupe both themselves and France, by inducing them to haz¬ ard the forces of the latter kingdom upon a distant and danger¬ ous expedition ; v/hile, on the other hand, the Jacobites, who were to risk their all in the enterprise, were alike apprehensive that France, if she could by their means excite a civil war in England, and oblige its Government to recall her troops from Germany, would not, after that point was gained, greatly concern herself about their success or failure. At length, however, when France beheld the interest which Britain began to take in the German war, assisting the Empress Queen both with troops and money, her Administration seems suddenly to have taken into serious consideration the proposed descent upon Scotland. With a view to the arrangement of an enterprise. Cardinal de Tencin, who had succeeded Cardinal Fleury in the administration of France, invited Charles Edward, the eldest son of the old Chevalier de St. George, to repair from Italy to Paris. The young prince, on receiving a message so flattering to his hopes, left Rome as if on a hunting expedition, but instantly took the road to Genoa, and, embarking on board a small vessel, ran through the English fleet at great risk of being captured, and arriving safe at Antilles, proceeded to Paris. He there took part in councils of a nature highly dangerous to Great Britain. It had been settled by the French Coux’t that a French army of fifteen thousand men should be landed in Eng¬ land under the celebrated Field-Marshal Saxe, who was to act imder the commission of the Chevalier de St. George as com- mander-in-chief. Having intimated this determination to the Earl- Marischal and Lord Elcho, eldest son of the Earl of Wemyss, who were then in the French capital, Charles left Paris to super¬ intend the destined embarkation, and took up his residence at Gravelines, in the beginning of February, 1744. Here he re¬ sided in the most strict privacy, tmder the name of the Chevaher Douglas. Bohaldie waited upon him as his secretary. The French fleet was got in readiness, and the troops designed for the invasion embarked; but the alertness of the British navy disconcerted this as it had done former expeditions. The French aimy no sooner appeared off Torbay, than they were confronted by a fleet of twenty-one sail of the line, under Admiral Sir John Norris. The elements also took part in the strife, and, as usually happened on former occasions, decided against the House of Stewart. A heavy tempest arose, obliging both the English and French to scud before the wind. The latter fleet were dispersed, and suffered damage. The plan of invasion was once more given up, and the French troops were withdrawn from the coast. It is in vain to inquire upon what principles the French Ministry pi’eferred this attempt upon England, at great expense, and with a large army, to an invasion of Scotland, where they were sure to be joined by a large body of Jacobites, and where KESOLUTION OF CHARLES. 157 one-tliird part of the troops would have made a serious, perhaps a fatal impression. History is full of attempts to assist malecon- tents in an enemy’s country, which have miscarried from being ill-concerted in point of place or time. That the present did not arise out of any very accurate combinations is certain, for so little had the French Ministers thought on the means of propitiat¬ ing the English Jacobites, that they did not at first design that the Duke of Ormond should embark with the expedition, though the most popular of the Chevalier’s adherents in South Britain. The Duke was at length hastily summoned from Avignon to join the armament when it was on the eve of sailing, but receiving in¬ formation while he was on the road that the design was given up, he returned to his residence. It is probable that the French were determined to make England the object of attack, merely because they could more easily either reinforce or bring off their expedition, than if it was sent against Scotland. Lord Marischal had repaired to the Prince at Gravelines, but was not much consulted on the objects of the expedition. When he asked concerning the embarkation for Scotland, he was in¬ formed that it would take place after that to England was des¬ patched. But after the miscarriage of the enterprise, and dis¬ embarkation of the troops, Charles Edward invited the Earl to visit him at Gravelines, when he seriously proposed to hire a boat, and go with him to Scotland, where, he said, he was sure he had many friends who would join him. This idea, from which he was diverted with difficulty, seems to have been the slight sketch which was afterwards the ground-work of the rash expedition of 1745-6. In the end of summer Prince Charles left Gravelines and went to Paris, where he resided for the winter, little noticed by French families of fashion, but much resorted to by the Irish and Scots who were in that capital. In the month of August, 1744, John Murray of Broughton, who had been for three or four years an agent of the old Cheva¬ lier, and much trusted by him and his adherents, returned to Paris from Scotland, carrying with him the joint opinion of the Jacobites in that country upon the subject of an invasion. Mr. Murray was a gentleman of honourable birth and competent for¬ tune, being the son of Sir David Murray, by his second wife, a daughter of Sir John Scott of Ancrum. His early travels to Rome gave him an opportunity of offering his services to the old Chevalier, and he had ever since retained his confidence. The opinion which he now delivered to Charles, as the united senti¬ ments of his friends in Scotland, was, that if he could persuade the French Government to allow him six thousand auxiliary troops, ten thousand stand of arms, and thirty thousand louis- d’or, he might assuredly reckon on the support of all his Scottish friends. But Murray had been charged at the same time to say, that if the Prince could not obtain succours to the amount speci¬ fied, they could do nothing in his behalf. The answer which the 158 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. Prince returned by Murray to his Scottish adherents was, that he was weary and disgusted with waiting upon the timid, uncertain, and faithless politics of the Court of France; and that, whether with or without their assistance or concurrence, he was deter¬ mined to appear in Scotland in person, and try his fortune. Mr. Murray has left a positive declaration, that he endeavoured as much as possible to divert the Prince from an attempt, which rather announced desperation than courage; but as there were other reasons for imputing blame to the agent many of those who suffered by the expedition represent him as having secretly en¬ couraged the Prince in his romantic undertaking, instead of dis¬ suading him from so rash a course. Whether encouraged by Murray, or otherwise, Charles Edward continued fixed in his de¬ termination to try what effect could be produced by his arrival in Scotland, with such slender supplies of money and arms as his private fortune might afford. With a view to this experiment, the Prince sent Murray back to Scotland, with commissions to those whom he regarded as the most faithful friends of his family, given in his own name, as Prince of Wales and Regent for James VIII., for which last title he possessed an ample warrant from his father. The arrival of these documents in Scotland excited the utmost surprise and anxiety; and at a full meeting of the principal Jacobites held at Edinburgh, it was agreed to despatch Mr. Murray to the High¬ lands, to meet, if possible, the young Adventurer on his first coming upon the coast, and communicating their general disap¬ probation of an attempt so desperate, to entreat him to reserve himself and the Scottish friends of his family for some period in which fortune might better favour their exertions. The titular Duke of Perth alone dissented from the opinion of the meeting, and declared, in a spirit of high-strained loyalty, that he would join the Prince if he arrived without a single man. The others were unanimous in a different judgment, and Murray, empower¬ ed by them, remained on the watch on the Highland coast during the whole month of June, when, the Chevalier not appearing, he returned to his own seat in the south of Scotland, supposing natu¬ rally that the young man had renounced an attempt which had in it so much of the headlong rashness of youth, and which he might be fairly believed to have laid aside on mature considera¬ tion. But the Chevalier had resolved on his expedition. He was distrustful of the motives, doubtful of the real purposes of France, and M^as determined to try his fate upon his own resources, how¬ ever inadequate to the purpose he meant to effect. It is said that Cardinal Tencin was the only member of the French Govern¬ ment to whom his resolution was made known, to which the mi¬ nister yielded his acquiescence rather than his countenance; and at length, as England and France were now engaged in open war, he generously consented tliat Charles should pursue his des- ARRIVAL OF CHARLES. 15.9 perate entei’prise upon his own risk and his own means, without farther assistance than a very indirect degree of encouragement from France. The fatal defeat at Fontenoy happened about the same period, and as the British forces in Flanders were much weakened, the Adventurer was encouraged to hope that no troops could be spared from thence to oppose his enterprise. In consequence of the understanding betwixt Charles and Ten- cin, a man-of-war of sixty guns, named the Elizabeth, was placed at the disposal of the adventurous Prince, to which Charles Ed¬ ward added a frigate or sloop of war, called the Doutelle, which had been fitted out by two merchants of Dunkirk, named Rut¬ ledge and Walsh, to cruize against the British trade. In this latter vessel he embarked with a very few attendants, and with the whole or greater part of the money and arms which he had provided.^ The expedition was detained by contrary winds till the 8th of July, when the vessels set sail upon this romantic adventure. But the chances of the sea seem to have been invariably unpro- pitious to the line of Stewart. The next day after they left port, the Lion, an English ship of war, fell in with them, and engaged the Elizabeth. The battle was desperately maintained on both sides, and the vessels separated after much mutual injury. The Elizabeth, in particular, lost her first and second captains, and was compelled to bear away for Brest to refit. The Doutelle, on board of which was Charles Edward and his suite, had kept at a distance during the action, and seeing its ter¬ mination, stood away for the north-west of Scotland, so as to reach the Hebrides. Avoiding another large vessel, understood to have been an English man-of-war, which they met in their course, the sloop that carried the young Prince and his fortunes at length moored near the island of South Uist, one of the isles belonging to MacDonald of Clanranald and his kinsfolk. Clan- ranald was himself on the mainland ; but his uncle, MacDon¬ ald of Boisdale, by whose superior talents and sagacity the young Chief was much guided, was at that time on South Uist, where his own property lay. On being summoned by the Prince, he came on board the Doutelle. Charles Edward immediately proposed to Boisdale to take arms, and to engage his powerful neighbours. Sir Alexander MacDon¬ ald, and the Chief of the MacLeods, in his cause. These two chiefs could each bring to the field from 1200 to 1500 men. Boisdale replied, with a bluntness to which the Adventurer had not been accustomed, that the enterprise was rash to the verge of insa¬ nity ; that he could assure him that Sir Alexander MacDonald and the Laird of MacLeod were positively determined not to join J “ In the two ships were about 2000 muskets, and fire or six hundred French broad-swords. Charles had with him in the Doutelle money to the amount of i.'3800 furnished by Rutledge and Walsh, and which the old Pretender repaid some years after.”— Home. 1G0 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. him unless on his bringing the forces stipulated by the unani¬ mous determination of the friends of his family ; and that, by his advice, his nephew Clanranald would also adopt the resolution of remaining quiet. The young Chevalier argued the point for some time, still steering towards the mainland; until, finding Boisdale inexorable, he at length dismissed him, and suffered him to take his boat and return to South Uist. It is said, that this interview with Boisdale had such an influence on the mind of Charles, that he called a council of the principal followers who accompanied him in the Doutelle, when all voices, save one, were unanimous for returning, and Charles himself seemed for a mo¬ ment disposed to relinquish the expedition. Sir Thomas Sheri¬ dan alone, an Irish gentleman, who had been his tutor, was in¬ clined to prosecute the adventure farther, and encoirraged his pupil to stand his ground, and consult some more of his Scottish partisans before renouncing a plan, on which he had ventured so far, that to relinquish it without farther trial would be an act of cowardice, implying a renunciation of the birthright he came to seek. His opinion determined his pupil, who was on all occasions much guided by it, to make another appeal to the spirit of the Highland leaders. Advancing still towards the mainland, Charles with his sloop of war entered the bay of Lochnannagh, between Moidart and Arisaig, and sent a messenger ashore to apprise Clanranald of his arrival. That chieftain immediately came on board, with his relation, MacDonald of Kinloch-Moidart, and one or two others. Charles applied to them the same arguments which he had in vain exhausted upon Boisdale, their relation, and received the same reply, that an attempt at the present time, and with such slender means, could end in nothing but ruin. A young Highlander, a brother of Kinloch-Moidart, began now to understand before whom he stood, and, grasping his sword, showed visible signs of impatience at the reluctance manifested by his chief and his brother to join their Prince. Charles marked his agitation, and availed himself of it. He turned suddenly towards the young Highlander, and said, “ You at least will not forsake me “ I will follow you to death,” said Banald, “ were there no other to draw a sword in your cause.” The Chief, and relative of the warm-hearted young man, caught his enthusiasm, and declared, that since the Prince was determined, they would no longer dispute his pleasure. He landed accordingly, and was conducted to the House of Borodale, as a temporary place of residence. Seven persons came ashore as his suite. These were the Marquis of Tullibardine, outlawed for his share in the insurrection of 1715, elder brother of James, the actual Duke of Athole; Sir Thomas Sheridan, the Prince’s tutor; Sir John MacDonald, an officer in the Spanish service; Francis Strictland, an English gentleman; Kelly, who had been impli- LANDING OF CHAKLES. IGl cated in what was called the Bishop of Rochester’s Plot; ^Eneas MacDonald, a banker in Paris, a brother of Kinloch-Moidart; and Buchanan, who had been intrusted with the service of sum¬ moning the Chevalier from Rome to Paris. One of his attend¬ ants, or who immediately afterwards joined him, has been since made generally known by the military renown of his son, Mar¬ shal MacDonald, distinguished by his integrity, courage, and capacity, during so many arduous scenes of the great revolution¬ ary war.’ This memorable landing in Moidart took place on the 25 th July, 1745. The place where Charles was lodged v/as remark¬ ably well situated for concealment, and for communication with friendly clans, both in the islands and on the mainland, without whose countenance and concurrence it was impossible that his en¬ terprise could succeed. Cameron of Lochiel had an early summons from the Prince, and waited on him as soon as he received it. He came fullv convinced of the utter madness of the undertaking, and deter¬ mined, as he thought, to counsel the Adventurer to return to France, and wait a more favourable opportunity. “ If such is your purpose, Donald,” said Cameron of Fassie- fern to his brother of Lochiel, “ write to the Prince your opinion ; but do not trust yourself within the fascination of his presence. 1 know you better than you know yourself, and you Avill be miable to refuse compliance.” Fassiefern prophesied truly. While the Prince confined him¬ self to argument, Lochiel remained firm, and answered all his reasoning. At length Charles, finding it impossible to subdue the chief’s judgment, made a pow^erful appeal to his feelings. “ I have come hither,” he said, “ with my mind unalterably made up, to reclaim my rights or to perish. Be the issue what will, I am determined to display my standard, and take the field with such as may join it. Lochiel, whom my father esteemed the best friend of our family, may remain at home, and learn his Prince’s fate from the newspapers.” “ Not so,” replied the chief, much affected, if you are re¬ solved on this rash undertaking, I will go with you, and so shall every one over whom I have influence.” Thus was Lochiel’s sagacity overpow'ered by his sense of what he esteemed honour and loyalty, which induced him to front the prospect of ruin with a disinterested devotion, not unworthy the best days of chivalry. His decision Avas the signal for the com¬ mencement of the Rebellion ; for it was generally understood 1 His father was one of a tribe of MacDonalds residing in South Uist, named MacEachen, or sons of Hector, descended from the house of Clanranald by birth, and united with them by intermarriage. Young MacDonald, or Mac¬ Eachen, had been bred at St. Omers, with a view to taking priest’s orders; he, therefore, understood the Latin, as well as the English, French, and Gaelic languages, and his services were important to Charles as an interpreter, or pri¬ vate secretary.—S. VOL. III. L 162 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. at the time, that there was not a chief in the Highlands who would have risen, if Lochiel had maintained his pacific purpose. He had no sooner embraced the Chevalier’s proposal, than mes¬ sengers were despatched in every direction to summon such clans as were judged friendly, announcing that the royal standard was to he erected at Glenfinnan on the 19th of August, and requiring them to attend on it with their followers in arms. Sir Alexander MacDonald of Sleat, and MacLeod of MacLeod, were, as already mentioned, men of the greatest note in the Hebrides, and their joint forces were computed at more than three thousand men. They had declared themselves friendly to the Prince’s cause, and Clanranald was despatched to them to hasten their junction. The envoy found them both at Sir Alex¬ ander MacDonald’s, and said all he could to decide them to raise their following ; but that chieftain alleged that he had never come under any explicit engagement to join Charles, nor could he be persuaded to do so in such a desperate vindertaking. MacLeod’s engagements are said to have been more peremptory; but he ap¬ pears to have been as reluctant as Sir Alexander MacDonald to comply with Charles Edward’s summons, alleging that his agree¬ ment depended on the Prince bringing certain auxiliaries and supplies, which were not forthcoming. He, moreovei’, pleaded to Clanranald, that a number of his men resided m the distant islands, as an additional excuse for not joining the standard im¬ mediately. Clanranald’s mission was therefore unsuccessful, and the defection of these two powerful chiefs was indifferently sup¬ plied by the zeal displayed by others of less power. Charles, however, displayed great skill in managing the tempers, and gaining the affections, of such Highlanders as were intro¬ duced to him during his abode at Borodale. The memoirs of an officer, named MacDonald, engaged in his army, give so interest¬ ing an account of his person and behaviour, that I shall throw it to the end of this chapter in the form of a note. The Prince’s Lowland friends were also acquainted with his arrival, and pre¬ pared for his designs. Government was, at the same time, rendered vigilant, by the visible stir which seemed to take place among the Jacobites, and proceeded to the arrest of suspicious persons. Among these, one of the principal was the titular Duke of Perth, upon whose an¬ cestor the Court of St. Germains had conferred that rank. He was son of Lord John Drummond, who flourished in the 1715, and grandson of the unfortunate Earl of Perth, Lord Chancellor to James VII. before the Revolution. The present descendant of that honourable house was a man respected for his high rank, popular maimers, dauntless bravery, and sweetness of disposi¬ tion, but not possessed of any extraordinary degi’ee of talent. This nobleman was residing at Castle-Drummond, when Captain Campbell of Inveraw, who commanded an independent Highland company lying at Muthil, in the neighbourhood, received orders MURRAY OF BROUGHTON. 163 to lay him under arrest. Campbell, by tlie mediation of a friend, procured himself an invitation to dine at Drummond-castle, and caused his men to approach the place as near as they could without causing suspicion. When dinner was over, and the ladies had retired, Inveraw put the arrest into execution, and told the Duke he was his prisoner, stating, at the same time, his orders in apology. The Duke seemed to treat the thing with indifference, and said, since it was so there was no help for it. But, in leaving the apartment, he made the captain pass Ijefore him as if by a na¬ tural motion of politeness, and turning short on his heel, instead of following him, left the room, and by a private door fled from the house into the wood. There was an instant pursuit, and the Duke would probably have been retaken, had he not found a pony, and leapt upon its back, with only a halter on its head, and without a saddle. By the advantage thus afforded him, he was enabled to escape to the neighbouring Highlands, where he lay safe from pursuit, and soon after obtained knowledge of the young Chevalier’s having landed, and made preparation to join him. John Murray of Broughton, in the mean while, had discharged the perilous task of having the manifestoes printed, which were to be dispersed when the invasion should become public, as well as that of waiming several persons who had agreed to give sup¬ plies of money and arms. He now left his house, where he had lived for the last three weeks in constant danger, and fear of ar¬ rest, and set out to join the Prince. His active genius meditated some other exploits. By the assistance of a Jacobite friend, of a fearless and enterprising disposition, he laid a scheme for surpris¬ ing the Duke of Argyle, (brother and successor to the famous Duke John,) and making him prisoner at his own castle of In¬ verary. Another project was to cause Government to receive in¬ formation, which, though false in the main, was yet coloured with so many circumstances of truth as to make it seem plausi¬ ble, and which came to them through a channel which they did not mistrust. The reports thus conveyed to them bore, that the Jacobite chiefs were to hold a great consultation in the wilds of Rannoch, and that Murray had left his house in the south to be present at the meeting. It was proposed to those managing on the part of Government to seize the opportunity of despatch*- ing parties from Fort William and Fort Augustus to secure the conspirators at their rendezvous. The object of the scheme was, that the Highlanders might have an opportunity of surprising the forts, when the garrison should be diminished by the pro¬ posed detachments. Mr. Murray, having thus planned two ex¬ ploits, which, had they succeeded, must have been most advan¬ tageous to the Prince’s cause, proceeded to join Charles Edward, whom he found at the house of MacDonald of Kinloch-Moidart, who had advanced to that place from Borodale. Many Highland gentlemen had joined him, and his enter-prise seemed to be gene¬ rally favoured by the chiefs on the mainland, Clani’anald liad 164 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. also joined with three hundred and upwards of his clan. Regular guards were mounted on the person of the Prince ; his arms and treasure were disembarked from the Doutelle, and distributed amongst those who seemed most able to serve him. Yet he re¬ mained straitened for want of provisions, which might have dis¬ concerted his expedition, had not the Doutelle fallen in with and captured two vessels laden with oatmeal, a supply which enabled him to keep his followers together, and to look with confidence to the moment which had been fixed for displaying his standard. Mr. Murray, to whose management so much of the private politics of Prince Charles had been confided, was recognised as his Secretary of State, and trusted with all the internal manage¬ ment of the momentous undertaking. NOTE. The author of the Memoirs, from which the following extract is made, ap¬ pears to have been a MacDonald, and one of the seven gentlemen of that clan, who, being the earliest to join Charles Edward, were long distinguished by the name of the Seven Men of Moidart. Their curiosity had been excited by the appearance of the Doutelle when it arrived on the coast, and they hastened to the shore to learn the news. “ We called for the ship’s boat, and were immediately carryed on board, and our hearts were overjoyed to find ourselves so near our long wished for Prince. We found a large tent erected with poles on the ship’s deck, covered and well furnished with variety of wines and spirits. As we enter’d this pavilion, we were most chearfully welcom’d by the Duke of A thole, to whom some of us had been known in the year 1715. While the Duke was talking with us, Clanranald was amissing, and had, as we understood, been called into the Prince’s cabin ; nor did we look for the honour of seeing H. R. H. at least for that night. After being 3 hours with the P., Clanranald returned to us; and, in about half ane hour after, there entered the tent a tall youth, of a most agreeable aspect, in a plain black coat, with a plain shirt, not very clean, and a cambrick stock, fixed with a plain silver buckle, a fair round wig out of the buckle, a plain hatt, with a canvas string, haveing one end fixed to one of his coat buttons ; he had black stockins, and brass buckles in his shoes. At his first appearance, I found my heart swell to my very throat. We were im¬ mediately told by one Obrian, a churchman, that this youth was also ane Eng¬ lish clergyman, who had long been possess’d with a desire to see and converse with Highlanders. When this youth entered, Obrian forbid any of those who were sitting to rise; he saluted none of us, and we only made a low bow at a distance. I chanced to be one of those who were standing when he came in, and he took his seat near me, but immediately started up again, and caused me sitt down by him upon a chest. I at this time, taking him to be only a passenger, or some clergyman, presumed to speak to him with too much familiarity, yet still retained some suspicion he might be one of more note than he was said to be. He asked me if I was not cold in that habite ? (viz. the Highland garb.) I answered, I was so habituated to it that I should rather be so if I was to change my dress for any other. At this he laughed heartily, and next inquired how I lay with it at night, which I explained to him. He said, that by wrap¬ ping myself so doss in my plaid, I would be unprepared for any sudden de¬ fence in the case of a surprise. I answered, that in such times of danger or during a war, we had a different method of using the plaid, so that with one spring, I could start to my feet with drawn sword and cocked pistol in my hand, without being in the least encumbered with my bed-cloaths. Several such questions he put to me; then rising quickly from his seat, he calls for a dram, when the same person whispered me a second time, to pledge the stranger, but not to drink to him, by which seasonable hint I was confirmed in mv suspicion who he wqs. Having taken a glass of wine in his hand, he drank to us all round, and soon after left us.” COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES. 165 The writer then mentions the difficulties under which the Adventurer struj;;- gled, and adds— “ So all may judge, how hazardous ane enterprise we (z. e. Clanranald’s people) were now engaged in, being for some time quite alone, who, notwith¬ standing, resolved to follow our P. most cheerfully, and risque our fate with him. We there did our best to give him a most hearty welcome to our country, the P. and all his company with a guard of about 100 men, being all entertained in the house, &c., of Angus M'Donald of Borradcl, in Arisaig, in as hospitable a manner as the place could afford. H. R. H. being seated in a proper place, had a full view of all our company, the whole neighbourhood, without distinction of age or sex, crouding in upon us to see the P. After we had all eaten plentifully and drank cheerfully, H. R. H. drunk the grace drink in English, which most of us understood; when it came to my turn, I presumed to distinguish myself by saying audibly in Erse (or Highland lan- miage,) Deoch slaint an-Reogli; H. R. H. understanding that I had drunk the King’s health, made me speak the words again in Erse, and said, he could drink the King’s health likewise in that language, repeating my words; and the company mentioning my skill in the Highland language, H. R. H. said I should be his master for that language, and so I was made to ask the healths of the Prince and Duke.” The original journal of this simple-minded and high-spirited young High¬ lander, who seems to have wooed danger as a bride, will be found in the Lock¬ hart Papers, vol. ii., p. 479.—S. CHAPTER LXXVI. Commencement of Hostilities—Raising of Prince Charles’s Stand¬ ard—March of Sir John Cope into the Highlands—Intrigues of Lord Lovat—Preparations of the Prince for fighting Cope, who takes the Route to Inverness, leaving the road to the Loic- lands open—March of Prince Charles towards the South — Character of Lord George Murray—Arrival of the Highland Army at Perth. [1745.] In the mean while, and even before the day appointed by Charles Edward for erecting his standard, the civil war con> menced. This was not by the capture of the Duke of Argyle, or the projected attack upon the forts, neither of which took place. But the hostile movements of the Highlanders had not escaped tlie attention of the governor of Fort Augustus, who, apprehen¬ sive for the safety of Fort William,^ which lay nearest to the dis¬ affected clans, sent a detachment of two companies under Captain John Scott, afterwards General Scott. He marched early in tlie morning of the 16th of August, with the purpose of reaching Fort William before nightfall. His march ran along the military road which passes by the side of the chain of lakes now con¬ nected by the Caledonian Canal. Captain Scott and his detach¬ ment had passed the lakes, and were within eight miles of Fort 1 “Fort-William, Fort-Augustus, and Fort-George, called also the Castle of Inverness, formed the chain of forts which had reached from the east to the west sea. The country between Fort-William and Inverness is one of the wildest parts of the Highlands, and was then inhabited altogether by the dis¬ affected clans.”— Home. TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. IGG William, when they approached a pass called High Bridge, where the river Spean is crossed by a steep and narrow bridge, sur¬ rounded by rocks and woods. Here he was alarmed by the sound of a bagpipe, and the appearance of Highlanders in arms. This ^ras a party of men belonging to MacDonald of Keppoch, and commanded by his kinsman, MacDonald of Tiendreich. They did not amount to more than twelve or fifteen men, but showing themselves in different points, it was impossible for Captain Scott to ascertain their number. He detached a steady sergeant in ad¬ vance, accompanied by a private soldier, to learn the meaning of this opposition ; but they were instantly made prisoners by the mountaineers. Scott, who was a man of unquestionable courage, was desirous of pursuing his route and fighting his way. But his officers were of a different opinion, considering that they were to storm a strong pass in the face of an enemy of unknown strength, and the privates, who were newly raised men, showed symptoms of fear. In this predicament Captain Scott was induced to attempt a retreat by the same road along which he had advanced. But the firing had alarmed the country ; and the Highlanders as¬ sembling with characteristic promptitude, their numbers increas¬ ed at every moment. Their activity enabled them to line the mountains, rocks, and thickets overhanging the road, and by which it was commanded, and the regulars were overwhelmed with a destructive fire, to which they could only make a ran¬ dom return upon an invisible enemy. Mean while the hills, the rocks, and dingles, resounded with the irregular firing, the fierce shrieks of the Highlanders, and the yellings of the pibroch. The soldiers continued to retreat, or rather to run, till about five or six miles eastward from High Bridge, when Keppoch came up with about twenty more men, hastily assembled since the skirmish began. Others, the followers of Glengarry, had also joined, making the number about fifty. The Highlanders pressed their advantage, and showed themselves more boldly in front, flank, and rear, while the ammunition of the soldiers was exhausted without having even wounded one of their assailants. They were now closely surrounded, or supposed themselves to be so; their spirits were entirely sunk, and on Keppoch coming in front, and summoning them to surrender, on pain of being cut to pieces, they immediately laid down their arms. Captain Scott was wounded, as were five or six of his men. About the same num¬ ber were slain. This disaster, which seems to have arisen from the commanding officer’s neglecting to keep an advanced guard, gave great spirits to the Highlanders, and placed in a flattering light their peculiar excellence as light troops. The prisoners were treated with humanity, and carried to Lochiel’s house of Auchnacarrie, where the wounded were carefully attended to. As the governor of Fort Augustus would not permit a surgeon from that garrison to attend Captain Scott, Lochiel, with liis wont- RAISING OF THE STANDARD. 1 G7 eel generosity, sent him on parole to the Fort, that he might have medical assistance. The war being thus openly commenced, Charles moved from the House of Glenaladale, which had been his last residence, to be present at the raising of his standard at the place of rendez¬ vous in Glenfinnan. He arrived early on the 19th of August, in the savage and sequestered vale, attended only by a company or two of the MacDonalds, whose chief, Clanranald, was absent, raising his men in every quarter where he had influence. Two hours elapsed, and the mountain ridges still looked as lonely as ever, while Charles waited as one uncertain of his fate, until at length Lochiel and the Camerons appeared. This body amounted to seven or eight hundred. They advanced in two lines, having betwixt them the two companies who had been taken on the 16th, disarmed and marching as prisoners. Keppoch arrived shortly afterwards with three hundred men, and some chieftains of less importance brought in each a few followers.^ The standard was then unfurled; it was displayed by the Mar¬ quis of Tullibardine, exiled, as we have already said, on account of his accession to the rebellion in 1715, and now returned to Scotland with Charles in the Doutelle. He was supported by a man on each side as he performed the ceremony.^ The mani¬ festo of the old Chevalier, and the commission of regency granted to his son Charles Edward were then read, and the Adventurer made a short speech, asserting his title to the throne, and alleging that he came for the happiness of his people, and had chosen this part of the kingdom for the commencement of his enterprise, because he knew he should find a population of brave gentlemen, zealous as their noble predecessors for their own honour and the rights of their sovereign, and as willing to live and die with him, as he was wilhng at their head to shed the last drop of his blood.^ 1 MacDonald, in his journal, quoted at end of last chapter, says, “ As the P. was setting out for Glenfinnan, I was detached to Ardnamuvehan to recruit, and soon returned with fifty clever fellows who pleased the P.; and upon re¬ view, His H. was pleased to honour me with the command of them, and told me I was the first officer he had made in Scotland ; which compliment encour¬ aged my vanity not a little, and with our friends vowed to the Almighty we should live and die with our noble P., though all Britain should forsake him but our little regiment alone.”— Lockhart Papers, vol. ii., p. 403. 2 “The Standard erected at Glenfinnan, was made of white, blue, and red silk; and when displayed was about twice the size of an ordinary pair of co¬ lours.”— Home. 3 “ Glenfinnan is a narrow vale, in which the river Finnan runs between high and craggy mountains not to be surmounted but by travellers on foop At each end of the glen is a lake (Loch Eil and Loch Shiel) about twelve miles in length; and behind the mountain on one side of the glen is also a lake, behind the other an arm of the sea.”— Ho.me, vol. iii., p. 13.—At the head of Loch Shiel there now stands a monument, bearing on three of its sides a Latin in¬ scription, composed by the late Dr. Gregory of Edinburgh, and translations of it in Gaelic and English. “On the spot where Prince Charles Edward first raised his standard on the Ifith day of August, 1745, when he made the daring and romantic attempt to recover a throne lost by the imprudence of his ances¬ tors, this column was erected by Alexander Macdonald, Esq. of Glenaladale, 168 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. A leader of the clan of MacLeod appeared at this rendezvous, and renounced on the occasion his dependence upon his chief, whom indeed he did not acknowledge as such, and promised to join with his own following. Lochiel and some others of the chiefs present took this opportimity of writing to MacLeod and Sir Alexander MacDonald, to engage them to join, as the writers alleged their honour obliged them. This letter gave great offence to both the chiefs, and to Sir Alexander in particular, who alleged the insinuation it contained as a reason for the part he afterwards took in this affair. Tidings were soon heard that the Government troops were in motion to put down the insurrection. The Prince had resolved to avoid the great mistake of Mar in the year 1715, and to avail himself to the uttermost of the fierce and ardent activity of the troops whom he commanded, and it was with pleasure that he heard of the enemy’s approach. He remained for a few days at Auchnacarrie, the house of Lochiel, and finding the unwillingness which the Highlanders evinced to carry baggage, the impossibility of finding horses, and the exe¬ crable character of the roads, he left a quantity of swivel guns and pioneer’s tools behind, as tending only to encumber his march. In the mean time, he was joined by the following clans;—Mac¬ Donald of Glencoe brought with him 150 men ; the Stuarts of Appin, under Ardshiel, amounting to 250; Keppoch brought 300 MacDonalds Glengarry, the younger, joined the army, as it marched eastward, with about 300—making a total of nearly 2000 men. There was an association drawn up and signed at Auchnacar¬ rie, by the chiefs who had taken the field, in which the sub¬ scribers bound themselves never to abandon the Prince while he remained in the realm, or to lay down their arms, or make peace with Government, without his express consent. While the insurrection was thus gathering strength and con¬ sistency, the heads of the official bodies at Edinburgh became apprized of its existence, which, however rash on the part of the Adventurer, was yet very hazardous to the state, on account of the particular time when it broke out. George II. v/as absent in Hanover, and the Government was in the hands of a Council of Regency, called Lords Justices, whose councils seemed neither to have evinced sagacity nor vigour.*-^ to commemorate the generous zeal, the undaunted braverv, and the inviolable fidelity of his forefathers, and the rest of those who fought and bled in that arduous and unfortunate enterprise.” 1 Keppoch, it is said, would have brought more men to the field, but there existed a dispute betwixt him and his clan,—a rare circumstance in itself, and still more uncommon, as it arose from a point of religion. Keppoch was a Protestant, his clan were Catholics, a difference which would have bred no dis¬ cord between them, if Kepjmch would have permitted the priest to accompany his hearers on the march. But the chief would not; the clansmen took offence, and came in smaller numbers than otherwise would have followed him, for he w’as much and deservedly beloved by them.—S. 2 Upon information received in London of the Prince having embarked frona GOVERNMENT PREPARATIONS. 1G9 Early in summer they had received intelligence that the young Chevalier had a design to sail from Nantes with a single vessel; and, latterly, they had heard a rumour that he had actually landed in the Highlands. This intelligence was sent by the Marquis of Tweeddale to the commander-in-chief; to Lord Milton, a Scot¬ tish judge, who was much consulted in state affairs; to the Lord Advocate, the President of the Court of Session, and the Lord Justice Clerk. These principal officers or advisers of Govern¬ ment formed a sort of council for the direction of state affairs. The report of Charles’s landing at length reached Edinburgh wdth such marks of authenticity, as no longer to admit of doubt. The alarm was very considerable, for the regular forces of Bri¬ tain were chiefly engaged on the continent. There were not in all Scotland quite three thousand troops, exclusive of garrisons. Of three battalions and a half of infantry, only one battalion was an old corps; the rest were newly raised. Two regiments of dragoons, Hamilton’s and Gardiner’s, were the youngest in the service. There were independent companies levied for the pur¬ pose of completing the regiments which were in Flanders: and there were several companies of a Highland regiment, which Lord Loudon commanded, but who, being Highlanders, were not to be much trusted in the present quarrel. Out of this small force, two of the newly raised companies had been made prisoners at High Bridge. Yet, reduced as his strength was, Sir John Cope, the commander-in-chief, deemed it equal to the occasion, and resolved to set out northward at the head of such troops as he could most hastily assemble, to seek out the Adventurer, give him battle, and put an end to the rebellion. The Lords Jus¬ tices approved of this as a soldier-like resolution, and gave orders to the general to proceed to put his plan in execution. Sir J^ohn took the field accordingly on the 19th of August, and marched to Stirling, where he left the two regiments of dragoons, as they could have been of little use in the hills, and it would have been difficult to obtain forage for them. His infantry con¬ sisted of between fourteen and fifteen hundred men; and, to¬ gether with a train of artillery and a superfluity of baggage, he had with him a thousand stand of spare muskets, to arm such loyal clans as he expected to join him. None such appearing, lie sent back 700 of the firelocks from Crieff to Stirling. His march was directed upon Fort Augustus, from which, as a central point, he designed to operate against the insurgents, wherever he might find them. As this route was the same with that by France, the Lords Justices, in terms of an Act of Parliament passed in 1744, published a proclamation in the London Gazette of 6th August, offering a re¬ ward of thirty thousand pounds “ to such person and persons who shall seize and secure the said son of the said Pretender, so as that he may be brought to justice.”—See it in the Scots Magazine., August, 1745. The paper was answered, —“ From our Camp at Kinlocliiel,” by the offers of a similar sum for the cap¬ ture of the Elector of Hanover, then in Germany, and for preventing his land¬ ing in any part of the British dominions. TALES OF A GRANDFATHER, 170 which the Highland army were drawing towards the Lowlands, Sir John Cope had no sooner arrived at Dalnacardoch, than he learned, from undoubted intelligence, that the Highlanders were advancing with the purpose of meeting and fighting him at the pass of Corryarrack. How this intelligence affected the motions of the English general I will presently tell you, but must, in the first place, return to the operations of the young Chevalier and his insurrectionary army. Amongst other persons of consequence with whom the Prince had held correspondence since his landing, was the celebrated Lord Lovat, who, highly discontented with Government for de¬ priving him of his independent company, had long professed his resolution to return to his original allegiance to the Stewart dy¬ nasty, and was one of those seven men of consequence .who sub¬ scribed the invitation to the Chevalier in the year 1740. As no one, however, suspected Lovat of attachment either to King or political party farther than his own- interest was concerned, and as the Chevalier had come without the troops, money, and arms, which had been stipulated in that offer of service, there was reason to suspect that the old wily chief might turn against the Adventurer, and refuse him his support. It chanced, however, tliat Lovat had attached considerable importance to the idea of becoming Duke of Fraser, and Lord Lieutenant of Inverness- shire ; and the desire of obtaining these objects, though but of ideal value, induced him, notwithstanding his natural selfisli sagacity, to endeavour to secure them at the same moment while he was meditating how to escape from fulfilling the promises of wliich these titular honours and offices were to be the guerdon. While the Chevalier lay at Invergarry, Fraser of Gortuleg, an especial confidant of Lovat, waited upon the Prince in the capa¬ city of his chiefs envoy, and made an humble request for the patent of the dukedom and the lieutenancy, which King James VIII. had promised to him. At the same time, the emissary brought a specious, but evasive protestation of Lovat’s respect for the Stewart family, and his deep regret that his age and in¬ firmities, with other obstacles, would not pei-mit him instantly to get his clan to take up arms. Such a message was easily seen to evince a desire to seize the bait, without, if possible, swallowing the hook it covered. But Lovat was a man of great importance at the time. Besides his own clan, which he retained in high military order, he had also great mfluence over the Laird of Cluny, his son-in-law, and chief of the MacPhersons,—over the Macintoshes, the Farquharsons, and other clans residing in the neighbourhood of Inverness, who were likely to follow his example in rising or remaining quiet. Sir Alexander MacDonald of Sleat, and the Laird of MacLeod, were also much in the habit of taking his advice, and following his example. He was not, therefore, to be disobliged ; and as the original patents, subscribed by James himself, had been left INTRIGUES OF LORD LOVAT. 171 behind with the heavy baggage, the Chevalier caused new deeds of the same tenor to be written out, and delivered to Gortuleg for Lovat’s satisfaction. The crafty old man, by the same messenger, made another re¬ quest, which had a relish of blood in it. I have told you that Lovat’s most intimate friend had been Duncan Forbes, now Lord President of the Court of Session, to w'hose assistance he owed his establishment in the country and estate of his ancestors, in the year 1715. They had continued since that period on the most intimate terms. Lord Lovat applying, according to his nature, every expression of devotion and flattery which could serve to secure the President’s good opinion. As Duncan Forbes, how¬ ever, was a man of perfect knowledge of the Avorld, he speedily traced Lovat’s growing dislike to the established government; and being, by his office, as well as his disposition, a decided friend to the ruling dynasty, he easily fathomed Lovat’s designs, and la¬ boured to render them abortive. Their correspondence, though still full of profession and adulation on Lovat’s side, assumed a tone of mutual suspicion and alarm, which made the latter to grow weary of the President’s active, vigilant, and frequent remon¬ strances. Gortuleg, therefore, stated Lovat’s extreme sense of the power which the President had to hurt the cause of the Stewart family, and demanded a warrant from the Prince, au¬ thorizing him to secure his friend, the President, dead or alive. The Prince declined granting it in the terms required, but signed a warrant for seizing the President’s person, and detain¬ ing him in close custody. With these documents Fraser of Gortuleg returned to his wily and double-dealing old master. In the mean time, Lovat’s conduct exhibited strange marks of indecision. He became apprized by the Lord President, that Sir Alexander MacDonald and MacLeod had declined to join the Chevalier,—a resolution, indeed, to wdiich the prudential advice of Forbes had strongly contributed,—and he expressed his own determination to adhere to the established government.^ 1 Lovat, in letters to the President of 23d and 24th August, says, “Youi Lordship judges right when you believe that no hardship or ill-usage that I meet with can alter or diminish my zeal and attachment for his Majesty’s per¬ son and government. I am as ready this day (as far as I am able) to serve the King and Government as 1 was in the year 1715, when I had the good fortune to serve the King in suppressing that great Rebellion more than any one of my rank in the island of Britain. But my clan and I have been so neglected these many years past, that I have not twelve stand of arms in my country, though I thank God I could bring twelve hundred good men to the field for the King’s service, if I had arms and other accoutrements for them. There¬ fore, my good Lord, I earnestly entreat that as you wish that I would do good service to the Government on this critical occasion, you may order immedi¬ ately a thousand stand of arms, to be delivered to me and my clan at Inver¬ ness.”—“ I hear that mad and unaccountable gentleman has set up a standard at a place called Glenfinnan, Monday last. This place is in the inlet from Moydart to Lochaber; and I hear of none that joined him as yet, but the Came¬ rons and the Macdonalds, and they are in such a remote corner, that nobody can know their number, or what they are doing, except those that are with them.” After some farther scraps of hearsay information, conjecture, and TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. 172 While these intrigues were in progress, the Chevalier obtained accurate accounts of Sir John Cope’s movements, from deserters who frequently left Lord Loudon’s companies, which consisted chiefly of Highlanders, these men having a strong temptation to join the ranks of the Chevalier, in whose service their relations and chief were engaged. The Prince was so much animated at the prospect of battle, that he summoned together his clans, now augmented by the Grants of Glenmoriston, in number one hundred men—burned and destroyed all that could impede his march, and sacrificed his own baggage, that the men might not complain of hardship. By a forced march he assembled his adherents at Invergarry, where he gave them some hours’ repose, in order that they might be the better fitted for the fatigues of the impending battle. On the morning of the 26th August, the Chevalier marched to Aberchallader, within three miles of Fort Augustus, and rested for the evening. On the dawning of the next morning, he re¬ sumed his march, to dispute with Sir John Cope, whom all re¬ ports announced to be advancing, the passage of the rugged pass of Corryarrack. This mountain is ascended by a part of Marshal Wade’s military road, which attains the summit by a long succes¬ sion [seventeen] of zig-zags, or traverses, gaining slowly and gra¬ dually on the steep and rugged elevation on the south side, by which General Cope was supposed to be advancing. The suc¬ cession of so many steep and oblique windings on the side of the hill, the other parts of which are in the highest degree impracti¬ cable, bears the appropriate name of the Devil’s Staircase. The side of the mountain, save where intersected by this uncouth line of approach, is almost inaccessible, and the traverses are them¬ selves intersected by deep mountain ravines and torrents, crossed by bridges which might be in a very short time broken down, and, being flanked with rocks and thickets, afford innumerable points of safe ambush to sharpshooters or enfilading parties. Tlie Chevalier hastened to ascend the northern side, and possess him¬ self of the top of the hill, which has all the effect of a natural fortress, every traverse serving for a trench. He displayed exult¬ ing hope and spirits, and while putting on a new pair of Highland brogues, said with high glee, “ Before I throw these off, I shall doubts as to the security of his own district, he adds—“ My dear Lord, you know that you engaged to me in honour never to give me as author for any in¬ telligence or information that I give you; and I am persuaded that you will keep your word; for if you do not, the next thing you must do is to cut my throat; for of all the things in the world, I hate to be called an informer. I beg you may excuse the errors and blunders in this letter; for I never was in a worse state of health since I began to write it.” The President’s reply concludes, “ As to what you have the goodness to communicate to me, rely on it, it is dead and buried, and shall never rise again, unless it may rise at a proper time to do you service. This cursed weather has keeped me from the kirk; and fearing it might play you also a trick, I despatched the doctor this morning to see how you did. Send him back as soon as you can, for I feel myself pretty much out of order, I rely on hearing from you daily.” Sunday, il5th August.—Ctilloden Papers, pp. 210-213. cope’s COUNCIL OF WAR. 173 fight with General Cope,” He expected to meet the English gene- i“al about one o’clock. MacDonald of Lochgarry, with the Secretary Murray, were ordered to ascend the hill on the north side, and reconnoitre the position of the supposed enemy. But to their astonishment, when they reached the summit, instead of seeing the precipitous path filled with the numerous files of Cope’s army in the act of ascent, they looked on silence and solitude. Not a man appeared on the numerous windings of the road, until at length they observed some people in the Highland garb, whom they at first took for Lord Loudon’s Highlanders, who, as familiar with the roads and the country, it was natural to think might form the advanced guard of the English army. On a nearer approach, these men were discovered to be deserters from Cope’s army, who brought the intelligence that that general had entirely altered his line of march, and, avoiding the expected contest, was in full march to Inverness. The truth proved to be, that General Cope, when he approach¬ ed within a day’s march of the Chevalier and his little army, saw objections to his plan of seeking out the Adventurer and fighting him, which had not occurred to him while there w^as a greater distance between them. It could have required no great powers of anticipation to suppose, that the Highlanders would rally round their Prince in considerable numbers, impressed by the roman¬ tic character of his expedition; or to conjecture that, in so very rugged a country, an irregular army would take post in a defile. But General Cope had not imagined such a rapid assembling of the mountaineers as had taken place, or a pass so formidable as the Devil’s Staircase, on Corryarrack. This unlucky general, whose name became a sort of laughing-stock in Scotland, was not by any means a poltroon, as had been supposed; but he was one of those second-rate men, who are afraid of responsibility, and form their plan of a campaign more with reference to the vindica¬ tion of their owm character, than the success of their enterprise.* He laid his embarrassments before a council of war, the usual refuge of generals wdio find themselves unable to decide, of their own judgment, upon arduous points of difficulty. He had re¬ ceived exact information concerning the numbers and disposi¬ tion of the enemy from Captain Sw'eetenham, an English officer, who was taken prisoner by the insurgents, while on his route to take the command of three companies lying at Fort William, and, having been present at the setting up of the standard, described the general huzzas and clouds of bonnets which were flung up on the occasion. The prisoner had been treated with much courtesy, * “ Cope was one of those ordinary men who are fitter for any thing than the chief command in war, especially when opposed, as he was, to a new and uncommon enemy: and like every man of that character, extremely solicitous that nothing might be laid to his charge, he resolved to propose the most vigorous measures.”— Home. TALES OF A GRANDFATHEll. 174 and dismissed to carry the report that the rebels intended to give General Cope battle. Sir John Cope laid the intelligence before the council. He stated the unexpected numbers of the Highland insurgents, the strength of their position, the disappointment which he had met with in not being joined, as he expected, by any of the well-affected inhabitants of the country, and he asked the advice of his officers. It was now too late to inquire, whether the march into the Highlands was at all a prudent measure, unless the English gene¬ ral had possessed such a predominant force, as to be certain of crushing the rebellion at once ; or whether the forming a camp at Stirling, and preventing the Chevalier from crossing the Forth, while, at the same time, troops were sent by sea to raise the north¬ ern clans who were friendly to Government, in the rear of the Adventurer’s little army, might not have been a preferable scheme. The time for option was ended. General Cope had pro¬ posed, and the Government had sanctioned, the advance into the north, and the plan had been acted upon. Still it does not ap¬ pear to have been necessary that Cope should have relinquished his purpose so meanly as was implied in the march, or rather flight, to Inverness, which so much dispirited his troops, and gave such enthusiastic courage to the insurgents. Indeed, no general in his senses would have attacked the defile of Corry- arrack; but had Cope chosen to have encamped on the plain, about two miles to the south of Dalwhinnie, he could not have been forced to fight but on his own terms, with the full advan¬ tage of his artillery and his superior discipline, and Charles must have either given battle at a disadvantage, or suffered extremely by the want of money and provisions. Sir John, in the mean time, might have drawn his supplies from Athole, and would have over¬ awed that highly disaffected district, the inhabitants of which, re¬ lieved from his presence by his march to Inverness, immediately joined the rebels. The superiority of the Highland army in num¬ bers was but trifling, and such as the discipline of regular troops had always been esteemed sufficient to compensate, although there is reason to think that it was greatly exaggerated to the English general. None of this reasoning seemed to influence the council of war; they gave it as their opinion that the troops should be drawn off to Inverness, instead of making a stand, or retiring to Stirling, although the option involved the certain risk of ex¬ posing the Low country to the insurgents. Sir John Cope, having his motions thus sanctioned by the opinion of the council of war, advanced for a mile or two, on the morning of the 27th of August, in his original direction, till he reached the point where the road to Inverness leaves that which leads to Fort Augustus, when the march was sudden¬ ly altered, and the route to Inverness adopted. The exultation which filled the Highlanders on learning Cope’s retreat was of a most exuberant description; but it was min- cope's retreat to INVERNESS. 176 gled with disappointment, like that of hunters whose prey has escaped them. There was an unanimous call to follow the retreat¬ ing general with all despatch, and compel him to fight. Cope had, indeed, some hours the start; but, in a council of chiefs, it was proposed to march five hundred picked men across the comitry, to throw themselves by rapid marches between Inver¬ ness and the English general’s forces, and detain the regulars until the rest of the army came up in their rear. The advantages to be gained by an unopposed march into the Lowlands were, however, superior to what could be obtained by the pursuit, or even the defeat of Sir John Cope, and the latter plan was given up accordingly. An attempt was made, on the part of the Highlanders, to sur¬ prise or burn the barracks of Ruthven ; but they were bravely de¬ fended by the little garrison, and the attempt proved unsuccess¬ ful. They therefore directed their march southward upon Gar- viemore. In the mean time, the intrigues of Lord Lovat continued to agitate the north, while the Lord President Forbes endeavoured, by soliciting Government for arms, by distributing commissions for independent companies, of Avhich twenty were intrusted to his disposal, and by supplying money from his private purse, to ani¬ mate the clans who remained attached to Government, and to confirm those which were doubtful. The old chief of the clan Fraser, apparently seconding all his measures, was, in fact, counteracting them as far as he could, and endeavouring, if not to turn the scale in favour of the young Adventurer, at least to preserve the parties in such a state of equality, that he himself might have a chance of determining the balance, when he could see on which side there was most to be gained. He feared, however, the shrewd sense, steady loyal¬ ty, and upright character of the President, and regarded him with a singular mixture of internal fear and hatred, and exter¬ nal affected respect and observance. A Jesuitical letter to Loch- iel, in which Lovat alleges his fear of the President, whom he states to be playing at cat and mouse with him, is, perhaps, the most extraordinary picture of this extraordinary person’s mind that can be exhibited.^ The line of conduct to be adopted by MacPherson of Cluny, whose numerous and hardy clan is situated chiefly in the district of Badenoch, was at this time a matter of great importance. This chief was a man of a bold and intrepid disposition, wdio had shown more respect for the laws of property, and more attention to prevent depredations, than any other chief in the Higldands, Lochiel perhaps excepted. He entered into extensive contracts with the Duke of Gordon, and many of the principal proprietors in countries exposed to the Highland caterans, agreeing for a mo- 1 See Note, end of Chapter, p. 180. TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. 176 derate sum of yearly black-mail, to secure them against theft. This species of engagement was often undertaken by persons like Rob Roy, who prosecuted the trade of a freebooter, and was in the habit of stealing at least as many cattle as he was the means of recovering. But Ciuny MacPherson pursued the plain and hon¬ ourable system expressed in the letter of his conti'act, and by actually securing and bringing to justice the malefactors who committed the depredations, he broke up the greater part of the numerous gangs of robbers in the shires of Inverness and Aber¬ deen. So much was this the case, that when a clergyman be¬ gan a sermon on the heinous nature of the crime of theft, an old Highlander of the audience replied, that he might forbear treat¬ ing of the subject, since Ciuny, with his broadsword, had done more to check it than all the ministers in the Highlands could do by their sermons. This gentleman had been named captain of an independent company, and therefore remained, in appearance, a friend of Go¬ vernment ; but, in fact, he only watched an opportunity to re¬ turn to the allegiance of James VIII., whom he accounted his lawful sovereign. In compliance with his father-in-law Lovat’s mysterious politics, Ciuny waited on Sir John Cope on the 27th of August, and received that general's orders to embody his clan. But on the next morning the chief of the MacPhersons was made prisoner in his own house, and carried off to the rebel camp. Whether he was entertained there as a captive, or as a secret friend, we have not now the means of knowing. He was convey¬ ed along with the Highland army to Perth, seemingly by con¬ straint. On 28th August, the Prince bivouacked at Dalwhinnie, him¬ self and his principal officers lying on the moor, with no other shelter than their plaids. On the 29th he reached Dalnacar- doch, being thus enabled by the retreat of the English army to jx)ssess himself of the passes of the mountains between Badenoch and Athole, and to descend upon the latter country. On the 30th, Charles arrived at Blair in Athole, a castle belonging to the Duke of Athole, whose family, with his Grace’s elder brother. Lord Tullibardine, and his uncle. Lord Nairne, were well dis¬ posed to the cause of the Prince, though his grace, who enjoyed the title, was favourable to Government. The families and clans of Stewarts of Athole, Robertsons, and others of less importancei, were all inclined to support the insurgents, having never for¬ gotten the fame which their ancestors had obtained in a like cause during the wars of Montrose. The name and authority of the IMarquis of Tullibardine was well calculated to call these ready warriors to arms. He was, as we have said, the elder brother of the Duke who enjoyed the title, and had been forfeited for his share in the rebellion of 1715,—a merit in the eyes of most of the vassals of his family. The Prince remained two days at Blair, where he was joined LORD GEORGE MURRAi'. 177 by Viscount Strathallan and his son; by Mr. Oliphant of Gask and his son ; and the Honourable Mr. Murray, brother to the Earl of Dunmore, John Roy Stewart, a most excellent partisan officer, also joined the Prince (to whom he had devoted his ser¬ vice) at this place. He arrived from the continent, and brought several letters with him from persons of distinction abroad. They contained fair and flourishing promises of good wishes and services to be rendered, none of which civilities ever ripened into effectual assistance. On the 3d of September, in the evening, the Highland army reached Perth, where it was joined by two persons of first-rate consequence ; namely, the Duke of Perth, with two hundred men, whom he had collected while in hiding, in consequence of the warrant which was out for the purpose of arresting him, and the celebrated Lord George IMurray, fifth brother of the Marquis of Tullibardine, already mentioned. Both these noblemen were created lieutenant-generals in the Prince’s service. It was at this time, and upon this occasion, that a sort of jea¬ lousy took place between these two great men, which had a sinis¬ ter effect upon the future afiaii’s of Charles Edward. We have already given the character of the Duke of Perth, as he w'as called, a gentleman in the highest degree courtly, pleas¬ ing, and amiable, particularly calculated to be agreeable to a per¬ son educated abroad, like the Prince, and not likely to run the risk of displeasing him by rough admonition and blunt contradic¬ tion. All his habits and opinions had been formed in France, where he had spent the first twenty years of his life. He even spoke English with some marks of a foreigner, which he con¬ cealed under the use of the broad Scottish dialect. He was a man of the most undoubted courage, but had no peculiar military talent.^ Lord George Murray was a man of original and powerful cha¬ racter. He had been engaged with his brother, the Marquis of Tullibardine, in the affair of 1715, was also present at the battle of Glenshiel, in 1719, and had served for some time in the Sar¬ dinian army, then no bad school of war. He had at a later period been reconciled to the reigning family, by the interest of his brother, the actual Duke of Athole. It is said, he had even solicited a commission hi the English army. It was, however, refused ; and, in 1745, he re-assumed his original sentiments, 1 James Drummond was the eldest son of James, Lord Drummond, and grandson of James, fourth Earl of Perth, who, following King James the Second to France, was by him created Duke of Perth ; by which title his descendants were commonly styled in Scotland. The gentleman referred to in the text was educated at the Scots college of Douay, afterwards at Paris, where he became a skilful mathematician, and drew with the accuracy of a master. He after¬ wards returned to Scotland, and resided upon his estate there, until the arrival of the young Pretender induced him to quit his retirement and share the for¬ tunes of the Stewarts, after the destruction of whose hopes at Culloden, he escaped to the coast, embarked for France, but worn out with fatigue and anxiety, died on his passage in his 33d year, 11th May, 1746.— Lockhart Papers, vol. ii., p. 444; Wood’s Peerage, vol. li., p. 365. VOL. III. M TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. 178 and joined Prince Charles Edward. Lord George Murray was in many respects an important acquisition. He was tall, hardy, and robust; and had that intuitive acquaintance with the art of w'ar, which no course of tactics can teach. Being little in¬ structed by early military education, he was unfettered by its formal rules ; and perhaps in leading an army of Highlanders, themselves undisciplined, except from a sort of tact which seemed natural to them, he knew far better how to employ and trust their native energies than a tactician accustomed to regular troops would have ventured to attempt. He was, moreover, undaunted¬ ly brave, and in the habit of fighting sword-in-hand in the front of the battle ; he slept little, meditated much, and Avas the only per¬ son in the Highland army who seemed to study the movements of the campaign. The chiefs only led their men to the attack in the field, and the French and Irish officers had been so indiffer¬ ently selected, that their military knowledge did not exceed the skill necessary to relieve a guard ; and only one or two had served in a rank above that of captain. Over such men Lord George Murray had great superiority. He had, hoAvever, his failings, and they were chiefly those of temper and manners. He was proud of his superior talents, impatient of contradiction, and haughty and blunt in expressing his opinions. It happened also not unfrequently, that the Prince himself and his tutor. Sir Thomas Sheridan, both extremely ignorant of the British constitution and habits of thinking, suffered sentiments of arbitrary power to escape them, as impolitic as they were ungra¬ cious. In checking and repelling such opinions. Lord George Murray did a most valuable service to his master ; but the man¬ ner in which he performed a task necessarily unpleasing, was often rude and assuming, and with the best intentions he gave offence, which was not the less sensibly felt by the Prince, that his situation obliged him to suppress all outward indication of Ins displeasure. From this peculiarity of Lord George Murray’s temper, there w'as early formed in the Prince’s council a party who set up the Duke of Perth in opposition to him; although the gentle, honour¬ able, and candid temper of the Duke mitigated the animosity of the internal faction. John Murray, the secretary, who having been the early agent of Prince Charles’s party, possessed a great share of his master’s confidence, was supposed to have been chiefly desirous of setting the claims of the Duke of Perth in opposition to those of Lord George Murray, as he considered the former a person over whom his own ambitious and active disposition might preserve an influence, which he could not hope to gain over the haughty and confident temper of the latter nobleman. Mr. Mur¬ ray is supposed chiefly to have insisted upon Lord George’s having taken the oaths to Government, and having been willing to serve the House of Hanover. By these insinuations he impressed on the Prince a shade of suspicion towards the general who Avas the ARRIVAL AT PERTH. 179 most capable of directing the movements of his army, which was never entirely eradicated from his mind, even while he most felt the value of Lord George Murray’s services. Charles’s high idea of the devotion due to his rights by his subjects, rendered him jealous of the fidelity of a follower, who had not at all times been a pure royalist, or who had shown any inclination, however transi¬ tory, to make his own peace by a compromise with the reigning family. The disunion arising from these intrigues had an exist¬ ence even at Perth, in the very commencement of their enter¬ prise, and continued till the very end of the affair to vex and perplex the councils of the insurgents. On his arrival at Perth also, the Chevalier first found the want of money, which has been well called the sinews of war. When he entered that town, he showed one of his followers that his purse contained only a single guinea of the four hundred pounds which he had brought with him in the Doutelle. But Dundee, Montrose, and all the Lowland towns north of the Tay, as far as Inverness, were now at his command. He proceeded to levy the cess and public revenue in name of his father ; and as such of his adherents, who were too old or timid to join the stand¬ ard, sent in contributions of money according to their ability, his military chest was by these resources tolerably supplied.^ Parties were sent for this purpose to Dundee, Aberbrothwick, Montrose, and other towns. They proclaimed King James VIII., but com¬ mitted little violence except opening the prisons and it is re¬ markable, that even in my own time, a chieftain of high rank had to pay a large sum of money on account of his ancestors having set at liberty a prisoner who was detained for a considerable amoimt of debt. It was no less necessary to brigade the men assembled under this adventurous standard. This was, however, easily done, for the Highlanders were familiar with a species of manoeuvring exactly suited to their own irregular tactics. They marched in a column of three abreast, and could wheel up with prompt re¬ gularity, in order to form the line, or rather succession of clan ^ “ In the march from Glenfinnan to Perth, Charles gave the chiefs what money they thought was necessary to subsist their men. During their abode at Perth, besides the public money which they levied, it is said that several per¬ sons, wlio afterwards joined them at Edinburgh, came to Perth to visit Charles, and furnish him with some money, which made his purse hold out till the re¬ bel army took possession of Edinburgh; and, after their arrival.there, they had regular pay.”— Home. 2 “ After our arrival at Perth,” says the Journalist, “the army was reviewed, and Clanranald, with 150 men, were sent to second Keppoch s enterprise at Dundee, who, by wrong in formation, had been told by some gentlemen from that town that he could not effectuat any thing there without a greater force. We sett out from Perth about midnight, and marched so quick that we reached Dundee by daybreak. Being masters of the town, we seized two vessells with arms and ammunition, which we sent further up the river Tay towards Perth ; we likewise took up some public money here, liberated some prisoners, and proclaimed the P. R—g—t.”— Lockhart Papers, vol. ii., p. 4d6. The two ves¬ sels must have been poorly laden if they ever did reach Perth, as the insurgents continued only half-armed, till after the battle of Preston. 180 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. columns, in which it was their fashion to charge. They were ac¬ customed also to carry their arms with habitual ease, and handle them with ready promptitude ; to fire with a precise aim, and to charge with vigour, trusting to their national weapons, the broad¬ sword and target, with which the first rank of every clan, being generally gentlemen, was completely armed. They were, there¬ fore, as well prepared for the day of battle as could be expected from them; and as there was no time to instruct them in more refined manoeuvres. Lord George Murray judiciously recommend¬ ed to the Prince to trust to those which seemed naturally their own. Some modelling and discipline was, however, resorted to, so far as the short interval would permit. The time which Charles Edward could allot to supply his finances, arrange the campaign, and discipline his army, was only from the 4th to the 11th of September ; for he had already adopt¬ ed the daring resolution to give ecla,t to his arms, by taking pos¬ session of the Scottish capital, and was eager to advance upon it ere Sir John Cope could with his forces return from the north for its defence. Letter from Lord Lovat to the Laird of Lochiel. [This letter is expressed with so much display of character, as might excite a suspicion that it is an imitation of what Lovat might be supposed to think on the occasion, rather than a genuine document. I have seen the original, how¬ ever, and compared it with Lovat’s undoubted handwriting, and it bears no other difference than an appearance of compression and tremulousness natural at his advanced age.] “ For “ The Laird of Lochiel. “ These, Sept, 1745. “ Dear Lochiel, “I FEAR you have been our rash in going out ere affairs were ripe. You are in a dangerous state. The Elector’s General Cope is in your rear hanging at yr tail wh 3000 men,—such as have not been seen heir since Dundee’s affair, —and we have no force to meet him. If the Macphersons wd take the field, I wd bring out my lads to help the work, and ’twixt the twa we might cause Cope keep his Xmas heir ; bot only Cluny is earnest in the cause, and my Lord Ad- vocat plays at cat-and-mouse wh me; but times may change, and Lmay bring him to the Saint Johnstoun’s tippet. Meantime look to yrselves, for we may expect many a sour face and sharp weapon in the south. I’ll aid you what I can, but my prayers are all I can give at present. My service to the Prince, but I wish he had! not come heir soe empty-handed; siller wd go far in the Highlands., I send ys be Ewan Ffraser, wm I have charged to give it to yrself, for, were Duncan to find it, it wd be my head to an onion. “ Farew'ell, “ Yr faithfull friend, “Lovat.”—S. STATE OF EDINBURGH. 181 CHAPTER LXXVII. Preparations for Defending Edinburgh against Prince Charles^ who marches from Perth—Confusion occasioned by his Approach to Edinburgh—Pusillanimity of the Volunteers—Flight of two Regiments of Dragoons by which the City was Co vered — Conster¬ nation of the Citizens—Negotiations between the Magistrates and the Prince—The City Captured by a Party under Lochiel — Prince Charles takes possession of the Palace of Ilolyrood — Appearance of his Army—he is Joined by the Jacobites of the Lothians. [1745.] Edinburgh had long been a peaceful capital; little accustom¬ ed to the din of arms, and considei’ably divided by factions, as was the case of other towns in Scotland. The rumours from the Highlands had sounded like distant thunder dunng a serene day, for no one seemed disposed to give credit to the danger as seriously approaching. The unexpected intelligence, that General Cope had marched to Inverness, and left the metropolis in a great measure to its own resources, excited a very different and more deep sensation, which actuated the inhabitants variously, accord¬ ing to their political sentiments. The Jacobites, who were in considerable numbers, hid their swelling hopes under the cover of ridicule and irony, with which they laboured to interrupt every plan which was adopted for the defence of the town. The truth was, that in a military point of view there was no town, not ab¬ solutely defenceless, which was worse protected than Edinburgh. The spacious squares and streets of the New Town had then, and for a long time after, no existence, the city being strictly limited to its original boundaries, established as early as the fourteenth or fifteenth century. It had defences, but they were of a singularly antique and insufficient character. A high and solid wall enclosed the city from the West Port to the Potterrow' Port. It was embattled, but the parapet was too narrow for mounting cannon, and, except upon one or two points, the wall neither exhibited redoubt, turret, or re-entering angle, from which the curtain or defensive line might be flanked or defend¬ ed. It was merely an ordinary park-wall, of uncommon height and strength, of which you may satisfy yourself by looldng at such of its ruins as still remain. The wall ran eastward to what is called the South Back of the Canongate, and then, turning northward, ascended the ridge on which the town is built, form¬ ing tlie one side of a suburb called Saint Mary’s Wynd, where it was covered by houses built upon it from time to time, besides being within a few feet of the other side of the wynd, which is narrow, and immediately in its front. In this imperfect state the defence reached the Netherbow Port, which divided the city 182 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. from the Canongate. From this point the wall ran down Leith VVjTid, and terminated at the hospital called Paul’s Work, con¬ necting itself on that point with the North, or Nor’ Loch, so call¬ ed because it was on the northern side of the city, and its sole defence on that quarter. The nature of the defensive protections must, from this sketch, be judged extremely imperfect; and the quality of the troops by which resistance must have been made good, if it should be seriously thought upon, was scarce better suited to the task. The town’s people, indeed, such as were able to bear arms, were em¬ bodied under the name of Ti'ained Bands, and had firelocks be¬ longing to them, which were kept in the town’s magazines. They amounted nominally to sixteen companies, of various strength, running between eighty and a hundred men each. This would have been a formidable force, had their discipline and good-will corresponded to their numbers. But, for many years, the officers of the Trained Bands had practised no other martial discipline, than was implied in a particular mode of flourishing their wine¬ glasses on festive occasions; and it was well understood that, if tliese militia were called on, a number of them were likely enough to declare for Prince Charles, and a much larger proportion would be unwilling to put their persons and property in danger, for either the one or the other side of the cause.^ The only part of the civic defenders of Edinburgh who could at all be trusted, was the small body of foot called the City-guard, whom, we have already seen, make some figure in the affiiir of Porteous. The two regi¬ ments of dragoons, which General Cope had left behind him for the protection of the Lowlands, were the only regular troops. Yet, though thus poorly provided for defence, there was a na- tm'al reluctance on the part of the citizens of Edinburgh, who were in general friendly to Government, to yield up their ancient metropolis to a few hundred wild insurgents from the Highlands, without even an effort at defence. So early as the 27th of August, when it was known in the capital that the regular troops had marched to Inverness, and that the Highlanders were directing 1 “ The Trained Bands of Edinburgh appear to have been first established A. D. 1626. At that time, the Town Council, upon a narrative of the foreign wars then subsisting, and other circumstances, which however do not appear to have been their real motives, resolved that the citizens should be mustered and divided into eight companies of 200 men each. In the year 1645, it was re¬ solved that the citizens should be mustered in sixteen companies, and to that effect the citv was divided into as many departments. [See Maitland, folio, 285, 286.] These are still the boundaries according to which the present com.- panies of trained bands are mustered. Each of the sixteen companies consists of 100 men. The Lord Provost of Edinburgh is their Colonel; but their Com¬ manding Officer in Ordinary is known by the title of Captain Commandant. Under him there are a Lieutenant-colonel and Major, and in each company a Captain, Lieutenant, and Ensign. In the late rebellion, the arms provided for the trained bands, and kept in the city armoury, were carried off. They have never been restored nor replaced. The trained bands are now neither posses¬ sed of arms, nor instructed in military discipline; nor do they serve any pur¬ pose, but to display a parade upon public processions of the citizens (1788.)”— Arnot, p. 504. THE EDINBURGH VOLUNTEERS. 183 their march on the Lowlands, a meeting of the friends of Govern¬ ment was held, at which it was resolved that the city should be put in a state of defence, its fortifications repaired or improved, as well as time would permit, and a regiment of a thousand men raised by general subscription among the inhabitants. This spirit of resistance was considerably increased by the arrival of Captain Rogers, aid-de-camp to General Cope, who came from Inverness by sea, with directions that a number of transports, lying then at Leith, should be despatched, without loss of time, for Aberdeen. He announced that General Cope was to march his troops from Inverness to Aberdeen, and embark them at the latter seaport, by the means which he was now providing for that purpose. The General, he stated, would with his army thus return to Lothian by sea, in time, as he hoped, for the safety of the city. These tidings highly excited the zeal of those who had thus voted for defending the capital. As the regiment which had been voted could not be levied without the express warrant of Govern¬ ment, several citizens, to the number of an hundred, petitioned to l)e permitted to enrol themselves as volunteers for the defence of the city.^ Their numbers soon increased. At length, on the 11th September, six companies were appointed, and officers named to them. In the mean time, fortifications were added to the walls, under the scientific direction of the celebrated M‘Laurin, profes¬ sor of mathematics in the University of Edinburgh. The vo¬ lunteers were taught with all possible speed the most necessary parts of military discipline; cannon were also mounted on the walls, chiefly obtained from the shipping at Leith. The whole city rung with the din of preparation ; and much seemed to de¬ pend on the event of a struggle for time. The party which was uppermost for the moment, expressed their eager wishes and hopes for General Cope’s arrival from Aberdeen; while those who hoped soon to change positions with them, whispered to each other in secret their hopes that the English general would be an¬ ticipated by the arrival of the Highland army. In the mean time, Charles Edward, having stopped at Perth only long enough to collect some money, refresh and regulate his army, and receive a few supplies of men, proceeded on his venturous march on the 11th September. His manifestoes, in his father’s name and his own, had already announced his pur- 1 “ Accounts of the rebels having entered Athol came to Edinburgh on the Slst of August, in the evening. At six the drums beat to arms, and Hamilton’s dragoons encamped that night in St. Ann’s Yards. The Town Council likewise met, and ordered the keys of the gates to be lodged every night with the cap¬ tain of the guard, sentries to be placed at each, and a second augmentation of the city guard to be made. Next night, and every night since, a company of the trained bands mounted guard: arms were sent from the city magazine at Leith to arm the inhabitants. The city walls were ordered to be repaired, can¬ non to be placed on them, and a ditch to be thrown up from the north side of the castle to the North Loch. To hasten these fortitications, the workmen were busied even on Sunday; a thing, thank God, very uncommon in this country.”—Scots Magazine, Aug., 1745. 184 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. pose of remedying all the grievances of which the nation could complain. Among these the dissolution of the Union was pro¬ posed as a principal object of reformation. It certainly continued to be felt as a grievance by many of the country gentlemen in Scotland, whose importance it had greatly diminished; hut the commercial part of the nation had begun to be sensible of its ad¬ vantages, and were not greatly captivated by the proposed disso¬ lution of the national treaty, which had so much enlarged their sources of foreign traffic. Another proclamation was issued, in answer to one which had set the price of £30,000 upon the Ad¬ venturer’s head. He should reply to this, he said, by a similar announcement, but in confidence that no adherent of his would ever think of doing any thing to merit such a reward. Accord¬ ingly, he published a reward for the Elector of Hanover’s person. Charles’s original idea was to limit the sum offered to £30, but it was ultimately extended to the same amount which had been placed upon his own. On the evening of the 11th, the Chevalier reached Dunblane with the vanguard of his army, or rather detachments of the best men of every clan.^ It was found very difficult to remove the others from the good quarters and provisions of Perth, which were superior to what they had to expect on a march. The fords of Frew, situated on the Forth about eight miles above Stirling, which the Earl of Mar, with a much more numerous army of Highlanders, had in vain attempted to cross, formed no obstacle to the advance of their present more adventurous leader.^ The great drought, which prevailed that year, and which in Scotland is generally most severe towards the end of autumn, made it easy to cross the river. Gardiner’s regiment of dragoons, which had been left at Stirling, offered no opposition to the enemy, but retreated to Linlithgow, to interpose betwixt the Highlanders and ■ 1 “ The house in which the Prince lodged at Dunblane was that of Alexander M‘Gregor, Esq. of Balhaldies; to whom, by Charles’s father, letters patent had been issued, on the 14th of March, 1740, creating him a knight and baronet of Scotland. The room in which Prince Charles held his levees in Dunblane is still shown, and the bed he slept in preserved by the family of Balhaldies.”— Edi¬ tor’s Note, Nimmo’s Stirlirgshire, pp.545, 546. 2 “ The following anecdote is given, on the authority of the Rev. Dr. Murray, minister of the parish in which the fords of Frew are situated. ‘ When the Prince had reached Doune, he was hospitably entertained by the family of Newton. The young ladies, sisters of the late classic Colonel Edmondstone, performed the office of servants, as we say in Scotland, ‘ fEi' heart and guid- will.’ Their relatives, Edmondstones of Cambuswallace, were present on this interesting occasion ; and when Charles, about to depart, had graciously held out his hand, and the rest of the ladies respectfully kissed it. Miss Robina Edmondstone of Cambuswallace, anxious, as it would seem, to have a more special mark of what she accounted royal lavour, solicited that she might have the honour to ‘pree his Royal Highness’s moo.’ Deeming it a reasonable request, the gallant Adventurer took her kindly in his arms, and kissed her from ear to ear, to the envy, no doubt, and mortification of those coyer friends who had contented themselves with a more moderate share of princely grace.” —Nimmo, p. 5G4. CONFUSION IN EDINBURGH. 185 Edinburgh,—a retrograde movement, which had a visible effect on the spirits of the soldiers.^ In the mean time, the confusion in the capital was greatly increased by the near approach of the insurgent army. Tlie volunteers liad at no time amounted to more than about four hundred men, a small proportion of the population of the city, sufficiently indicating that the far greater majority of the inha¬ bitants were lukewarm, and probably a great many positively disaffected to the cause of Government. Of those also who had taken arms, many had done so merely to show a zeal for the cause, which they never expected would be brought to a serious test; others had wives and families, houses and occupations, which they were, when it came to the push, loth to put in hazard for any political consideration. The citizens also entertained a high idea of the desperate colirage of the Highlanders, and a dreadful presentiment of the outrages which a people so wild were likely to commit, if they should succeed, which appeared likely, in forcing their way into the town. Still, however, there were many young students, and others at that period of life when honour is more esteemed than life, who were willing, and even eager, to prosecute their intentions of resistance and defence. The corps of volunteers, being summoned together, were in¬ formed that Gardiner’s dragoons, having continued to retreat before the enemy, were now at Corstorphine, a village within tliree miles of the city; and that the van of the rebels had reached Kirkliston, a little town about seven or eight miles farther to the west.^ In these critical circumstances. General Guest, lieutenant-governor of the castle of Edinburgh, submitted to the corps of volunteers, that instead of waiting to be attacked within a town, which their numbers were inadequate to defend, they should second an offensive movement which he designed to 1 Charles marched from Dunblane to Doune on the 12th September. He crossed the Forth on the 13th, and rested that night at Leckie house, in Stirlingshire. Next morning the army moved eastward on their march toward Edinburgh. As they passed within a mile of the castle of Stirling, one or two cannon shot were fired at the standard, or, as it is said, at Charles, conspicuous by the crowd that attended him, but none of the shot took effect. He stopped that day at Bannockburn house (afterwards his headquarters in January, 1746,} whither he and his nobles had been invited by Sir Hugh Paterson. On the night of the 15th, Charles slept at Callander house, and left Stirlingshire on the 16th by Linlithgow bridge.— Nimmo, p. 546; Home, vol. hi., p. 45. 2 “Oh Sunday, the 15th,” says Home, “a detachment of 1000 Highlanders marched from Falkirk about two o’clock in the morning, under the command of Lord George Murray, with a design to surprise Colonel Gardiner’s regiment of dragoons at Linlithgow, which is but eight miles (east) from Falkirk. The Highlanders reached Linlithgow before break of day, but the dragoons were gone, having decamped the evening before. Lord George Murray, with his de¬ tachment, halted at Linlithgow till Charles with the rest of his men came up. Then the whole army took the road to Edinburgh, which is only sixteen miles from Linlithgow. A messenger was despatched to Edinburgh to give notice of the approach of the rebels, who, concluding that the Highlanders were at his heels reported that the van of the rebels had got as far as Kirkliston, a village eight miles from Edinburgh.”—/Kor/c5, vol. iii., p. 46. J86 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. make in front of the city, in order to protect it, by an instant battle. For this purpose he proposed that the second regiment of dragoons, called Hamilton’s, should march from Leith, where they were encamped, and form a junction with Gardiner’s at Corstorphine; and that they should be supported by the volun¬ teer corps of four Inmdred men. The Provost having agreed to this proposal, offered, after some hesitation, that ninety of the City-guard, whom he reckoned the best troops at his disposal, should march out with the armed citizens. Mr. Drummond, an active officer of the volunteers, and who displayed more than usual zeal, harangued the armed association. The most spirited shouted with sincere applause, and by far the greater part fol¬ lowed their example. Out of the whole volunteers, about two hundred and fifty were understood to pledge themselves to the execution of the proposed movement in advance of the city. The sound of the fire-bell was appointed as the signal for the volun¬ teers to muster in the Lawnmarket. In the mean time, orders were sent to Hamilton’s dragoons to march thi’ough the city on their w'ay to Corstorphine. The parade and display of these dis¬ ciplined troops would, it was thought, add spirit to the raw soldiei*&. The following day was Sunday the 15th of September. The fire-bell, an ominous and ill-chosen signal, tolled for assembling the volunteers, and so alarming a sound, during the time of divine service, dispersed those assembled for worship, and brought out a large crowd of the inhabitants to the street. The dragoon re¬ giment appeared, equipped for battle. They huzza’d and clashed their swords at sight of the volunteers, their companions in peril, of which neither party were destined that day to see much. But other sounds expelled these warlike greetings from the ears of tlie civic soldiers. The relatives of the volunteers crowded around them, weeping, protesting, and conjuring them not to ex¬ pose lives so invaluable to their families to the broadswords of the savage Highlanders.^ There is nothing of which men, in general, are more easily persuaded, than of the extreme value of their own lives; nor are they apt to estimate them more lightly, when they see they are highly prized by others. A sudden change of opinion took place among the body. In some com¬ panies, the men said that their officers would not lead them on; in others, the officers said that the privates would not follow them. An attempt to march the corps towards the West Port, which was their destined route for the field of battle, failed. The re¬ giment moved, indeed, but the files grew gradually thinner and tliinner as they marched down the Bow^ and through the Grass- 1 “ Many of the Edinburgh corps were moreover Oyieyers Moneyers, as Falstatf says, men whose words upon ’Change would go much farther than their blows in battle. Most had shops to be plundered, houses to be burned, children to be brained with Lochaber axes, and wives, daughters, and favourite hand- maideus to be treated according to the rules of war.”— Sir Walter Scott, Prose fVorks, vol. xix., p. 291. 2 “The descent of the Bow presented localities and facilities equally conve- THE EDINBURGH VOLUNTEERS. 187 market, and not above forty-five reached the West Port. A himdred more were collected with some difficulty, but it seems to have been under a tacit condition, that the march to Corstor- phine should be abandoned; for out of the city not one of them issued.' The volunteers were led back to their alarm post, and dismissed for the evening, when a few of the most zealous left the town, the defence of which began no longer to be expected, and sought other fields in Avhich to exercise their valour. In the mean time, their less warlike comrades were doomed to hear of the near approach of the Highland clans. On the morn¬ ing of Monday, a person named Alves, who pretended to have approached the rebel army by accident, but who was, perhaps, in reality, a favourer of their cause, brought word that he had seen the Duke of Perth, to whom he was personally known, and had received a message to the citizens of Edinburgh, informing them, that if they opened their gates, the town should be favourably treated, but if they attempted resistance, they might lay their account with military execution ; “ and he concluded,” said Alves, “ by addressing a young man by the title of Royal Highness, and desiring to know if such was not his pleasure.” This message, which was publicly delivered, struck additional terror into the in¬ habitants, who petitioned the provost to call a general meeting of the citizens, the only purpose of which must have increased the confusion in their councils. Provost Stewart refused to convoke such a meeting. The town was still covered by two regiments of dragoons. Colonel Gardiner, celebrated for his private worth, his bravery, and his devotional character, was now in command of Hamilton’s regiment, as well as his own, when he was suddenly superseded by General Fowkes, who had been sent from London by sea, and arrived on the night of the 15th of September. Early the next morning, the new general drew up the dragoons near the north end of the Colt Bridge, which crosses the Water of Leith, about two miles from Corstorphine, from which last nient for desertion; and the pamphleteer, whom we have already quoted, assures us that a friend of his, who had made a poetical description of the march of the volunteers from the Lawnmarket to the West Port, when they went out, or, more properly, seemed to be about to go out, to meet the ruthless rebels, had invented a very magnificent simile to illustrate his subject. He compared it to the course of the Rhine, which rolling pompously its waves through fertile fields, instead of augmenting in its course, is continually drawn off by a thousand canals, and at last becomes a small "rivulet, which loses itself in the sands before it reaches the ocean.”— Sir Walter Scott, Prose fVorks, vol. xix., p. 291. 1 “ We remember an instance of a stout Whig and a very worthy man, a writing-master by occupation, who had ensconced his bosom beneath a pro¬ fessional cuirass, consisting of two quires of long foolscap writing paper; and doubtful that even this defence might be unable to protect his valiant heart from the claymores, amongst which its impulses might carry him, had written on the outside, in his best flourish, ‘ This is the body of J- M-; pray give it Christian burial,’ Even this hero, prepared as one practised how to die, could not find it in his heart to accompany the devoted battalion farther than the door of his own house, which stood conveniently open about the head of the Lawnmarket.”—Ibid., vol. xix., p. 293. 188 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. village the Highlanders were now advancing. On their van com¬ ing in sight of the regulars, a few of the mounted gentlemen who had joined the insurgents were despatched to reconnoitre. As this party rode up, and fired their pistols at the dragoons, after the usvial manner of skirmishers, a humiliating spectacle ensued. The soldiers, without returning a shot, fell into such disorder, that their officers were compelled to move them from the ground, with the purpose of restoring their ranks. But no sooner did the two regiments find themselves in retreat, than it became impossible to halt or form them. Their panic increased their speed from a trot to a gallop, and the farther they got even from the very ap¬ pearance of danger, the more excessive seemed to be their terror. Galloping in the greatest confusion round the base of the Castle, by what were called the Lang Dykes, they pursued their dis¬ orderly course along the fields where the New Town is now built, in full view of the city and its inhabitants, whose fears were rea¬ sonably enough raised to extremity, at seeing the shameful flight of the regular soldiers, whose business it was to fight—a poor example to those who were only to take up the deadly trade as amateurs. Even at Leith, to which, as they had last encamped there, they returned by a kind of instinct, those recreant horse¬ men could only be halted for a few minutes. Ere their minds liad recovered from their perturbation, some one raised a cry that the Highlanders were at hand; and tlie retreat was renewed. They lialted a second time near Prestonpans, but receiving a third alarm from one of their own men falling into a waste coal-pit, the race was again resumed in the darkness of the night, and the dragoons only stopped at Dunbar, North Berwick, and other towns on the coast; none of them, at the same time, able to render a reason why they fled, or to tell by whom they were pursued.i In Edinburgh the citizens were driven to a kind of desperation of terror. Crowds gathered on the streets and surrounded the Provost, entreating him to give up all thoughts of defending the town, which would have been indeed an impossibility after the scandalous retreat of the dragoons. Whatever the Provost might think of the condition of the city, he maintained a good counte¬ nance ; and convoking a meeting of the magistracy, sent for the Justice-Clerk, the Lord Advocate, and Solicitor-General, to come and partake their councils. But these functionaries had wisely left the city when the danger of its falling into the hands of the rebels became so very imminent. In the mean time, other citi¬ zens, uninvited, intruded themselves into the place where the council was held, which speedily assumed the appearance of a dis¬ orderly crowd, most part of whom were clamorous for surrender. Many of the loudest were Jacobites, who took that mode of serv¬ ing the Prince’s cause. While the council was in this state of confusion, a letter, sub- 1 See a lively description of this flight, Pi'ose JVarks, vol. xix., pp. 294, 295. SUMMONS OF SURRENDER. 180 scribed Charles Stewart, P. R., was handed into the meeting, but the Provost would not permit it to be read, which gave rise to a furious debate. The volunteers, in the mean time, were drawn up on the street, amid the same clamour and consternation which filled the council. They received no orders from the Provost, nor from any one else. At this juncture, a man, who was never since discovered, mounted on a grey horse, rode along the front of their line, calling out, to the great augmentation of the general alarm, that the Highlanders were just at hand, and were sixteen thousand strong! The unlucky volunteers, disheartened, and in a great measure deserted, resolved at length to disembody them¬ selves, and to return their arms to the King’s magazine in the Castle. The muskets were received there accordingly^ and the volunteers might be considered as disbanded as well as disarmed. If some wept at parting with their arms, we believe the greater part were glad to be fairly rid of the encumbrance. In the interim, the letter with the alarming signature was at length read in the council, and was found to contain a summons to surrender the city, under a promise of safety to the immunities of the corporation, and the property of individuals. The conclu¬ sion declared, that the Prince would not be responsible for the consequences if he were reduced to enter the city by force, and that such of the inhabitants as he found in arms against him must not expect to be treated as prisoners of war. The perusal of this letter increased the cry against resistance, which, indeed, the flight of the dragoons, and dispersion of the volunteers, rendered altogether impossible, the armed force being reduced to the City-guard, and a few recruits of the newly-raised Edinburgh regiment. It was at length agreed on, by general consent, to send a deputation of the council to wait on the young Prince, at Gray’s Mill, within two miles of the city; they were instructed to require a suspension of hostilities until they should have time to deliberate on the letter which had been forwarded to them. The deputation had not long set forth on its destination, when one of those turns of fortune which so unexpectedly threaten to derange the most profound calculations of human prudence, in¬ duced many of the citizens to wish that the step of communicat¬ ing with the rebels had been delayed. Intelligence arrived, acquainting the magistrates and council, that Sir John Cope’s army had arrived in the transports from Aberdeen, and that the fleet was seen off Dunbar, where the General intended to land his troops, and move instantly to the relief of Edinburgh. A messenger was sent to recall the deputation, but he proved unable to overtake them. General Guest was resorted to with various proposals. He was asked to recall the dragoons; but replied, he considered it better for the service that they should join General Cope. The more zealous citizens then requested a new issue of arms to the volunteers; but General Guest seems to have been U)0 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. unwilling to place them again in irresolute hands; he said the magistrates might arm those whom they could trust from the city’s magazine. Still, as it appeared that a day’s time gained might save the city, there were proposals to resume the pui^ose of defence, at least for the time which Cope’s march from Dun¬ bar was likely to occupy. It was, therefore, proposed to beat to arms, ring the fire-bell, and reassemble the volunteers, schemes which were abandoned as soon as moved, for it was remembered that the deputation of the magistrates and counsellors were in the power of the Highlandmen, who, on the sound of an alarm in the town, were likely enough to hang them without ceremony. About ten o’clock at night the deputation returned, with an answer to the same purpose with the previous summons, demand¬ ing, at the same time, a positive reply before two in the morn¬ ing. The deliberations of the magistrates were farther embroil¬ ed by this peremptory demand of instant surrendex’, which made them aware that the insurgents were as sensible as they could be of the value of hours and minutes in a discussion so critical. They could think of nothing better than to send out a second deputation to Gray’s Mill, with instructions to entreat for far¬ ther time. ^ It is important to state, that this party went to the Highland headquarters in a hackney-coach. The Prince refused to see them, and dismissed them without an answer. In the mean time, the Chevalier and his counsellors agitated several plans for carrying the city by a sudden surprise. There was more than one point w'hich gave facilities for such a coup-de- mam. A house, belonging to a gentleman of the name of Nicol- son, stood on the outside of the town-wall, only a few feet dis¬ tant from it, and very near the Potterrow Port. It was proposed to take possession of this house, and, after clearing the waU by a fire of musketry from the upper windows, either to attempt an escalade, or to run a mine under the fortification. At the same time, the position of the hospital called Paul’s Work w'as fa¬ vourably situated to cover an attack on the main sluice of the North Loch. The College Church gave ready means of gaming the hospital; and an alarm on the northern termination of the wall would have afforded a point of diversion, while the main attack might be made by means of the row of houses in St. Mary’s Wynd, composing the western side of that lane, and ac- 1 “ When the letter (brought by the first deputation of the council) was read, Provost Stewart said, there was one condition in it w))ich he would die rather than submit to, which was, receiving the sou of the Pretender as Prince Re¬ gent, for he was bound by oath to another master. After long deliberation, it was determined to send out deputies once more, to beg a suspension of hostili¬ ties till nine o’clock in the morning, that the magistrates might have an oppor¬ tunity of conversing with the citizens, most of whom were gone to bed. The deputies were also instructed to require an explanation of what was meant by receiving Charles as Prince Regent. About two in the morning they set out in a hackney coach for Gray’s Mill; there they prevailed upon Lord George Mur¬ ray to second their application for a delay, but Charles refused to grant it; and the deputies were ordered in his uame to get them gone.”— Homk, vol. iii., p. 66. PLANS OF THE PRINCE. 191 tually built upon, and forming part of the wall, which in that place was merely a range of buildings. Such were the points of assault which might be stormed simultaneously, and with the greater prospect of success, that their defenders were deficient both in numbers and courage. With these and similar views, the Chevalier ordered Lochiel to get his men under arms, so as to be ready, if the magistrates did not surrender at the appointed hour of two in the morning, to make an attack on either of the points we have mentioned, or take any other opportunity that might occur of entering the city; Mr. Murray of Broughton, who was familiar with all the localities of Edinburgh, acting as a guide to the Camerons. The party amounted to about nine hundred men. The strictest cau¬ tion was recommended to them in marching, and they were en¬ joined to rigid abstinence from spirituous liquors. At the same time, each man was promised a reward of two shillings, if the enterprise w'as successful. Colonel O’Sullivan Avas with the party as quarter-master. The detachment marched round by Merchi- ston and Hope’s Park, without being observed from the Castle, though they could hear the Avatches call the rounds Avithin that fortress. Approaching the NetherboAv Port, Lochiel and Murray reconnoitred the city-wall more closely, and found it planted with cannon, but Avithout sentinels. They could, therefore, have forced an entrance by any of the houses in St. Mary’s Wynd ; but having strict orders to observe the utmost caution, Lochiel hesitated to resort to actual violence till they should have final commands to do so. In the mean time, Lochiel sent forAvard one of his people, disguised in a riding coat and hunting cap, wiih orders to request admission by the NetherboAv Port. This man was to personate the servant of an English officer of dragoons, and in that character to call for admittance. An advanced guard of tAveuty Camerons were ordered to place themselves on each side of the gate ; a support of sixty men were stationed in deep silence in St. Mary’s Wynd; and the rest of the detachment remained at some distance, near the foot of the lane. It AAas Lochiel’s pur¬ pose that the gate, if opened, should have been instantly secured by the forlorn hope of his party. The Avatch, however (for there Avere sentinels at the gate, though none on the city-wall,) refused to open the gate, threatened to fire on the man who desired admit¬ tance, and thus compelled him to withdi'aAv. It was noAv proposed by Murray, that as the morning Avas beginning to break, the detachment should retire to the craggy ground called Saint Leonard’s hill, Avhere they Avould be secure from the cannon of the Castle, and there await for further or¬ ders. Just Avhen the detachment Avas about to retreat, an acci¬ dent happened which gratified them with an unexpected oppor¬ tunity of entrance. I have told you of a second deputation sent out by the magi¬ strates, to entreat from the Chevalier additional time to delibe- 192 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. rate upon his summons, which he refused to grant, declining even to see the messengers. These deputies returned into the city long after midnight, in the hackney-coach which had carried them to the rebel camp. They entered at the West Port, and left the coach after they had ascended the Bow and reached the High Street. The hackney-coachman, who had his own residence and his stables in the Canongate, was desirous to return to that suburb through the Netherbow Port, which then closed the head of the Canongate. The man was known to the w'aiters, or por¬ ters, as having been that night engaged in the service of the magistrates, and, as a matter of course, they opened the gate to let him go home. The leaves of the gate had no sooner unfolded themselves, than the Camerons rushed in, and secured and dis¬ armed the few watchmen. With the same ease they seized on the city guard-house, disarming such soldiers as they found there. Colonel O’Sullivan despatched parties to the other military posts and gates about the city, two of which were occupied with the same ease, and without a drop of blood being spilt. The Camerons, in the dawn of morning, were marched up to the Cross, when the Castle, now alarmed with the news of what had happened, fired a shot or tw'o expressive of defiance. These warlike sounds w-aked such of the citizens of Edinburgh as the tumult of the Highlanders’ entrance had not yet roused, and many with deep anxiety, and others with internal exultation, found that the capital was in the hands of the insurgents. Much noisy wonder w'as expressed at the tame surrender of the metropolis of Scotland to the rebels; and, as if it had been necessary to find a scapegoat to bear the disgrace and blame of the transaction, a great proportion of both was imputed to the Lord Provost Stewart, who, after a long and severe imprisonment, was brought to trial for high treason, and although he was honourably acquitted, his name was often afterwards mentioned in a manner as if his judicial acquittal had not been sanctioned by the public voice. There is no room to inquire of what cast were Provost Stewart’s general politics, or how far, even from the mere cir¬ cumstance of namesake, he was to be accounted a Jacobite. Neither is the chief magistrate of a corporation to be condemned to death as a traitor, because he does not possess those attributes of heroism, by means of wdiich some gifted individuals have raised means of defence when hope seemed altogether lost, and, by their own energies and example, have saved communities and states, which were, in the estimation of all others, doomed to de¬ spair. The question is, whether Provost Stewart, as an upright and honourable man, sought the best advice in an exigency so singular, and exerted himself assiduously to carry it into execution when received ? The flight of the dragoons, the disbanding of the volunteers, the discontinuance of the defence, received no en¬ couragement from him; even the opening a communication with the enemy was none of his fault, since he was one of the last CAPTURE OF EDINBURGH. 193 who either despaired of preserving the city, or used discouraging language to the citizens. But he could not inspire panic-struck sol¬ diers with courage, or selfish burghers with patriotic devotion, and, like a man who fights with a broken weapon, was unequal to maintain the cause which to ail appearance he seems to have been sincere in defending.^ The Highlanders, amid circumstances so new and stimulating to them as attended the capture of Edinburgh, behaved themselves with the utmost order and propriety. The inhabitants, desirous to conciliate their new masters, brought them provisions, and even whisky; but having been enjoined by Lochiel not to taste the latter spirits, they unanimously rejected a temptation which be¬ sets them strongly. They remained where they were posted, in the Parliament-Square, from five in the morning till eleven in the forenoon, without a man leaving his post,'-^ though in a city taken, it may be said, by storm, and surrounded with an hundred ob¬ jects to excite their curiosity, or awaken their cupidity. They were then quartered in the Outer Parliament-House. About noon on this important day (the 17th of September,) Charles Edward prepared to take possession of the palace and capital of his ancestors. It was at that time, when winding his march round by the village of Duddingston, to avoid the fire of the Castle, he halted in the hollow between Arthur’s Seat and Salisbury Crags. As Charles approached the palace by the eastern access, called the Duke’s Walk, he called for his horse, as if to show himself to the populace, who assembled in great numbers, and with loud accla¬ mations. The young Adventurer had begun his march on foot, 1 “ As to the intention of Captain Drummond, people differed in opinion: the generality of the inhabitants of Edinburgh were persuaded that he meant at all hazards to defend the town against the rebels. Some, on the contrary, were of opinion that the chief object Captain Drummond had in view was to make Mmself popular, and defeat Provost Stewart’s interest in the city. That his proposal to the volunteers of joining the dragoons, and giving battle to the rebels, was merely a pretence of doing what he never had the most distant in¬ tention to do, as appeared by his message to Provost Stewart, which Lieu¬ tenant Ormiston carried, and the awkward manner in which he desisted from his proposal. If this latter opinion be well-founded, and Mr. Drummond meant nothing more than to defeat Provost Stewart’s interest, the election job, as it had been called, succeeded perfectly well; for when Mr. Stewart (who v.'as member of parliament for the city of Edinburgh) went to London, he was taken into custody, and sent to the Tower, where he remained fourteen months a prisoner. At last, being admitted to bail upon a recognizance to appear before the Court of Justiciary in Scotland, he came to Edinburgh, where he was tried for neglect of duty and misbehaviour in the execution of his office. After one of the longest and most solemn trials that ever was known, the jury (having sat in whole ninety-four hours) unanimously found him not guilty. But long be¬ fore the trial there had been a full election of Magistrates, and Drummond was chosen Provost by a great majority.”— Home, vol. iii., pp. 67-69. * Mr. Robert Chambers, in his History of the Rebellion, says, “A citizen of Edinburgh, taking a stroll round the walls on the morning of this moment¬ ous day, observed a mountaineer sitting astride upon a cannon, with an air of great vigilance and solemnity, as if deeply impressed with a sense of his duty as a sentinel. The citizen accosted him with a remark, that surely these were not the same troops which mounted guard yesterday. ‘ Och no,’ said the Highlander, ‘she pe releeved.’”—Vol. i., p. 280 VOL. III. N 194 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. but the immense crowd with which he was surrounded, many of whom pressed to touch his clothes, or kiss his hand, almost threw him down. He again mounted his charger as he approached the palace, having on his right the Duke of Perth, on his left Lord Elcho, the eldest son of the Earl of Wemyss, who had joined him a few days before, and folloAved by a concourse of chiefs and gentlemen. The personal appearance of the Chevalier was as pre¬ possessing, as the daring character and romantic circumstances of his enterprise were calculated to excite the imagination. His noble mien, graceful manners, and ready courtesy, seemed to mark him no unworthy competitor for a crown. His dress was national. A short tartan coat, a blue bonnet with a white rose, and the order and emblem of the thistle, seemed all chosen to identify himself with the ancient nation he summoned to arms; and, upon the whole, so far as acclamations and signs of joy could express it, he was so favourably received, that none of his followers doubted that he might levy a thousand men in the streets of Edinburgh, in half an hour, if he could but find arms to equip them.^ But they who were able to look beyond the mere show and clamour, discerned symptoms of inward weakness in the means by which the Chevalier was to execute his weighty undertaking. The duinhewassels, or gentlemen of the clans, were, indeed, mar¬ tially attired in the full Highland dress, with the various arms which appertain to that garb, which, in full equipment, compre¬ hends a firelock, a broadsword, dirk and target, a pair of pistols, and a short knife, used occasionally as a poniard. But such complete appointments fell to the lot of but few of the followers of the Prince. Most were glad to be satisfied with a single wea¬ pon, a sword, dirk, or pistol. Nay, in spite of all evasions of the Disarming Act, it had been so far effectual, that several High¬ landers were only armed with scythe blades, set straight on the handle, and some with only clubs or cudgels. As arms were scarce among the Highlanders, so the scanty and ill-clothed ap¬ pearance of the poorer amongst them gave them an appearance at once terrible and wretched. Indeed many were of the opinion of an old friend of your Grandfather’s, who, as he looked on a set of haggard and fierce-looking men, some wanting coats, some lacking hose and shoes, some having their hair tied back with a leathern strap, without bonnet or covering of any kind, could not help observing that they were a proper set of ragamuffins 1 “ Indeed the whole scene, as I have been told by many, was rather like a dream, so quick and amazing seemed the change, though, no doubt, wise people saw well enough we had much to do still.”— Journal, Lockhart Papers. —Home, who was among the spectators, says, “ The Jacobites were charmed with the appearance of Charles, and comimred him to Robert the Bruce, whom they said he resembled in his figure, as in his features. The Whigs looked upon him with other eyes; they observed, that even in that trium])hant hour, when he was about to enter the palace of his fathers, the air of his countenance was languid and melancholy; that he looked like a gentleman and a man of fashion, but not like a hero and a conqueror.” HEPBURN OF KEITH. 195 ■with which to propose to overturn an established government.^ On the whole, they wanted that regularity and uniformity of ap¬ pearance, which, in our eye, distinguishes regular soldiers from banditti; and their variety of weapons, fierceness of aspect, and sinewy limbs, combined with a martial look and air proper to a people whose occupation was arms, gave them a peculiarly wild and barbai’ous appearance. The Prince had been joined by many persons of consequence since he reached Lothian. Lord Elcho has already been men¬ tioned. He was a man of high spirit and sound sense, but no Ja¬ cobite in the bigoted sense of the word; that is, no devoted slave to the doctrines of hereditary right or passive obedience. He brought with him five hundred pounds on the part of his fa¬ ther, Lord Wemyss, who was too old to take the field in person. This was an acceptable gift in the state of the Prince’s finances. Sir Robert Thriepland had also joined him as he approached Edinburgh; and by the private information which he brought from his friends in that city, had determined him to persevere in the attack which proved so successful. The Earl of Kelly, Lord Balmerino, Lockhart, the younger of Carnwath, Graham, younger of Airth, Rollo, younger of Pow- burn, Hamilton of Bangour, a poet of considerable merit. Sir David Murray, and other gentlemen of distinction, had also joined the standard. Amongst these, James Hepburn of Keith, son of that Robert Hepburn, respecting whose family a remarkable anecdote is men¬ tioned at pages 49-50, and whose escape from Newgate is narrated at page 101 of this volume, distinguished himself by the manner in which he devoted himself to the cause of Charles Edward. As the Prince entered the door of the palace of Holyrood, this gen¬ tleman stepped from the crowd, bent his knee before him in testimony of homage, and, rising up, drew his sword, and, w'alk- ing before him, marshalled him the way into the palace of his ancestors. Hepburn bore the highest character as the model of a true Scottish gentleman. He, like Lord Elcho, disclaimed the slavish principles of the violent Jacobites; but conceiving his coimtry wronged, and the gentry of Scotland degi’aded by the Union, he, in this romantic manner, dedicated his sword to the service of the Prince who offered to restore him to his rights. Mr. John Home, whose heart sympathised with acts of generous devotion, from whatever source they flowed, feelingly obseiwes, that “ the best Whigs regretted that this accomplished gentle¬ man—the model of ancient simplicity, manliness, and honour— should sacrifice himself to a visionary idea of the independence of Scotland.” 2 I am enabled to add, that, after having impaired * My friend, who was the Jonathan Oldbuck of the Antiquary, made his observation rather at an ill-chosen place and time, in consequence Oi which he was nearly brought to trouble.—S. 2 “ John Home’s profession as a Presbyterian clergyman, his political opi- TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. 196 his fortune, and endangered his life repeatedly, in this ill-fated cause, Mr. Hepburn became convinced that, in the words of Scripture, he had laboured a vain thing. He repeatedly said in his family circle, that, had he known, as the after progress of the expedition showed him, that a very great majority of the nation were satisfied with the existing Government, he would never have drawn sword against his fellow-subjects, or aided to raise a civil war, merely to replace the Stewart dynasty.^ CHAPTER LXXVIIL Proclamation of James VIII. at the Cross of Edinburgh—Supplies raised from the City by Prince Charles—Landing of Cope’s Army at Dunbar—The Prince leares Edinburgh with the pur¬ pose of Engaging him—Battle of Preston—Total Rout of Cope’s Army—Number of killed on both sides. [1745.] The possession of Edinburgh threw a gleam of splendour upon Charles Edward’s fortunes, but can scarcely be said to have pro¬ duced very important consequences. King James VIII. was proclaimed at the Cross. At this cere¬ mony the heralds and pursuivants were obliged to assist in their official dresses, and the magistrates in their robes. A great mul¬ titude attended on this occasion, and made the city ring with their acclamations. The gunners of the castle were disposed to give a different turn to this mirth, by throwing a bomb, so calcu¬ lated as to alight near the Cross, and interrupt the ceremonial. Fortunately this act of violence, which might have endangered the lives of many of King George’s good subjects, whom mere curiosity had drawn to the spot, was prohibited by General Guest. nions, and those of his family, decided the cause which he was to espouse, and he became one of the most active and eager members of a corps of volun¬ teers, formed for the purpose of defending Edinburgh against the expected as¬ sault of the Highlanders. Under less strong influence of education and pro¬ fession, which was indeed irresistible, it is possible he might have made a less happy option; for the feeling, the adventure, the romance, the poetry, all that was likely to interest the imagination of a youthful poet—all, in short, save the common sense, prudence, and sound reason of the national dispute— must be allowed to have lain on the side of the Jacobites. Indeed, altnough mortally engaged against them, Mr. Home could not, in the latter part of his life, refrain from tears when mentioning the gallantry and misfortunes of some of the unfortunate leaders in the Highland army; and we have ourselves seen his feelings and principles divide him strangely when he came to speak upon such topics.”—iteuiete of Home’s Life, Prose fForks, vol. xii., pp. 290, 291. > A hereditary intimacy with the late Lieutenant-colonel Hepburn (son of Mr. Hepburn of Keith,) and the friendship of the members of his surviving family, enable me to make this assertion. No doubt there were many of the more liberal and intelligent Jacobites who entertained similar sentiments, and conceived that, in farthering the cause of the Prince, they were asserting the rights of the country. PROCLAMATION OF JAMES VIII. 197 At night there was a splendid hall at Holyrood, where might be seen a great display both of rank and beauty, the relatives of the gentlemen who were in arms. But it was a remarkable and ominous circumstance, that of the common people, who by thou¬ sands crowded round the Prince’s person when he went abroad, pressing to kiss his hands and touch his clothes, with every dis¬ play of affection, scarcely one could be induced to enlist in his service. The reflection, that a battle must take place betwixt Prince Charles and General Cope in the course of a very few days, was to the populace of a large city, a sufficient check upon their party zeal. One of the most solid advantages which the Prince obtained by his possession of the city, besides the encouragement which his adherents received from such a signal proof of success, was the acquisition of about a thousand muskets, in indifferent condition, being the arms of the Trained Bands, which were lodged in the city magazine. These served to arm many of his followers, but still some remained unprovided with weapons. Charles also laid upon the city a military requisition for a thousand tents, two thousand targets, six thousand pairs of shoes, and six thousand canteens. The magistrates had no alternative but to acquiesce, and employ workmen to get ready the articles demanded. Upon the 18th of September, the day after the occupation of Edinburgh, Lord Nairne came up from the North, and joined the Highland camp with a thousand men, consisting of High¬ landers from Athole, together with the chief of MacLauchlan and his followers. The Prince visited his camp, and passed in re¬ view, at the same time with the rest of his forces, these new as¬ sociates of his enterprise.^ While these things were passing in Edinburgh, General Cope landed his troops at Dunbar, anxious to repair the false step which he had committed in leaving the Lowlands open to the 1 “ Sir John Cope asked what sort of appearance the Highlanders made, and how they were armed. The volunteer (i. e. Home himself) answered, that most of them seemed to be strong, active, and hardy men; that many of them were of a very ordinary size, and if clothed like Low-country men, would (in his opi¬ nion) appear inferior to the King’s troops; but the Highland garb favoured them much, as it showed their naked limbs, which were strong and muscu¬ lar ; that their stern countenances, and bushy uncombed hair, gave them a fierce, barbarous, and imposing aspect. As to their arms, he said that they had no cannon or artillery of any sort, but one small iron gun which he had seen without a carriage, lying upon a cart, drawn by a little Highland horse ; that about 1400 or 1500 of them were armed with firelocks and broadswords; that their firelocks were not similar nor uniform, but of all sorts and sizes, muskets, fusees, and fowling-pieces; that some of the rest had firelocks with¬ out swords, and some of them swords without firelocks; that many of their swords were not Highland broadswords, but French : that a company or two (about 100 men) had each of them in his hand the shaft of a pitchfork, with the blade of a scythe fastened to it, somewhat like the weapon called the Lochaber axe, which the town-guard soldiers carry. But all of them, he ad¬ ded, would be soon provided with firelocks, as the arms belonging to the trained bands of Edinburgh had fallen into their hands. Sir John Cope dis¬ missed the volunteer, with many compliments for bringing him such certain and accurate intelligence.”— Home, vol. iii., pp. 75, 76- 198 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. young Adventurer, and desirous to rescue the capital of Scotland, since he had not been able to protect it. He began the disem¬ barkation of his troops on the 17th, but it was not completed till the next day. The two regiments of cavalry, which had made such extraordinary speed to join him, were also united to his army, though their nerves had not yet recovered the rapid and disorderly retreat from Colt-Bridge to East Lothian. The num¬ ber of infantry was about 2000, that of the two regiments of dra¬ goons about 600; Sir John Cope was also joined by volunteers, among whom the Earl of Home was the most conspicuous, mak¬ ing his army up to near SOOO'men in all. They had six pieces of artillery, but, what seems strange, no gunners or artillery-men to work them. In other respects they formed a small, but very well-appointed force, and made an impressive appearance in a country so long disused to war, as had been the case with Scot¬ land. At the head of this respectable body of men Sir John de¬ parted from Dunbar, and marched as far as Haddington, or its vicinity, on his proposed advance on Edinburgh. In the mean time, Charles Edward had taken a resolution cor¬ responding with the character of his enterprise. It was that of moving eastward, to meet Sir John Cope upon his route, and give him battle. All his counsellors agreed in this courageous sentiment. The Prince then asked the Chiefs, what was to be ex¬ pected from their followers. They answered by the mouth of Kep- poch, w'ho had served in the French army, that the gentlemen of every clan would lead the attack with determined gallantry, in which case, there was no doubt that the clansmen, who were much attached to their chiefs and superiors, would follow them with fidelity and courage. The Prince declared he would himself lead the van, and set them an example how to conquer or die. The chiefs unanimously remonstrated against his exposing a life on which the whole success of the expedition must depend, and de¬ clared, that if he persisted in that resolution, they would break up the army and return home. There can be little doubt that Charles was sincere in his resolution, and no doubt at all that he was very wise in withdrawing from it on the remonstrance of his faithful followers. Orders were given to prepare next morning for the evacuation of Edinburgh, in order that the whole Highland army might be collected for the battle, which was expected to ensue. For this purpose, the troops employed in mounting the several guards of the city, in number 1000 men, were withdrawn to the camp at Duddingston. It might have been expected, that a sally from the Castle would have taken place in consequence of their retreat, if not for any ulterior purpose, at least to seize on the different arti¬ cles which had been got ready at the requisition of the Prince, and put a stop to their completion. The presence of mind of a common Highlander prevented this. The man being intoxicated when his countrymen were withdrawn, found himself, when he MARCH OF PRINCE CHARLES. 199 recovered his senses, the only one of his party left in the town. Being a ready-witted fellow, to those who inquired of him, why he had lingered behind his countrymen, he answered, “ That he was neither alone, nor alarmed for his safety; five hundred High¬ landers,” he said, “had been left in cellars and secret places about town, for the purpose of cutting off any detachment that might sally from the Castle.” These false tidings being trans¬ mitted to General Guest, were for the time received as genuine ; nor was there time to discover the deceit, before the victory of Preston enabled Charles Edward to return in triumph to the capital. The man’s presence of mind secured also his own safety. The men had lain on their arms the night of the 19th, their Chiefs and the Chevalier occupying such houses as w'ere in the neighbourhood. On the morning of the 20th, they were all on the march, in high spirits, determined for action, and eager to meet the enemy. They formed in one narrow column, keeping the high ground from Duddingston towards Musselburgh, where they crossed the Esk by the old bridge, and then advanced to the eminence of which Carberry hill is the termination to the south¬ west, near which, about Musselburgh or Inveresk, they expected to meet the enemy. On putting himself at the head of his army, the Prince drew his sword, and said to his followers, “ Gentle¬ men, I have flung away the scabbard,” which was answered by shouts of acclamation. Their movements were the simplest ima¬ ginable. On their march they formed a column of three men in front. When about to halt, each individual faced to the right or left as directed, and the column became a line of three men deep, which, by filing off from either flank, might again become a column at the word of command. Their handful of cavalrv, scarcely amounting to fifty men, were occupied on the march in reconnoitring. They obtained a tolerably accurate account of the strength of Cope’s army, excepting as to the number of his guns, which one report augmented to twenty field-pieces, and none rated under twelve, though, as I have already said, there were only six in all. When the Highlanders had advanced as far as Falside hill, near Carberry, their scouts brought in notice that they had seen parties of dragoons about Tranent, and it was reported that Sir John Cope was in that quarter with his whole army. The Che¬ valier’s army, which had hitherto marched in one column, now divided into two, being their intended line of battle, and keeping towards the right, so as to preserve the upper grovmd, which was a great point in Highland tactics, marched onward with steadi¬ ness and celerity. When they arrived where the hill immediately above Tranent slopes suddenly down upon a large cultivated plain, then in stub¬ ble, the harvest having been unusually early, the Highlanders beheld the enemy near the western extremity of this plain, with 200 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. their front towards the ridge of high ground which they them¬ selves occupied. It appears that Sir John Cope had directed his march under the idea, that because a road, passing from Seaton house to Pres¬ ton, was the usual highway from Haddington, therefore the Highlanders would make use of that, and no other, for their advance. He either did not know, or forgot, that an irregular army of mountaineers, unencumbered with baggage and inured to marching, would not hesitate to prefer the rougher and less level road, if it possessed any advantages.^ Two mounted volunteers, Francis Garden, afterwards Lord Gardenstone, and a Mr Cunninghame, had been detached by the English general to collect intelligence ; but unhappily, as they halted to refresh themselves beyond Musselburgh, they fell into the hands of John Roy Stev/art, a more skilful partisan than themselves, by whom they were made prisoners, and led captive to the Chevalier’s head-quarters.^ Sir John Cope, deprived of the information he expected from his scouts, seems to have continued to expect the approach of the rebels from the west, until he sud¬ denly saw them appear from the southward, on the ridge of the acclivity upon his left. He immediately changed his front, and drew up his troops \vith military precision in order of battle. His foot were placed in the centre, Avith a regiment of dragoons and three pieces of artillery upon each flank. The wall of Colonel Gardiner’s park (for his mansion was in the vicinity of the plain which was destined to prove fatal to him,) as well as that of Mr. Erskine of Grange, covered the right flank of the regulars; Cope’s baggage was stationed at Cockenzie, on the rear of his left, and a small reserve was stationed in front of the village of Preston- pans, which lay on the rear of the General’s right. In front of both armies, and separating the higher ground on which the Highland army was drawn up from the firm and level plana on which the regulars were posted, lay a piece of steep and swampy ground, intersected with ditclies and enclosures, and traversed near tlie bottom by a thick strong hedge running along a broad wet ditch, and covering the front of the royal army. It was the object of the Chevalier to indulge the impatience of his troops, by pressing forward to instant battle. For this purpose he employed an officer of expeidence, Mr. Ker of Graden, who, mounted on a grey pony, coolly reconnoitred the seemingly im- 1 “ On the present occasion he was, as sportsmen say, at fault. He well knew that the high-road from Edinburgh to the south lies along the coast, and it seems never to have occurred to him that it was possible the Highlanders might choose, even by preference, to cross the country and occupy the heights, at the bottom of which the public road takes its course, and thus have him and his army in so far at their mercy, that they might avoid, or bring on bat¬ tle at their sole pleasure. On the contrary. Sir John trusted that their High¬ land courtesy would induce them, if they moved from Edinburgh, to com,e by the very road on which he was advancing towards that city, and thus meet him on equal terms.”— Scott, Frose fVorks, vol. xix., p. 299. 2 See Ibid., vol, xix., pp. 301-302. BATTLE OF PRESTON. 201 practicable ground which divided the armies, crossed it in seve¬ ral directions, deliberately alighted, pulled down gaps in one or two walls of dry stone, and led his horse over them, many balls being fired at him while performing this duty. This intrepid gentleman returned to the Chevalier, to inform him that the mo¬ rass could not be passed so as to attack the front of General Cope’s army, without sustaining a heavy and destructive fire of some continuance. A waggon-way for the conveyance of coal worked in the vicinity of Tranent, for the use of the salt-works at Cockenzie, did indeed cross the morass, but it would have been ruinous to have engaged troops in such a narrow road, which was exposed to be swept in every direction both by artil¬ lery and musketry. The position of General Cope might therefore be considered as unassailable ; and that general, with a moderation which marked his mediocrity of talent, was happy in having found, as he thought, safety, when he ought to have looked for victory. Lieutenant-Colonel Gardiner, and other officers, pressed on the commander the necessity of a iDolder line of tactics. They were of opinion that the regular soldiers should be led against the re¬ bels while the former showed sph’it for the encounter, and that remaining merely on the defensive was likely to sink the courage of the troops, as delay gave the infantry time to recollect that they had avoided an encounter with these Highlanders at Cor- ryarrack, and the cavalry leisure to remember their recent and ignominious flight from the vicinity of Edinburgh, before this new description of enemy. The lieutenant-colonel pressed his advice with earnestness, dropped some expressions of the result which was to be apprehended, and, finding his suggestions re¬ jected, made the preparations of a good and brave man for doing his duty, and, if necessary, for dying in the discharge of it. Some movements now took place. The regular troops huzza’d, to show their willingness to come to action ; the Highlanders re¬ plied in their manner, by wild shouts. A party of Highlanders were stationed in Tranent churchyard, as an advantageous post; but Sir John Cope, advancing two light field-pieces, made that position too hot for them. Still the insurgents continued anxi¬ ously bent on battle, and expressed the most earnest desire to attack the enemy, who, they supposed, intended to escape from them, as at Corryarrack. They offered to make the attack through the morass, without regard to the difficulties of the ground, and to carry fascines with them, for the purpose of rendering the ditch passable. They were exhorted to patience by their Chiefs ; anu, to allay their fears of the escape of the enemy, the Chevalier detached Lord Nairne with five hundred men to the westward, that he might be in a situation to intercept Sir John Cope, in case he should attempt to move off towards Edinburgh without fighting. Satisfied with this precaution, the Highlanders lay down to rest 202 TALES OP A GRANDFATHER. in a field of pease, which was made up in ricks upon the groundd The minds of the Chiefs were still occupied with the means of discovering a path by which they might get clear of the morass, gain the open and firm ground, and imsh down on Cope and his army, whom they regarded as their assured prey, if they could but meet them in a fair field. There was in the Chevalier’s army a gentleman named Ander¬ son, of Whitburgh, in East Lothian, to whom the ground in the vicinity w'as perfectly known, and who bethought him of a path leading from the height on which their army lay, sweeping through the morass, and round the left wing of General Cope’s army, as it was now disposed, and which might conduct them to the level and extensive flat, since called the field of battle. Mr. Anderson communicated this important fact to Mr. Hepburn of Keith. By Mr. Hepburn he was conducted to Lord George Murray, who, highly pleased with the intelligence, introduced him to Prince Charles Edward. The candidate for a diadem was lying with a bunch of pease- straw beneath his head, and was awakened with news which assured him of battle, and promised him victory. He received the tidings with much cheerfulness, and immediately, for the night was well spent, prepared to put the scheme into execution. An aide-de-camp was instantly despatched to recall Lord Nairne from his demonstration to the westward, and cause him with his detachment to rejoin the army as speedily as possible. In the mean time, the whole of the Highland army got under arms, and moved forward with incredible silence and celerity, by the path proposed. A point of precedence was now to be settled, cha¬ racteristic of the Highlanders. The tribe of MacDonalds, though divided into various families, and serving under various chiefs, still reckoned on their common descent from the great Lords of 1 “ By the time that the rear had passed the town of Tranent (it was dark,) orders were given for the men to rest upon their arms, which they did, and lay there till about three o’clock next morning. During the night there was not the least noise or light, so that the enemy did not know where they were. In obedience to the orders, C. Kerr went along the line and desired that no man should stir nor speak a word till he returned to them, which was punctually obeyed.” “ General Cope had cannon and cohorns, which were thrown off during the night, and large fires were made round his whole camp.”— Lock¬ hart Papers, vol. ii., pp. 448-9, 489-90. “The roll of the drum and shrill ac¬ companiment of the pipes swelled up the hill—died away—resumed its thun¬ der—and was at length hushed. The trumpets and kettle-drums of the cavalry were next heard to perform the beautiful and wild point of war appropriated as a signal for that piece of nocturnal duty, and then finally sunk upon the wind with a shrill and mournful cadence. The western sky twinkled with stars, but a frost-mist, rising from the ocean, covered the eastern horizon, and rolled in white wreaths along the plain where the adverse army lay couched upon their arms. Their advanced posts were pushed as far as the side of the great ditch at the bottom of the descent, and had kindled large fires at different intervals, gleaming with obscure and hazy lustre through the heavy fog which encircled them with a doubtful halo. The Highlanders, ‘ thick as leaves in Valombrosa,’ lay stretched upon Ahe ridge of the hill, buried (excepting their sentinels) in the most profound repose. How many of these brave fellows will sleep more soundly before to-morrow night!”— WaverUy, chap, xlvi. BATTLE OF PRESTON. 203 tlie Isles, in virtue of which, they claimed, as the post of honour, the right of the whole Highland army in the day of action. This was disputed by some of the other clans, and it was agreed they should cast lots about this point of precedence. Fortune gave it to the Camerons and Stewarts, which was murmured at by the numerous Clan-Colla, the generic name for the MacDonalds. The sagacity of Lochiel induced the other chiefs to resign for the day a point on which they were likely to be tenacious. The preced¬ ence was yielded to the MacDonalds accordingly, and the first line of the Highlanders moved off their ground by the left flank, in order that the favoured tribe might take the post of honour. They marched, as usual, in two columns of three men in front. The first of these was led by young Clanranald with about sixty men, under the guidance of Anderson of Whitburgh. The first line consisted of the following clan regiments :—Clanranald, 250 strong ; Glengarry, 350 ; Keppoch and Glencoe, 450 ; Perth, with some MacGregors, 200 ; Appin, 250 ; and Lochiel, 500. The second line consisted of three regiments,—Lord George Murray’s Athole men, 350 ; Lord Nairne’s regiment, 350 ; and Menzies of Shian’s, 300. Lord Strathallan, with his handful of cavalry, was appointed to keep the height above the morass, that they might do what their numbers permitted to improve the vic¬ tory, in case it should be gained. This troop consisted of about thirty-six horsemen. From these details, it appears that the Highland army was about 3000 in number, being very nearly the same with Sir John Cope’s. Anderson guided the first line. He found the pathway silent and deserted; it winded to the north-east, down a sort of hollow, which at length brought them to the eastern extremity of the plain, at the west end of which the regular army was stationed, with its left flank to the assailants. No guns had been placed to enfilade this important pass, though there was a deserted embra¬ sure which showed that the measure had been in contemplation ; neither was there a sentinel or patrol to observe the motions of the Highlanders in that direction. On reaching the firm ground, the column advanced due northward across the plain, in order to take ground for wheeling up and forming line of battle. The Prince marched at the head of the second column, and close in the rear of the first. The morass was now rendered difficult by the passage of so many men.^ Some of the Highlanders sunk knee-deep, and the Prince himself stumbled, and fell upon one knee. The morning was now dawning, but a thick frosty mist still hid the motions of the Highlanders. The sound of their 1 “ The place where the rebels passed through the morass, is about 200 paces to the westward of the stone bridge, built over Seaton mUl-dam many years after the Rebellion. The Highlanders crossed the ditch with the run of water, upon a little narrow bridge which still stands. The ground on both sides of this bridge was then so soft and boggy, that several of the Highlanders sunk a good way, and Charles himself fell upon one knee. The ground is now drained, and bears both grass and corn.”—H omjb, vol. iii., p. 8.0. 204 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. march could, however, no longer be concealed, and an alarm-gun was fired as a signal for Cope’s army to get under arms. Aware that the Highlanders had completely turned his left flank, and were now advancing from the eastward along a level and open plain, without interruption of any kind. Sir John Cope hastened to dispose his troops to receive them. Though pro¬ bably somewhat surprised, the English general altered the dispo¬ sition which he had made along the morass, and formed anew, having the walls of Preston-park, and that of Bankton, the seat of Colonel Gardiner, close in the rear of his army; his left flank extended towards the sea, his right rested upon the morass which had lately been in his front. His order of battle was now ex¬ tended from north to south, having the east in front. In other respects the disposition was the same as already mentioned, his infantry forming his centre, and on each wing a regiment of horse. By some crowding in of the piquets, room enough was not left for Gardiner’s corps to make a full front upon the right wing, so that one squadron was drawn up in the rear of the other. The artil¬ lery was also placed before this regiment, a disposition which the colonel is said to have remonstrated against, having too much rea¬ son to doubt the steadiness of the horses, as well as of the men who composed the corps. There was no attention paid to his re¬ monstrances, nor was there time to change the disposition. The Highlanders had no sooner advanced so far to the north¬ ward as to extricate the rear of the column from the passage across the morass, and place the whole on open ground, than they wheeled to the left, and formed a line of three men deep. This thin long line they quickly broke up into a number of small masses or phalanxes, each according to their peculiar tactics con¬ taining an individual clan, which disposed themselves for battle in the manner following. The best-born men of the tribe, who were also the best armed, and had almost all targets, threw themselves in front of the regiment. The followers closed on the rear, and forced the front forward by their weight. After a brief prayer, which was never omitted, the bonnets were pulled over the brows, the pipers blew the signal, and the line of clans rushed forward, each forming a separate wedge. These preparations were made with such despatch on both wings, that the respective aides-de-camp of the Duke of Perth and Lord George Murray met in the centre, each bringing news that his general was ready to charge. The whole front line accord¬ ingly moved forward, and, as they did so, the sun broke out, and the mist rose from the ground like the curtain of a theatre. It showed to the Highlanders the line of regular troops drawn up in glittering array like a complete hedge of steel,^ and at the 1 “Some of the rebel officers have since acknowledged, that when they first saw the King’s army, which made a most gallant appearance, both horse and foot, with the sun shining upon their arms, and then looked at their own line, which was broken into clumps and clusters, the bravest and best armed BATTLE OF PRESTON. 205 same time displayed to Cope’s soldiers the furious torrent, which, subdivided into such a number of columns, or rather small masses, advanced with a cry which gradually swelled into a hideous yell, and became intermingled with an irregular but well-directed fire, the mountaineers presenting their pieces as they ran, dropping them when discharged, and rushing on to close conflict sword in hand. The events of the preceding night had created among the regulars an apprehension of their opponents, not usual to Eng¬ lish soldiers. General Cope’s tactics displayed a fear of the enemy rather than a desire to engage him: and now this dreaded foe, having selected his own point of advantage, was coming down on them in all his terrors, with a mode of attack unusually furious, and unknown to modern war. There was but an instant to think of these things, for this was almost the moment of battle. But such thoughts were of a na¬ ture which produce their effect in an instant, and they added to the ferocity of the Highlanders, while they struck dismay into their opponents. The old seamen and gunners, who had been employed to serve the artillery on the right wing, showed the first symptoms of panic, and fled from the guns they had under¬ taken to work, carrying with them the priming flasks. Colonel Whitefoord, who had joined Cope’s array as a volunteer, fii*ed five of the guns on the advancing Highlanders, and, keeping his ground while all fled around him, was with difficulty saved from the fury of the Camerons and Stewarts, who, running straight on the muzzles of the cannon, actually stormed the battery.^ The regiment of dragoons being drawn up, as has been said, in two lines, the foremost squadron, under Lieutenant-colonel Whitney, having received orders to advance, were, like the gunners, seized with a panic, dispersed under the fire of the Highlanders, and went off without even an attempt to charge, riding down the ar¬ tillery guard in their flight. The rearmost squadron, commanded by Gardiner, might, if steady, have yet altered the fate of the day, by charging the Highlanders when disordered with attack¬ ing the guns. Gardiner, accordingly, commanded them to ad¬ vance and charge, encouraging them by his voice and example to rush upon the confused masses before them. But those to whom he spoke were themselves disordered at the rapid advance foremost, they expected that the Highland army would be defeated in a moment, and swept from the field.”— Home, p. 92. * The account of the battle published by the Highland army sets forth—“ The fire of the enemy’s cannon was followed by a very regular fire of the dragoons on the right and left, and this again by close platoons of all their infantry ; which our men received with the greatest intrepidity; nor did we return the enemy’s fire till we approached them so near as that the colfin of our shot might set their whiskers on fire. The Highlanders having discharged their muskets, threw them down, then drew their swords, and carryed all before them like a torrent, so that in seven or eight minutes, both horse and foot were totally routed, and drove from the field of battle; though it must be owned that the enemy fought very gallantly; but they could not withstand the impetu¬ osity, or rather fury of the Highlanders, and were forced to run, when they could no longer resist.”— Mag., Sept., 1745. 20G TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. of the enemy, and disturbed by the waving of plaids, the brail' dishing and gleaming of broadswords and battle-axes, the rattle x of the dropping fire, and the ferocious cry of the combatants. They made a feint to advance, in obedience to the word of com¬ mand, but almost instantly halted, when first the rear-rank went off by four or five files at a time, and then the front dispersed in hke manner ; none maintaining their ground, except about a score of determined men, who were resolved to stand or fall with their commander. On Cope’s left, the cause of King George was not more pros¬ perous. Hamilton’s dragoons, receiving a heavy rolling fire from the MacDonalds as they advanced, broke up in the same man¬ ner, and almost at the same moment, with Gardiner’s, and scatter¬ ing in every direction, left the field of blood, galloping some from the enemy, some, in the recklessness of their terror, past the enemy, and some almost through them. The dispersion was com¬ plete, and the disorder irretrievable. They fled west, east, and south, and it was only the broad sea which prevented them from flying to the north also, and making every point of the compass witness to their rout. Mean time, the infantry, though both their flanks were un¬ covered by the flight of the dragoons, received the centre of the Highland line, with a steady and regular fire, which cost the in¬ surgents several men,—among others, James MacGregor, a son of the famous Rob Roy, fell, having received five wounds, two of them from balls that pierced through his body. He commanded a company of the Duke of Perth’s regiment, armed chiefly with the straightened scythes already mentioned, a w'eapon not unlike the old English bill. He was so little daunted by his wounds, as to raise himself on his elbow, calling to his men to advance bravely, and swearing he would see if any should misbehave. In fact, the first line of the Highlanders were not an instant checked by the fire of the musketry ; for, charging with all the energy of victory, they parried the bayonets of the soldiers with their targets, and the deep clumps, or masses, into which the clans were formed, penetrated and broke, in several points, the extended and thin lines of the regulars. At the same moment, Lochiel attacking the infantry on the left, and Clanranald on the right flank, both exposed by the flight of the dragoons, they were unavoidably and ii’retrievably routed. It was now perceived that Sir John Cope had committed an important error in drawing up his forces in front of a high park-wall, which barred their escape from their light-heeled enemies. Fortunately there had been breaches made in the wall, which permitted some few soldiers to escape ; but most of them had the melancholy choice of death or submission. A few fought and fell bravely. Colonel Gardiner was in the act of encouraging a small platoon of infantry, which continued firing, when he was cut down by a Highlander, with BATTLE OF PRESTON. 207 one of those scythes which have been repeatedly mentioned.^ The greater part of the foot soldiers then laid down their arms, after a few minutes’ resistance. The second line, led by Prince Charles himself, had, during the whole action, kept so near the first, that to most of Sir John Cope’s army they appeared but as one body ; and as this unfortunate Prince’s courage has been im¬ peached, it is necessary to say, that he was only fifty paces behind the vanguard in the very commencement of the battle,—which was, in fact, a departure from his implicit paction with the Chiefs, that he should not put his person in imminent danger.^ Had there been any possibility of rallying the fugitives, the day might have been in some degree avenged, if not retrieved, for the first line of the Highlanders dispersed themselves almost wholly, in quest of spoil and prisoners.^ They were merciful to the vanquished after the first fury of the onset, but gave no quarter to the dragoon horses, which they considered as taught to bear a personal share in the battle. The second line were.with difficulty restrained from disbanding in like manner, until a report was spread that the dragoons had rallied, and were returning to the field. Lochiel caused the pipes 1 “ At the beginning of the onset,” says Dr. Doddridge, “ which lasted but a few minutes, the Colonel received a wound by a bullet in his left breast, which made him give a sudden spring in his saddle ; upon which his servant, who had led the horse, would have persuaded him to retreat; but he said it was only a wound in the flesh, and fought on, though he presently after received a shot in his right thigh .”—“ Events of this kind pass in less time than their de¬ scription can be written, or read. He saw a party of the foot, who were then bravely fighting near him, and whom he was ordered to support, have no officer to head them ; upon which he said eagerly, ‘these brave fellows would be cut to pieces for want of a commander while speaking he rode np to them, and cried out aloud, ‘ fire on, my lads, and fear nothing.’ But just as the words were out of his mouth, a Highlander advanced towards him with a scythe fastened to a long pole, with which he gave him such a deep wound on his right arm that his sword dropped from his hand, and others coming about him, while he was thus dreadfully entangled with that cruel weajjon, he was dragged off from his horse. The moment he fell another Highlander gave him a stroke, either with a broadsword ora Lochaber axe (for my informant could not exactly distinguish) on the hinder part of his head, which was the mortal blow.”— Li/e 0 / Colonel Gardiner, Sect. 152, 1.5.3. 2 “ The Prince left his guard on the march to the attack, talking earnestly to the Duke of Perth and Clanranald, and giving his last orders and injunc¬ tions ; but returning to his guard as I happened to pass near by him, he, with a smite, said to me, in Erse, ‘ Gres-ort, Gres-ort that is, make haste, make haste. As in our march to the attack, the right was obliged to stop a little till the left should come up. At this time the enemy’s guards first perceived us, for we heard them call out, ‘ Who is there ? Who is there ? Cannons, cannons, get ready the cannons, cannoneers;’ but our quick march and sudden and in¬ trepid attack soon brought us into the midst of our enemies, where we soon put them to rout.”— Journal, Lockhart Papers, vol. ii., p. 491. 3 “ Some Highland rogues, like hungry dogs. Neglecting to pursue, man. About they l^aced, and, in great haste. Upon the booty flew, man. And they as gain for all their pain. Are deck’d wi’ spoils o’ war, man ; Fu’ bauld can tell how her nain sel Was ne’er sac praw pefore, man.” Skirvixg’s Ballad. 208 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. to play, which recalled many of his men. But the dragoons looked near them no more. It is true, that Sir John Cope himself, the Earl of Home, General Whitney, and other officers, had, with pistols at the men’s heads, turned a number of the fugitives off the high-road to Edinburgh, into a field close to Preston on the west, where they endeavoured to form a squadron. But the sound of a pistol-shot, which was discharged by accident, renewed tlieir panic, the main body followed Sir John Cope in his retreat, while a few stragglers went off at full gallop towards Edinburgh, enter¬ ed by the Watergate, and rode up the High Street in the most disorderly manner. An old friend, whom I have already quoted, gave me a pictu¬ resque account of the flight of such fugitives as took this direction, which he had himself witnessed. Although the city was eva¬ cuated by the Highlanders, an old Jacobite of distinction was, nevertheless, left there with the title of Governor. This dignitary was quietly seated in a well-known tavern (afterwards Walker’s, in Writers’ Court,) when a tremendous clatter on the street an¬ nounced the arrival of the dragoons, or a part of them, in this disorderly condition. The stout old commander presented him¬ self before them, with a pistol in his hand, and summoned them to surrender to his Royal Highness’s mercy. The dragoons, seeing but one or two men, received the proposal with a volley of curses and pistol-balls, and having compelled the Jacobite com¬ mandant to retreat within the Thermopylae of Writers’ Court, they continued their race up to the Castle-hill, thinking that for¬ tress the most secure place of refuge. Old General Preston, who had now thrown himself into the Castle, of which he was gover¬ nor, and superseded General Guest in his office, had no idea of admitting these recreant cavaliers into a fortress which was pro¬ bably on the eve of a siege. He therefore sent them word to be¬ gone from the Castle-hill, or he would open his guns on them as cowards, who had deserted their officers and colours. Alarmed at this new danger, the runaways retreated, and scrambling down the steep declivity called the Castle-Wynd, rode out at the West- Port, and continued their flight to Stirling and the west country. The greater part of the dragoons were collected by Sir Jolm Cope, with the assistance of the Earls of Home and Loudon, and conducted, in a very disreputable condition, by Lauder to Cold¬ stream, and from thence to Berwick. At the latter place. Lord Mark Ker, of the family of Lothian, a house which has long had hereditary fame for wit as well as courage, received the unfortu¬ nate General with the well-known sarcasm, “ That he believed he was the fir-st general in Europe who had brought the first tidings of his own defeat.” * 1 “ When Johnnie Cope to Dunbar came, They speer’d at him, ‘ Where’s a’ your men ?’— ‘ The deil confound me gin I ken, For I left them a’ this morning.’ Hey, Johnnie Cope, &c. BATTLE OF PRESTON. 209 But the presence of the general in person on the field, since there was not even the semblance of an army, could not have remedied the disaster. There was never a victory more com¬ plete. Of the infantry, two thousand five hundred men, or there¬ about, scarce two hundred escaped; the rest were either slain or made prisoners. It has been generally computed that the slain amounted to four hundred, for the Highlanders gave little quarter in the first moments of excitation, though those did not last long. Five officers were killed, and eighty made prisoners. The num¬ ber of prisoners amounted to upwards of two thousand. Many of them exhibited a frightful spectacle, being hideously cut with the broadsword.^ The field artillery, with colours, standards, and other trophies, remained in the hands of the victors. The mili¬ tary-chest of the army was placed during the action in the house of Cockenzie, the baggage in a large field adjoining, originally in the rear of Cope’s line of battle, but at the moment of action, upon the left. It was guarded by a few Highlanders of the regiment wliich the Earl of Loudon was raising for Government, and which was much reduced by desertion, many of the privates joining their clans so soon as the Rebellion broke out. The bag¬ gage-guard surrendered themselves prisoners on seeing the event of the battle, and the baggage and military-chest, with £?500 in specie,2 became the booty of the conquerors. The Highlanders ‘ Now, Johnnie, troth ye wasna blate. To come wi’ the news o’ your ain defeat. And leave your men in sic a strait, Sae early in the morning.’ Hey, Johnnie Cope, &c. ‘ I faith,’ quo’ Johnnie, ‘ I got a fleg (fright) Wi’ their claymores and philabegs. If I face them again, deil break my legs! So I wish you a good-morning.’ Hey, Johnnie Cope,” &c. Ballad. 1 “ Thefield of battle,” says the Chevalier Johnstone, “ presented a spectacle of horror, being covered with hands, legs, and arms, and mutilated bodies; for the killed all fell by the sword.—General Cope, by means of a white cockade, which he put in his hat, similar to what we wore, passed through the midst of the Highlanders without being known. The panic terror of the English sur¬ passes all imagination. They threw down their arms that they might run with more speed, thus depriving themselves, by their fears, of the only means of ar¬ resting the vengeance of the Highlanders. Of so many men in a condition, from their numbers, to preserve order in their retreat, not one thought of de¬ fending himself. Terror had taken possession of their minds. I saw a young Highlander, about fourteen years of age, scarcely formed, who was presented to the Prince as a prodigy, having killed, it was said, fourteen of the enemy. The Prince asked him if this was true. ‘ I do not know,’ replied he, ‘ if I kill¬ ed them, but I brought fourteen soldiers to the ground with my sword.’ An¬ other Highlander brought ten soldiers to the Prince, whom he had made prisoners, driving them before him like a flock of sheep. These were, how¬ ever, the same English soldiers who had distinguished themselves at Dettingen and Fontenoy, and who might justly be ranked among the bravest troops of Europe .”—Memoirs of the Rebellion, 4to edit., pp. 30, 31. £ Some accounts of money to the amount of £4000. “ Cope having se¬ cured the rest,” says Henderson, “partly in the Fox man-of-war, Haddington, and elsewhere, which was the only prudent action of that offlcer during hi;i VOL. III. O 210 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. looked with surprise and amazement upon the luxuries of a civi¬ lized army. They could not understand the use of chocolate; and watches,^ wigs, and other ordinary appurtenances of the toilette, were equally the subject of wonder and curiosity. On the part of the victors, the battle, though brief, had not been bloodless. Four officers, and thirty privates of their army, were killed ; six officers and seventy men wounded. Such w'ere the results of the celebrated battle of Preston, or, as some have it, of Prestonpans, in which the pride of mihtary discipline received an indelible disgrace at the hands of a wild militia. Sir John Cope, whom it would be easy to vindicate so far as personal courage goes, was nevertheless overwhelmed with a ridicule due to poltroonery, as well as to want of conduct, and was doomed to remain, “ Sacred to ridicule his whole life long, And the sad burden of a merry song.” [Among the numerous metrical effusions abounding in sly humour and sar¬ casm which the events of 1715 and 1745 called forth, there is perhaps not one that continues to this day so universally “ familiar in our mouths as house¬ hold words,” over the whole length and breadth of Scotland, as is the song set to the burden of “ Hey^ Johnnie Cope, are you waking yet?" The following bal¬ lad of “ The Battle of Prestonpans” has preserved also for its author a memorial of his name outlasting the period of his own day and generation. It was com¬ posed by an East Lothian farmer, named Skirving, father of the late eccentric Mr. Skirving, the celebrated painter. There is in it a considerable spice of malevolence, and its author had, it was alleged, a disposition to lampoon his neighbours.] “ The Chevalier being void of fear, Did march up Birsel Brae, man. And through Tranent, ere he did stent. As fast as he could gae, man; While General Cope did taunt and mock, WT mony a loud huzza, man. But ere next morn proclaim’d the cock. We heard anither craw, man. inglorious campaign. The Highlanders plundered some officers both of then- money and watches, and some country gentlemen, who were not inarms, were treated in the same manner. I myself surveying the field, before the dead were stript, asked some of the wounded men what had become of Cope. And they all, but especially the English soldiers, spoke most disrespectfully and bitterly of him. After this I went to the roadside where the Chevalier, who, by advice of Perth, &c., had sent to Edinburgh for surgeons, was standing. He was clad as an ordinary captain, in a coarse plaid and blue bonnet; his boots and knees were much dirtied. He was exceeding merry. Speaking of his army he said tw'ice, ‘ My Highlandmen haye lost their plaids,’ at which he laughed yery heartily. When talking of the wounded, he seemed no way affected. There were seyen standards taken, which, when he saw, he said in French, a language he frequently spoke in, ‘We haye missed some of them.’ Then he refreshed himself upon the field, and with the utmost composure ate a piece of cold beef, and drank a glass of wine, amid the deep and piercing groans of the wounded and dying. Next day the poor men were brought into Edinburgh upon carts; Some were put into the Infirmary, others begged through the high streets; but no charity was shown by the rebels, so great was their hatred to a red-coat.”— History of the Rebel., 8yo, Loud., 1752, pp. 31, 32. 1 Tradition tells of a Highlander obtaining a gold watch on the field of the slain, and which, after its moyements ceased in want of winding up, he sold for a pittance, chuckling with himself on his knowing bargain for ta teed pastie (the dead beast;) and of others publicly selling chocolate found in Cope’s bag¬ gage, under the denomination of Johnnie Cope’s saw, i. e. saWe. BATTLE OF PRESTON, 211 “ The brave Lochiel, as I heard tell. Led Camerons on in clouds, man; The morning fair, and clear the air. They loos’d with devilish thuds, man. Down guns they threw, and swords they drew. And soon did chase them afF, man; On Seaton’s crafts they buiF’d their chafts, And gart them rin like daft, man. “ The bluff dragoons swore blood and oons ! They’d make the rebels run, man; i And yet they flee when them they see. And winna Are a gun, man. They turn’d their back, the foot they brake. Such terror seized them a’ man ; Some wet their cheeks, some- And some for fear did fa’, man. “ The volunteers prick’d up their ears. And vow gin they were crouse, man; But when the bairns saw’t turn to earn’st. They were na worth a louse, man. Alaist feck gaed hame, O fie for shame ! They’d better staid awa’, man. Than wi’ cockade to make parade, And do nae gude at a’, man. Monteith the great, when- Unwares did ding him owre, man; ~ Yet wadna stand to bear a hand. But afF fu’ fast did scour, man. O’er Soutra hill, ere he stood still. Before he tasted meat, man. Troth, he may brag of his swift nag, That bore him afF sae fleet, man. “ And Simpson, keen to clear the een Of rebels far in wrang, man, Did never strive wi’ pistols five,3 But gallop’d wi’ the thrang, man; He turn’d his back, and in a crack Was cleanly out o’ sight, man. And thought it best, it was nae jest, Wi’ Highlanders to fight, man. “ Mangst a’ the gang, nane bade the bang But twa, and ane was ta’en, man; For Campliell rade, but Myrie staid. And sair he jiaid the karie, man; Four skelps he got, was waur than shot, Frae the sharp-edged claymore, man; Frae many a spout came running out His reeking net red gore, man,^ 1 In the march from Haddington to Preston, the officers of Cope’s army as¬ sured the spectators, a multitude of whom attended them, that tliere would be no battle; for as the cavalry and infantry were joined, the Highlanders would not venture to attack so complete an army. 2 Monteith, the minister of Longformacus, a volunteer, who hay)pening to come the night before the battle upon a Highlander in a defenceless posture, threw him over, and carried his gun as a trophy to Cope’s camp. 3 Mr. Simpson, also a presbyterian minister, and a volunteer in the arm.y, said, that he would convince the rebels of their error by dint of his pistols, having for that purpose two in his pockets, two in his holsters, and one in his belt. * Myrie, a student of medicine from Jamaica, another volunteer, was miser¬ ably mqjigled by the broadswords of the Highlanders. 212 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. “ But Gard’uer brave did still behave Like to a hero bright, man ; His courage true, like him were few That still despised flight, man. For king and laws, and country’s cause. In honour’s bed he lay, man, His life, but not his courage, fled. While he had breath to draw, man. “ And Major Bowie, that worthy soul, Was brought down to the ground, man: His horse being shot, it was his lot. For to get mony a wound, man. Lieutenant Smith, of Irish birth, Frae whom he call’d for aid, man, But full of dread, lap o’er his head, And wadna be gainsaid, man. “ He made sic haste, sae spurr’d his beast, ’Twas little there he saw, man; To Berwick rade, and falsely said. The Scots were rebels, a’, man. But let that end, for weel ’tis kend His use and wont’s to lie, man. The Teague is naught; he never faught When he had room to flee, man.i “ And Cadell, drest, amang the rest. With gun and gude claymore, man. On gelding grey he rade that day. With pistols set before, man. The cause was guid, he’d spend his blood Before that he would yield, man; But the night before he left the core. And never faced the field, man.2 “ But gallant Roger, like a soger (soldier,) Stood and bravely fought, man; I’m wae to tell, at last he fell. And mae down wi’ him brought, man. At point of death, wi’ his last breath. Some standing round in ring, man. On’s back lying flat, he waved his hat. And cried ‘ God save the King,’ man. 3 > So widely did these lines circulate, their scandal, as to call forth in the Kdinbiirqh Courant, “ I, the said Major Bowels, do aflirm it to be an infam¬ ous falsehood. Lieutenant Smith not being in the same squadron with me: nor did any officer of the corps refuse me his assistance on that occasion, (fee. Witness my hand, at Prestonpans, this 1st of January, 1746. (Signed) Rrcn- ARD Bowles.” The limited circulation of this exculpatory evidence, found somewhat insufficient towards wiping off the stain. Lieutenant Smith had next recourse to “use and wont” of his countrymen, and proceeded to Hadding¬ ton, from whence he sent a challenge to the author. “ Gang away back,” said honest Skirving to the bearer of the message, “and tell Mr. Smith that I hinna time to come to Haddington to gie him satisfaction ; but tell him an’ he likes to come here. I’ll tak a look o’ him, an’ if I think I’m fit to fecht him, I’ll fecht him ; an’ if no. I’ll just do as he did—I’ll rin awa.” 2 The individual "here alluded to had neither time to face the field nor see the fray; “the night before,” he slept, it was understood, in his own house in the Cuttle, west of Prestonpans, somewhat beyond a mile from the battle field, and ere he could get on his “gelding grey” on the following morning, the King’s army was routed. 3 Captains Rogers and Brymer, of Lee’s regiment, were both killed. “ In this battle,” says Home, “thei’e were not wanting instances of generous valour on the side of the vanquished,” and after allusion to the fate of the gallant vete¬ ran, Colonel Gardiner, who had served in the armies of the Duke of Marl¬ borough, adds, “ Captain Brymer of Lee’s regiment, the only officer in the King’s army who had seen Highlanders attack regular troops (at the battle of PRINCE CHARLES’ RETURN TO EDINBURGH. 213 “ Some Highland rogues, like hungry dogs. Neglecting to pursue, man, About they faced, and, in great haste. Upon the booty flew, man. And they, as gain for all their pain. Are deck’d wi’ spoils o’ war, man; Fu' bauld can tell how her nain sell Was ne’er sae praw pefore, man. “ At the thorn-tree, which you may see Bewest the meadow mill, man. There mony slain lay on the plain. The clans pursuing still, man; Sic unco hacks, and deadly whacks, I never saw the like, man; Lost hands and heads cost them their deads. That fell near Preston dyke, man. “ That afternoon, when a’ was done, I gaed to see the fray, man; But had I wist what after past, I’d better staid away, man; On Seton sands, wi’ nimble hands. They pick’d my pockets bare, man, But I wish ne’er to dree sic fear. For a’ the sum and mair, man.” CHAPTER LXXIX. Prince Charles’s Proclamations on returning to Edinburgh — Ee- suits of his Victory at Preston—his Plans and Levies—his Council and Court at Holyrood House—Arrival of French Vessels with Supplies—Duplicity of Lord Lovat—its Unfortu¬ nate Results to Himself and to the Prince—Resolution of Charles to March into England, in Opposition to many of his Advisers —his Arrival at Carlisle—at Preston—at Manchester, where he receives an English Reinforcement—Alarm of Government — Resohition of George II. to take the Field in Person—Arrival of Charles at Derby—his undiminished Confidence of Success, although Surrounded by Government Forces—Lord George Murray urges Retreat, to which the Prince reluctantly Consents. :[ 1745 .] The night after the battle of Preston, the Chevalier slept at Pinkie House, near Musselburgh the next morning he returned to Duddingston, and entering the capital, was received with the acclamations of the populace,'’^ and all the honours which the offi- Sheriffmuir,) and the only person who seemed to think that there was any thing formidable in their attack, when the rebels broke in upon that part of the line where he stood, disdained to turn his back, and met a hero’s death, with his face to the enemy.”— Hist., Chap. vi. t “Charles remained on the fleld of battle till midnight, giving orders for the relief of the wounded of both armies, for the disposal of his prisoners, and preserving, from temper, or from judgment, every appearance of moderation and humanity.” —Homje, c. 6. 2 “ The Highlanders by whom the Prince was surrounded, in the license and extravagance of this joyful moment, fired their pieces repeatedly, and one of these having been accidentally loaded with ball, the bullet grazed a young 214 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. cial authorities could render. Several proclamations were issued upon his arrival, all of them adapted to influence the popular mind. He prohibited all rejoicings for the victory, assigning for his reason the loss which had been sustained by his father’s mis¬ guided subjects. The clergy of Edinburgh were, by another edict, exhorted to resume the exercise of their religious func¬ tions, and assured of the Prince’s protection. This venerable body sent a deputation to know whether they would be permitted, in the course of divine service, to offer up their prayers for King George. It was answered, on the part of the Chevalier, that to grant the request would be in so far to give the lie to those family pretensions for the assertion of which he was in arms; but that, notwithstanding, he would give them his royal assu¬ rance that they should not be called to account for any impru¬ dent language which they might use in the pulpit. The ministers of Edinburgh seem to have doubted the guarantee, as none of them resumed his charge excepting the Rev. Mr. MacVicar, minister of the West Church, who regularly officiated there, un¬ der the protection of the guns of the Castle. A number of the Highland officers, as well as the citizens, attended on Mr. Mac- Vicar’s ministry,^ in the course of which he not only prayed for King George, but stoutly asserted his right to the throne. This was represented to Charles Edward by some of his followers, as a piece of unjustifiable insolence, deserving of punishment; but the Prince wisely replied, that the man was an honest fool, and that he would not have him disturbed. I do not know if it was out of gratitude for this immunity, but Mr. MacVicar, on the following Sunday, added his prayers in behalf of King George, a petition in favour of the Chevalier, which was worded thus:— “ As to this young person who has come among us seeking an earthly crown, do thou, in thy merciful favour, give him a heavenly one.” A good deal of inconvenience had arisen in consequence of the banking companies having retreated into the castle, carrying with them the specie which supplied the currency of the country. A third proclamation was issued, inviting these establishments to return to the town, and resume the ordinary course of their busi¬ ness ; but, like the clergy, the bankers refused to listen to the in¬ vitation. They, as well as the clergy, did not probably place much confidence in the security offered.^ lady’s temple, as she waved her handkerchief from a balcony—Miss Naime, a lady with whom the author had the pleasure of being acquainted. ‘ Thank God,’ said she, the instant she recovered, ‘that the accident happened to me, whose principles are known. Had it befallen a Whig, they would have said it was done on purpose.’”— Waverley, Chap. li. 1 The monument of this reverend clergyman in the West Churchyard, bears that “he died in January, 1747, in theySth year of his age, and 47th of his ministry, whereof in the parish 40 years.” He was grandfather of the late Neil MacVicar, Esq., Lord Provost of Edinburgh, in 1802-4. 8 “ The Chevalier also sent circular letters to the magistrates of all the PLANS OF PRINCE CHARLES. 215 It is now time to take a more general view of the effects which the battle of Preston, or of Gladsmuir,^ as the Jacobites prefer¬ red calling it, had produced upon the affairs of the young Adven¬ turer. Until that engagement, the Chevalier could not be said to pos¬ sess a spot of Scotland, save the ground which was occupied by his Highland army. The victory had reversed this; and there was no place within the ancient kingdom of his ancestors, except the castles of Edinburgh and Stirling, and the four small gar¬ risons on the Highland chain, which dared disavow his authority and abide by the consequences. It was therefore a question of high import to decide in what manner this splendid advantage could be best improved. It was the opinion of many at the time, and has been repeated since, and was, it is said, originally the nredominant sentiment of Charles Edward himself, that the blow at Preston should be followed up as speedily as possible by an irruption into England. This, it w'as said, would rouse the spirits of the English Jacobites, sui*prise the Government while in a state of doubt and want of preparation, and, in short, give the readiest prospect of completing a counter revolution. On consideration, how'ever, the Prmce, from reasons of the most cogent nature, was compelled to renounce an enterprise, which was, perhaps, notun- congenial to his daring temper. He could not but be sensible that his army, after the battle, was reduced nearly one-half, by the number of Highlanders who, according to their uniform cus¬ tom, returned home to deposit with their families the booty which they had taken in the field. This was not all: he was as yet de¬ prived of the assistance of Lovat, MacLeod, and Sir Alexander MacDonald, upon whom he had rested as main supports of his enterprise. These three chiefs might have augmented his forces to six or seven thousand men, with which strength he might have approached the English Borders, not without hopes of striking an important blow. But, besides the relics of Sir John Cope’s dra- towns in Scotland, commanding them to repair immediately to Edinburgh, to pay their proportion of the contributions which he imposed on every town and he despatched other letters to all the collectors and comptrollers of the land tax and customs, ordering them to bring to his palace, their books and the public money in their hands, on pain of high treason.”— Johnstone’s Memoirs, &c., 4to, pp. 33-34. “ Great numbers have found themselves obliged to comply. The goods in the customhouse of Leith, dec., were sold out for the Chevalier’s sakel ”—Scots Magazine, 1745 ; Lockhart Papers, voi. ii., p. 454. 1 They affected this name to reconcile the victory to some ancient metrical prophecies which happen to fix on Gladsinuir as a field of battle in which the Scottish should be victorious:— “On Gladsmuir sail the battle be,” saith the Book of Prophecies.—Printed by Andro Hart, Edinburgh, 1615. Gladsmuir is a long mile from the actual place of conflict in 1745. Indeed, the old soothsayer seems to have had a better judgment for selecting a field of battle than Sir John Cope. Gladsmuir is a large bold open heath, on which his cavalry would have had full room to act, and he himself a commanding si¬ tuation. It must be always subject of wonder that he did not halt to receive the Highlanders there, instead of cooping himself up in a pinfold at Preston, and waiting for their attack.—S. 21G TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. goons, several British regiments, recalled from Flanders, had already reached England ; and six thousand Dutch troops had, as in the insurrection in 1715, been supplied by the States of Hol¬ land, as an auxiliary contingent which they were bound to send over to England in case of invasion. These regiments, indeed, were chiefly Swiss and German troops in Dutch pay, who had been made prisoners by the French, and enjoyed their liberty under parole that they should not bear arms against his Most Christian Majesty or his allies. There was, therefore, some doubt whether they could regularly have taken a part in the Bri¬ tish civil war. It was understood that the French Government had made a remonstrance against their being employed, founded on the terms of the capitulation. But the laws of war, as well as others, have their points of casuistry ; and since the troops were sent to. Britain, it can be little doubted that, being there, it must have been with the resolution of fighting, although at a later pe¬ riod, when the Clievaher actually had in his camp a French force, they were withdrawn from the conflict. It must be also remembered that, in advancing into England, the Chevalier, without being certain of any friends in the South, must have abandoned all chance of supplies from France, which he could only hope to receive in small quantities, by means of Montrose, Dundee, and other ports on the north-eastern coast; while, at the same time, he must have withdrawn from a junction with all the recruits whom he expected from the Highlands, and from the great clans, which he still hoped might join him. To conclude, the British and Dutch forces were drawing to a head at Newcastle, under Field-Marshal Wade, to a number al¬ ready superior to that of the Highland army. Having such a force in front, the advance of the Chevalier into England with 1800 or 2000 men, would have been an act of po¬ sitive insanity. There remained only another course—that the Chevalier should endeavour to augment his army by every means in his power, and prepare himself for the prosecution of his ad¬ venture before he went farther. With this purpose, the public money was levied in every direc¬ tion, and parties were despatched as far as Glasgow, which city was subjected to payment of £5000 sterling. The utmost exer¬ tion was made to collect the arms which had been taken from the vanquished in the field of battle ; and various gifts were received into the Prince’s exchequer from individuals, who, too old or too timid to join him, took this mode of showing the interest which they felt in his cause. The news of the victory, in the mean time, animated the Ja¬ cobites in every quarter of the kingdom, and decided many who had hitherto stood neutral. Officers were appointed to beat up for volunteers, and did so with success;—many Lowland gentle¬ men joined the ranks of the rebels;—General Gordon of Glen- bucket brought down 400 men from the upper part of Aberdeen- REINFORCEMENTS. 217 shire;—Lord Ogilvie led a body of 600 from Strathmore and the Mearns ;—Lord Pitsligo, a nobleman of the most irreproachable character, and already in an advanced stage of life, took the field at the head of a squadron of north-country gentlemen, amounting to 120 in number;^—Lord Lewis Gordon, brother of the Duke, undertook to levy considerable forces in his own country, though his brother, disgusted perhaps with the recollection of 1715, de¬ clined to join the Chevalier’s standard. The new forces were organized in all possible haste. Two troops of cavalry were formed as guards, one of which was placed under the command of Lord Elcho ; the other, first des¬ tined to tlie son of Lord Kenmure, who declined to join, was finally conferred on the unfortunate Lord Balmerino. A troop of horse-grenadiers was placed under the command of the equally unfortunate Earl of Kilmarnock. This nobleman, if his early education is considered, could scarcely have been expected to have enrolled himself as an adherent of the cause which cost him so dear. In the 1715, being then only twelve years old, he ap¬ peared in arms with his father in behalf of the Government, at the head of 1000 men, whom the influence of the family had raised in Ayrshire. He had also enjoyed a pension from George II.’s Government. But his wife. Lady Ann Livingston, daughter of James Earl of Linlithgow and Callander, was a zealous Jaco¬ bite, and it is supposed, converted her husband to that unhappy faith. Lord Kilmarnock was also in embarrassed circumstances, and his ambition was awakened by the gleam of success which shone on the Prince’s standard at Preston, and which induced him to take the step which cost him his life. Mr. Murray, the secretary, desirous of a military as well as a civil command, made some progress in levying a regiment of hussars, designed for the light-cavalry duties, which were commanded under him by an Irish officer in the French service, named Lieutenant-Colonel Bagot. While recruits of considerable rank were thus joining the standard, the camp at Duddingston assumed a more regular and military appearance—the Highlanders being, with some difficulty, prevailed upon to occupy the tents which had fallen into their pos¬ session at Preston, declaring, however, that they did so only out of respect to the Prince’s orders, as these hardy people preferred the open air, even in the end of a Scottish autumn. The tents 1 “This Peer, who drew after him such a number of gentlemen, had only a moderate fortune; but he was much beloved and greatly esteemed by his neigh¬ bours, who looked upon him as a man of excellent judgment, and of a wary and cautious temper; so that when he, who was deemed so wise and prudent, de¬ clared his purpose of ioining Charles, most of the gentlemen in that part of the country where he lived, who favoured the Pretender's cause, put them¬ selves under his command, thinking they could not follow a better or a safer guide than Lord Pitsligo.”— Home, Chap. vi. He held the situation in the rebel army which the Author of Waverley assigns to the Barvn of Bradwar- clinc. 218 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. were very indifferently pitched, and only half inhabited ; so that the appearance of the camp was extremely irregular. It may be here noticed, that the behaviour of the Highlanders was upon the whole exemplary. Some robberies were indeed committed in the vicinity of Edinburgh, by persons in Highland dresses, and wearing white cockades, but they were considered as having been perpetrated by ordinary thieves, who had used the Prince’s uniform as a disguise.’ On some occasions the Highlanders forgot themselves, and presented their pieces at the citizens to extort money ; but the moderation of the demand bore a strange disproportion to the menacing manner in which it was enforced. It was genei’ally limited to a penny, a circumstance strongly expressive of the simplicity of this singular people. The Court at Holyrood was in those halcyon days of Jacobitism so much frequented by persons of distinction, that it might almost have been supposed the restoration had already taken place. The fair sex, in particular, were dazzled with the gallant undertaking of a young and handsome Prince so unexpectedly successful, and the young men, of course, if in the least biassed in favour of the politics of the softer sex, found it difficult to differ from their opinions. In the eyes of the public, the young Chevalier, whether from policy or a natural good disposition, showed no sentiments but such as were honourable and generous; and many anecdotes were circulated tending to exalt his character in the general opi¬ nion. It was said, for example, as Charles rode through the field of battle at Preston, that an officer describing the bodies with which it was covered as being those of his enemies, he replied, that he only beheld with regret the corpses of his father’s mis¬ guided subjects. It was more certain, that when the Chevalier proposed to the Court of London to settle a cartel for prisoners, and when that proposal was refused, he was strongly advised to consider those English captives who were in his hands as hostages for the lives of such of his own party as might become prisoners to the enemy. But Charles Edward uniformly rejected this pro¬ posal, declaring that it was beneath him as a prince to make threats which he did not intend to execute, and that he would never, on any account, or under any provocation, take away the lives of un¬ offending men in cold blood, after having spared them in the heat of action. Another opportunity occurred in which Charles had the means of exhibiting the same tone of generosity after his return from ^ “ One Robert Monro, alias Maccowney, who had put on a white cockade, but did not belong to the army, was shot for robbery on the 16th, as was Daniel Smith on the 17th, both by sentence of the court-martial. They were attended in their last hours by ministers of the Established Church .”—Scots Mag., Oct., 1745 . A proclamation was afterwards issued in the name of the Prince, importing that “whereas he was informed that several thefts and robberies had been committed in and about Edinburgh, by villains assuming the charac¬ ter of soldiers in his array,” &c. And “ for the more effectual detecting of robbers, thieves, and resetts, he promised the discoverers i*5 upon conviction of each offender.”— Ibid. GENERAL PRESTON. 219 Preston. He had established a blockade around the Castle of Edinburgh ; this could, in fact, do little more than occasion incon¬ venience to the garrison, by depriving them of fresh provisions, for of salted stores they had an abundant supply ; there was no great prospect, therefore, of reducing so strong a place by the effects of famine, nor did the Governor take much notice of a proclamation forbidding any one to carry provisions to the Castle under pain of death. A few shots fired on the Highland guards were the only acknowledgment of the insult; but after this had lasted a few days. General Preston, the Governor of the fortress, sent a message to the Lord Provost and magistrates, declaring that miless the communication with the city was opened, he would cannonade the town, and lay it in ashes. When this threat was communicated to the Chevalier, to whom the affrighted citizens naturally carried their appeal, he observed, that nothing could be more unjust than to make the city responsible for the actions of an armed force which was not under their control; that he might, by a parity of reasoning, be summoned to evacuate the capital, or yield up any other advantage, by the same threat of destroying the city; and that therefore he would not permit his feelings, on the present occasion, to interrupt the plain course which his interest recommended. But to intimidate General Preston, the Chevalier caused him to be informed, that if he fired on the city of Edinburgh, he would, in retaliation, cause the Ge¬ neral’s house at Valleyfield in Fife, to be burnt to the ground. The stout veteran received the threat with scorn, declaring that if Valleyfield were injured, the English vessels of war m the Frith should in revenge receive instructions to burn down Wemyss castle, which is built on a rock overhanging the sea. This castle w'as the property of the Earl of Wemyss, whose eldest son. Lord Elcho, was in the Prince’s camp. Fortunately this exasperating species of warfare was practised on neither side. General Pres¬ ton, in pity to the entreaty of the inhabitants, consented to suspend the cannonade until he should receive orders from St. James’s. Some misapprehension, however, having taken place about the terms of this kind of armistice. General Preston, according to his threat, opened a fire upon the city. The confusion was great; the garrison made a sally to dislodge the rebels from some posts near the Castle ; the streets were swept with cartridge-shot, and several of the inhabitants, as well as Highlanders, were slain. It is said that the Governor engaged in this sort of warfare, in order to induce the rebel army to remain before the fortress; and that he caused letters to fall into the hands of their council, expressing fears of a scarcity of provisions, so as to determine them to adopt the course of continuing the blockade. Charles, however, feeling, or affecting to feel, much interest for fhe distress of the inhabi¬ tants, gave orders to open the communication with the Castle, and the cannonade in consequence ceased. All this conduct on the part of the Adventurer was so far po- 220 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. litic, as Well as generous. But there were at the bottom of thig apparent lenity and liberality private feuds, which rendered the Chevalier’s opinions and doctrines less acceptable to some of those who immediately approached his person, than to the adherents who only beheld events at a distance. For this purpose I will transcribe the manner in which his councils were conducted, as it is given by Lord Elcho. “ The Prince formed a council which met regularly every morning in his drawing-room. The gentlemen whom he called to it were the Duke of Perth, Lord Lewis Gordon, Lord George Murray, Lord Elcho, Lord Ogilvie, Lord Pitsligo, Lord Nairne, Lochiel, Keppoch, Clanranald, Glencoe, Lochgarry, Ardshiel, Sir Thomas Sheridan, Colonel O’Sullivan, Glenbucket, and Secretary Murray. The Prince, in this council, used always first to declare what he himself was for, and then he asked every body’s opinion in their turn. There was one-third of the council whose princi¬ ples were, that kings and princes can never either act or think wrong ; so, in consequence, they always confirmed whatever the Prince said. The other two-thirds, who thought that kings and princes thought sometimes like other men, and were not alto¬ gether infallible, and that this Prince was no more so than others, and therefore, begged leave to differ from him when they could give sufficient reasons for their difference of opinion. This very often was no hard matter to do ; for as the Prince and his old go¬ vernor, Sir Thomas Sheridan, were altogether ignorant of the ways and customs of Great Britain, and both much for the doc¬ trine of absolute monarchy, they would very often, had they not been prevented, have fallen into blunders which might have hurt the cause. The Prince could not bear to hear any body differ in sentiment from him, and took a dislike to every body that did; for he had a notion of commanding this army as any general does a body of mercenaries, and so let them know only what he pleased, and expected them to obey without inquiring further about the matter. This might have done better had his favourites been people of the country ; but as they were Irish, and had nothing to risk, the people of fashion that had their all at stake, and con¬ sequently ought to be supposed prepared to give the best advice of which they were capable, thought they had a title to know and be consulted in what was for the good of the cause in which they had so much concern; and if it had not been for their insisting strongly upon it, the Prince, when he found that his sentiments were not always approved of, would have abolished this council long ere he did. “ There was a very good paper sent one day by a gentleman in Edinburgh, to be perused by this council. The Prince, when he heard it read, said, that it was below his dignity to enter into such a reasoning with subjects, and ordered the paper to be laid aside. The paper afterwards was printed, under the title of The Prince’s Declaration to the People of England, and is esteemed ASSISTANCE FROM FRANCE. 221 the best manifesto published in those times, for those that were printed at Rome and Paris were reckoned not well calculated for the present age. “ The Prince created a committee for providing the army with forage. It was composed of Lord Elcho, President; Graham of Duntroon, whom they called Lord Dundee ; Sir William Gordon of Park, Hunter of Burnside, Haldane of Lanark, and his son ; Mr. Smith, and Mr. Hamilton. They issued out orders in the Prince’s name to all the gentlemen’s houses who had employ¬ ments under the Government, to send in certain quantities of hay, straw, and corn, upon such a day, under the penalty of mili¬ tary execution if not complied with, but their orders were very punctually obeyed. “ There were courts-martial sat every day for the discipline of the army, and some delinquents were punished with death.” Charles Edward, while he exercised at Holyrood the dignified hospitality of a Prince, and gave entertainments to his most dis¬ tinguished followers, and balls and concerts to the ladies of the party, of whom the Duchess of Perth and Lady Ogilvy formed conspicuous persons, omitted not the attention that might become a prudent general. He visited the camp almost every day, exer¬ cised and reviewed his troops frequently, and often slept in the camp without throwing off his clothes. While the internal management of the Prince’s affairs, civil and military, was thus regulated, no time was lost in applying to every quarter from which the insurgents might expect assistance. Immediately after the battle of Preston, the Prince had des¬ patched a confidential agent to France ; the person intrusted with this mission was Mr. Kelly, already mentioned as an accomplice in the Bishop of Rochester’s plot. He had instructions to mag¬ nify the victory as much as possible in the eyes of the French King and Ministry, and to represent how fair the Prince’s enter¬ prise bade for success, if it should now receive the effective sup¬ port of his Most Christian Majesty. This mission was not en¬ tirely useless, though it may be doubted whether the French Ministers considered the opportunity as being so favourable as was represented. Vessels were despatched from time to time with money and supplies, although only in small quantities. One of these vessels arrived at Montrose with £5000 in money, and two thousand five hundred stand of arms. There came over in this vessel, Monsieur de Boyer, called Marquis D’Eguilles, son of a president of the Parliament of Aix, with one or two officers con¬ nected with those already engaged in the undertaking. The Prince received the Marquis D’Eguilles with much stu¬ died ceremony, affecting to regard him as the accredited agent of the King his master. The Chevalier also gave out, that the Marquis had brought him letters from the King of France, in which he promised his assistance, and asserted more specifically, that his brother, Henry Benedict, calling himself the Duke of 222 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. York, was to be despatched to Britain immediately, at the head of a French army. This news raised the spirits of the insurgents to a very high pitch; for an attempt at invasion was so obviously the policy of the French court at this period, that nobody had the least difficulty in believing it. Three more ships arrived from France at Montrose and Stone¬ haven. A train of six brass fourpounders, and in each vessel two thousand five hundred stand of arms, and £1000 in money, were received on this occasion. Some Irish officers also came by these vessels. To intercept such communications, Rear-Admiral Byng entered the frith of Forth with four or five ships of war, which obliged the cavalry of the insurgents to scour the coast by night¬ ly patrols. Neither was the Prince remiss in endeavouring to extend the insurrection in Scotland. We have mentioned already that Mac- Pherson of Cluny had been taken prisoner in his house by the Prince’s soldiers, and cai’ricd to Perth as a captive. While in that city he had been released, upon coming under the same en¬ gagement as the clans already in arms. On returning, there¬ fore, to his house in Badenoch, he had called his men together, and led three hundred MacPhersons to join the Chevalier’s stan¬ dard at Edinburgh. But though Cluny, the son-in-law of Lovat, had thus chosen his part, the crafty old chief himself continued to hesitate, and to re¬ tain the mask of pretended loyalty to George the Second. Charles Edward corresponded with him, both by means of his secretary Hugh Fraser, and by that of MacDonald of Barrisdale, a parti¬ san, who affected in a peculiar manner the ancient Highland cha¬ racter, and was, therefore, supposed to be acceptable to Lord Lovat. Through the medium of these agents, Charles stimulated the chief’s ambition by every object which he could suggest; and while he pretended to receive as current coin, the apologies which the old man made for delaying his declaration, he eagerly urged him to redeem the time which had been lost, by instantly raising his clan. Lovat still hesitated.^ President Forbes possessed over him that species of ascendency which men of decided and honest principles usually have over such as are crafty and unconscienti- ous. Lovat was driven, therefore, upon a course of doubtful politics, by which he endeavoured to give the Chevalier such un¬ derhand assistance as he covild manage, without, as he hoped, incurring the guilt of rebellion. Whilst, therefore, he made to 1 “ Since 1715, Lovat had been induced, by disgust and ambition, to change his principles again, and was, in secret, an enthusiast in Jacobitism. He had greatly augmented his estate, and obtained a considerable interest in the High¬ lands, where, however, he was more dreaded than beloved. He was bold, en¬ terprising, vain, arbitrary, rapacious, cruel, and deceitful; but his character was chietly marked by a species of low cunning and dissimulation, which, how¬ ever, overshot his purposes, and contributed to his ruin.”— Smollett, b. ii., c. 8. DUPLICITY OF LORD LOVAT. 223 the President empty protestations of zeal and loyalty to the Go¬ vernment, he maintained a private correspondence, expressing equally inefficient devotion to the Prince ; and without joining either party, endeavoured to keep fair terms with both, till he should make himself of such importance as to cast the balance between them by his own force. The vacillation and duplicity of Lord Lovat was the more un- ■ happy for the cause which he finally adopted, because his ex¬ ample lost all the weight which a decisive resolution would have given it in the eyes of those who looked upon him as a model of cautious wisdom. It is generally allowed in the Highlands, that had Lovat taken arms in the beginning of the affair, the two great chiefs. Sir Alexander MacDonald of Sleat, and MacLeod of Mac¬ Leod, would certainly have done the same. The power of these three chiefs w^ould have nearly doubled the numbers which the Chevalier collected from other quarters ; nor would it be too much to assert, that with so great a force, the Chevalier might have ventured upon an instant march to England after the bat¬ tle of Preston, and made a fair experiment of what impression he could have effected in that country, while the full freshness of victory shone upon his arms. But Lovat had proposed to himself to exercise the influence which he possessed over these island chiefs in a very different manner. He had formed a plan of unit¬ ing their men from the island of Skye and elsewhere, with the MacPhersons, under the command of Cluny ; the Macintoshes, the Farquharsons, and other branches of the Clan Chattan, over whom he possessed considerable influence ; with these he pro¬ posed to form a northern army at the pass of Corryarrack, which w'ould, as he calculated, probably have amounted to five or six thousand men, and might, at his own option, have been employ¬ ed in a decided manner, either for the purpose of effecting a re¬ storation of the Stewarts, or for that of putting down the unnatu¬ ral rebellion against King George, as might happen eventually best to suit the interests of Simon, Lord Lovat. This plan was too obviously selfish to succeed. The two chiefs of MacLeod and MacDonald of Sleat became aware of Lovat’s desire to profit by their feudal powqr and following, and thought it as reasonable to secure to themselves the price of their own services. The ambiguous conduct and delays of Lord Lovat in¬ clined the two chiefs to listen to the more sincere and profitable counsel of Lord President Forbes, who exhorted them by all means to keep their dependents from joining in the rebellion; and, finally, persuaded them to raise their vassals in behalf of the reigning sovereign. The President was furnished with means of conviction more powerful than mere words. Government having, as already no¬ ticed, placed a hundred commissions of companies at the disposal of this active and intelligent judge, he w'as enabled still farther to improve his influence among the Highlanders, by distributing 224 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. them among such clans as were disposed to take arms in behalf of the Government. Both Sir Alexander MacDonald and Mac¬ Leod were prevailed upon to accept some of these commissions ; and when Alexander MacLeod of Muiravonside, a sincere adhe¬ rent of the Chevalier, went to Skye for the purpose of inducing them to join the Prince, he found that they had committed them¬ selves to the opposite party, in a degree far more active than the political principles which they had hitherto professed gave the slightest reason to expect. The other chiefs among whom com¬ missions were distributed, were the Lord Seaforth, the Earl of Sutherland, Lord Beay, Sir Robert Monro of Foulis, the Master of Ross, and the Laird of Grant. The companies which were raised under these commissions, were ordered to assemble at In¬ verness, and thus a northern army of loyalists was on foot about the end of October, in the rear of the rebels, while the increasing forces under Marshal Wade threatened to prevent the possibility of any attempt upon England. The defection of MacDonald and MacLeod rendered altogether abortive Lovat’s plan of a northern army of Highlanders assem¬ bling at Corryarrack, and it might have been expected that he would have been now forced openly to adopt either one side or the other. But, ingenious in overreaching himself, the wily old man imagined he had invented a scheme by which he could ren¬ der Charles Edward such assistance as would greatly forward his enterprise, while, at the same time, he might himself avoid all personal responsibility. This plan, which he finally adopted, was, that his eldest son, the Master of Lovat, should join the Adventurer with seven or eight hundred of his best-armed and most warlike followers, and take upon himself the whole guilt of the rebellion ; ^ while he, the father, should remain at home affecting a neutrality between the contending parties, and avoiding all visible accession to the insurrection. Even when he adopted the unnatural scheme of saving himself from personal danger, by making a cat’s-paw of his eldest son, the old Lord interposed so many doubts and de¬ lays, that the Master of Lovat, who was a noble and gallant gen¬ tleman, shed tears of rage and indignation at the train of dark and treacherous intrigue in which he was involved, and flung into the fire the white cockade V'hich his father had commanded him to assume, yet refused for a time to let him display in the field.^ 1 “The victory obtained by the Chevalier determined his sentiments; and, in presence of many of his vassals, being urged by an emissary of the Prince to ‘ throw off the mask,’ he flung down his hat and drank success to the Young Adventurer by the title which he claimed, and confusion to the White Plorse and all his adherents. But with the Machiavelism inherent in his nature, he resolved that his own personal interest in the insurrection should be as little evident as possible, and determined that his son, whose safety he was bound by the laws of God and man to prefer to his own, should be his stalking-horse, and, in case of need, his scape-goat.”— Scott, Prose fPorks, vol. xx., p 81. 2 “ It appears from the evidence of Fraser of Dunballoch and others, upon Lord Lovat’s trial, that all this while the threats and arguments of the father DUPLICITY OF LORD LOVAT. 225 When Lovat finally took the resolution of despatching his son, ■with the best part of his clan, to the assistance of Charles Ed¬ ward, a resolution which was not adopted without much hesita¬ tion and many misgivings, he feigned, with characteristic finesse, an apology for his march. It was pretended that some of the rebel clans had driven a great prey of cattle from the country of Lovat, and that the Master w^as obliged to march with his clan for the purpose of recovering them. It was even averred, that, advancing too near the insurgent army, the Frasers were obliged to join them by actual compulsion. It is singular to remark how the craft of Lovat disappointed his own ^expectations. He had doubtless desired to give real assis¬ tance to the insurrection, for he could hardly suppose that his neighbour, the Lord President, was imposed on by his pretext of neutrality; and he must have feared being called to a severe ac¬ count, if tranquillity was restored under the old government.^ And yet, notwithstanding the interest he took in Charles’s suc- vrere urging the son (afterwards the highly esteemed General Fraser) to a step of which he disapproved, and that he was still more disgusted by the duplicity and versatility with which his father qualified it.”— Sir Walter Scott, Ibid. “ He was at the University of St. Andrews at the breaking out of the Rebel¬ lion, 1745 , and was sent for from thence by his father to head his clan in sup¬ port of the rebels, which he unwillingly did. A full and free pardon passed the seals for him in April, 1750, and every act of his future life justified the fa¬ vour of Government.”— Wood’s Peerage, vol. ii., p. 161. 1 Lovat, on 6th November, 1745, addresses the President, “Foyers and Kil- bokie, whose familys always used to be the leading familys of the clan on both sides, were the maddest and the keenest to go off; and when they saw that I absolutely forbid them to move or go out ot the country, they drew up with my son, and they easily got him to condescend to go at their head.” “ Though I had ten thousand lives to save I could do no more in this affair to save myself than I have done; and if the Government would punish me for the insolent be¬ haviour of my son to myself, and his mad behaviour towards the Government, it would be a greater severity than ever was used to any subject.” “ I know your Lordship has and will'have more power than what would save me, and ten families like mine ; otherwise the King and Government will be most un¬ grateful to you ; for your Lordship has done more service to King George, and to his family and Government, than if he had ane army of 5000 men in the north. For if it was not for your Lordship’s great zeal, extraordinary and un¬ heard of activity, the Venturer Prince would have (had) 10,000 before he went south instead of two ; and with that number would have marched straight to London without any opposition.” To which the President replies, “The re¬ presentation which your Lordship makes, I shall fairly transmit, if your Lord- ship insist on it, though with very great concern for the unhappy young man. But I should not act the part of that real friend I have always professed to be if I did not freely express to your Lordship my apprehensions that the ac¬ count given will not answer the end proposed, and which I so earnestly wish, the preservation of your Lordship’s family. The affection of your clan, and their attachment to you in the year 1715 and downward, will be remembered; it will not be easily believed that your Lordship’s authority is less with them now than it was at that time; it will not be credited that their engagements or inclinations were stronger against the Government when the present com¬ motions began, than they were thirty years ago, when the clan was at Perth. It will be alleged that the people were not universally forward to enter upon the present spell of work; that many of them were reluctant, and some actu¬ ally threatened, others forced into the service; and I do not know whether, if jealousy were to promote an enquiry, many circumstances might not come out which I choose not to think of and hope never to hear 01.” — Culloden Papers. VOL. III. P 220 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. cess, he delayed his son’s junction with the rebel forces so late as to deprive that Prince of the assistance of the Frasers in his march into England, which was begun before the Master of Lo- vat commenced his journey southward. This delay induced the young nobleman to halt at Perth, where he united his corps with other reinforcements designed for the Prince’s army. Thus, the indiirect policy of'-*Lord Lovat, while it led him to contribute aid to Charles’s cause, in such a manner as to ruin himself with Go¬ vernment, induced him, at the same time, to delay and postpone his assistance until the period was past when it might have been essentially useful. The Chevalier was aware of the difficulties of his situation, and, not inclining to remain at Edinburgh, like Mar at Perth, while they thickened around him, was disposed to supply by ac¬ tivity his want of numerical force. Having, therefore, received all such supplies as he seemed likely to bring together, he inform¬ ed his council abruptly, that he designed to march for Newcastle, and give battle to Marshal Wade, who, he was convinced, would fly before him. This proposal seems to have been exclusively the suggestion of the sanguine temper which originally dictated his enterprise. His father’s courtiers, who endeavoured to outvie each other in professing doctrines of unlimited obedience, had im¬ pressed the young man with an early belief that his father’s cause, as that of an injured and banished monarch, was that of Heaven itself, and that Heaven would not fail to befriend him, if he boldly asserted those rights with which Providence had in¬ vested him. He believed the opinions of his English subjects to be the same in which he himself had been brought up. The manner in which the populace of Edinburgh had received him, and the unexpected and decisive victory at Preston, both con¬ firmed him in his sanguine confidence of success; and he was strongly persuaded, that even the paid soldiers of the English would hesitate to lift their weapons against their rightful Prince. These sentiments, though they might well suit a Prince born and educated like Charles Edward, were too vague and visionary to gain the approbation of his council. To his proposal of marching into England, it was replied, that the Scottish army which he now commanded, consisting only, after every augmentation, of upwards of 5500 men, was far be¬ neath the number necessary to compel the English to accept him as their sovereign; that, therefore, it would be time enough for him to march into that country when he should be invited by his friends there, either to join them, or to favour their rising in arms. 2dly, It was urged, that, as Marshal Wade had as¬ sembled most of the troops in England, or lately arrived from Flanders, at Newcastle, with a view to a march into Scotland, it would be better to let him advance, than to go forward to meet him, because, in the former case, he must of necessity leave England undefended, and exposed to any insurrection of the Ja- COUNCILS OF CHARLES. 227 cobites, or to the landing of the French armament, which the Marquis D’Eguilles and the Prince himself seemed daily to ex¬ pect. The council also observed, that it was the Prince’s interest, as it was understood to be the King of France’s advice and opinion, to postpone a decisive action as long as possible, because, in case of his sustaining a defeat, the French ministers would send no troops to support him, and the loss would be irretrievable; where¬ as the longer the insurgents remained unbroken and in force, the greater would be the interest and encouragement which their allies would have in affording them effectual assistance. To these arguments the Prince only replied, by again asserting, that he was confident the French auxiliary force would be landed by the time he could cross the Border; and that he possessed a strong party in London and elsewhere, who would receive him as the people of Edinburgh had done. To which the members of his council could only answer, that they hoped it might prove so. They then dispersed for the night. The next morning the debate was renewed, and the Prince again proposed to march into England, and fight Marshal Wade. As he found the council in no more complacent humour than they had been the day before, he was induced for the time to be silent upon the main proposition in debate, and limit his proposal to a march to the Borders, in order that the troops might be kept in activity, and make some progress in learning their duty. This w’as agreed to, and orders were given out that the army should be ready to rendezvous at Dalkeith, and to march forward at the word of command. On the evening of that same day, the Chevalier, for the third time, laid before his officers, then assembled in his own apart¬ ment, the proposal for a march upon Newcastle. To the objec¬ tions which had been formerly offered, he replied, by saying, in a positive manner, “ I see, gentlemen, you are determined to stay in Scotland and defend your comitry; but I am not less resolved to try my fate in England, though I should go alone.” It being at length clear that the Prince’s determination was taken, and that they could not separate themselves from his pro¬ ject without endangering his person, and ruining the expedition irretrievably. Lord George Murray and the other counsellors thought of obtaining some middle conclusion betwixt their own plan of remaining in Scotland, and that of the Prince for march¬ ing directly to fight Marshal Wade. Lord George Murray, there¬ fore, proposed, that since the army must needs enter England, it should be on the western frontier; they would thus,he calculated, avoid a hasty collision with the English army, which it was their obvious interest to defer, and would, at the same time, afford the English an opportunity to rise, or the French to land their troops, if either were disposed to act upon it. If, on the contrary. Mar¬ shal Wade should march across the country towards Carlisle, in 228 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. order to give them battle, he would be compelled to do so at the expense of a fatiguing march over a movmtainous country, while the Highlanders would fight to advantage among hills not dissimi¬ lar to their own. This plan of the western march was not in¬ stantly adopted, but the Chevalier at length came into it, rather than abandon his favourite scheme of moving southward. On the 31st of October, 1745, Charles Edward marched out of Edinburgh at the head of his guards, and of Lord Pitsligo’s horse; they rendezvoused at Dalkeith, where they were joined by other corps of their army from the camp at Duddingston, and different quarters. Here the Adventurer’s army was separated into two divisions. One of these consisted of the Athole Brigade, Perth’s, Ogilvie’s, Roy Stewart’s, and Glenbucket’s, of foot regiments ; Kilmarnock’s and the hussars, of horse ; with all the baggage and the artillery. This division was commanded by the Duke of Perth, and took the w'estern road towards Carlisle. At Ecclesfechan they were com¬ pelled, by the badness of the roads, to leave a part of their bag¬ gage, which, after they had marched on, was taken possession of by the people of Dumfries. The other column of the Highland army consisted chiefly of the three MacDonald regiments. Glengarry’s, Clanranald’s, and Keppoch’s, with Elcho and Pitsligo’s horse; this division was commanded by the Prince in person.^ On the 5th of November, after halting two days at Kelso, they marched to Jedburgh, thus taking a tmui towards the west. Their original demonstration to the eastward, was designed to alarm Marshal Wade, and to pre¬ vent his taking any measures for moving towards Carlisle, their real object of attack. On Monday the 8th, the Prince, marching by Hawick and Hagiehaugh, took post at the village of Brampton, in England,^ with the purpose of facing Wade, should he attempt to advance from Newcastle in the direction of Carlisle. In the mean time, the column under the Duke of Perth, con¬ sisting chiefly of Lowland regiments, horse, and artillery, advanc¬ ed more to the westward, and reached Carlisle. This town had 1 “ When the rebels began their march to the southward,” says Home, “ they were not 6000 men complete; they exceeded 5500, of whom 400 or 500 were cavalry; and of the whole number, not quite 4000 were real Highlanders, who formed the clan regiments, and were indeed the strength of the rebel army. All the regiments of foot wore the Highland garb ; they were thirteen in num¬ ber, many of them very small. Besides the two troops of horse-guards, there were Lord Pitsligo’s and Strathallan’s horse. Lord Kilmarnock’s horse-grena¬ diers, and a troop of light horse or hussars, to scour the country and procure in¬ telligence. The pay of a captain in this army was 2s. 6d. a-day, of a lieutenant 2s., of an ensign Is. 6d., and every private received 6d. a-day without deduction. In the clan regiments every company had two captains, two lieutenants, and two ensigns. The front rank of each regiment consisted of persons who called themselves gentlemen, and were paid Is. a-day; these gentlemen were better arined than the men in the ranks behind them, and had all of them targets, which many of the others had not.”— Hist,, ch. vi, - “ When they entered England, they drew their swords and huzza’d, but, in drawing, Lochiel cut his hand, which was looked upon as a bad omen.”— LocifHART Papers, vol. ii., p. 455. SURRENDER OF CARLISLE. 229 long been the principal garrison of England upon the western frontier, and many a Scottish army had, in former days, besieged it in vain. The w'alls by which it was surrounded were of the period of Henry VIII., improved by additional defences in the time of Queen Elizabeth. The castle, situated upon an abinipt and steep eminence, and surrounded by deep ditches on the only accessible point, was very ancient, but strong from its situation and the thickness of its walls. Upon the whole, although Carlisle was in no respect qualified to stand a regular siege, yet it might have defied the efforts of an enemy who possessed no cannon of larger calibre than four-pounders. It was a considerable discouragement to the Highland leaders, that their men had deserted in great numbers. The march into England was by no means popular among the common soldiers who attached to the movement some superstitious ideas of mis¬ fortune, which must necessarily attend their crossing the border. When the army of the Prince marched off from Dalkeith, it was upwards of 5500 strong, and they were computed to have lost by desertion at least 1000 men before the one column arrived at Brampton, and the other in the vicinity of Carlisle. The town of Carlisle showed a spirit of defence. The mayor, whose name was Pattison, was at the trouble to issue a proclama¬ tion to inform the citizens, that he was not Paterson, a Scottish- man, but Pattison, a true-born native of England,^ determined to hold out the town to the last. The commandant of the castle, whose name was Durand, and who had lately been sent down to that important situation, was equally vehement in his protestations of defence. The Duke of Perth, who commanded the right column of the Prince’s army, thought it necessary, notwithstanding these ad¬ verse circumstances, to attempt the reduction of this important place. He opened, therefore, a trench on the east side of the town, and in two days afterwards began to construct a battery. On seeing these operations, the town of Carlisle, and its valiant Mayor, desired to capitulate. The Duke of Perth refused to ac- 1 “ 0, Pattison! ohon ! ohon! Thou wonder of a mayor! Thou blest thy lot thou wert no Scot, And bluster’d like a player. What hast thou done with sword or gun To baffle the Pretender ? Of mouldy cheese and bacon grease Thou much more fit defender! “ 0 front of brass and brain of ass, With heart of hare compounded, How are thy boasts repaid with costs, And all thy pride confounded ! Thou need’st not rave, lest Scotland crave Thy kindred or thy favour; Thy wretched race can give no grace, No glory thy behaviour.” Song, The Mayor of Carlisle. 230 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. cept of their submission, unless the castle surrendered, but allow¬ ed them a reasonable time for determination. The consequence was, that both town and citadel surrendered, on condition that the privileges of the community should be respected, and that the garrison, being chiefly militia, should be allowed to retire from the town, after delivering up their arms and horses, and engaging not to serve against the Chevalier for the space of twelve months.^ This capitulation was signed by the Duke of Perth and Colonel Durand, whose defence must have been but a sorry one, since during the short siege there was only one man killed and another wounded in the besieging army. On the 17th of November, the Prince himself made a triumphal entry into Carlisle. The inhabitants, who entertained no affection for his cause, received him coldly; yet they could not help ex¬ pressing a sense of the gentleness with which they had been treated by the Duke of Perth, whose conduct towards them had been generous and liberal. Their expressions of gratitude, and those of favour which the Prince thought himself obliged to be¬ stow upon the Duke, were productive of great injury to the cause, by fostering the jealousy which subsisted between Lord George Murray and his Grace. We have already noticed that this dis¬ cord had its origin as early as the time when the Duke and Lord George first joined the Prince at Perth, and that the Secretary Murray had sought to gratify his own ambition by encouraging the pretensions of the Duke of Perth (whom he found an easy practicable person, very willing to adopt his suggestions,) in pre¬ ference to those of Lord George Murray, who, though an officer of much higher military talents, was haughty, blunt, and not un¬ willing to combat the opinions of the Prince himself, far more those of his favourite secretary. There being thus a sort of jealousy betwixt these eminent per¬ sons, Lord George considered the preference given to the Duke of Perth, to command the proceedings of the siege of Carlisle, as an encroachment upon his own pretensions ; he regarded also, or seemed to regard, the Duke’s religion, being a Catholic, as a dis¬ qualification to his holding such an ostensible character in the expedition. Under the influence of these feelings, he wrote a letter to the Prince, during the time of the siege, in which he observed he was sorry to see that he did not possess his Royal Highness’s confidence, and that, although a Lieutenant-General, others were employed in preference to him ; for these reasons, he perceived he was likely to be of more service as a volunteer 1 “ About three months’ provisions for the militia, and near 200 horses, with their furniture, were seized. In the castle were found 1000 stand of arms, 100 barrels of powder, and a great deal of military stores. The country for several miles round had secured their money, plate, and most valuable effects in the castle, which followed of course.”—“ The rebels, while here, made excessive demands. The cess, excise, and land-tax were exacted under the severest penalties; a contribution from the inhabitants upon pain of military execution was extorted, and the private men among them committed many outrages, which the chiefs could not prevent,”— Henperson, p, 57, DISSENSIONS. 231 than as a general officer; so that he begged his Royal Highness’s acceptance of the resignation of his commission in the latter ca¬ pacity. The Chevalier intimated to him, accordingly, that his re¬ signation was accepted. But, however acceptable the preference given to the Duke of Perth over Lord George Murray might be to Secretary Murray, and to the immediate personal favourites of the Prince, the Duke’s principles and tenets being more acceptable to them than those of an uncompromising soldier of high rank, there was a general feeling of anxiety and apprehension spread through the bulk of the army, who had a much higher opinion of the military capacity of Lord George than of that of the Duke, though partial to the extreme good-nature, personal valour, and gentlemanlike conduct of the latter. The principal persons, therefore, in the army, chiefs, commanders of corps, and men who held similar situations of importance, united in a petition, which was delivered to the Prince at Carlisle, praying that he would be pleased to dis¬ charge all Roman Catholics from his councils. This request was grounded upon an allegation which had appeared in the news¬ papers, stating that the Prince was altogether guided by the ad¬ vice of Roman Catholics, and comparing Sir Thomas Sheridan to his grandfather, James the Second’s father-confessor, the Jesuit Petre. In allusion to the surrender of Carlisle, the petition ex¬ pressed an affected alarm upon the subject of Papists assuming the discussion and decision of articles of capitulation, in which the Church of England was intimately concerned. To mark the ap¬ plication of the whole, the Prince was entreated to request Lord George Murray might resume his command. To this last article of the petition the Prince returned a favourable answer ; to the rest he waved making any reply. Thus, the intrigue was for a period put a stop to, which, joined to his own rough and uncourtly style of remonstrance, had nearly deprived the insurgents of the invaluable services of Lord George Murray, who was undoubted¬ ly the most able officer of their party. The Prince might not have found it easy to extricate himself from this difficulty, had the Duke of Perth remained tenacious of the advantage which he had gained. He could not, indeed, be supposed to admit the principle of a petition, which was founded on the idea that the religion which he professed was a bar to his holding high rank in the Prince’s service, and accordingly repel¬ led with spirit the objections to his precedence on this ground. But when it was pointed out to him that Charles could not at that moment adhere to his resolution in his favour, without losing, to the great disadvantage of his affairs, the benefit of Lord George Murray’s services, he at once professed his willingness to serve in any capacity, and submit to any thing, by which the interest of Charles and the expedition might be most readily promoted. While the Prince lay at Carlisle, he received intelligence, which showed that his successes in Scotland had been but mo^ 232 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. mentary, and of a kind which had not made any serious impres¬ sion upon the minds of the people. The populace of the towns of Perth and Dundee had already intimated their dislike of the Stewart cause, and their adherence to the House of Hanover. Upon the birth-day of King George, the populace in both places assembled to celebrate the festival with the customary demonstra¬ tions of joy, notwithstanding their Jacobite commandants, and the new magistracy, which had been nominated in both towns by the prevailing party. At Perth, the mob had cooped up Mr. Oliphant of Gask, with his friends, in the council-house, and shots and blows had been exchanged betwixt the parties. At Dundee, Fothei-ingham, the Jacobite governor, had been driven from the town, and although both he and Gask had been able to reassert their authority on the succeeding day, yet the temporary success of the citizens of both places, showed that the popular opinion was not on the side of Prince Charles. A more marked expression of public feeling was now exhibited in the metropolis. The force winch had restrained the general sentiment in Edinburgh was removed by the march of the High¬ land army towards England. The troops from the castle had re¬ sumed possession of the deserted city. The Lord Justice-Clerk, the Lords of Session, the Sheriffs of the three counties of Lothian, with many other Whig gentlemen who had left the town on the approach of the rebels, had re-entered Edinburgh in a kind of solemn procession, and had given orders to prosecute the levy of 1000 men, formerly voted to Government. General Handyside also had marched into the capital on the 14th of November, with Price’s and Ligonier’s regiments, which had come from New¬ castle ; also the two regiments of dragoons, who had behaved so indifferently at Preston. The towns of Glasgow, Stirling, Paisley, and Dumfries, were also embodying their militia; and Colonel John Campbell, then heir of the Argyle family, had arrived at Inverary, and was raising the feudal interest of that powerful house, as well as the militia of the county of Argyle. All these were symptoms that showed the frail tenure of the Chevalier’s influence in Scotland, and that it was not, in the Low¬ lands at least, likely to survive long the absence of the Highland army. Neither were the Highlands in a safe situation, so far as the Prince’s interest was concerned. Lord Loudon was at Inverness, with the MacLeods and MacDonalds of Skye, and overawed the Jacobites north of Inverness, as well as those of Nairn and Moray. It is true. Lord Lewis Gordon, who commanded in Banff and Aberdeenshire, had raised three battalions for the Prince, commanded by Moir of Stonywood, Gordon of Abachie, and Far- quharson of Monaltry. The rest of Charles’s reinforcements lay at Perth; they consisted of the Frasers, as already mentioned, MacGillivray of Drumnaglas, who commanded the Macintoshes; the Farquharsons, the Earl of Cromarty, the Master of Lovat, COUNCIL AT CARLISLE. 233 with several detachments of MacDonalds of various tribes, and one hundred and fifty of the Stewarts of Appin. A large body of MacGregors lay at Doune, under the command of MacGregor of Glengyle, and kept the country in great awe. All these troops made a considerable force; those at Perth in particular, together with Glengyle’s people, amounted to between three and four thousand men, as good as any the Prince had in his army, and Colonel MacLachlan was despatched to order them immediately to march and join their countrymen in England. In those circumstances, several of the Prince’s followers were much surprised, when, in a council at Carlisle, the sanguine young Adventurer proposed that they should, without delay, pur¬ sue their march to London, as if the kingdom of England had been wholly defenceless. It was objected, that the Scottish gen¬ tlemen had consented to the invasion of England, in the hope of being joined by the English friends of the Prince, or in expecta¬ tion of a descent from France; without one or other of these events, they had never, it w^as stated, undertaken to effect the restoration of the Stew’art family. To this the Prince answered, that he w^as confident in expecting the junction of a strong party in Lanca¬ shire, if the Scots would consent to march forward. D’Eguilles vehemently affirmed his immediate expectation of a French land¬ ing ; and Mr. Murray, who was treasurer as w'ell as secretary, assured them that it was impossible to stay longer at Carlisle for want of money. All these were urgent reasons for marching southw'ard. Whether the Prince had any stronger reasons than he avow^ed for believing in the actual probability of a Jacobite rising which he averred, will probably never be exactly known. It is certain that many families of distinction were understood to be engaged to join the Prince in 1740, provided he appeared at the head of a French force, and with a certain quantity of money and arms; but the same difficulties occurred in England, which he had en¬ countered on his first landing in Scotland. The persons who had come under an agreement to join, under certain conditions, in a perilous enterprise, considered themselves as under no obligation to do so, when these conditions were not comphed with. It is probable, nevertheless, that many of those zealous and fanatical partisans, which belong to every undertaking of the kind, and are usually as desperate in their plans as in their fortunes, might, since his entering England, have opened a communication with the Prince, and excited his owm sanguine temper by their repre¬ sentations. But, at the same time, it is pretty clear that the Prince had no information of such credit as to be laid before his council ; at least, if it were so, it w^as never seen by them ; nor were there any indications of a formed plan of insurrection in his favour, although there seemed a strong disposition on the part of the gentry in Lancashire, Cheshire, and Wales, to embrace his interest. As for Lord George Murray, and the counsellors who 234 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. differed in opinion from Charles, they assented to the advance into England, merely lest it might be said that, by their restive¬ ness, the Prince had lost the chance of forming an union with his English friends, or profiting by a descent from France. The array was now reduced to about 4400 men, out of which a garrison of two or three hundred Avere to be left in Carlisle; with the remainder it was now resolved to march to London by the Lancashire road, although, including the militia and newly- raised regiments, there were upwards of 6000 men under arms upon the side of the Government, who lay directly in their road. It would, therefore, seem, that the better course would have been to have Avaited at Carlisle until the reinforcements arrived from Perth; but this proposal was made and overruled. On the 21st of November, the Prince marched from Carlisle, and arrived that night at Penrith, Lord George Murray commanding the army as general under him. He halted a day at Penrith, Avith the pur¬ pose of fighting Field-Marshal Wade, who had made a demonstra¬ tion toAvards Hexham, to raise the siege of Carlisle ; but Avho had marched back, on account, as AA^as alleged, of a heavy snow-storm. Wade Avas now an old man, and his military movements partook of the sloAvness and irresolution of advanced age. The Prince, neglecting the old Marshal, pushed southward, resumed his ad¬ venturous march, and advanced through Lancaster to Preston, Avhere the Avhole army arrived on the 26th. They marched in tAvo divisions, of Avhich the first, commanded by Lord George Murray, comprehended what were called the LoAvland regiments, that is to say, the Avhole army except the clans; although the greater part so called LoAvland, Avere Highlanders by language, and all of them by dress, the Highland garb being the uniform of all the infantry of the Jacobite army. The Prince himself, at the head of the clans properly so called, each of which formed a regiment, led the Avay on foot, Avith his target on his shoulder, sharing the fatigues of his hardy followers. The little army Avas compelled, for convenience of quarters, to move, as we have said, in two divisions, Avhich generally kept half a day’s march separate from each other. These adventurous movements, from the A^ery audacity of their character,—for who could have supposed them to be hazarded on vague expectations ?—struck a terror into the English nation, at which those who witnessed and shared it were afterwards surprised and ashamed. It Avas concluded that an enterprise so desperate would not have been undertaken Avithout some private assurances of internal assistance,^ and every one expected some dreadful 1 “ We have had ocular demonstration,” says the editor of Johnstone’s Me¬ moirs in 1820, “ from the archives of the Stewart family, lately discovered at Rome, by Mr. Watson of Elgin, and nowin possession of his majesty, that he (Prince Charles) was first invited into Great Britain, and then abandoned to his fate, by a great part of the English aristocracy. This fact cannot be denied, as there is evidence of it in their own handwriting. These archives, which con¬ sist of more than half a million of documents, equally curious and instructive. ALARM IN ENGLAND. 23.5 and widely-spread conspiracy to explode. In the mean time, the people remained wonderfully passive. “ London,” says a con¬ temporary, writing on the spur of the moment, “ lies open as a prize to the first comers, whether Scotch or Dutch and a letter from the poet Gray to Horace Walpole, paints an indifference yet more ominous to the public cause than the general panic: “ The common people in town at least know how to be afraid; but we are such uncommon people here” (at Cambridge) “ as to have no more sense of danger than if the battle had been fought where and when the battle of Cannee was. I heard three sensible, middle-aged men, when the Scotch were said to be at Stamford, and actually were at Derby, talking of hiring a chaise to go to Caxton (a place in the high-road) to see the Pretender and Highlanders as they passed.” A further evidence of the feelings under which the public laboured during this crisis, is to be found in a letter from the well-known Sir Andrew Mitchell to the Lord President.* " If I had not,” says the writer, “ lived long enough in England to know the natural bravery of the people, particularly of the better sort, I should, from their behaviour of late, have had a very false opinion of them ; for the least scrap of good news exalts them most absurdly, and the smallest reverse of fortune depresses them meanly.” In fact, the alarm was not groundless ; not that the number of the Chevalier’s individual followers ought to have been an object of serious, at least of permanent alarm, to so great a kingdom; but because, in many counties, a great proportion of the landed interest were Jacobitically disposed, although, with the prudence which distinguished the opposite party in 1688, they declined joining the invaders, until it should appear whether they could maintain their ground without them. In the mean time, the unfortunate Prince marched on in full confidence in his stars, his fortunes, and his strength, like a dar¬ ing gambler, encouraged by a run of luck which was hitherto ex¬ traordinary ; but his English friends remained as much palsied as his enemies, nor did any thing appear to announce that general declaration in his favour which he had asserted with so much confidence.” On arriving at Preston, in Lancashire, Lord George Murray and which throw so much additional light on the religion, politics, and morals of almost every nation in Europe, during one of the most interesting periods of modern times, leave no doubt as to the truth of what a perusal of the se¬ lection from the Culloden papers, published in 1815, led us strongly to suspect, that the project of the Pretender was not so wild as, since the result, it has usually been pronounced; and that the conduct of the Highland chiefs, who staked their lives and properties upon the issue, though certainly hold, was not so imprudent as it might at first sight appear to be. Having, however, sur¬ mounted the greatest danger, to. which every enterprise of that nature is exposed, namely, the danger of being crushed in the outset, they could hardly anticipate, when they advanced into England, that the powerful party which had promised to join them, would, when the risk was so much less, be so much more re¬ gardless of their word than they themselves had been.”—Pp. 84-5. 1 Culloden Papers, p. 255. 236 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. had to combat the superstition of the soldiers whom he com¬ manded. The defeat of the Duke of Hamilton in the great Civil War, with the subsequent misfortune of Brigadier Macintosh in 1715, had given rise to a belief, that Preston was to a Scottish army the fatal point, beyond which they were not to pass. To counteract this superstition. Lord George led a part of his troops across the Ribble-bridge, a mile beyond Preston, at which town the Chevalier arrived in the evening. The spell which arrested the progress of the Scottish troops was thus supposed to be broken, and their road to London was considered as laid open. The people of Preston received Charles Edward with several cheers, which were the first he had heard since entering Eng¬ land ; but on officers being appointed to beat up for recruits, no one would enlist. When this was stated to the Prince, he con¬ tinued, in reply, to assure his followers, with unabated confidence, that he would be joined by all his English friends when they ad¬ vanced as far as Manchester; and Monsieirr D’Eguilles, with similar confidence, offered to lay considerable wagers, that the French either had already landed, or would land within a week. Thus, the murmurers were once more reduced to silence. During this long and fatiguing march, Charles, as we have already said, shared with alacrity the fatigues of his soldiers.^ He usually wore a Highland dress, and marched on foot at the head of one of the columns, insisting that the infirm and aged Lord Pitsligo should occupy his carriage. He never took dinner, but, making a hearty meal at supper, threw himself upon his bed about eleven o’clock, without undressing, and rose by four the next morning, and, as he had a very strong constitution, supported this severe labour day after day. In all the towns where the Highland army passed, they levied the public revenue with great accuracy ; and where any subscriptions had been levied in behalf of Government, as was the case in most considerable places, they exacted an equivalent sum from each subscriber. On the march between Preston and Wigan, the road was thronged with people anxious to see the army pass by, who ex¬ pressed their good wishes for the Prince’s success; but when arms were offered to them, and they were invited to enrol them¬ selves in his service, they unanimously declined, saying, in ex¬ cuse, they did not understand fighting. On the 29th, when the Prince arrived at Manchester, there was a still stronger appear¬ ance of favour to his cause ; bonfires, acclamations, the display of white cockades, solemnized his arrival, and a considerable number of persons came to kiss his hand, and to offer their ser¬ vices. About two hundi’ed men of the populace were here enlisted, and being embodied with the few who had before joined his standard, composed what was termed the Manchester regiment. ' “ All the bridges over the river Mersey being broken down, Charles chose the route to t;tockport, and forded the river at the head of his division, though the water rose to his middle.”— Smollett, b. ii., c. 8. ARRIVAL AT DERBY. 237 The officers were in general respectable men, enthusiasts in the Jacobite cause; and Mr. Townley, a gentleman of good family, and considerable literary accomplishments, was named colonel of the regiment. But the common soldiers were the very lowest of the populace.^ All this success was of a character very inferior to that which the Prince had promised, and which his followers expected; yet it was welcome, and was regarded as the com¬ mencement of a rising in their favour, so that even Lord George Murray, when consulted by a friend, whether they should not now renounce an expedition which pi’omised so ill, gave it as his opi¬ nion, that, before doing so, they should advance as far as Derby, undertaking that, if they were not joined by the English Jacobites in considerable numbers at that place, he would then propose a retreat. The Highland army advanced accordingly to Derby ; but in their road through Macclesfield, Leek, Congleton, and other places, were received with signs of greater aversion to their cause than they had yet experienced, so that all hopes founded on the en¬ couragement they had received from the junction of the Man¬ chester Regiment, were quite obscured and forgotten. They now also began to receive notice of the enemy. Colonel Ker of Gradon nearly surprised a party of English dragoons, and made prisoner one Weir, a principal spy of the Duke of Cumber¬ land, whom the Highland officers were desirous of sending to instant execution. Lord George Murray saved him from the gallows, and thus obtained some valuable information concerning the numbers and position of the enemy. Accuracy in these par¬ ticulars was of the last consequence, for having arrived at Derby, Charles might be said to be at the very crisis of his fate. He 1 “ One of my sergeants,” says the Chevalier Johnstone, “ named Dickson, whom I had enlisted from among the prisoners of war at Gladsmuir, a young Scotchman, as brave and intrepid as a lion, informed me, on the 27th at Pres¬ ton, that he had been beating up for recruits all day without getting one. He had quitted Preston in the evening with his mistress and my drummer; and having marched all night, he arrived next morning at Manchester, and im¬ mediately began to beat up for recruits for ‘ the yellow-haired laddie.’ The po- E ulace at first did not interrupt him, conceiving our army to be near the town ; ut as soon as they knew that it would not arrive until the evening, they sur¬ rounded him in a tumultuous manner, with the intention of taking him alive or dead. Dickson presented his blunderbuss, which was charged with slugs, threatening to blow out the brains of those who first dared to lay hands on him¬ self or the two who accompanied him ; and by turning round continually, fac¬ ing in all directions, and behaving like a lion, he soon enlarged the circle, which a crowd of people had formed round them. Having continued for some time to manoeuvre in this way, those of the inhabitants of Manchester who were attached to the house of Stewart, took arms, and flew to the assistance, of Dick¬ son, to rescue him from the fury of the mob ; so that he soon had five or six hundred to aid him, who dispersed the crowd in a very short time. Dickson now triumphed in his turn, and putting himself at the head of his followers, he proudly paraded undisturbed the whole day, with his drummer, enlisting all who offered themselves. On presenting me with a list of 180 recruits, I was agreeably surprised to find that the whole amount of his expenses did not exceed three guineas. This adventure of Dickson gave rise to many a joke at the expense of the town of Manchester, from the singular circumstance of its having been taken by a sergeant, a drummer, and a girl.”— Memoirs, pp. 48-40; Ray, p. 139. 238 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER, was within 127 miles of London, and, at the same time, less than a day’s march of an army of 10,000 and upwards, which had been originally assembled under General Ligonier, and was now commanded by his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland, who had his headquarters at Litchfield, somewhat farther from the metropolis than those of Charles Edward.^ On the other hand, another English army, equal in numbers to their own, was moving up along the west side of Yorkshire, being about this time near Ferrybridge, two or three marches in the rear of the Scottish invaders, who were thus in danger of being placed be¬ tween two fires. Besides these two armies, George the Second was himself pre- pai’ing to take the field at the head of his own Guards. For this purpose they were marched out of London, and encamped upon Finchley Common. Several regiments who had served abroad were destined to compose this third army, and form the defence of the capital, should its services be requmed.^ The Prince showed no abatement of the high confidence which he had hitherto entertained of success. It seems to have been his idea to push forward at the head of his active troops, and, eluding the Duke of Cumberland (which, from their mutual posi¬ tion with respect to London, he would not have found difficult, being the nearest to the capital by nearly a day’s march,) to press forward upon the metropolis, and dispute the pretensions of the reigning monarch beneath its very walls. He continued to enter¬ tain the belief that George the Second was a detested usurper, in whose favour no one would willingly draw his sword; that the people of England, as was their duty, still nourished that alle¬ giance for the race of their native princes, which they were bound to hold sacred; and that, if he did but persevere in his daring attempt. Heaven itself would fight in liis cause. His discourse, 1 “There was a great disproportion,” says the Chevalier .Johnstone, “be¬ tween the numbers of the two armies ; but the inequality was balanced by the heroic ardour of the Highlanders, animated on that occasion to the highest pitch of enthusiasm, and breathing nothing but a desire for the combat. They were to be seen the whole day in crowds before the shops of the cutlers, quarrelling about who should be the first to sharpen and give a proper edge to their swords.”— Memoirs, 4to, p. 51. 2 To this, in his account of affairs in London at that period, Smollett adds, “ Some Romish “priests were apprehended. The militia of London and Mid¬ dlesex were kept in readiness to march; double watches were posted at the city gates, and signals of alarm appointed. The volunteers of the city were in¬ corporated into a regiment; the practitioners of the law were headed by the j udges; weavers of Spittalfields, and other communities engaged in associations ; and even the managers of the theatres offered to raise a body of their de¬ pendents for the service of the Government. Notwithstanding these precau¬ tions and appearances of unanimity, the trading part of the city, and those concerned in the money corporations, were overwhelmed with fear and dejec¬ tion. They prognosticated their own ruin in the approaching revolution; and their countenances exhibited the plainest marks of horror and despair. On the other hand, the Jacobites were elevated to an insolence of hope which they were at no pains to conceal; while many people who had no private property to lose, and thought no change could be for the worse, waited the issue of this crisis with the most calm indifference.”— Hist. b. ii., c. 8. CHARLES RESOLUTE TO ADVANCE. 239 therefore, when at table, at Derby, was entirely about the manner in which he should enter London, whether on foot or horseback, or whether in Lowland or Highland garb; without hinting at the possibility of his having to retreat without making the final experiment on the faith and fortitude of the English. He re¬ mained at Derby for nearly two days to refresh his forces. On the morning of the 5th of December, Lord George Murray, with all the commanders of battalions and squadrons, waited on the Prince, and informed him that it was the opinion of all pre¬ sent, that the Scots had now done every thing that could be ex¬ pected of them. They had marched into the heart of England, through the counties represented as most favourable to the cause, and had not been joined, except by a very insignificant number. They had been assured also of a descent from France, to act in conjunction with them; but of this there had not been the slight¬ est appeai’ance; nevertheless. Lord George stated, that if the Prince could produce a letter from any English person of dis¬ tinction, containing an invitation to the Scottish army either to march to London or elsewhere, they were ready to obey. If, however, no one was disposed to intermeddle Avith their affairs, he stated they must be under the necessity of caring for them¬ selves, in which point of view their situation must be considered as critical. The army of the Duke of Cumberland, ten thousand strong, lay within a day’s march in front, or nearly so; that of Marshal Wade was only two or three marches in their rear. Supposing that, nevertheless, they could give both armies the slip, a battle under the walls of London with George the Second’s army was inevitable. He urged, that with Avhomsoever they fought, they could not reckon even upon victory, without such a loss as would make it impossible to gather in the fruits which ought to folloAv it; and that four or five thousand men were an army inadequate even to taking possession of the city of London, although undefended by regular troops, unless the populace were strongly in his favour, of which good disposition some friend would certainly have informed them, if any such had existed. Lord George Murray, to these causes for retreat, added a plan for a Scottish campaign, which he thought might be prosecuted to advantage. In retreating to that country the Prince had the ad¬ vantage of retiring upon his reinforcements, which included the body of Highlanders lying at Perth, as well as a detachment of French troops which had been landed at Montrose under Lord John Drummond. He, therefore, requested, in the name of the persons present, that they should go back and join their friends in Scotland, and live or die with them. After Lord George had spoken, many of the council expressed similar opinions. The Duke of Perth and Sir John Gordon only proposed penetrating into Wales, to give the people there an op¬ portunity to join. To this was opposed the necessity of fighting with the Duke of Cumberland, with unequal numbers, and per- 2-iO TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. liaps with Marshal Wade also, who was likely to strain every nerve to come up in their rear. Charles Edward heard these arguments with the utmost impa¬ tience, expressed his determination to advance to London, having gained a day’s march on the Duke of Cumberland, and plainly stigmatized as traitors all who should adhere to any other resolu¬ tion. He broke up the council, and used much argument with tlie members in private to alter their way of thinking. The Irish officers alone seemed convinced by his reasoning, for they were little accustomed to dispute his opinions; and besides, if made prisoners, they could only be subjected to a few months’ imprison¬ ment, as most of them had regular commissions in the French service. But at length the Chevalier, knowing that little weight would be given to their sanction, and finding that his own abso¬ lute commands were in danger of being disobeyed, was compelled to submit to the advice, or remonstrance, of the Scottish leaders. On the 5th, therefore, in the evening, the council of war was again convoked, and the Chevalier told them, with sullen resigna¬ tion, that he consented to return to Scotland, but at the same time informed them, that in future he should call no more coun¬ cils, since he was accountable to nobody for his actions excepting to Heaven and to his Father, and would, therefore, no longer either ask or accept their advice. Thus terminated the celebrated march to Derby, and with it every chance, however remote, of the Chevalier’s success in his romantic expedition. Whether he ought ever to have entered England, at least without collecting all the forces which he could command, is a very disputable point; but it was clear, that what¬ ever influence he might for a time possess, arose from the bold¬ ness of his advance. The charm, however, was broken the mo¬ ment he showed, by a movement in retreat, that he had under¬ taken an enterprise too difficult for him to achieve. CHAPTER LXXX. Retreat of the Highland Army from Derby—Dejection of the Prince—Pursuit by the Duke of Cumberland—Skirmish at Clif¬ ton—Reinforcements left with the Jacobite Garrison in Carlisle —The Highland Army re-enter Scotland. [1745.] Upon the 6th of December, the Highland army began its re¬ treat northward. As they marched in the grey of the morning, the men did not at first perceive in what direction they were moving; but so soon as the daylight gave them the means of perceiving that they were in retreat, an expression of deep regret and lamentation was heard among the ranks; with such confi- EETREAT OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 241 dence had these brave men looked forward to a successful issue, even in the precarious situation in which they were placed. It was also observed, that from the time the retreat commenced, the Highlanders became more reckless in their conduct. They had behaved with exemplary discipline while there remained any possibility of conciliating the inhabitants. The English might then stare with wonder on men speaking an unknown language, wearing a wild and vmwonted dress, and bearing much of the ex¬ ternal appearance of barbarians, but their behaviour was that of an orderly and civilized people. Now, when irritated by disap¬ pointment, they did not scruple to commit plunder in the towns and villages thi’engh which they passed; and several acts of vio¬ lence induced the country people not only to fear them as out¬ landish strangers, but to hate them as robbers. ^ In the advance, they showed the sentiments of brave men, come, in their opinion, to liberate their fellow-citizens ;■—m the retreat, they were as caterans returning from a ci’eagh. They evinced no ferocity, however, and their rapine was combined with singular simplicity. Iron being a scarce commodity in their own country, some of them were observed, as they left Derby, to load themselves with bars of it, which they proposed to carry down to Scotland with them! The behaviour of the Prince also tended to dishearten the soldiers. He seemed to conduct himself on the retreat as if he were no longer commander of the ai*my. Instead of taking the vanguard on foot, at the head of his people, with his target at his back, as had been his custom during the advance, he now linger¬ ed behind his men, so as to retard them, and then I'ode forward and regained his place in the column ; he showed, in short, obvious marks of being dejected and out of humour. The few English insurgents by whom the Prince had been joined, were divided in opinion whether they should follow this retrograde movement, which coincided so ill with their more san¬ guine hopes, or remain behind, and desert the cause. Morgan, one of these English volunteers, came up to Vaughan, a gentle- 1 And as cannibals also by the Chevalier Johnstone’s account. “ The terror of the English,” says he, “ was truly inconceivable, and in many cases they seemed quite bereft of their senses. One evening, as Loqhiel entered the lodgings assigned to him, his landlady, an old woman, threw herself at his feet, and with uplifted hands, and tears in her eyes, supplicated him to take her life, but to spare her two little children. He asked her if she was in her senses, and told her to explain herself; when she answered that every body said the Highlanders ate children, and made them their common food. Mr. Cameron having assured her that they would not injure her or her little child¬ ren, or any person whatever, she looked at him for some moments with an air of surprise, and then opened a press, calling out with a loud voice, ‘ Come out, children ; the gentleman will not eat you.’ The children immediately left the press, where she had concealed them, and threw themselves at his feet. They affirmed in the newspapers of London that we had dogs in our army trainee! to fight; and that we were indebted for our victory at Gladsmuir to those dogs, who darted with fury on the English army. They represented the Highlanders as monsters with claws instead of hands. In a word they never ceased to cir¬ culate, every day, the most extravagant and ridiculous stories with respect to the Highlanders,”— Memoirs, pp. 76, 77- VOL. III. Q 242 TALES OP A GRANDFATHER. man of the same country, and observed, in a tone of surprise, that the army were going to Scotland ; “ Be it so,” answered Vaughan, “ I am determined to go with them wherever their course lies.”— Morgan replied, with an oath, it was better to be hanged m Eng¬ land than starved in Scotland. He had the misfortune to be hanged accordingly, while Vaughan escaped, and died an officer in the Spanish service. The people of the country, who had shown them little good-will upon their advance, appeared more actively malevolent when they beheld the Scots in retreat, and in the act of pillaging the places they passed through. At a village near Stockport, the inhabitants fired upon the patrols of the Highlanders, who, in retaliation, set fire to the place. Most of the country people were in arms, and all stragglers were killed or made pinsoners. The sick men also, of the Jacobite army, who were necessarily left behind the march, were killed or treated with violence. On the 9th of December the army approached Manchester; but in that city, which had lately appeared so friendly, they now encountered opposition. A violent mob was in possession of the town, and opposed the quar¬ ter-masters of the Chevalier’s army. Two battalions and two squadrons were detached to support the quarter-masters, by whom the mob was dispersed. £2500 was demanded from the town, in consequence of this riot. On leaving the place, the mob even pursued, and fired upon the rear of the Chevalier’s army, although they uniformly retreated so soon as the rear-guard faced about. The temper of the people, however, served to show how little reliance could at any time have been placed upon their attachment. The Duke of Cumberland, who, as I already said, was lying at Litchfield, while Prince Charles was at Derby, did not learn for two days that the Highlanders had left Derby for Ashburn on the 6th; and did not commence any pursuit until the 8th, when the Duke marched northward with all his cavalry, and a number of infantry mounted upon horses furnished by the neighbouring gentry. The troops advanced with the utmost spirit. The retreat of the Scottish army, whose advance had been regarded with a vague apprehension of terror, was naturally considered as an avowal of their inability to execute their purpose; and it was concluded by the regular soldiery, that they were pressing upon the flight of a disappointed and disheartened body of adventurers^ who had failed in an attempt to execute a desperate object. The English troops also felt in spirits, as being under the command of a Prince of the Blood, of undoubted experience and courage, who had arrived in Britain in time to assert the cause of his father, and to fix upon his head the crown which had been so boldly struck at. They anticipated little opposition from an enemy in full retreat, and whom, it might be supposed, a brisk attack would throw into utter disorder; their cavalry, therefore, pressed forward, in spirits, and by forced marches. RETREAT OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 243 On their part, the Highlanders retreated with speed, regularity, and unabated courage. Lord George Murray, to vindicate the sincerity of his attachment to the cause he had embraced, under¬ took the charge of the rear-guard, the post of danger and of honour. This frequently detained him a considerable time be¬ yond the march of the main body, more especially for the pur¬ pose of bringing up the baggage and artillery of the army, which, from the bad weather and bad state of the roads, was perpetually breaking down, and detained the rear-guard considerably. Towards the evening of the 17th of December, the Prince, with the main body of his army, had entered the town of Penrith, in the county of Cumberland. Lord George Murray had, in the mean while, been delayed so much by those various accidents, that he was forced to pass the night six miles in the rear, at the town of Shap. The Glengarry regiment of Highlanders were at that time in charge of the rear-guard ; and at Shap, Lord George found Colonel Roy Stewart, with another small regiment of 2U0 men. In the mean time, the Chevalier had determined to halt at Penrith until he was joined by his rear-guard. Next day, being the 18th of December, Lord George Murray marched with both the corps which we have mentioned. The march began, as usual, before daybreak; but when it became broad day-light, he discovered the village of Clifton, which is within three or four miles south of Penrith, and the heights be¬ yond it, crowned with several parties of cavalry, drawn up betwixt him and the village. The Highlanders, you must be reminded, had, in former times, an aversion to encounter the Lowland horse; but since their success at Preston, they had learned to despise the ti'oops of whom they formerly stood in awe. They had been in¬ structed, chiefly by the standing orders of Lord George Murray, that if they encountered the cavalry manfully, striking with their swords at the heads and hmbs of the horses, they might be sure to throw them into disorder. The MacDonalds, therefore, of Glengarry, on receiving the word of command to attack those horsemen who appeared disposed to interrupt their passage, stript off their plaids without hesitation, and rushed upon them sword in hand. The cavalry in question were not regulars, but volun¬ teers of the country, who had assembled themselves for the pur¬ pose of harassing the rear of the Highland army, and giving time for the Duke of Cumberland, who was in full pursuit to ad¬ vance and overtake them. On the fierce attack of Glengarry’s men they immediately galloped off, but not before several prisoners were made ; among the rest a footman of the Duke of Cumberland, who told his captors that his Royal Highness was coming up in their rear with 4000 horse. Lord George Murray despatched this information to the Che¬ valier at Penrith, requesting some support, which he limited to 1000 men. Colonel Roy Stewart, who was charged with the message, returned with orders that the rear-guard should retreat 244 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. upon Penrith.^ At the same time, MaePherson of Cluny, with his clan, was sent back as far as Cliftonbridge, with the Appin regiment, under command of Stewart of Ardshiel. With the assistance of these reinforcements. Lord George Murray was still far inferior in number to the enemy, yet he determined to make good his retreat. The Duke of Cumberland’s whole cavalry was now drawn up in the rear of the Highland army, upon the open moor of Clifton; beyond the moor the rear-guard of the Highlanders must neces¬ sarily pursue their retreat through large plantations of fir-trees, part of Lord Lonsdale’s enclosures. Lord George Murmy fore¬ saw an attack in this critical posture, and prepared to meet and repel it. He drew up the Glengarry regiment upon the high¬ road, within the fields, placed the Appin Stewarts in the enclo¬ sures on their left, and again the MaePherson regiment to the left of them. On the right he stationed Roy Stewart’s men, covered by a wall. The night was dark, with occasional glimpses of the moon. The English advanced about 1000 dismounted dragoons, with the in¬ tention of attacking the Highlanders on the flank, while the Duke of Cumberland and the rest of his cavalry kept their station on the moor, with the purpose of operating in the rear of their op¬ ponents. Lord George Murray perceived, by a glimpse of moon¬ shine, this large body of men coming from the moor, and ad¬ vancing towards the Clifton enclosures. The MaePherson and Stewart regiments, which were under Lord George’s immediate command, were stationed behind a hedge ; but Lord George, ob¬ serving a second hedge in front, protected by a deep ditch, order¬ ed his men to advance and gain possession of it. It was already lined on the opposite side by the enemy, who, as was then the custom of dragoons, acted as infantry when occasion required. Lord George asked Cluny his opinion of what was to be done: “ I will attack the enemy sword in hand,” replied the undaunted chief, “ provided you order me.” As they advanced, the Mac- Phersons, who were nearest to the hedge of which they wished to take possession, received a fire from the soldiers who had lined it on the opposite side. Cluny, surprised at receiving a dis¬ charge of musketry, when he conceived he was marching against a body of horse, exclaimed, ‘‘ What the devil is this! ” Lord George Murray replied, “ There is no time to be lost—we must instantly charge ! ” and at the same time drawing his broadsword, 1 “ Lord George Murray desired Colonel Stewart not to mention this order to any other person.”— Home.— “ The officers who were;with me, says Lord George, agreed in my opinion, that to retreat when the enemy were within less than musket-shot would be very dangerous, and we would probably be destroyed before we came up with the rest of our army. We had nothing for it but a brisk attack; and therefore, after receiving the enemy’s fire, we went in sword in hand and dislodged them ; after which we made our retreat in good order. I own I disobeyed orders; but what I did was the only safe and honourable measure I could take, and it succeeded .”—Letter to Hamilton of Letngour, Hoaie’s Appendix, No. 42 . RETREAT FROM CARLISLE. 245 exclaimed, “ Claymore !” which was the word for attacking sword in hand. The MacPhersons rushed on, headed by their chief, with uncontrollable fury; they gave their fire, and then burst, sword in hand, through the hedge, and attacked the dragoons by whom it was lined. Lord George himself headed the assault, and in dashing through the hedge lost his bonnet and wig (the last of which was then universally worn,) and fought bare-headed, the foremost in the skirmish. Colonel Honeywood, who commanded the dragoons, was left severely wounded on the spot, and his sword, of considerable value, fell into the hands of the chief of the AlacPhersons. The dragoons on the right were compelled, with considerable loss, to retreat to their party on the moor. At the same moment, or nearly so, another body of dismounted dra¬ goons pressed forward upon the high-road, and were repulsed by the Glengarry regiment, and that of John Roy Stewart. The Highlanders were with difficulty recalled from the pursuit, ex¬ claiming, that it was a shame to see so many of the king’s ene ¬ mies standing fast upon the moor without attacking them. A very few of the MacPhersons, not exceeding twelve, who ven¬ tured too far, were either killed or taken. But the loss of the English was much more considerable, nor did they feel disposed to renew the attack upon the rear of the Highlanders. Lord George Murray sent a second message to the Prince, to propose that he should detach a reinforcement from the main body, with which he offered to engage and defeat the cavalry opposed to him. The Prince, doubtful of the event, or jealous of his gene¬ ral, declined to comply with this request. On receiving this answer. Lord George Murray retreated to Penrith, and united the rear-guard with the main body; and it seems that the Duke of Cumberland became satisfied that a good deal of risk might be incurred by a precipitate attack on the Highland army, since he did not again repeat the experiment.^ The next day, Charles retreated to Carlisle, and arrived there with his army on the morning of the 19th of December. It was thought desirable that the Highland garrison in that town should be reinforced, but it was not easy to find forces will¬ ing to be left behind in a place almost certain to be sacrificed. The men of the Manchester regiment, who were disheartened at the prospect of a retreat into Scotland, were pitched upon for this duty, together with a number of French and Irish. The last had little to fear, being generally engaged in the French service, and 1 “ The Duke of Cumberland’s footman declared, that his master would have been killed, if the pistol with which a Highlander took aim at his head, had not missed fire. The Prince had the politeness to send him back to his master.” —Johnstone, p. 61.—“ Cumberland and his cavalry fled with preci¬ pitation, and in such great confusion, that if the Prince had been provided in a sufficient number of cavalry to have taken advantage of the disorder, it is beyond question that the Duke of Cumberland and the bulk of his cavalry had been taken prisoners.’’— M'Pherson’s MS. Memoirs, quoted in Notes to Waverlcy. 240 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. the English were probably of the mind of Captain Morgan, that hanging in England was preferable to starving in Scotland. The skirmish at Clifton seems to have abated the speed of the English pursuers, who no longer attempted to annoy the retreat of their active enemy. The Scottish army left Carlisle upon the 20th of December, and effected their retreat into Scotland by crossing the Esk at Langtoun; the river was swollen, but the men, wading in arm in arm, supported each other against the force of the current, and got safely through, though with some difficulty. It is said that the Chevalier showed both dexterity and humanity on this occasion. He was crossing on horseback, beneath the place where some of his men were fording the river, one or two of whom drifted from the hold of their companions, and were carried down the stream in great danger of perishing. As one of them passed, the Chevalier caught him by the ham, called out in Gaelic, “ Cohear, cohear /” that is “ Help, help !” supported the man till he was taken safely from the water, and thus gave himself an additional claim to the attachment of his followers.^ The Highland army, marching in two divisions, arrived at Annan and Ecclefechan on the same day, and pursued their road through the West of Scotland. While the Scottish rebels were advancing, the utmost alarm prevailed in London; there was a sharp run upon the Bank, which threatened the stability of that national establishment;''^ the offers of support from public bodies showed the urgency of 1 “ The Esk, which is usually shallow, had been swelled by an incessant rain of four days to a depth of four feet. Nothing could be better arranged than the passage. Our cavalry formed in the river, to break the force of the current, about twenty-five paces above that part of the ford where our infantry were to pass; and the Highlanders formed themselves into ranks of ten or twelve abreast, with their arms locked in such a manner as to support one another against the rapidity of the river, leaving sufficient intervals between their ranks for the passage of the water. Cavalry were likewise stationed in the river below the ford, to pick up and save those who might be carried away by the violence of the current. The interval between the cavalry appeared like a paved street through the river, the heads of the Highlanders being generally all that was seen above the water. By means of this contrivance, our army passed the Esk in an hour’s time, without losing a single man ; and a few girls, determined to share the fortunes of their lovers, were the only persons who were carried away by the rapidity of the stream. Fires were kindled to dry our people as soon as they quitted the water; and the bagpipers having com¬ menced playing, the Highlanders began all to dance, expressing the utmost joy on seeing their country again ; and forgetting the chagrin whi^ had inces¬ santly devoured them, and which they had continually nourished ever since their department from Derby.’'— Johnstone, pp. 75, 76- —Compare Viscount Dundeee exiled officers’ passage of the Rhine.— Ante, vol. ii., p. 247. 2 “ People thronged to the bank to obtain payment of its notes; and it only escaped bankruptcy by a stratagem. Payment was not indeed refused: but as those who came first were entitled to priority of payment, the bank took care to be continually surrounded by agents with notes, who were paid in six¬ pences in order to gain time. These agents went out at one door with the specie they had received, and brought it back by another, so that the honafide holders of notes could never get near enough to present them ; and the bank, by this artifice, preserved credit, and literally faced its creditors.”— Johnstone, p. 57. ALARM IN LONDON. 247 the crisis; the.theatres, for example, proposed to raise armed corps of real not personated soldiers. There was the more alarm indicated in all this, because the Highlanders, who had not been at first sufficiently respected as soldiers, had acquired by their late actions credit for valour of a most romantic cast. There was something also in the audacity of the attempt, which in¬ clined men to give Charles credit for secret resources, until his retreat showed that he was possessed of none except a firm be¬ lief in the justice of his own cause, and a confidence that it was universally regarded in the same light by the English nation. The apathy of the English had dissipated this vision, few or none, ex¬ cepting Catholics, and a handful of Jacobites of Manchester, hav¬ ing shown themselves disposed to acknowledge his cause. The retreat, therefore, from Derby was considered throughout Eng¬ land as the close of the rebellion; as a physician regards a dis¬ temper to be nearly overcome, when he can drive it from the stomach and nobler parts into the extremities of the body. CHAPTER LXXXI. State of Affairs in Scotland—Spirit of Resistance to the Jacobites —Fines levied by Prince Charles from Dumfries and Glasgow —Levies for his Service assembled at Perth—Failure of Riche¬ lieu’s projected Expedition—Junction of the Jacobite Forces, at Stirling—Surrender of Carlisle to the Duke of Cumberland, who is recalled to London—General Hawley appointed to the Com¬ mand in Scotland—Battle of Falkirk—The Duke of Cumber¬ land appointed to the Chief Command in Scotland. [1746.] The state of Scotland had materially changed during the ab¬ sence of the Prince and his army upon the expedition to Derby; and the nation was now in the situation of one, who, having re¬ ceived a stunning blow, recovers at last from his stupor, and aims, though feebly and with uncertainty, at retaliating the injury which he has sustained. Inverness was in the hands of Lord Loudon, commanding an army composed of the MacLeods, MacDonalds of Skye, and other northern clans, who, to the number of two thousand men, had associated against the insurgents. The Earl of Loudon even felt himself strong enough to lay hands on Lord Lovat in his own castle, named Castle Downie, and brought him to Inverness, where he detained him in a sort of honourable captivity. Fraser of Gortuleg, one of his clansmen, relieved Lovat by a stratagem. The old chief, having made his escape, lurked in the Highlands, keeping up his correspondence with Charles Edward. The house 248 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. of Gortuleg was Lovat’s chief residence. Matters in the North were, therefore, unfavourable to the Chevalier’s cause. The capital of Scotland was again in possession of the consti¬ tuted authorities, garrisoned by a part of Marshal Wade’s army which had been sent down for the purpose, and preparing to re¬ deem, by a more obstinate resistance to the Highlanders upon their return from England, the honour which they might be sup¬ posed to have lost by their surrender in the September preced- ing.i This spirit of resistance had reached the Western Border, where reports were generally disseminated that the Chevalier and his forces had been defeated in England, and were now fly¬ ing across the Border in such extreme confusion, that the mili¬ tia and volunteers of the country would have little trouble in to¬ tally destroying them. For this purpose, many of the peasants of Dumfries-shire had assumed arms, but they showed little inclina¬ tion to use them, when they saw the Chevalier’s army return in complete order, and unbroken in strength or spirit. The Highland army, after crossing the river Esk, was divided into three bodies. The first, consisting of the clans, moved with the Chevalier to Annan. Lord George Murray was ordered to Ecclefechan with the Athole brigade and Lowland regiments. Lord Elcho, with the cavalry, received orders to go to Dumfries, and to disarm and punish that refractory town. The Prince him¬ self shortly followed with the infantry, which he commanded in person. Dumfries’s ancient contumacy to the Jacobite cause had been manifested not only by their conduct in the year 1715, but by a recent attack upon the Chevalier’s baggage, as he marched into England in the November preceding.'-^ The horse marched thither accordingly, with purposes of vengeance, and were speedi¬ ly followed by the Prince’s whole division. He laid a fine of £2000 upon the town, and demanded, for the use of the army, 1000 pairs of shoes. Some of the money required was instantly paid down, and, for the rest, hostages were granted. No violence was committed on the town or inhabitants, for the Highlanders 1 “ The gentlemen of the counties through which they passed contributed a fund for their use; each soldier had a pound of beef, a pound of bread, a glass full of good Scots spirits, and a bottle of ale; besides, the people of the country so liberally supplied them, that their kindness was like pouring water into the ocean. It was dark before they entered Edinburgh (3d January,) yet were they received with all possible demonstrations of joy; the city was finely illu¬ minated ; the people huzza’d; the militia lined the streets, and warm quar¬ ters were immediately assigned them.”— Henderson, p. 87. 2 “ About thirty cart-load of baggage belonging to the Highland army was left at Lockerby for want of horses. The party that guarded it, either from an eagerness to assist at the siege of Carlisle, or for fear of being overpowered by about 1000 country people, from about Dumfries, headed by four gentlemen of distinction, that were advancing to attack them, marched off for Carlisle, leav¬ ing the baggage, which was thereupon seized on the 14th Nov .”—Scots Mag., Nov., 1745 . FINE LEVIED FROM GLASGOW. 249 though they threatened hard/ did not, in fact, commit any vio¬ lence or pillage.*'^ The magistrates and community of Glasgow were yet more guil¬ ty, in the eyes of the Prince, than those of the smaller town of Dumfries. That city had raised a body of 600 men, called the Glasgow regiment, many of them serving without pay, under the command of the Earls of Home and Glencairn. This corps had been sent to Stirling to assist General Blakeny, the governor of the castle, to defend the passes of the Forth. From Stirling, the Glasgow regiment fell back with the other troops which had as¬ sembled there, and took post at Edinburgh. This was with a view to the defence of the capital, since the Highlanders, having bent their march to the westward, were likely to pay Edinburgh the next visit. While the citizens of the capital were suffering from the appre¬ hension of the neighbourhood of the rebels, those of Glasgow were paying the actual penalty attached to their presence. Cloth¬ ing for the troops, and stores, were demanded from the town to the extent of more than £10,000 sterling, which they were com¬ pelled to pay, under the threat of military execution.^ At Glasgow, the Prince learned, for the first time, with some accuracy, the extent of the interest which France had taken in his cause, and the supplies of every kind which she had sent to him ; supplies which, in amount, remind us of those administered to a man perishing of famine, by a comrade, who dropt into his mouth, from time to time, a small shell-fish, affording nutriment enough to keep the sufferer fi'om dying, but not sufficient to restore him to the power of active exertion. The principal part of these succours came under Lord John 1 “ The Lowlanders,” says Mr. R. Chambers, “ were often highly amused by the demands of their Highland guests, or rather by the uncouth broken lan¬ guage in which these demands were preferred. It is still told by the aged people of Dumfries as a good joke, that they would come into houses and ask for ‘ a pread, a putter, and a sheese, till something petter pe ready.' It is re¬ membered, in another part of the country, that some of them gave out their orders to the mistress of the house for a morning meal, in the following lan¬ guage: ‘You’ll put down a pread, matam—and a putter, matam—and a sheese, matam—and a tea, matam—shentleman’s preckfast, matam—and you’ll give her a shilling to carry her to the neisht town, matam !’ ”— Hist. vol. ii., p. 307. 2 The provost of Dumfries, a gentleman of a family named Corsan, who had showed himself a stanch adherent of the Government, was menaced with the destruction of his house and property. It is not very long since the late Mrs. MacCulloch of Ardwell, daughter of Provost Corsan, told your Grandfather that she remembered well, when a child of six years old, being taken out of her father’s house, as if it was to be instantly burnt. Too young to be sensible of the danger, she asked the Highland officer, who held her in his arms, to show her the Pretender, which the good-natured Gael did, under condition that little Miss Corsan was in future to call him the Prince. Neither did they cany their threats into execution against the provost or his mansion.—S. 3 “ Charles required the magistrates of Glasgow to furnish his army with 1200 shirts, 6000 short coats, 6000 pair of shoes, 6000 bonnets, 6000 pairs of stockings; the value of which, added to the £5500 paid on the 27th of Sep¬ tember, amounted to £l0,000. Parliament, in 1749, granted £‘10,000 to the magistrates of Glasgow, to reimburse them.”— Home, chap. vii. 250 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. Drummond, brother to the Duke of Perth, and a general officer in the army of France. They consisted of his own regiment in the French service, called the Royal Scots; the piquets of six Irish regiments ; and Fitz-James’s light horse. Of the latter, not more than two squadrons appear to have mustered. He also brought some money and military stores. Lord John Drum¬ mond had been intrusted with letters from France, giving an account how matters had been conducted there, and what w'as designed for the assistance of the Chevalier. Charles’s brother, the titular Duke of York, had ari’ived at Paris in August, 1745, and, on the news of the battle of Preston, there had originated a sincere desire on the part of the French to assist the attempt of the House of Stewart effectually. The original plan was, to put the Irish regiments in the French service under the command of the said Duke of York, and place them on board of fishing-boats, which should instantly transport them to England. This scheme w^as laid aside, and a much greater expedition projected, under the command of the Duke of Richelieu, which, it was designed, should amount to 9000 foot, and 1350 horse. The troops were assembled for this purpose at Dunkirk, Boulogne, and Calais, and a number of small vessels were collected for the embarkation. The French, however, were so dilatory in their preparations, that the design took air, and the English Government, to whom the expedition, had it sailed during the time of Charles’s irruption into the West frontier, must have been highly dangerous, instantly ordered Admiral Vernon, with a strong fleet, into the Channel, and assembled an army on the coast of Kent and Essex. Upon this, the French abandoned the expedition, the danger of which was greatly diminished by the retreat of the Highlanders from Derby. The Prince did not, for a long time, either hear or believe that this scheme, of a descent in favour of his family, was ulti¬ mately abandoned; and his confidence that the Frencla continued to persevere in it, led him into more than one serious mistake. It was now agitated among the Prince and his adherents, in which way his small body of forces could be best employed. Some were of opinion, that they ought to direct their march upon the capital of Scotland. It is true, that part of the troops which had constituted Wade’s army at Newcastle were now preparing to de¬ fend Edmburgh, and that the rest of those forces were advancing thither under the command of General Hawley. It was never¬ theless alleged, that the Highlanders might, in this severe season, distress the English troops considerably, by preventing them from dividing in their winter march in quest of quarters, and by oblig¬ ing them to keep the field in a body, and undergo hardships which would be destructive to them, though little heeded by the hardy mountaineers. But although this scheme promised considerable advantages, Charles preferred another, which engaged him in the siege of Stirling castle, although his best troops were very un- LEVIES BY LORD LEWIS GORDON. 251 equal to that species of service. The Prince was, no doubt, the rather inclined to this scheme, that Lord John Drummond had brought both battering guns and engineers from France ; and, thus supplied, he probably imagined that his success in sieges would be equally distinguished with that which he had attained by open war. Before leaving the west country, the Highlanders burnt and plundered the village of Lesmahago, and particularly the clergy¬ man’s house, on account of the inhabitants having, under that reverend person’s direction, attacked and made prisoner Mac¬ Donald of Kinloch-Moidart, who was traversing the country un¬ attended, having been sent by the Prince on a mission to the Western Isles. ^ On the 3d of January, Prince Charles Edward evacuated Glas¬ gow,^ and fixed his headquarters on the following day at the house of Bannockburn, while his troops occupied St. Ninian’s, and other villages in the neighbourhood of Stirling. The town was summoned, and not being effectually fortified, was surren¬ dered by the magistrates, although there were about six hundred militia within it. Some of these left the place, and others retired to the castle, where there lay a good garrison under General Blalcney, a brave and steady officer. Having summoned this for¬ tress, and received a resolute refusal to surrender, the Chevalier resolved to open trenches without delay; and having brought him to this resolution, we will resume the narrative of what had happened in the north of Scotland, and also in England, that you may understand what new actors had now come upon this event¬ ful stage. The arrival of Lord John Drummond at Montrose, already noticed, with his French forces, gave additional courage to Lord Lewis Gordon, who w^as levying men and money in Aberdeenshire in behalf of Prince Charles. He was brother of the Duke of Gor¬ don, a brave and active young man, but had in the beginning seemed uncertain which side to take in the civil turmoil. At first he is said to have offered his service to Sir John Cope on his way northward. But Lord Lewis received little encouragement; and affronted, it was supposed, with the neglect shown him by the commander-in-chief, he finally embraced the cause of the Che¬ valier, and acted for him in Aberdeenshire, where his family in¬ terest, and the Jacobite propensity of the country gentlemen gave him much influence. Thus strengthened. Lord Lewis was now 1 This unfortunate gentleman, at whose house Prince Charles landed on his first arrival, and who held the office of his aide-de-camp, was afterwards executed.—S. 2 “ The whole of the shirts, &c., imposed on Glasgow not being made when the insurgents marched, Messrs. Archibald Coates and George Carmichael, mer¬ chants, were carried away as hostages. The Pretender’s son lay at Mr. Camp¬ bell’s of Shawfield, near Kilsyth, on the 3d. Mr. Campbell’s steward was or¬ dered to provide every thing, and promised payment; but was told next morn¬ ing that the bill should be allowed to his master at accounting for the rents of Kilsyth, that being a forfeited estate .”—Scots Mag., Jan., 1746. 252 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. joined by one part of Lord John Drummond’s auxiliaries, while the rest were sent to Perth to unite with Lord Strathallan, who, as we have seen, commanded in that city a considerable High¬ land reinforcement, destined to follow their countrymen into England, had the Prince’s command been obeyed. Lord Loudon, who, on the part of the Government, command¬ ed at Inverness, was desirous to put a stop to the progress of Lord Lewis Gordon. For this purpose he despatched MacLeod, with 450 of his own men, and 200 Monros, and other volunteers, commanded by Monro of Culcairn. With these he advanced as far as Inverury, about ten miles from Aberdeen, to dispute with the Jacobite leader the command of the north of Scotland. On receiving intelligence of their approach. Lord Lewis Gordon got 750 under arms, chiefly Lowland men of Aberdeenshire, under Moir of Stony wood, and Farquharson of Monaltry, with a pro¬ portion of the Royal Scots regiment, and hastened against the enemy. MacLeod was nearly surprised, having sent many of his men to billet at a distance from the little town of Inverury. He had, however, time to get those who remained with him under arms, and to take possession of the most defensible parts of the town, when Lord Lewis Gordon marched in at the other end of the place, and a sharp action of musketry commenced. It was remarkable on this occasion, that the Islesmen, who appeared on the part of Government, were all Highlanders, in their proper garb; and that the greater part of those who fought for the Stew¬ arts wore the Lowland dress, being the reverse of what was usually the case in the civil war. Lord Lewis Gordon, however, made his attack with much spirit—the firing continued severe on both sides—at length the Aberdeenshire men made a show of rushing to close combat, and the MacLeods gave way, and re¬ treated or fled. As the battle was fought at night, the- pursuit did not continue far, or cost much bloodshed. The MacLeods fled as far as Forres, having lost about forty of their men. It was generally believed of that martial clan, that they would have behaved with more steadiness if they had been fighting on the other side.^ Lord Lewis Gordon, after this success, which he obtained on the 23d of December, marched his men to join the general rendezvous of Charles Edward’s reinforcements, which was held at Perth. 1 Several of the MacLeods, although they thought their Laird justified-in refusing to join Prince Charles, since he came without the stipulated supplies of forces and money, were yet displeased at his yielding to President Forbes’s persuasions, and raising his clan on the side of Government. One gentleman, a subordinate chieftain of the clan, who was summoned to arms by MacLeod, sent to his chieftain the twenty men which composed his immediate followers, with a letter to this purpose“ Dear Sir,—I place at your disposal the twenty men of your tribe who are under my immediate command, and in any other quarrel would not fail to be at their head; but in the present I must go where a higher and more imperious duty calls me.” Accordingly, he joined the camp of Charles Edward. MacLeod of Raasa also took arms for the Prince, with one hundred men. But the MacGilliechallum, as that chief is called, had always asserted his independence of MacLeod of Dunvegan.—S. SKIRMISH AT INVERNESS. 253 There were thus assembled at Perth, the Frasers, the Mac- Kenzies, the Macintoshes, and the Farquharsons, all which clans had joined the cause since the Prince left Edinburgh ; there were also the various forces raised by Lord Lewis Gordon, to¬ gether with the regiments of Royal Scots and French picquets, which had come over with Lord John Drummond: their num¬ ber, taken altogether, might amount to 4000 men and upwards— of whom more than one-half were as good Highlanders as any in the Prince’s service. These reinforcements had, you may re¬ member, received an order from Prince Charles, by the hand of Colonel MacLauchlan, to follow the army up to England. The Highlanders lying at Perth were unanimously disposed to follow their Prince and countrymen, and to share their fate. Lord Strathallan, on the other hand, supported by the Lowland and French officers, demurred to obeying this order. The parties were considerably irritated against each other on this occasion, and the dispute was not ended until the return of the Prince from England, when an order was transmitted from Dumfries, sum¬ moning the body of men in Perth to join the Prince at Stirling. By this junction, the adventui'er’s force was augmented to about 9000 men, being the largest number which he ever united under his command. With this, as we have already said, Charles form¬ ed the siege of the castle of Stirling. He opened trenches before the fortress on the 10th of January, 1746, but v/as soon inter¬ rupted in his operations by the approach of a formidable enemy. We must now turn our eyes to a different quarter, and remark what measures the English Government were taking for putting an end to the present disturbances. The Duke of Cumberland, whom we left after the skirmish at Clifton, did not renew his attempt upon the rear of the Highland army. But they had no sooner crossed the Esk than he formed the investment of Carlisle, in which the Highlanders had left a garrison of about 300 men. They refused to surrender to the Duke’s summons, conceiving, probably, which seems to have been the idea of Charles himself, that the Duke of Cumberland had no battering cannon at his command ; there were such, however, at Whitehaven, and he sent to obtain the use of them. They were placed on two batteries, the one commanding the English and the other the Scottish, or North gate. The governor of the place, upon a breach being made, although not yet practicable, sent out a white flag, demanding what terms would be allowed to the garrison. They were informed, in reply, that if they surren¬ dered at discretion, they should not be put to the sword. These were the only conditions of the surrender, the garrison being un¬ derstood to be reserved for the King’s pleasure. Colonel Town- ley, the commander of the Manchester Regiment, was here made prisoner, with about twenty of his officers, and one Mr. Cappoch, a clergyman, who was designed by the Prince to be Bishop of Carlisle. Govexmor Hamilton, with about 100 Scottish men, also suiTeudered, as did Geohagan and other Irish officers in the 254 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. French service. The melancholy fate of the gentlemen included in this surrender might have been so easily foreseen, that the Chevalier was severely censured for leaving so many faithful ad¬ herents in a situation which necessarily exposed them to fall into the power of the Government which they had offended in his be¬ half. The defence of the measure is, that, conceiving he might be presently recalled to England to aid a descent of the French, he deemed it essential to hold Carlisle as a gate into that coun¬ try. But to this it may be replied, that, by blowing up the fortifications of Carlisle, and dismantling the Castle, he might have kept that entrance at all times open without leaving a gar¬ rison in so precarious a situation. On December the 31st, the Duke of Cumberland entered Car¬ lisle on horseback, and presently after received the congratula¬ tions of deputies, not only from every place in the neighbour¬ hood, but from Edinburgh itself, to congratulate him upon the ad¬ vantages which he had obtained over the rebels. In the mean time, the Duke’s pursuit of the Highlanders in person was interrupted by despatches which called him to Lon¬ don, to be ready to take the command against the projected inva¬ sion from France. The greater part of the infantry, which had been lately under his command, when his headquarters were at Litchfield, was now marched to the coasts of Kent and Sussex, being the readiest force at hand in case the descent should actually take place. It was at the same time, however, resolved, that such part of the Duke’s army (being chiefly cavalry) as had followed him to the neighbourhood of Carlisle, should continue their march northward, and unite themselves with the troops which had long lain at Newcastle under the command of Field-Marshal Wade. This aged officer had not been alert in his movements during the winter campaign, particularly in his march for the relief of Car¬ lisle, and was therefore removed from his command. General Henry Hawley, was in the mean time, named by the Duke of Cumberland to the command of the forces destined to follow the Highland army. Hawley was an officer of military experience, but dreaded and disliked by the soldiers, as a man of a severe and even savage disposition ; and, although personally brave, yet of a temper more fitted to obey than to command. This general had been a lieutenant in Evans’ dragoons at the battle of Sheriffmuir, and as he fought in the right wing of the Duke of Argyle’s army, he had seen the success of the cavalry when engaged with Highlanders. This experience had given him a poor opinion of the latter force, and he had frequently been heard to impute the miscarriage of General Cope to that officer’s cowardice and want of conduct, and to affirm that a very diffe¬ rent result might be expected from an encounter betwixt High¬ landers and dragoons, when the last were properly led on to ac¬ tion.^ ' " General Hawley had often boasted that two regiments of dragoons were sulBcieut to ride over" the whole Highland a.Txay.”—CuUoden Papers, p. 265. GENERAL HAWLEY. 255 With these feelings of confidence in himself, and with that ex¬ perience of the Highland mode of fighting which his campaign in 1715 was supposed to have given him, General Hawley marched into Scotland at the head of a force which, when joined by the troops already at Edinburgh, amounted to 8000 men, two-thirds of whom were veterans. The rest consisted of upwards of a thousand Argyleshire men, commanded by Colonel Campbell (af¬ terwards Duke of Argyle,) and of the Glasgow regiment, to the amount of 600 men. There also joined, from Yorkshire, a body of volunteer light horse, called the Yorkshire Hmiters, who were in arms for the House of Hanover and the established Govern¬ ment. Hawley, on arriving in Edinburgh, gave a specimen of his dis¬ position, by dmecting gibbets to be erected, as an indication of the fate of the rebels who should fall into his hands ; a prepara¬ tion designed to strike terror, but which rather inspired aversion and hatred. The time was speedily approaching when such vaunts were to be made good by action. General Hawley, at the head of such a gallant force as he now commanded, conceived himself fully able to march towards Stirling, and attack the re¬ bels, who were engaged in the siege of the castle. Having, ac¬ cordingly, directed his forces to move in two divisions, the first marched from Edinburgh on the 13th of January, under the or¬ ders of General Huske, Hawley’s second in command. This gen¬ tleman was of sounder judgment and better temper than his supe¬ rior officer ; he had formerly been quartered in Scotland, and was well known and esteemed by many of the mhabitants. The Highland army, lying before Stirling, were regularly ap¬ prized of the movements of the enemy. Upon the 13th of Janu¬ ary, Lord George Murray, who lay at Falkirk, obtained intelli¬ gence that the people of the neighbouring town of Linlithgow had received orders from Edinburgh to prepare provisions and forage for a body of troops who were instantly to advance in that direc¬ tion. Lord George, made aware of Hawley’s intention, resolved to move with a sufficient force and disappoint these measures, by destroying or carrying off the provisions which should be collect¬ ed in obedience to the requisition. The Jacobite general marched to Linlithgow, accordingly, with the three MacDonald regiments, those of Appin and of Cluny, and the horse, commanded by Elcho and Pitsligo. Parties of the cavalry were despatched to patrol on the road to Edinburgh for intelligence. About noon, the patrolling party sent back infor¬ mation that they perceived a small body of dragoons, being the advance of General Huske’s division, which, as I have stated, marched from Edinburgh that mornmg. Lord George sent or¬ ders to the patrol to drive the dragoons who had shown them¬ selves back upon the main body, if they had one, and not to re¬ tire until they saw themselves in danger of being overpowered. In the mean time, he drew up the infantry in line of battle in 256 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. front of the town of Linlithgow. Lord Elcho, according to his or¬ ders, drove back the advanced party of horse upon a detachment of sixty dragoons, and then forced the whole to retire upon a vil¬ lage in which there were masses both of horse and foot. Having thus reconnoitred close up to the main body of the enemy, Lord Elcho sent to acquaint Lord George Murray what force he had in his front, so far as he could discern, and received orders to retreat, leaving a small corps of observation. It was not Lord George’s purpose to engage an enemy whose strength, obviously considerable, was unknown to him ; he therefore determined to remain in Linlithgow until the enemy arrived very near the town, and then to make his retreat in good order. This object he ac¬ complished accordingly ; and, on his repassing the bridge, there was so little distance betwixt the advanced guard of General Huske’s division and the rear-guard of Lord George Murray’s, that abusive language was exchanged between them, though with¬ out any actual violence. Lord George continued his retreat to Falkirk, where he halted for that night. On the next day, he again retreated to the villages in the vicinity of Bannockburn, where he learned that General Huske, with half the Government army, had arrived at Falkirk, and that General Hawley had also arrived there on the 16th, with the second division; that besides his regular troops, he was joined by 1000 Highlanders, followers of the Argyle family, and that they seemed determined upon battle. Upon the 15th and 16th of January, the Chevalier,* leaving 1000 or 1200 men under Gordon of Glenbucket, to protect the trenches and continue the blockade of Stirling castle, drew up his men in a plain about a mile to the east of Bannockburn, expect¬ ing an attack. His horse reconnoitred close to the enemy’s camp, but saw no appearance of advance. On the 17th the same ma¬ noeuvre was repeated, the Highland army being drawn up on the same open ground near Bannockburn, while that of the Govern¬ ment remained in Falkirk, totally inactive. The cause of this inactivity is stated to have been the contempt which General Hawley entertained for the enemy, and his un¬ hesitating belief, that, far from venturing on any offensive move¬ ment, the insurgents were upon the point of dispersing themselves, from the dread of his approach. It is moreover said, that General Hawley, having felt the influence of the wit and gaiety of the Countess of Kilmarnock (whose husband was in the Prince’s army,) had been unable to resist her ladyship’s invitation to Cal¬ lander-house, and that he had resided there from the time of his arrival in Falkirk on the 16th, until the afternoon of the 17th of January, old style, with less attention to the army which he com¬ manded than became an old soldier. In the mean time, rougher cheer was prepaidng for him than he probably experienced at Callander. , The Highlanders, holding a council of war on the field where BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 257 they rendezvoused, had determined, since the English General did not move forward to fight them, that they w'ould save him the trouble by an immediate advance on their side. There w'ere only about seven miles between the two armies ; and General Hawley, with a carelessness very unbecoming a veteran officer, appears to have sent out no patrols from his camp. This gave the insurgents an opportunity of trying a stratagem, which proved eminently successful. It was determined that Lord John Drummond, with his own regiment, the Irish picquets, and all the cavalry of the rebel army, should advance upon the straight road leading from Stirling and Bannockburn towards Falkirk. They were also to carry with them the royal standard, and other colours, of which they were to make a display in front of the decayed forest called the Torwood. This march and position of Lord John Drummond was, however, only designed as a feint, to persuade the King’s army that the whole rebel force was advancing in that quarter. Mean while. Lord George Murray, making a circuit by the south side of the Torwood, had crossed the river Carron near Duunipace, and w^as advancing to the southward of the high gromid called Falkirk Moor, then an open and unenclosed com¬ mon, swelling into a considerable ridge or eminence, which lay on the westward, and to the left of the royal camp. General Huske, who, as we have said, was second in command, was first aware of the approach of the enemy. About eleven o’clock Lord John Drummond’s division was visible from the camp, and, as had been designed, attracted exclusive attention, till about two hours later, when General Huske, by information, and by the aid of spy-glasses, descried the approach of Lord George Murray’s division, from which the real attack w^as to be apprehended. But though Huske saw the danger. General Hawley, whose task it peculiarly was to apply the remedy, was still at Callander-house. In this dilemma, the second in command formed the line of bat¬ tle in front of the camp, but, in the absence of his superior offi¬ cer, he had it not in his power to direct any movement either to¬ wards the division of Highlanders which kept the road, under Lord John Drummond, or against that which was ascending the heights to the left, under the command of Lord George Murray. The re¬ giments remained on their ground in wonder, impatience, and anxiety, waiting for orders, and receiving none. Hawley, however, at length caught the alarm. He suddenly appeared in front of the camp, and, ordering the whole line to advance, placed himself at the head of three regiments of dra¬ goons, drew his sword, and led them at a rapid pace up the hill called Falkirk moor, trusting, by a rapid movement, to anticipate the Highlanders, who were pressing on towards the same point from the opposite side of the eminence. In the mean time, that part of the Highland army which was designed to possess themselves of the heights, marched on in three divisions, keeping along the moor in such a manner, that first VOL. III. R 258 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. the thickets of the Torwood, and afterwards the acclivity of the ground, hid them in some measure from Hawley’s camp. In this movement they kept their columns parallel to the ridge ; and when they had proceeded as far in this direction as was necessary to gain room for their formation, each column wheeled up and formed in line of battle, in which they proceeded to ascend the eminence. The first line consisted of the clans,—the MacDonalds having the right and the Camerons the left; in the second line, the Athole brigade had the right. Lord Lewis Gordon’s Aberdeen- shire-men the left, and Lord Ogilvie’s regiment the centre ; the third line, or reserve, was weak in numbers, chiefly consisting of cavalry, and the Irish picquets. It may be remarked, that Lord John Drummond, who made the feint, remained with his troops on the high-road until the whole of the other division had passed the Carron, and then fell into the rear, and joined the cavalry who were with the Prince, thus reinforcing the third line of the army. When Hawley set off with his three regiments of dragoons, the infantry of the King’s army followed in line of battle, having six battalions in the first line, and the same number in the second. Howard’s regiment marched in the rear, and formed a small body of reserve. At the moment that the Highlanders were pressing up Falkirk moor on the one side, the dragoons, who had advanced briskly, had gained the eminence, and displayed a line of horse occupying about as much ground as one half of the first line of the Cheva¬ lier’s army. The Highlanders, however, were in high spirits, and their natural ardour was still farther increased at the sight of the enemy. They kept their ranks, and advanced at a prodigious rate towards the ridge occupied by Hawley’s three regiments. The dragoons, having in vain endeavoured to stop this movement of the clans towards them by one or two feints, resolved at length to make a serious attack, while they still retained the advantage of the higher ground. Their first movement was to take the enemy in flank, but the MacDonalds, who were upon the right of the whole Highland line, inclined to a morass, which effectually disconcerted that scheme ; the dragoons then came on in front at a full trot, with their sabres drawn, to charge the Highlanders, who were still advancing. The clans, seeing the menaced charge, reserved their fire as resolutely as could have been done by the steadiest troops in Europe, until Lord George Murray, who was in front, and in the centre of the line, presented his own fusee within about ten yards of the cavalry. On this signal they gave a general discharge, so close, and so well levelled, that the dra¬ goons were completely broken. Some few made their way through the first line of the Highlanders, but were for the most part slain by those in the second line.^ About 400 fell, either ' “ The cavalry closing their ranks, which were opened by our discharge,” BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 259 man or horse being killed or wounded. The greater part went to the right in complete disorder, and fled along the front of the Highland line, who poured a destructive fire on them, by which many fell. This defeat of the cavalry began the battle bravely on the part of the insurgents, but they had nearly paid dear for their success. At the instant when the attack commenced, a violent storm of wind and rain came on, which blew straight in the faces of the King’s troops, and greatly disconcerted them. Lord George Murray called to the MacDonalds to stand fast, and not to regard the fly¬ ing horsemen, but keep their ranks, and reload. It was in vain. The Highlanders, in their usual manner, rushed on sword in hand, and dropt their muskets. Their left wing, at the same moment, fell furiously sword in hand upon the right and centre of Hawley’s foot, broke them, and put them to flight but the lines of the contending armies not being exactly parallel, the extreme right of Hawley’s first line stretched considerably beyond the left of the Highlanders. Three regiments. Price’s, Ligonier’s, and Bur¬ rell’s, on the extreme flank, stood fast, with the greater advantage, that they had a ravine in front which prevented the Highlanders from attacking them sword in hand, according to their favourite mode of fighting. These corps gallantly maintained this natural fortification, and by repeated and steady firing repulsed the High¬ landers from the opposite side of the ravine. One of the three routed regiments of dragoons, called Cobham’s, rallied in the rear of this body of infantry who stood firm ; the other two, being the same which had been at Preston, did not behave better, and could not well behave worse, than they had done on that memorable occasion. The battle was now in a singular state ; “ both armies,” says Mr. Home, “ were in flight at the same time.” Hawley’s cav¬ alry, and most of his infantry, excepting those on his extreme sap the Chevalier Johnstone, “put spurs to their horses, and rushed upon the Highlanders at a hard trot, breaking their ranks, throwing down every thing be¬ fore them, and trampling the Highlanders under the feet of their horses. The most singular and extraordinary combat immediately followed. The High¬ landers, stretched on the ground, thrust their dirks into the bellies of the horses. Some seized the riders by their clothes, dragged them down, and stab¬ bed them with their dirks; several, again, used their pistols; but few of them had sufficient space to handle their swords. Clanranald assured me, that, whilst he was lying upon the ground, under a dead horse, which had fallen upon him, without the power of extricating himself, he savv a dismounted hopeman struggling with a Highlander. Fortunately for him, the Highlander being the strongest, threw his antagonist, and having killed him with his dirk, he came to his assistance, and drew him with difficulty from under his hovse.”—Memoirs, pp. 92, 93. 1 “ The reason assigned by the Highlanders for their custom of throwing their muskets on the ground, is not without its force. They say they embarrassthem in their operations, even when slung behind them, and, on gaining a battle, they can pick them up again along with the arms of their enemies; but if they should be beaten, they have no occasion for muskets. Their attack is so ter¬ rible, that the best troops in Europe would with difficulty sustain the first shock of it; and if the swords of the Highlanders once come in contact with them, their defeat is inevitable ’’—Johnstone, p. 86. 260 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. right, had been completely thrown into confusion and routed,^ but the three regiments which continued fighting had a decided advantage over the Prince’s left, and many Highlanders fled under the impression that the day was lost.^ The advantage, upon the whole, was undeniably with Charles Edward ; but from the want of discipline among the troops he commanded, and the extreme severity of the tempest, it became difficult even to learn the extent of the victory, and impossible to follow it up. The Highlanders were in great disorder. Al¬ most all the second line were mixed and in confusion,—the vic¬ torious right had no idea, from the darkness of the weather, what had befallen the left,—nor were there any mounted generals or aides-de-camp, who might have discovered with certainty wdiat was the position of affairs. In the mean time, the English regiments which had been routed fled down the hill in great con¬ fusion, both cavalry and infantry, towards the camp and town of Falkirk.® General Huske brought up the rear of a very dis- • “ Gae dight your face, and turn the chace, For fierce the wind does blaw, Hawley, And Highland Geordie’s at your tail, Wi’ Drummond, Perth, and a’, Hawley. Had ye but staid wi’ lady’s maid An hour, or may be twa, Hawley, Your bacon boxik and bastard snout. Ye might have saved them a’, Hawley. Up and rin awa, Hawlej', Up and scour awa, Hawley: The Highland dirk is at your doup. And that’s the Highland law, Hawley.” Jacobite Ballads. 2 " Says brave Lochiel, ‘ Pray have we won? I see no troops, I hear no gun : ’ Says Drummond, ‘ Faith the battle’s done, I know not how nor why, man ; But, my good lads, this thing I crave. Have we defeat these heroes brave ? ’ Says Murray, ‘ I believe we have. If not, we’re here to try, man.’ “ But tried they up, or tried they down. There was no foe in Falkirk town. Nor yet in a’ the country roun’. To break a sword at a’, man. They were sae bauld at break o’ day. When tow’rd the west they took their way; But the Highland men came down the brae. And made the dogs to blaw, man.” Ibid. 3 “ It was Lord Kilmarnock who first discovered the flight of the English. Being well acquainted with the nature of the ground, as a part of his estates lay in the neighbourhood, he was sent by the Prince to reconnoitre the enemy; and having approached the great road to Edinburgh, beyond the town of Fal¬ kirk, passing by by-paths and across fields, he saw the English army panic- struck and flying in the greatest disorder as fast as their legs could cariythem. Lord Kilmarnock immediately returned to the Prince, with an account of this fortunate discovery, who still remained on the field of battle, notwithstanding the wind and rain.”—“ It is impossible, without having been in our situation, to form an idea of the extreme joy which we derived from this agreeable sur¬ prise.”— Johnstone, p. 97. BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 261 orderly retreat, or flight, with the regiments who had behaved so well on the right; this he effected in good order, with drvuns beating and colours flying. Cobham’s dragoons, such at least who had rallied, also retreated in tolerable order. General Hawley felt no inclination to remain in the camp which he had taken possession of with such an affectation of anticipated tri¬ umph. He caused the tents to be set on fire, and withdrew his confused and dismayed followers to Linlithgow',^ and from thence the next day retreated to Edinburgh, with his forces in a pitiable state of disarray and perturbation. The Glasgow regiment of volunteers fell into the power of the rebels upon this occasion, and were treated with considerable rigour ; for the Highlanders were observed to be uniformly disposed to severity against those voluntary opponents, Avho, in their opinion, were not, like the re¬ gular soldiers, called upon by duty to take part in the contention.^ Many valuable lives were lost in this battle about twenty 1 “ On the night of the 17th, Hawley’s disordered troops were quartered in the palace of Linlithgow, and began to make such great fires on the hearths as to endanger the safety of the edifice. A lady of the Livingstone family, who had apartments there, remonstrated with Oeneral Hawley, who treated her fears with contempt. ‘ I can run away from fire as fast as you can. General,’ answered the high-spirited dame, and with this sarcasm took horse for Edin¬ burgh. Very soon after her departure her apprehensions were realized ; the palace of Linlithgow caught fire, and was burned to the ground. The I’uins alone remain to show its former splendour.”— Scott, Prose Works, vol. vii., p. 394. 2 “ Home, in his own History,” says Sir Walter Scott, “ is silent on the be¬ haviour of the Glasgow regiment, but not so a metrical chronicler, who wrote a history of the insurrection, in doggrel verse indeed, but sufficiently accurate. This author, who is, indeed, no other than Dugald Grahame, bellman of Glas¬ gow, says that the Highlanders, having beaten the horse .”—{Prose Works, vol. xix., p. 305)— “ The south side being fairly won. They faced north, as had been done; Where next stood, to bide the crush. The volunteers, who zealous. Kept firing close, till near surrounded. And by the flying horse confounded: They suffer’d sair into this place. No Highlander pitied their case: ‘ You cursed militia,’ they did swear, * What a devil did bring you here? ’ ” History of the Rehellion in 1745-1746. 3 Sir Harry Munro of Fowlis, to the Lord President, says, “ This battle proves to me a series of woe : There both my dear father and uncle, Obsdale, were slain: The last, your Lordship knows, had no particular business to go to the action ; but, out of a most tender love and concern for his brother, could not be dissuaded from attending him, to give assistance if need required. My father, after being deserted, was attacked by six of Locheal’s Regiment, and for some time defended himself with his half-pike. Two of the six, I’m in¬ form’d, he kill’d; a seventh, coming up, fired a Pistol into my father’s Groin ; upon which falling, the Highlander with his sword gave him two strokes in the face, one over the eyes and another on the mouth, which instantly ended a brave man. The same Highlander fired another pistol into my uncle’s breast, and with his sword terribly slashed him; whom when killed, he then despatch¬ ed a servant of my father’s. That thus my dearest father and uncle perished, I am informed; and this information I can depend on, as it comes from some who were eyewitnesses to it. My father’s corpse was honourably interred in the churchyard of Falkirk by direction of the E. of Cromertie, and the Mac- 2G2 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. officers and four or five hundred privates were slain, on the part of General Hawley ; and several prisoners were made, of whom the greater part were sent to Doune castle.^ The loss of the rebels was not considerable and they had only one made prisoner, but in a manner rather remarkable. A High¬ land officer, a brother of MacDonald of Keppoch, had seized upon a trooper’s horse and mounted him, without accurately consider¬ ing his own incapacity to manage the animal. When the horse heard the kettle-drums beat to rally the dragoons, the instinct of discipline prevailed, and in spite of the efforts of his rider, he galloped with all speed to his own regiment. The Highlander, finding himself in this predicament, endeavoured to pass himself for an officer of the Campbell regiment, but being detected, was secured; and although the ludicrous manner in which he was taken might have pleaded for some compassion, he was afterwards executed as a traitor. The defeat at Falkirk struck consternation and terror into all parts of Britain. The rebellion had been regarded as ended when the Highlanders left England, and Hawley’s own assertions had prepared all the nation to expect tidings very different from those which were to be gathered from the disastrous appearance Donalds, and all the chiefs, attended his funeralls. Sir Robert’s was the only body on the field on our side that was taken care of .”—Culloden Papers, pp. 2fi7> 268. —For further particulars respecting the Munros, see Doddricge’s Ap¬ pendix to his Life of Gardiner. 1 “ This noble ruin,” says Sir Walter Scott, “holds a commanding station on the banks of the river Teith, and has been one of the largest castles in Scotland. Murdock, Duke of Albany, the founder of this stately pile, was beheaded on the Castlehill of Stirling, from which he might see the towers of Doune, the monument of his fallen greatness. In 1745-6, a garrison on the part of the Chevalier was put into ..le castle, then less ruinous than at present. It was commanded by Mr. Stewart of Balloch, as governor for Prince Charles; he was a man of property near Callander. This castle became at that time the actual scene of a romantic escape made by John Home, the author of Douglas, and some other prisoners, who, having been taken at the battle of Falkirk, were confined there by the insurgents. The poet, who had in his own mind a large stock of that romantic and enthusiastic spirit of adventure, which he has des¬ cribed as animating the youthful hero of his drama, devised and undertook the perilous enterprise of escaping from his prison. He inspired his companions with his sentiments, and when every attempt at open force was deemed hopeless, they resolved to twist their bed-clothes into ropes, and thus to descend. Four persons, with Home himself, reached the ground in safety. But the rope broke with the fifth, who was a tall lusty man. The sixth was Thomas Barrow, a brave young Englishman, a particular friend of Home’s. Determined to take the risk, even in such unfavourable circumstances, Barrow committed himself to the broken rope, slid down on it as far as it could assist him, and then let himself drop. His friends beneath succeeded in breaking his fall. Nevertheless, he dislocated his ankle, and had several of his ribs broken. His companions, however, were able to bear him off in safety. The Highlanders next morning sought for their prisoners with great activity. An old gentleman told the author, he remembered seeing the commander Stewart, ‘ Bloody with spurring, fiery red with haste,’ riding furiously through the country in quest of the fugitves.”— Note, Waverley, chap, xxxviii. 2 “ The Highlanders acknowledged that their army had lost three captains and four subalterns, with forty men killed and twice as many wounded.”— Home. BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 2G3 of his army, and the humiliating confession of his own looks and demeanour.^ There were more visages rendered blank and dismayed by the unexpected event of the battle of Falkirk, than that of the unfor¬ tunate general. Throughout the whole civil war, those of the better ranks in England had shown themselves more easily exalt¬ ed and depressed than consisted with their usual reputation for steadiness. In the march upon Derby, they might have been said to be more afraid than the nature of the danger warranted, were it not that the peril chiefly consisted in the very stupor which it inspired. After the retreat had commenced, the hopes and spirit of the nation rose again to spring-tide, as if nothing farther were to be apprehended from a band of men so despe¬ rately brave, who had already done so much with such little means. The news of the defeat at Falkirk, therefore, were re¬ ceived with general alarm; and at court, during a levee held im¬ mediately after the battle, only two persons appeared with coun¬ tenances unmarked by signs of perturbation. These were, George the Second himself, who, whatever may have been his other foibles, had too much of the lion about him to be afraid; and Sir John Cope, who was radiant with joy at the idea that Hawley’s misfortune or misconduct was likely to efface his own from the public recollection.2 1 How Hawley looked on this occasion, we learn by a letter from General Wightman to President Forbes.—“General Hawley is in much the same situa¬ tion as General Cone; he was never seen in the field during the battle; and every thing would nave gone to wreck, in a worse manner than at Preston, if General Huske had not acted with judgment and courage, and appeared every where. Hawley seems to be sensible of his misconduct, for, when I was with him on Saturday morning, at Linlithgow, he looked most wretched^, even worse than Cope did a few hours after his scuffle, when I saw him at Fala.”— Culloden Papers, p. 267- 2 “ Hawley,” says Sir Walter Scott, “ had not a better head, and certainly a much worse heart than Sir John Cope, who was a humane, good-tempered man. The new general ridiculed severely the conduct of his predecessor, and remembering that he had seen, in 1715, the left wing of the Highlanders broken by a charge of the Duke of Argyle’s horse, which came upon them across a morass, he resolved to manoeuvre in the same manner. He forgot, however, a material circumstance—that the morass at Sheriffmuir was hard frozen which made some difference in favour of the cavalry. Hawley’s .ma¬ noeuvre, as commanded and executed, plunged a great part of his dragoons up to the saddle-laps in a bog, where the Highlanders cut them to pieces with so little trouble, that, as one of the performers assured us, the feat was as easy as slicing bacon. The gallantry of some of the English regiments beat off the Highland charge on another point, and, amid a tempest of wind and rain which has been seldom equalled, the field presented the singular prospect of two armies flying different ways at the same moment. The King’s troops, how¬ ever, ran fastest and farthest, and were the last to recover their courage; in¬ deed, they retreated that night to Falkirk, leaving their guns, burning their tents, and striking a new panic into the British nation, which was but just re¬ covering from the flutter excited by what, in olden times, would have been called the Raid of Derby. In the drawingroom which took place at Saint James’s on the day the news arrived, all countenances were marked with doubt and apprehension, excepting those of George the Second, the Earl of Stair, and Sir John Cope, who was radiant with joy at Hawley’s discomfiture. Indeed, the idea of the two generals was so closely connected, that a noble peer of Scotland, upon the same day, addressed Sir John Cope by the title of 264 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. No person was now thought of sufficient consequence to be placed at the head of the army, but the Duke of Cumberland, who was, therefore, appointed to the chief command. His Royal Highness set off from St. James’s on the 25th of January, 1746, attended by Lord Cathcart, Lord Bury, Colonel Conway, and Colonel York, his aides-de-camp. His arrival at Holyrood House restored the drooping spirits of the members of the Government. To the army, also, the arrival of the commander-in-chief was very acceptable, not only from a reliance on his talents, but as his presence put a stop to a course of cruel punishments instituted by General Hawley, who had invoked the assistance of the gibbet and the scourge to rectify a disaster, which had its principal source, perhaps, in his own want of military skill. The Duke’s timely arrival at Edinburgh saved the lives of two dragoons who were under sentence of death, and rescued others who were des¬ tined to inferior punishments, many of which had already taken place. ^ The army which the Duke commanded consisted of twelve squadrons of horse and fourteen battalions of infantry; but several of them had suffered much in the late action, and the wffiole were far from being complete. Every effort had, however, been made, to repair the losses which had taken place on Falkirk moor; and it may be said, the Duke of Cumberland was at the head of as gallant and well-furnished an army as ever took the field. Haw¬ ley, who was a personal favourite with the King,^ continued to act as lieutenant-general under the Duke, and Lord Albemarle held the same situation. The major-generals were Bland, Huske, Lord Semple, and Brigadier Mordaunt. In a council of war held at Edinburgh, it was resolved that the troops should march the next morning towards Stirling, in order to raise the siege of the castle, and give battle to the rebels, if they should dare to accept of it, under better auspices than that of Falkirk. Great pains had been taken, in previous general orders, to explain to the common soldiers the mode in which the Highlanders fought,—a passage so curious, that I shall extract it from the orderly-book for your amusement. Perhaps the most General Hawley, to the no small amusement of those who heard the quia pro quo."—Prose fVorks, vol. xix., p. 303. “ Cope had, according to the English custom, offered bets, to the amount of ten thousand guineas, in the difftfrent coffeehouses in London, that the first general sent to command an army against us in Scotland, would be beaten as he had been ; and by the defeat of General Hawley he gained a considerable sum of money, and recovered his honour to a certain degree.”— Johnstone, p. 106. 1 “ As I have, by your permission, been sounding the temper and inclinations of the soldiers (who rather seem ashamed as disaffected,) I am afraid the shoot¬ ing two soldiers, while it is not known what determination is against the officers, supposed without doors to be more guilty, may have a bad effect among the common soldiers. I therefore submit to your consideration, whether it may not be for the general good, that the execution of these private men be delayed at least for some little time .”—Lord Milton to Hawley, 2&th January. The Duke of Cumberland arrived at Holyrood on the 30th of January. 2 Hawley was commonly supposed to be a natural son of K. George II. RETREAT FROM STIRLING. 265 comfortable part of the instructions might be the assurance, that there were but few true Highlanders in the Prince’s army.^ CHAPTER LXXXII. Retreat of Prince Charles’s A rmy from Stirling into the Highlands —The Rout of Moy—Arrival of Hessian Troops to the Assist¬ ance of Government—Council held at Edinburgh by the Duke of Cumberland and the Prince of Hesse Cassel—Disappointment of Prince Charles’s Hopes of Assistance from France—Lord George Murray seizes the Military Posts in Athole—Invests the Castle of Blair, but is forced to raise the Siege—The Prince’s Suspicions of Lord George Murray’s Fidelity. The insurgents did not reap such advantages from the battle of Falkirk as might have been expected. The extreme confu¬ sion of their own forces, and their consequent ignorance respect¬ ing the condition of the enemy, prevented their pursuing Hawley’s army, which might, in all probability, have been an easy prey. Had they done so, they might, on the spur of the moment, have again obtained possession of the capital, with all the eclat atten¬ dant on such success. But the Chevalier, who had kept his word in convoking no councils since the retreat from Derby, saving that held on the field of battle, acted only by the advice of his secretary Mr. Murray, his quartermaster John Hay, Sir Thomas Sheridan, and the Irish officers, who were suspected of being less ready to give unbiassed advice to the young Prince, than willing to echo back his own opinions. On this occasion he conceived, that raising the siege of Stirling would be a disgrace to his arms, and resolv- * “ Edinburgh, \21h January, 1745-6, Sunday. “Parole 1.—Derby. “ Field-officer for the day, to-morrow. Major Willson. The manner of the Highlanders’ way of fighting, which there is nothing so easy to resist, if officers and men are not prepossessed with the lyes and accounts which are told of them. They commonly form their front rank of what they call their best men, or True Highlanders, the number of which being always but few; when they form in battalions, they commonly form four deep, and these Highlanders form the front of the four, the rest being Lowlanders and arrant scum. When these battalions come within a large musket shott, or three score yards, this front rank gWes their fire, and immediately throw down their firelocks and come down in a cluster, with their swords and targets, making a noise, and endeavouring to pearce the body, or battallion, before them, becoming 12 or 14 deep by the time they come up to the people they attack. The sure way to demolish them is at three deep to fire by ranks diagonally to the centre where they come, the rear rank first, and even that rank not to lire till they are with¬ in Ifl or 12 paces; but if the fire is given at a distance, you probably will be broke, for you never get time to load a second cartridge ; and if you give way, you may give yourselves for dead, for they,i being without a firelock or any load, no man with his arms, accoutrements, " The house of Kinnachin was occupied by a party of the 21st regiment; their sentinel was surprised and killed, and the whole party made prisoners. At Blairfettie the sentinel was surprised, and the enemy was in the house be¬ fore the Argyleshire men knew they were attacked, notwithstanding which, they resisted, and defended themselves for some time before they laid down their arms. At Faskallie, which is not far from Lude, there was a party of Argyleshire men, who were surprised and taken. At Blair, those who attacked the pubUc-house met with such resistance, that all the officers escaped, and 276 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. throughout Scotland generally, were of a castellated form, and capable of defence. Other small posts were slightly fortified, and commanded by non-commissioned officers. Lord George Mur¬ ray’s force of 700 men was divided into as many small parties as there were posts to be carried; and in each were included an equal number of Athole-men and MacPhersons. Each party was expected to perform the duty assigned to it before daybreak, and all were then to repair to the bridge of Bruar, within two miles of the castle of Blair-in-Athole. The various detachments set out with eagerness upon an enterprise which promised to relieve their country or neighboux’hood from invasion and military occu¬ pation ; and Lord George and Cluny, with only 25 men, and a few elderly gentlemen, proceeded to the bridge of Bruar, being the rendezvous, there to await the success of their midertaking and the return of their companions. It had nearly chanced, that, in an expedition designed to sur¬ prise others, they had been surprised themselves. For, in the grey of the morning, a man from the village of Blair came to in¬ form Lord George Murray, that Sir Andrew Agnew, who com¬ manded at Blair Castle, had caught the alarm, from an attack on a neighbouring post; had got a great proportion of his garrison of 500 men under arms, and Avas advancing to the Bridge of Bruar, to see what enemies were in the neighbourhood. Lord George Murray and Cluny were in no condition to engage the veteran; and it was proposed, as the only mode of escape, to betake themselves to the neighbouring mountains. Lord George Murray rejected the proposition. “ If,” he said, “ we leave the place of rendezvous, our parties, as they return in detail from discharging the duty intrusted to them, will be liable to be sur¬ prised by the enemy. This must not be. I will rather try what can be done to impose upon Sir Andrew Agnew’s caution, by a fictitious display of strength.” With this resolution Lord George took possession of a turf-dyke, or wall, which stretched along a neighbouring field, and disposed his followers behind it, at dis¬ tant intervals from each othex*, so as to convey the idea of a very extended front. The colours of both regiments were placed ixx the centre of the px’etexxded line, and every precaution xxsed to give the appearance of a continued line of soldiex’s, to what was in reality only a few men placed at a distance from each other. The bagpipers were xxot fox’gotten; they had orders to blow up a got to the castle of Blair. At Bun-Rannoch, there was a late wake i that night, and the Argyleshire men quartered there were engaged as guests in that barbarous and now obsolete festivity. Their sentinel was surprised—the party entered the house without a shot being fired, and made them all prisoners.”— Home. * “ It was formerly a custom in Scotland, at the death of any person, to assemble a company of the neighbours, who sat up all night in the room where the corpse lay. This company (of which some of the nearest relations always made a part,) played at cards, told tales, and drank till day-light. Such was the late wake, a custom once universal in Scotland, now almost as universally disused AVf, Ibid, BLOCKADE OF BLAIR CASTLE. 277 clamorous pibroch, so soon as the advance of the regulars should be observed, upon the road from Blair. The sun just arose when Sir Andrew’s troops came in sight; the pipers struck up, and the men behind the turf-wall brandished their broadswords, like offi¬ cers at the head of their troops preparing to charge. Sir Andrew was deceived into the idea that he had before him a large body of Highlanders drawn up to attack him, and anxious for the safety of his post, he marched back his garrison to the castle of Blair- in-Athole. Lord George Murray remained at the bridge to receive his de¬ tachments, who came in soon after sunrise; they had all succeed¬ ed more or less completely, and brought in upwards of 300 prison¬ ers, taken at the various posts, which, great and small, amounted to thirty in number. Only one or two of the clansmen were kill¬ ed, and but five or six of the King’s troops ; for the Highlanders, though in some respects a wild and fierce people, were seldom guilty of unnecessary bloodshed. Encouraged by this success. Lord George Murray was tempted to make an effort to possess himself of the castle of Blair, notwithstanding its natural strength, and that of its garrison.^ With tliis view he invested the place, which was a very large, strong old tower, long a* principal resi¬ dence of the Athole family. There was little hope from battering with tw'o light field-pieces a castle whose walls were seven feet thick; the situation was so rocky as to put mining out of the question; but Lord George, as the garrison was numerous, and supposed to be indifferently provided for a siege, conceived the possibility of reducing the place by famine. For this purpose he formed a close blockade of the place, and fired with his Highland marksmen upon all who showed themselves at the windows of the 1 “ Lord George here played off a jocular experiment upon the well-known choleric temper of Sir Andrew Agnew. He sent down a summons, written on a very shabby piece of paper, requiring the Baronet forthwith to surrender the castle, garrison, stores, &:c. No Highlander could be prevailed upon to carry that summons; but the errand was undertaken by a handsome Highland girl, the maid of M'Glashan’s inn at Blair, the rendezvous of Sir Andrew’s offi¬ cers. She conceived herself on so good a footing with some of the young offi¬ cers, that she need not be afraid of being shot, taking care, however, as she approached the castle, to wave the paper containing the summons over her head, in token of her embassy. She delivered her message with much earnest¬ ness, and strongly advised a compliance, as the Highlanders were a thousand strong, and w'ould baUer the castle about their ears. The young officers re¬ lished the joke, desired Molly to return and tell those gentlemen they would soon be driven away, when the garrison would become visitors at M‘Glashan's as before; but she insisted that the summons be delivered to the Governor, and a timid lieutenant, with a constitution impaired by drinking, was prevailed upon to carry it. No sooner, however, did the peerless knight hear something of it read than he furiously drove the lieutenant from his presence to return the paper, vociferating after him a volley of epithets against Lord George Mur¬ ray, and threatening to shoot through the head any other messenger he should send; which Molly overhearing, was glad to retreat in safety with her sum¬ mons to her employer, who with Lord Nairn, Cluny, and some other chiefs, were waiting in the churchyard of Blair to receive her, and appeared highly diverted with her report.”— Genuine Narrative of the Blockade of Blair C’axllc, hi/ a subaltern officer (Ensign, afterwards General Melville) employed in the de fence.—Scots Magazine, 1808, p. 332. TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. 278 tower, or upon the battlements. And here, as in this motley world that which is ridiculous is often intermixed with what is deeply serious, I may tell you an anecdote of a ludicrous nature. Sir Andrew Agnew, famous in Scottish tradition, was a soldier of the old military school, severe in discipline, stiff and formal in manners, brave to the last degree, but somewhat of an humourist, upon whom his young officers were occasionally tempted to play tricks, not entirely consistent with the respect due to their com¬ mandant. At the siege of Blair, some of the young wags had ob¬ tained an old uniform coat of the excellent Sir Andrew, which, having stuffed with straw, they placed in a small window of a tur¬ ret, with a spy-glass in the hand, as if in the act of reconnoitring the besiegers. This apparition did not escape the hawk’s eyes of tlie Highlanders, who continued to pour their fire upon the turret window, without producing any adequate effect. The best deer¬ stalkers of Athole and Badenoch persevered, nevertheless, and wasted, as will easily be believed, their ammunition in vain on this impassible commander. At length Sir Andrew himself be¬ came curious to know what could possibly induce so constant a fire upon that particular point of the castle. He made some in¬ quiry, and discovered the trick which had been played. His own head being as insensible to a jest of any kind as his peruke had proved to the balls of the Highlanders, he placed the contumaci¬ ous wags under arrest, and threatened to proceed against them still more seriously; and would certainly have done so, but, by good fortune for them, the blockade was raised after the garrison had suffered the extremity of famine. The raising of the blockade was chiefly owing to the advance of a body of Hessians from Perth, together with the Earl of Craw¬ ford.^ Lord George Murray on this occasion sent an express to 1 “ Before coining to the resolution either of a surrender or the desperate effort of a sally, Sir Andrew resolved if possible to send information of his cir¬ cumstances to the Earl of Crawford, then at Dunkeld with the Hessians, and Wilson, the Duke of Athole’s gardener, undertook the perilous journey. The great door being unbarricaded and opened without noise, he slipped out un¬ perceived by the besiegers, and proceeded slowly on horseback to the bottom of the avenue leading to the high-road. When discovered and fired at, the soldiers in the castle directed their muskets to the places whence the firing proceeded and it ceased, which the garrison hoped was indicative that Wilson had escaped, but next day, to their sore grief, they perceived a Highlander mounted on the horse he had rode, then they feared he was either a prisoner or killed. In this state of matters they were looking forward with no very pleasant sensations, when, to their agreeable surprise, Molly of Blair Inn broimht them the joyful intelligence tkat the Highlanders had gone off to¬ wards Dalnacardoch. The Governor, however, dreading a stratagem, would not permit them to relax, till on the 2d of April an officer arrived from the Earl of Crawford with intelligence that his lordship was on the road with some cavalry, and might be expected in an hour, and so it happened. The garri¬ son being drawn out, the Earl was received by Sir Andrew at the head of it, with this compliment, ‘ My lord, I am very glad to see you, but by all that’s good you have been very dilatory.—We can give you nothing to eat.’ To which his lordship answered, laughingly, with his usual good humour, ‘ I assure you. Sir Andrew, I made all the haste I possibly could, and I hope that you and the officers will do me the honour to partake with me of such fare as I can give you.’ The invitation was most welcome to the almost starved officers. LORD GEORGE MURRAY. 279 the Prince, that if he could spare him 1200 men, he would un¬ dertake to engage the Prince of Hesse and Lord Crawford. Charles returned for answer that he could not spare the men, being in the act of concentoating his army. Lord George Mur¬ ray was therefore obliged to relinquish the blockade of Blair, and withdraw his forces into Strathspey, and from thence to Spey- side. He himself went to the Chevalier’s headquarters, where he found that his exploits in the field had not been able to save him from enemies, who had made a bad use of their master’s ear. We have seen that, from the very first meeting at Perth, Mr. Murray, the secretary, had filled the Prince’s mind with suspi¬ cions of Lord George, as a person who, if disposed to serve him, was not inclined to do so upon the pure principles of unlimited monarchy. The self-will and obstinacy of this nobleman, a brave soldier, but an unskilful courtier, gave all the advantage which his enemies could desire ; and, in despite of his gallant achieve¬ ments, the Prince was almost made to believe that the best officer in his army was capable of betraying him at least, if not actually engaged in a conspiracy to do so. Thus prepossessed, though usually eager for fighting, the Chevalier, both at Clifton and on the present occasion, declined intrusting Lord George with a separate command of troops, to avail himself of a favourable op¬ portunity for action. On the present occasion, Charles entertained the opinion that Lord George might have taken the castle of Blair, had he been so disposed; but that he abstained, least by doing so he might injure the house of his brother, the Duke of Athole. Lord George was altogether undeserving of such a suspicion, there being perhaps no man in the Prince’s army who had fewer indirect motives to decide his political creed than this nobleman. If the Prince suc¬ ceeded in his enterprise, his eldest brother would recover the dukedom, now held by the second. But it does not appear that Lord George Murray could be thus personally benefited. It is no small merit to him, that, faithful while suspected, and honest though caluminated, he adhered to the tenor of his principles, and continued to serve with zeal and fidelity a master by whom he knew he was not beloved, nor fully trusted. It is even' said bv Lord Elcho, that the Prince told some of the French and Irish officers that he suspected Lord George; and it is added, that be¬ ing requested to watch whether his conduct in battle authorized such a suspicion, they undertook to put him to death if such should appear to be the case. and they adjourned to the summer-house in the garden where a plentiful dinner was provided, and excellent wines. They were then informed that their friend Wilson had performed his mission, but his horse, startled by the firing, had thrown him, and while he made his escape on foot the Highland¬ ers made a prize of the animal. There was another cause of delay. Lord Crawford had in vain attempted to bring up the Hessians to their relief, for so great was their terror of being attacked in the pass of Killiecrankie by the swords of the wild mountaineers, that they absolutely refused to march be¬ yond it.”— Melville, Scots Mag., 180d, pp. 411, 413. 280 TALES OF A GBANDFATHER. CHAPTER LXXXIII. Dispersion of the Forces under Lord Loudon, and Occupation of Sutherland hy the Earl of Cromarty—The Duke of Cumberland’’s Army crosses the Spey—Dissatisfaction among Prince Charles's Followers—Resolution of the Prince to fight the Duke of Cumber¬ land—Council of War—Night March undertaken with a View to surprise the Duke of Cumberland’s Camp at Nairne—Its Failure, and Retreat of the Highland Army to Culloden — Battle of Ctdloden. [April, 1746.] The final act of this great domestic tragedy was now about to begin, yet there remain some other incidents to notice ere we approach that catastrophe. The outposts of the principal armies were extended along the river Spey, and the Highlanders appeared disposed for a time to preserve the line of that river, although a defensive war is not that which Highlanders could be expected to wage with most success. It is probable they did not expect the Duke of Cumberland to make a serious advance from his headquarters at Aberdeen, until the summer was fairly com¬ menced, when their own army w'ould be reassembled. Several affairs of posts took place betwixt General Bland, who commanded the advance of the Duke’s army, and Lord John Drummond, who was opposed to him on the side of the Chevalier. The Highlanders had rather the advantage in this irregular sort of warfare, and in particular, a party of a hundred regulars were sur¬ prised at the village of Keith, and entirely slain or made prisoners by John Roy Stewart. About the same time. Prince Charles sustained a heavy loss in the Hazard sloop of war, which made her appearance in the North Seas, having on board 150 troops for his service, and, what he needed still more, a sum of gold equal to £10,000 or £12,000. This vessel, with a cargo of so much importance, being chased by an English frigate, was run ashore by her crew in the bay of Tongue, and the sailors and soldiers escaping ashore, carried the treasure along with them. They were, however, in a hostile, as well as a desolate country. The tribe of the MacKays assembled in arms, and, with some bands of Lord Loudon’s army, pursued the strangers so closely as to oblige them to surrender themselves and the specie. It is said only £8000 of gold was found upon them, the rest having been embezzled, either by their captors or by others, after they came ashore. This loss of the Hazard, which was prodvictive of injurious consequences to the Highland army, was connected with a series of transactions in Sutherland, which I will here briefly tell you of. Lord Loudon, you will recollect, had retreated from Inverness OPERATIONS IN SUTHERLAND. 281 into Ross-sliire, at the head of about 2000 men, composed of the Whig clans. In the beginning of March, Lord Cromarty had been despatched by the Prince, with his own regiment, together with the MacKinnons, MacGregors, and Barrisdale’s people, to dislodge Lord Loudon ; this they effected by the temporary aid of Lord George Murray. Lord Loudon, retreating before an army which now consisted of the flower of the Highlanders, dis¬ posed his forces at various ferries upon the Frith which divides the shire of Sutherland from that of Ross, in order to defend the passage. On the 20th of March, however, the rebels, under Lord Crom¬ arty, pushed across near a place called the Meikle Ferry, and nearly surprised a party that kept guard there. The Earl of Loudon, informed of this invasion, concluded that, as his forces were inferior in number, and much scattered, there was no possi¬ bility of drawing them together for the purpose of making a stand ; he therefore sent orders to the officers commanding the different posts, to provide for their safety, by marching the men whom they commanded into their several districts. Loudon himself, with the Lord President, and other persons of rank, who might be supposed particularly obnoxious to the insurgents, embarked with the MacLeods and MacDonalds, and returned with them to the isle of Skye. The army, therefore, might be said to be dis¬ persed and disbanded. Owing to this dispersion, it happened that some of Lord Loudon’s soldiers were in the MacKay’s country, and assisted in taking prisoners the crew of the Hazard sloop of war when they landed. Lord Cromarty was now in full possession of the coast of Suther¬ land and of the castle of Dunrobin, which the Earl of Sutherland had found it impossible to defend. The Jacobite general could not, however, exercise much influence in that country ; the vas¬ salage and tenantry not only declined to join the rebels, but kept possession of their arms, and refused the most favourable terms of submission. The Earl of Cromarty, indeed, collected some money, emptied the Earl of Sutherland’s stables of nineteen or twenty good horses, and cut his carriages to pieces in order to convert the leather and brass mounting into targets ; but the country itself, being hostile to the Jacobite cause, obliged the Earl, though a mild good-natured man, to use some severity on this occasion. The houses and property of two of the captains of the militia were plundered and burnt, in order to strike terror into other recreants. This was alien to the inclinations of some of the Highlanders, the gentleness of whose conduct had hitherto been the subject of surprise and panegyric. “ I like not this raising of fire,” said an old Highlander, who looked on during the devastation ; “ hitherto five of us have put twenty to flight, but if we follow this inhuman course, we may look for twenty of us to fly before five of our enemies.” In fact, the prophecy was not far from its accom lishment. The Earl of Cromarty extended 282 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. his operations even into the islands of Orkney, hut received as little encouragement from the inhabitants of that archipelago as from the people of Sutherland. In Caithness a few gentlemen of the name of Sinclair adopted their cause ; but it is said that not above forty-three men in all from that country joined the Cheva¬ lier’s standard. The beginning of April was now come, and the indications of the Duke of Cumberland’s advance in person made it plain that the insurgents would be no longer permitted to pro¬ tract the campaign by a war of posts, but must either fight, or re¬ tire into the Highlands. The last measure, it was foreseen, must totally break up Prince Charles’s Lowland cavalry, many of whom had already lost their horses in the retreat; it was necessary, therefore, to form them into a body of foot-guards. The Prince did not hesitate a moment which course to pur¬ sue. He entertained, like others who play for deep stakes, a ten¬ dency to fatalism, which had been fostered by his success at Preston and Falkirk, and he was determined, like a desperate gamester, to push his luck to extremity. The kind of warfare which he had been waging for some weeks past, had necessarily led to a great dispersion of his forces, and, intent upon the im¬ pending contest, he now summoned his detachments from every side, to join his own standard at Inverness. The powerful body of men under the Earl of Cromarty re¬ ceived similar orders. MacDonald of Barrisdale, in great haste to obey, set out on his march upon the 14th of April. On the 15th he was to have been followed by the Earl of Cromarty and his regiment. This projected evacuation of Sutherland, which ought to have been kept secret, was imprudently suffered to transpire ; and the Sutherland men resolved to annoy the rear of their unwelcome visitants as they left the country. With this view, a great many of the armed militia collected from the hills, in which they had taken shelter, and prepared to take such advantage of the retreating insurgents as opportunity should per¬ mit. About two hundred men assembled for this purpose, and approached the coast. One John MacKay, a vintner in Golspie, had a division of about twenty to act under his own separate command. The Earl of Cromarty, for whom the militia were lying in ambush, was far from suspecting the danger he was in. He remained, with his son Lord MacLeod, and several other officers, at the castle of Dunrobin, witnessing, it is said, the tricks of a juggler,^ while his men, three hundred and fifty in number, were marched, under the command of subaltern officers, and with little pi'ecaution, to the ferry where they were to embark. The consequences were fatal. John MacKay with his twenty men, threw himself between the rear of the main body and Lord Cro¬ marty and his officers, who were following in imagined security, 1 Henderson says, “ they staled behind to see a few bottles out, which Lady Sutherland had ordered in to drink her lord’s health.”—P. 112. ADVANCE OF CUMBERLAND. 283 and suddenly firing, with considerable execution, upon the Earl and his •attendants, forced them back to Dunrobin castle, which they had just left. The same active partisan contrived to gain admittance into the castle without a single follower, and boldly summoned the Earl and his officers to surrender, which at length, under a false apprehension of the amount of force by which they were surrounded, they were induced to do. The Earl of Cro¬ marty, Lord MacLeod, and the other officers of Lord Cromarty’s regiment, who had not marched with their men, were thus made prisoners, and put on board the Hound, a British sloop of war. The rebellion, therefore, was thus extinguished in Sutherland on the 16th of April, the very day on which it was put an end to throughout Scotland, by the great battle of Culloden. Having given a short account of these distant operations, we must return to the motions of the main armies. The Duke of Cumberland, with the last division of his army, left Aberdeen on the 8th of April, with the intention of moving upon Inverness, being Charles’s headquarters, in the neighbour¬ hood of which it was understood that the frince designed to make a stand. As he advanced northward, the Duke of Cum¬ berland was joined by Generals Bland and Mordaunt, who com¬ manded his advanced divisions, and the whole army assembled at the town of Cullen, about ten miles from tlie banks of the Spey. An opinion had been entertained, to which we have already alluded, that the Highlanders intended to defend the passage of this deep and rapid river. A trench and some remains of works seemed to show that such had been their original purpose, and a considerable division of the Lowland troops were drawn up under Lord John Drummond, with the apparent purpose of maintaining these defences. The Prince’s ultimate orders, however, were that Lord John should retreat to Elgin as soon as the enemy should approach in force the south-eastern bank of the river. He did so, and the Duke of Cumberland forded the Spey with his army in three divisions, his music playing a tune calculated to insult his antagonists.^ Several lives were lost, owing to the strength of the stream ; they were chiefly females, followers of the camp.‘^^ On the 13th of April, the Duke of Cumberland’s army marched to the moor of Alves, and on the 14th advanced to Nairne, where there was a slight skirmish between their advance and the rear- 1 Will you play me fair play, Bonnie laddie. Highland laddie? 2 “ The greatest division entered the Spey at a ford near Gormach, the next division to that at the ford by Gordon castle, and the division on the right at a ford near the church of Bellie.”— Home. —“ His Royal Highness was the first to enter the water at the head of the horse, who forded it, while the Highlanders and grenadiers passed a little higher; the foot waded over as fast as they arriv¬ ed, and though the w'atcr came up to their middles, they went on with great cheerfulness, and got over with no other loss but that of one dragoon and four women, who were carried down by the stream. Thus was one of the strongest passes in Scotland given up; a pass where 2000 men might very easily have kept back an army of 20,000; a sure prelude of the destruction of the rebels.’* —Henperson, p. 112. 284 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. guard of the Highlanders, who were just leaving the town. The last were unexpectedly supported in their retreat, about five miles from Nairne, by the Chevalier himself, who arrived suddenly at the head of his guards and the Macintosh regiment, at a place called the Loch of the Clans. On the appearance of this additional force, the vanguard of the Duke’s army retreated upon their main body, which was encamped near Nairne. It is now necessary to examine the state of the contending armies, who were soon to be called upon to decide the fate of the contest by a bloody battle. The Duke of Cumberland was at the head.of an army of dis¬ ciplined troops, completely organized, and supported by a fleet, which, advancing along the coast, could supply them with provi¬ sions, artillery, and every other material requisite for the carry¬ ing on of the campaign. They were under the conimand of a Prince, whose authority was absolute, whose courage was un¬ doubted, whose high birth was the boast of his troops, and whose military skill and experience were, in the opinion of his followers, completely adequate to the successful termination of the war. On the other hand, the army of Prince Charles lay widely dis¬ persed, on account of the difficulty of procuring subsistence; so that there was great doubt of the possibility of assembling them in an united body within the short space afforded them for that purpose. The councils also of the adventurous Prince were un¬ happily divided; and those dissensions which had existed even in their days of prosperity, were increased in the present critical moment, even by the pressure of the emergency. The first diffi¬ culty might be in some degree surmounted, but the last was of a fatal character; and I must once more remind you of the causes in which it originated. The aversion of the Prince to Lord George Murray has been already stated; and although the fact may seem surprising, the unwarranted suspicion with which this individual was regarded by the Chevalier, is pretty well understood to have extended itself about this period to a great part of his other Scottish followers, more especially as the present state of the contest, joined to the private disaffection, or rather discontent, among the clans, tended to weaken the confidence of the commander. Such sparks of dis¬ agreement assume more importance in the time of adversity, as lights, little distinguished of themselves, are more visible on the approach of darkness. Since the council at Derby, the Prince had convoked or advised with no public assembly of his chiefs and followers of rank, as he had formerly been wont to do, if we ex¬ cept the council of war held near Crieff, which was in a manner forced on him by the retreat from Stirling. During all that time he had, in the fullest sense, commanded the army by his own authority. His trust and confidence had been chiefly reposed in Secretary Murray, in Sir Thomas Sheridan, his former tutor, and in the Irish officers, who made their way to his favour by assent- DISCORDS IN HIGHLAND CAMP. 285 ing to all he proposed, and by subscribing, without hesitation, to the most unlimited doctrine of the monarch’s absolute power. On the other hand, the Scottish nobility and gentry, who had engaged their lives and fortunes in the quarrel, naturally thought them¬ selves entitled to be consulted concerning the manner in which the war was to be conducted, and were indignant at being exclud¬ ed from offering their advice, where they themselves were not only principally interested, but best acquainted with the localities and manners of the country in which the war was waged. They were also displeased that in his communication with the court of France, announcing his successes at Preston, and at Fal¬ kirk, the Prince had intrusted his negotiations with the court of France to Irishmen in the French service. They suspected, un¬ justly, perhaps, that instead of pleading the cause of the insur¬ gents fairly, and describing and insisting upon the amount and nature of the succours which Avere requisite, these gentlemen would be satisfied to make such representations as might give satisfaction to the French ministers, and insure to the messengers their own advancement in the French service. Accordingly, all the officers sent to France by Charles received promotion. The Scots also suspected that the Irish and French officers, willing to maintain themselves in exclusive favour, endeavoured to impress the Prince with suspicions of the fidelity of the Scottish people, and invidiously recalled to his memory the conduct of the nation to Charles I. It is said that Charles was not entirely convinced of the falsehood of these suspicions till the faithful services of so many of that nation, during the various perils of his escape, would have rendered it base ingratitude to harbour them longer. There was another subject of discontent in the Prince’s army, arising, perhaps, from too high pretensions on the part of one class of his followers, and too little consideration on that of Charles. Many of the gentlemen who served as privates in the Prince’s cavalry, conceived that they were entitled to more per¬ sonal notice than they received, and complained that they were regarded more in the light of ordinary troopers than as men of estate and birth, who were performing, at their own expense, the duty of private soldiers, to evince their loyalty to the cause of the Stewarts. Notwithstanding these secret jealousies, Charles remained un¬ altered in the system which he had adopted. Neither did the discontent of his followers proceed fui-thcr than murmurs, or in any case break out, as in Mar’s insurrection, into mutiny, or even a desire on the part of the gentlemen engaged to make, by sub¬ mission or otherwise, their separate peace with Government. Notwithstanding, however, what has been said, the gallant bra¬ very and general deportment of the Prince secured him popula¬ rity with the common soldiers of his army, though those with higher pretensions were less easily satisfied, when mere civility was rendered instead of confidence. 286 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. The Chevalier had been unwell of a feverish complaint during several days of his residence at Elgin in the month of March. On his retreat to Inverness, he seemed perfectly recovered, and employed himself by hunting in the forenoon, and in the evening with balls, concerts, and parties of pleasure, in which he appeared in as good spirits, and as confident, as after the battle of Preston. This exteriijr show of confidence would have been well had there been good grounds for its foundation ; but those alleged by Charles rested upon a firm conviction that the army of the Duke of Cum¬ berland would not seriously venture to oppose in battle their law¬ ful prince ; an idea which he found it impossible to impress upon such of his followers, as were in the least acquainted with the genius and temper of the English soldiery. While the Prince was at Inverness, two gentlemen of the name of Haliburton arrived from France, with tidings of a cold description. They informed him that the court of that country had entirely laid aside the thoughts of an invasion upon a large scale, and that his brother, the Duke of York, who had been destined to be placed at the head of it, had left the coast, being recalled to Paris. This put a final end to the most reasonable hopes of the unfortunate Adventurer, which had always rested upon a grand exertion of France in his favour; although, indeed, he might have been convinced, that since they had made no such effort during the time of his inroad into England, when his affairs bore an aspect unexpectedly favourable, they would not undertake any considerable risk to redeem him from the destruction which seemed now to be impending. Besides the discords in the Prince’s camp, which, like a mutiny among the crew of a sinking vessel, prevented an unanimous exertion to* secure the common safety, the separation of his forces, and the pecuniary difficulties which now pressed hard upon him, were material obstacles to any probability of success in an action with the Duke of Cumberland. Charles endeavoured, indeed, to concentrate all his army near Inverness, but without entire suc¬ cess. General Stapleton, who had been engaged in attempting to reduce Fort William, abandoned that enterprise and returned to the Prince’s camp, together with Lochiel and the other High¬ landers by whom that irregular siege had been supported. Bvit the Master of Fraser, who was employed in levying the full strength of his clan, together with Barrisdale and Cromarty, en¬ gaged as we have seen in Sutherland, were absent from the main army. Cluny, and his MacPhersons, had been despatched into Badenoch, with a view to their more easy subsistence in their own country, and were wanting in the hour when their services were most absolutely necessary. There were besides 800 or 1000 men of different Highland clans, who were dispersed in visiting their own several glens, and would certainly have returned to the army, if space had been allowed them for so doing. It is also proper to mention, that, as already hinted, the cavalry ABSENT TROOPS OF CHARLES. 287 of the Prince had suffered greatly. That of Lord Pitsligo might be said to have been entirely destroyed by their hard duty on the retreat from Stirling, and was in fact converted into a com¬ pany of foot-guards. Now, although these horsemen, consisting of gentlemen and their servants, might have been unable to stand the shock of heavy and regular regiments of horse, yet from their spirit and intelligence, they had been of the greatest service as light cavah’y, and their loss to Charles Edward’s army w^as a great misfortune. The force which remained with the Prince was discontented from want of pay, and in a state of considerable disorganization. The troops were not duly supplied with provisions, and, like more regular soldiers under such circumstances, were guilty of repeat¬ ed mutiny and disobedience of orders.^ For all these evils Char¬ les Edward saw no remedy but in a general action, to which he was the more disposed, that hitherto, by a variety of chances in liis favour, as well as by the native courage of his followers, he had come off victorious, though against all ordinary expectation, in every action in which he had been engaged. On such an al¬ ternative, then, and with troops mutinous for w^ant of pay, half starved for want of provisions, and diminished in numbers from the absence of 3000 or 4000 men, he determined to risk an action with the Duke of Cumberland, at the head of an army consider¬ ably outnumbering his own, and possessed of all those advantages of which he himself at the moment was so completely deprived. The preparations for the engagement were not made with more prudence than that which was shown in the resolution to give instant battle. Charles drew out his forces upon an extensive moor, about five miles distant from Inverness, called Drurn- mossie, but more frequently known by the name of Culloden, to wliich it is adjacent. The Highlanders lay upon their arms all the night of the 14th; on the next morning they were drawn up in order of battle, in the position which the Chevalier proposed they should maintain during the action. On their right there were some park walls, on their left a descent which slopes down upon Culloden house; their front was directly east. They were drawn up in two lines, of which the Athole brigade held the right of the whole, next to them Lochiel. The clans of Appin, Fraser, and Macintosh, with those of MacLauchlan, MacLean, and Farquharson, composed the centre ; and on the left were the three regiments of MacDonalds, styled, from their chiefs, Clanranald, Keppoch, and Glengarry. 1 “ Our army had got no pay in money for some time past hut meal only, which the men being obliged to sell out and. convert into money, it went hut a short way for their other needs, at which the poor creatures grumbled ex¬ ceedingly, and were suspicious that we the officers had detained it from them. To appease them we had obliged ourselves to give them payment of all their arrears two days before the battle, which we not being able to perform made the fellows refractory and more negligent of their duty. However, on Tues¬ day the 15th we lay under our arms upon the hill all day expecting the enemy, without any other provision but a sea biscuit to each man.”— Lockhart Papers, vol. ii., p. 508. 288 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. As if a fate had hung over the councils of Charles, the disposi¬ tion of this order of battle involved the decision of a point of honour, esteemed of the utmost importance in this singular army, though in any other a mere question of idle precedence. The MacDonalds, as the most powerful and numerous of the clans, had claimed from the beginning of the expedition the privilege of holding the right of the whole army. Lochiel and Appin had waived any dispute of this claim at the battle of Preston; the MacDonalds had also led the right at Falkirk ; and now the left was assigned to this proud surname, which they regarded not only as an affront, but as an evil omen.^ The Prince’s second line, or reserve, was divided into three bodies, with an interval between each. On the right were Elcho’s, Fitz-James’s, and Lord Strathallan’s horse, with Abbachie’s and Lord Ogilvy’s re¬ giments of infantry. The centre division was formed of the Irish picquets. Lord John Drummond’s regiment, and that of the Earl of Kilmarnock. The left wing of the second line consisted of the hussars, with Sir Alexander Bannerman’s and Moir of Stony- wood’s Lowland battalions. The number of the whole first line might be about 4700 men ; that of the second line 2300, of which 250 were cavalry; but, as I will presently show you, the num¬ bers which appeared at the review were very considerably di¬ minished before the action. A great error on the part of the commissaries, or such as acted in that capacity, in the Highland army, was exhibited in the al¬ most total want of provisions; a deficiency the more inexcusa¬ ble, as it was said there was plenty of meal at Inverness. The soldiers, however, received no victuals except a single biscuit per man during the whole day of the 15th, and this dearth of provi¬ sions was such, that whether the army had been victorious or vanquished, upon the day of the 16th, they must have dispersed to distant quarters for the mere purpose of obtaining subsistence. Early on the 15th of April, Lord Elcho was despatched to reconnoitre the camp of the Duke of Cumberland, situated near the little town of Nairne. It was the anniversary of the royal Duke’s birth-day, which was apparently dedicated to festivity and indulgence on the part of the soldiers whom he commanded. Lord Elcho remained within view of the enemy until high noon, and then retired to announce that to all appearance the English army did not mean to move that day. Upon this report the Prince assembled the chief officers of his 1 “ This,” says the MacDonald, “ we of the clan thought ominous. We had not this day the right hand in battle as formerly, and as we engaged in this enterprise when the event proved successful, as at Gladsmuir and Falkirk, and which our clan maintains we had enjoyed in all our battles and struggles in be¬ half of our royal family since the battle of Bannockburn, in which glorious day Robert the Bruce bestowed this honour upon Angus MacDonald, Lord of the Isles, as a reward for his never to be forgot fidelity, &c. This right we have, I say, enjoyed ever since, unless when yielded by us out of favour upon particular occasions, as was done to the Laird of MacLean at the battle of Harlaw (1411); but our sweet P. was prevailed on by L. and his faction to assign this honour to another on this fatal day, which right we judge they will not refuse to yield us back again next fighting day."— Lockhart Papers, v. ii., p. 510. A COUNCIL OF WAR. 289 army, being tlie first council of war which he had held since that in which the retreat from Derby was resolved upon, excepting the meeting at Fairnton, near Crieff. Charles opened the busi¬ ness by asking the opinion of the council what was best to be done. There was a diversity of opinions. The want of provisions alone rendered a battle inevitable, but the place and mode of giving that battle were matter of discussion. Lord George Mur¬ ray, as usual, was the first to give his opinion, and enlarged much on the advantage which a Highland army was sure to possess in taking the enemy by surprise, and in darkness rather than in daylight. Regular soldiers, he said, depend entirely on their discipline, an advantage of which they are deprived by darkness and confusion. Highlanders, on the contrary, had, he observed, little discipline but what was of an intuitive nature, independent either of light or regularity. He concluded by giving his opi¬ nion, that the first line should march in two divisions at the dusk of the evening ; he himself offered to lead that composed of the right wing of the first line, with which he designed to march round the town of Nairne, and attack the Duke of Cumberland’s camp in the rear; at the same time he proposed that the Duke of Perth, with the left division of the first line, should attack the camp in front, when he did not doubt that the confusion occasion¬ ed by the sudden onset on two points, joined to the effects of the ])ast day’s festivity, would throw the regulars into total confusion, and afford the Prince a complete victory. This plan also in¬ cluded a march of the whole second line, or body of reserve, under the command of the Prince himself, to support the front attack. To this proposal several objections were made ; one was, that it was a pity to hazard any thing until the MacPhersons, a great part of the Frasers, MacDonald of Barrisdale, Glengyle, with his ^MacGregors, the Earl of Cromarty, whose misfortune was not known, and other reinforcements at present absent, should have joined the army. It was also stated, that in all probability the Duke would receive notice of the intended movement, either by his spies or his patrols ; that in either case it would be difficult to provide against the necessary consequences of such discoveiy; and that, if the Highlanders were once thrown into confusion in a night attack, there would be no possibility of rallying them. The principal answer to these objections was founded on the exi¬ gency of the moment, which required a considerable hazard to be incmred in one shape or other, and that the plan of the night attack was as feasible as any which could be proposed. Another objection strongly urged, was the impossibility of marching twelve miles, being the distance between Culloden and the enemy’s camp, between nightfall and dawn. To this Lord George Murray returned for answer, that he would pledge him¬ self for the success of the project, provided secrecy was observed. Other plans were proposed, but the night march was finally re¬ solved upon. VOL. HI. T 290 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. Between seven and eight o’clock, the Chevalier ordered the heath to be set on fire, that the light might convey the idea of his troops being still in the same position there, and got all his men under arms, as had been agreed upon. It was explained by the Prince’s aide-de-camp. Colonel Ker of Gradon, that during the attack on the camp the Highlanders were not to employ their fire-arms, but only broadswords, dirks, and Lochaber axes, with which they were instructed to beat down the tent poles, and to cut the ropes, taking care at the same moment to strike or stab with force wherever they observed any swelling or bulge in the fallen canvass of the tent. They were also in¬ structed to observe the profoundest silence during the time of the march, and the watchword assigned to them was “ King James the VIIL” Thus far all was well; and for resolute men, an attempt so desperate presented, from its very desperation, a considerable chance of success. But an inconvenience occurred on the march, for which, and the confusion which it was sure to occasion, due allowance seems scarcely to have been made in the original pro¬ ject. It had been' proposed by Lord George Murray that the army should march in three columns, consisting of the first line in two divisions, and the whole reserve, or second line, under the Prince himself. But from the necessity of the three columns keeping the same road as far as the house of Kilravock, where the first division was to diverge from the others, and cross the river Nairne, in order to get in the rear of the enemy’s camp, it followed that the army, instead of forming three distinct columns of march, each on its own ground, composed only one long one, the second line following the first, and the third the second, upon the same track, which greatly diminished the power of moving with rapidity. The night, besides, was very dark, which made the progress of the whole column extremely slow, especially as there was a frequent necessity for turning out of the straight road, in order to avoid all inhabited places, from which news of them motions might have been sent to the Duke of Cumber¬ land. Slow as the march was, the van considerably outmarched the rear. A gap, or interval, was left in the centre of the whole, and messages were sent repeatedly to Lochiel, who was in front, and to Lord George Murray, who commanded the head of the line, requesting them to halt until the rear of the columns should come up. Fifty of these messages were brought to the van of the column before they had marched above eight miles, by which time they had reached Kilravock, or Kilraick House, within four miles of the Duke of Cumberland’s camp. Hitherto Lord George Murray had not halted upon his line of march; but had only obeyed the aides-de-camp by marching more slowly, in the hope that the rear might come up. But at this place the Duke of Perth himself, who commanded the second division, came up to Lord George Murray, and putting his horse NIGHT MARCH. 201 across the road, insisted that the rear could not advance unless the van was halted. Lord George Murray halted accordingly, and many of the principal officers came to the head of the column to consult what was to be done. They reported that many of the Highlanders had straggled from the ranks, and lain down to sleep in the wood of Kilravock; which must have been owing to faintness, or want of food, since an eight miles’ march could not be supposed to have fatigued these hardy mountaineers to such an excess. It was also said, that more gaps were left in the line than one, and that there was no possibility of the rear keeping pace with the head of the column. Watches were next con¬ sulted. It had been proposed to make the attack before two o’clock in the morning; but that hour was now come, and the head of the column was still four miles distant from the English camp. The object of the expedition, therefore, was frustrated. Some of the gentlemen volunteers were of opinion that they ought to proceed at all risks; but, as they must have marched for at least two miles in broad light, all hopes of a surprise must have been ended. In these doubtful circumstances Mr. O’Sullivan found the officers at the head of the column, when he came to Lord George Murray with ordei’s from the Prince, expressing it to be his desme, if possible, that the attack should proceed; yet referi’ing to Lord George, as nearest to the head of the column, to form his own judgment whether the attempt could be made with advantage or not. At this moment the distant roll of the drums from the Duke of Cumberland’s camp announced that his army was upon the alert, and that the moment was gone by when the camp might have been taken by surprise. “ They are awake,” said Lord George.—“ I never expected to have found them other¬ wise,” said Mr. Hepburn of Keith, who had joined the van as a volunteer; “ but we may yet find them unprepared.” Lord George applauded Hepburn’s courage, but considered that, from the late¬ ness of the hour, and the great diminution of the strength of the attacking column, the plan could not be persevered in with any hope of success. He therefore ordered the troops to march back with as much expedition as possible. As this retreat, though apparently unavoidable, was executed by Lord George Murray without the express orders of the Prince, though in execution of an optional power reposed in Lord George himself, it was at the time, and has been since, used as a handle by those who were inclined to accuse that nobleman of treachery to a cause, which he had served with so much valour and talent. ^ I I have taken Lord George Murray’s account of this night-march as he him¬ self gave it, for vindication of his own conduct. The Chevalier himself, then called Compte D’Albanie, returned a different answer to some inquiries on the j)art of Mr. John Home. It is singular enough that his reply acquits Lord George Murray of the alleged crime of commanding the retreat without or¬ ders, even more completely than Lord George’s own account acquits himself. The Chevalier says, that he rode up in person to the head of the column, and w'as at first anxious for advancing; but when he heard Lord George's lea- 292 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. It may be here remarked, that the Duke of Cumberland’s army took no alarm either from the march or countermarch of the enemy, and that but for the inauspicious circumstances which delayed the movement, the attacking column had a great chance of success.' The retreat was executed with much more rapidity than the advance, it being unnecessary to take any precautions for con¬ cealing their motions ; so that the whole army had regained the heights of Culloden moor before five o’clock in the morning. The disadvantages of the night march, and of the preceding day’s abstinence, became now visible. The men went off from their colours in great numbers, to seek food at Inverness and the neighbouring villages. They were unpaid, unfed, exhausted with famine and want of sleep, and replied with indifference to the offi¬ cers who endeavoured to force them to return to their colours, that they might shoot them if they chose, but that they would not return till they had procured some food. The principal officers themselves were exhausted from want of rest and sustenance. They went, as if instinctively, to the house of Culloden, where they had previously assembled, but were so worn out, that, in¬ stead of holding a council of war, each laid himself down to sleep, on beds or tables, or on the floor where such conveniences were not to be had.^ soning against it, he himself gave orders for the retreat. This striking differ¬ ence between the evidence of two persons deeply interested in a subject of such importance to both, proves the uncertainty of human evidence. But it is natural to suppose Lord George Murray’s account the more correct, because it was given as early as 1749. Besides, it is not likely he should make his own case worse than it really was, by resting his defence on the option transmitted to him by O’Sullivan, if, in fact, it was the Prince himself who gave the order for retreat, which Lord George was censured for having issued contrary to his intentions. “ Had Prince Charles slept during the whole of the expedi¬ tion, and allowed Lord George to act for him according to his own judgment, there is every reason for supposing he would have found the crown of Great Britain on his head when he awoke.”— Johnstone, p. 140. ' “ The Duke had certain information of the night-march; and spies who spoke the Gaelic language, and wore the Highland dress, mixed with the re¬ bels as they marched; but none of these spies knew any thing of the intended attack, and it is believed the Duke supposed that the rebels intended only to approach his camp, take their ground in the night, and attack him in the morning, for the soldiers were ordered to lie down to rest with their arms by them.”— Home. 2 “ The Prince with great difficulty got some bread and whiskey at Cul¬ loden house, where, after he had reposed himself a little, he was acquainted that the enemy was appearing, upon which those about Culloden were ordered to arms.”— Lockhart Papers, vol. ii., p. 519. “ When at the foot of the stairs, he was met by the Steward, who told him that his dinner, viz. a roasted side of lamb and two hens, and the table-cloth was just ready to be laid.”—“ No,” replied the Chevalier, “ would you have me sit down to victuals when my enemy is so near me ?”—The Young Chevalier, p. 6.—“ Exhausted with hun¬ ger,” says Johnstone, “ and worn out with the excessive fatigue of the three last nights, as soon as we reached Culloden, I turned off as fast as I could to Inverness, where, eager to recruit my strength by a little sleep, 1 tore off my clothes, half asleep all the while: but when I had already one leg in the bed, and was on the point of stretching myself between the sheets, what was my surprise, to hear the drum beat to arms, and the trumpets of the picquet of Fitzjaines sounding the call to boot and saddle, wliich struck me like a clap of BATTLE OF CULLODEN. 293 The time was now arrived for putting into execution the alter¬ native proposed in the council of war of the preceding day, which was only postponed to the proposed march to Nairne. This was, that the Highland army should retire, and take up a strong posi¬ tion beyond the river Nairne, inaccessible to cavalry. Such a movement would have been no difficult matter, had the confused state of the Chevalier’s army, and the total want of provisions,^ permitted them to take any steps for their preservation. All, however, which looked either like foresight or common sense, seemed to be abandoned on this occasion, under the physical ex¬ haustion of fatigue and famine. The army remained on the upper part of the open moor, having their flank covered on the right by the park-walls which we have mentioned, their only protection from cavalry, and, as it proved, a very slight one. About two hours after the Prince had again reached Culloden, that is, about seven or eight o’clock, a patrol of horse brought in notice that a party of the Duke of Cumberland’s cavaffiy was within two miles, and the whole of his army not above four miles distant. Upon this alarm, the Prince and the Duke of Perth, Lord George Murray and Lord John Drummond, mounted their horses, and ordered the drums to beat, and the pipes to play their respective gatherings. This sudden summons to arms caused much hurry and confusion amongst men half dead with fatigue, and roused from the sleep of which they had so much need.^ The chiefs and officers did what was possible to get them together; but, as they were dispersed in every direction, as far as Inverness itself, nearly two thousand of the Highlanders who were at the review of the preceding day, were absent from the battle of the 16 th. It would have been yet time to retreat by the right of their line, to cross the water of Nairne, and to draw up upon ground inaccessible to the Duke of Cumberland’s ar-ny, when they might, after sunset, have renewed, if it was thought advisable, the at¬ tempt to surprise his camp ; for it is believed that the Duke was thunder. I hurried on my clothes, my eyes half shut, and mounting a horse, I instantly repaired to our army on the eminence on which we had remained three days, and from which we saw the English army at the distance of about two miles from us.”— Memoirs, p. 133. 1 This might have been remedied, in so far as the simple wants of a High¬ land army were concerned, if a part of the troops had been employed on the night of the 15th April to bring meal from Inverness, and cattle from the neigh¬ bourhood.—S. 2 “ Upon our return to Culloden,” says MacDonald, “though the Prince had given orders for bringing meat and drink for us to the field, which our men not expecting, through their great want of sleep, meat, and drink, many slipt off to take some refreshment in Inverness, Culloden, and the neighbourhood, and others to three or four miles distance, where they had friends and ac¬ quaintances ; and the said refreshment so lulled them asleep, that designing only to take one hour’s rest or two, they were afterwards surprised and killed in their beds. By this means we wanted in the action at least one-third of our best men, and of those who did engage, many had hurried back from Inverness, &c., upon the alarm of the enemy’s approach, both gentlemen and others, as I did myself, having taken only one drink of ale to supply all my need.”— Lock¬ hart Papers, vol. ii., p. 50y. 294 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. not, till some time afterwards, made aware of their purpose of the previous night. No motion, however, was made to this effect. The Chevalier talked confidently of a battle and a victory and those who did not share his hopes were prepared to die, if they did not expect to conquer. The Duke of Cumberland’s army noAv appeared about two miles off, advancing straight in front of the Prince’s line of battle. His Royal Highness’s force consisted of fifteen battalions of foot, viz. Pulteney’s, 500 ; the Royals, 500 ; Cholmondely’s, 500; Price’s, 500; Scots Fusileers, 500 ; Dejean’s 500 ; Burrel’s, 500 ; Batte- reau’s, 500; Blakney’s, 500; Howai'd’s, 500 ; Fleming’s, 500; Sackville’s, 500; Sempill’s, 500; Conway’s, 500; Wolfe’s, 500; and 600 Campbells; which, with Lord Mark Ker’s dragoons, 300, Cobham’s, 300, and Kingston’s horse, 300, made 8100 foot, and 900 horse. The day of the battle they were drawn up in two lines, seven battalions in the first, and eight in the second line, supported by the two squadrons of horse on the right, and four squadrons of dragoons on the left. The Campbells were on the left with the dragoons. There were two pieces of cannon be¬ twixt every battalion in the first line, three on the right, and three on the left of the second. The army was commanded in chief by the Duke of Cumberland, and under him by Lieutenant- generals Earl of Albemarle, Hawley, and Bland, major-general Huske, brigadiers Lord Sempill, Cholmondely, and Mordaunt. Had the whole Highland army been collected, there would have been very little, if any difference in numbei’s between the contending parties, each of which amounted to about 9000 men; but we have already shown that the Prince was deprived of about 2000 of his troops, who had never come up, and the stragglers who left his standard between the time of the review and the battle amounted to at least 2000 more; so that, upon the great and decisive battle of Culloden, only 5000 of the insurgent army were opposed to 9000 of the King’s troops. The men who were absent also, were chiefly Highlanders, who formed the peculiar strength of the Chevaher’s army. 1 “ I shall make one plain and natural supposition,” says Lord George Mur¬ ray. “ Had we after this (retreat from Kilravock) retired to a strong ground, which was our opinion, and we might have done it when the enemy were even in sight;—had we fought upon such ground and proved successful, which I verily believe we had very good chance for, would then this measure of a re¬ treat from Kilravock have been found fault with? or had we been so advan¬ tageously situated upon the south side of the water of Nairne, that the Duke of Cumberland would not have ventured to have attacked us (w'hich might have been the case) and that we had drawn him up afterwards to passes in the mountains, harassed him, cutoff some of his convoys, and at last defeated him, would then the retreat from Kilravock have been well spoken of? Why what I have now mentioned was not performed, let them answer who were deter¬ mined against a hill campaign, as they called it. What I can aver is, that my¬ self and most of the clans, at least all those I spoke with, were for this opera¬ tion, and his Royal Highness could have supported the fatigue as well as any person in the army. It is true Sir Thomas Sheridan, &c., could uot have under¬ gone it; so we were obliged to be undone for their ease.”— Letter, Home’s Ap- pandu'. No. 42. BATTLE OF CULLODEN. 295 There was no appearance of discouragement on either side; the troops on both sides huzza’d repeatedly as they came within sight of each other, and it seemed as if the Highlanders had lost all sense of fatigue at the sight of the enemy. The MacDonalds alone had a sullen and discontented look, arising from their hav¬ ing taken offence at the post which had been assigned them. As the lines approached each other, the artillery opened their fire, by which the Duke of Cumberland’s army suffered very little, and that of the Highlanders a great deal; for the English guns, being well served, made lanes through the ranks of the enemy, while the French artillery scarcely killed a man. To re¬ main steady and inactive under this galling fire, would have been a trial to the best disciplined troops, and it is no wonder that the Highlanders showed great impatience under an annoyance pecu¬ liarly irksome to their character. Some threw themselves down to escape the artillery, some called out to advance, and a very few broke their ranks and fled. The cannonade lasted for about an hour; at length the clans became so impatient that Lord George Murray was about to give the order to advance, when the High¬ landers, from the centre and right wing, rushed without orders furiously down, after their usual manner of attacking sword in hand. Being received with a heavy fire, both of cannonade and grape-shot, they became so much confused, that they got huddled together in their onset, without any interval or distinction of clans or regiments. Notwithstanding this disorder, the fury of their charge broke through Monro’s and Burr el’s regiments, which formed the left of the Duke of Cumberland’s line. But that General had anticipated the possibility of such an event, and had strengthened his second line, so as to form a steady support in case any part of his first should give way. The Highlanders, par¬ tially victorious, continued to advance with fury, and although much disordered by their own success, and partly disarmed by having thrown away their guns on the very first charge, they rushed on Sempill’s regiment in the second line with unabated fury. That steady corps was drawn up three deep, the first rank kneeling, and the third standing upright. They reserved their fire until the fugitives of Barrel’s and Monro’s broken regi¬ ments had escaped round the flanks, and through the intervals of the second line. By this time the Highlanders were within a yard of the bayonet point, when Sempill’s battalion poured in their fire with so much accuracy, that it brought down a great many of the assailants, and forced the rest to turn back. A few pressed on, but, unable to break through Sempill’s regiment, were bayoneted by the first rank. The attack of the Highlanders was the less efficient, that on this occasion most of them had laid aside their targets, expecting a march rather than a battle. While the right of the Highland line sustained their national chai’acter, though not with their usual success, the MacDonalds 296 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. on the left seemed uncertain whether they would attack or not. ^ It was in vain the Duke of Perth called out to them, “ Clay¬ more!” telling the murmurers of this haughty tribe, “That if they behaved with their usual valour, they would convert the left into the right, and that he would in future call himself MacDon¬ ald.” It was equally in vain that the gallant Keppoch charged with a few of his near relations, while his clan, a thing before unheard of, remained stationary. The chief was near the front of the enemy, and was exclaiming with feelings which cannot be appreciated, “ My God ! have the children of my tribe forsaken me!” At this instant, he received several shots, which closed his earthly account, leaving him only time to advise his favourite nephew to shift for himself. The three regiments of MacDonalds were by this time aware of the rout of their right wing, and re¬ treated in good order upon the second line. A body of cavalry, from the right of the King’s army, was commanded to attack them on their retreat, but was checked by a fire from the French picquets, who advanced to support the MacDonalds. But at the same moment another decisive advantage was gained by the Duke’s ai-my over the Highland right wing. A body of horse, making 600 cavalry, with three companies of Argyleshire Highlanders, had been detached to take possession of the park walls, repeatedly mentioned as covering the right of the Highlanders. The three com.panies of infantry had pulled down the east wall of the en¬ closure, and put to the sword about a hundred of the insurgents, to whom the defence had been assigned; they then demolished the western wall, which permitted the dragoons, by whom they were accompanied, to ride through the enclosure, and get out upon the open moor, to the westward, and form, so as to threaten the rear and flank of the Prince’s second line. Gordon of Ab- bachie, with his Lowland Aberdeenshire regiment, was ordered to fire upon these cavalry, which he did with some effect. The Campbells then lined the north wall of the enclosure so often mentioned, and commenced a fire upon the right flank of the Highlanders’ second line. That line, increased by the Mac¬ Donalds, who retired upon it, still showed a great number of men keeping their ground, many of whom had not fired a shot. Lord Elcho rode up to the Prince, and eagerly exhorted him to put himself at the head of those troops who yet remained, make a last exertion to recover the day, and at least die like one worthy of having contended for a crown. Receiving a doubtful or hesitating answer. Lord Elcho turned from him with a bitter execration, and declared he would never see his face 1 “ While these changes were making, Colonel Belford observing the body of horse with Charles, ordered two pieces of cannon to be pointed at them; several discharges were made; and some balls broke ground among the horses’legs. Charles had his face bespattered with mud, and one of his servants, who stood behind the squadron with a led horse in his hand, was killed.”— Home. BATTLE OF CULLODEN. 297 again.^ On the other hand, more than one of the Prince’s officers declared, and attested Heaven and their own eyes as witnesses, that the unfortunate adventurer was forced from the field by Sir Thomas Sheridan, and others of the Irish officers who were about his person.2 That Lord Elcho and others, who lost rank and fortune in this disastrous adventure, were desirous that the Chevalier should have fought it out to the very last, can easily be imagined; nor is it difficult to conceive why many of the public were of the same opinion, since a fatal tragedy can hardly conclude so effectively as with the death of the hero. But there are many reasons besides a selfish desire of safety, which may dictate to a defeated chieftain the task of preserving himself for a better day. This is particu¬ larly the case with those in the rank of Kings and Princes, who, assured by the unanimous opinion of those around them that their safety is of the last importance to the world, cannot easily resist the flattering and peculiar reasons which may be assigned in sup¬ port of the natural principle of self-preservation, common to them with all mankind. Besides, although the Chevalier, if determined on seeking it, might certainly have found death on the field where he lost all hopes of empire, there does not appear a possibility that his most desperate exertions could have altered the fortune of the day. The second line, united with a part of the first, stood, it is true, for some short time after the disaster of the left wing, but they were surrounded with enemies. In their front was the Duke of Cumberland, dressing and renewing the ranks of his first line, which had been engaged, bringing uj) to their support his second, which was yet entire, and on the point of leading both to a new attack in front. On the flank of the second line of the Cheva¬ lier’s army were the Campbells, lining the northern wall of the enclosure. In the rear of the whole Highland army, was a body of horse, which could be greatly increased in number by the same access through the park wall which had been opened by the Campbells. The Highlanders of the Prince’s army, in fact, were sullen, dejected, and dispirited, dissatisfied with their officers and generals, and not in perfect good humour with themselves. It was no wonder that, after remaining a few minutes in this situa¬ tion, they should at last leave the field to the enemy, and go off in quest of safety wherever it was to be found. A part of the second line left the field with tolerable regularity, with their pipes ’ This vow he kept to his dying day, avoiding every place where he might have met the prince, for whose s^e he had lost his rank, his estate, and his native country. His relentless anger was not, perhaps, just, but it must be allowed to be natural.—S. 2 “ The Cornet who carried the standard of the second troop of horse-guards, has left a paper, signed with his name, in which he says, that the entreaties of Sir Thomas Sheridan and his other friends would have been in vain, if General Sullivan had not laid hold of the bridle of Charles’s horse and turned him about. To witness this, says the Cornet, I summon mine eyes.”— Homje, vol. iii., p. 225. 298 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. playing and banners displayed. General Stapleton also, and the French auxiliaries, when they saw the day lost, retreated in a soldier-like manner to Inverness, where they surrendered to the Duke of Cumberland on honourable terms. Many of the High¬ land army fled in the direction of Inverness, but the greater part towards Badenoch and the Highlands. Some of these never stopped till they had reached their own distant homes; and the alarm was so great, that one very gallant gentleman told your Grandfather, that he himself had partaken in the night march, and that, though he had tasted nothing for twenty-four hours, he ran near twenty miles ere he took leisure to sit down and eat a biscuit which had been served out to him at the moment the battle was to begin, and which he had put into his sporran, or purse, to eat when it should be ended. The Duke of Cumberland proceeded with caution. He did not permit his first line to advance on the repulsed Highlanders till he had restored their ranks to perfect order, nor to pursue till the dispersion of the Highland army seemed complete. When that was certain, Kingston’s horse, and the dragoons from each wing of the Duke’s army, were detached in pursuit, and did great execution. Kingston’s horse followed the chase along the Inver¬ ness road. They did not charge such of the enemy, whether French or Highlanders, as kept in a body, but dogged and watched them closely on their retreat, moving more or less speedily as they moved, and halting once or twice when they halted. On the stragglers they made great havoc till within a mile of Inverness. It was in general remarked, that the English horse, whose reputation had been blemished in previous actions with the High¬ landers, took a cruel pleasure in slaughtering the fugitives, giving quarter to none, except a few who were reserved for public exe¬ cution, and treating those who were disabled, wi;h cruelty un¬ known in modern war. Even the day after the battle, there were instances of parties of wounded men being dragged from the thickets and huts in which they had found refuge, for the purpose of being drawn up and despatched by platoon-firing; while those who did not die under this fusil ade were knocked on the head by the soldiers with the stocks of their muskets. In a word, the savageness of the regulars on this occasion formed such a con¬ trast to the more gentle conduct of the insurgents, as to remind men of the old Latin proverb, that the most cruel enemy is a coward who has obtained success.^ It was early fomid neces- ^ Crudelis semper timidus, si vicerit unquam. “ By this time our horse and dragoons had closed in upon them from both wings, and then followed a gene¬ ral carnage. The moor was covered with blood; and our men, what with kil¬ ling the enemy, dabbling their feet in the blood, and splashing it about one another, looked like so many butchers."—Letter, Scots Map., April, 1746. “ The road from Culloden to Inverness,” says Johnstone, “ was every where strewed with dead bodies. The Duke of Cumberland had the cruelty to allow our wounded to remain amongst the dead on the field of battle, stript of their clothes, from Wednesday, the day of our unfortunate engagement, till three o’clock in the afternoon of Friday, when he sent detachments to kill all those BATTLE OF CULLODEN. 29.9 sary to make some averment Avhich might seem to justify this un¬ heard-of cruelty ; and, accordingly, a story was circulated, con¬ cerning an order said to have been issued by Lord George Murray, commanding the Highlanders to give no quarter if vic¬ torious. But not one of the insurgent party ever saw such an order; nor did any of them hear of it, till after the battle. In this decisive action, the victors did not lose much above 300 men, in killed and wounded. Lord Robert Ker, captain of grenadiers, was slain at the head of his company. The loss of the vanquished army was upwards of 1000 men. Tlie Highlanders on the right wing, who charged sword in hand, suffered most severely. These were the MacLeans, and Mac- Lauclilans, the Macintoshes, the Frasers, the Stewarts, and the Camerons. The chief of MacLauchlan was slain in the action, together with MacLean of Drimnin, MacGillivray of Drumna- glass, several of the Frasers, and other persons of distinction. Lochiel was wounded, but borne from the field by his two hench¬ men. In short, the blow was equally severe and decisive, and the more so, that the heaviest of the loss fell on the high chiefs and gentlemen, wLo were the soul of the Highland army. CHAPTER LXXXIV. Claims of the Jacobite Prisoners to Clemency—Severity of the Puke of Cumberland—Ravages committed by his Troojjs—his Return to London^ and Cessation of Cruelties in the Highlands—Escape of Prince Charles—his Remarkable Wanderings^ in various Pisguises—his Embarkation at Lochnanuagh, and Arrival at Morlaix, in Brittany, on the 29th of September, 1746. [1746.] It w'as not to be expected that the defeat of Culloden should pass over, without fatal consequences to those who had been prin¬ cipally concerned in the insui’rection. A handful of men had dis¬ turbed the tranquillity of a peaceful people, who were demanding no change of their condition, had inflicted a deep wound upon the national strength, and, what is seldom forgotten in the moment when revenge becomes possible, had inspired universal terror. It was to be expected, therefore, that those who had been most active in such rebellious and violent proceedings, should be called to answer with their lives for the bloodshed and disorder to which they had given occasion. They themselves well knew at what who were still in life; and a great many who had resisted the effects of the continual rains, were then despatched. He ordered a barn which contained many of the wounded Highlanders, to be set on fire ; and having stationed sol¬ diers round it, they with fixed bayonets drove back the unfortunate men who attempted to save themselves, into the flames, burning them alive in this hor¬ rible manner, as if they had not been fellow-creatures.”—p. 147. 300 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. bloody risk they had played the deadly game of insurrection, and expected no less forfeit than their lives. But as all concerned in the rebellion had, in strictness, forfeited their lives to the law, it became fitting that Justice should so select her victims, as might, if possible, reconcile her claims with the feelings of humanity, in¬ stead of outraging them by a general and undistinguishing effu¬ sion of blood. Treason upon political accounts, though one of the highest crimes that can be committed against a state, does not necessarily infer any thing like the detestation which attends offences of much less general guilt and danger. He who engages in conspiracy or rebellion, is very often, as an individual, not only free from reproach, but highly estimable, in his private charac¬ ter; such men, for example, as Lord Pitsligo, or Cameron of Lochiel, might be said to commit the crime for which they were obnoxious to the law, from the purest, though, at the same time, tlie most mistaken motives—motives which they had sucked in with their mother’s milk, and which urged them to take up arms by all the ties of duty and allegiance. The sense of such men’s purity of principles and intention, though not to be admitted in defence, ought, both morally and politically, to have limited the proceedings against them within the narrowest bounds consistent with the ends of public justice, and the purpose of intimidating others from such desperate courses. If so much could be said in favour of extending clemency even to several of the leaders of the insurrection, how much more might have been added in behalf of their simple and ignorant followers, who came out in ignorance of the laws of the civilized part of the nation, but in compliance with the unalienable tie by which they and their fathers had esteemed themselves bound to obey their chief.* It might have been thought, that generosity would have overlooked such poor prey, and that justice would not have considered them as proper objects of punishment. Or, if a victorious general of subordinate rank had been desirous to display his own zeal in behalf of the reigning family at the expense of humanity, by an indiscriminate chastisement of the vanquish¬ ed foe, of whatever degree of intellect and fortune, better things might have been expected from a Son of Britain—a Royal Prince, who, most of all, might have remembered, that the objects whom the fate of war had placed at his disposal, were the misguided subjects of his own royal house, and who might gracefully have pleaded their cause at the foot of a father’s throne, which his own victory had secured. 1 This idea of patriarchal obedience was so absolute, that when some Low¬ land gentlemen were extolling with wonder the devotion of a clansman, who had sacrificed his own life to preserve that of his chief, a Highlander who was present coldly observed, that he saw nothing wonderful in the matter—he only did his duty; had he acted otherwise, he would have been a poltroon and a traitor. To punish men who Avere bred in such principles, for following their chiefs into war, seems as unjust as it would be to hang a dog for the crime of following his master.—S. DUKE OF CUMBERLAND. 301 Unfortunately for the Duke of Cumberland’s fame, he saw his duty in a different light. This Prince hore deservedly the cha¬ racter of a blunt, upright, sensible man, friendly and good- humoured in the ordinary intercourse of life. He was a brave soldier, and acquainted with the duties of war ; both before and after the battle of Culloden, his campaigns were unfortunate; nor does it appear from his proceedings upon that occasion, that he merited better success. He had learned war in the rough school of Germany, where the severest infliction upon the inhabi¬ tants was never withheld, if it was supposed necessary, either to obtain an advantage, or to preserve one already gained. His Royal Highness understood, as well as any commander in Europe, the necessity, in the general case, of restraining that military license, which, to use the words of a revered veteran, renders an army formidable to its friends alone. In the march from Perth, an officer was brought to a court-martial, and lost his commission, by the Duke’s perfect approbation, because he had suffered a party under his command to plunder the house of Gask, belonging to Mr. Oliphant, then in arms, and with the Prince’s army. This strict exercise of discipline renders us less prepared to expect the violences which followed the battle of Culloden. But unhappily the license which it was thought fit to check while the contest lasted, was freely indulged in when resistance v^as no more. The fugitives and wounded were necessarily the first to experience the consequences of this departure from the ordinary rules of war. We have mentioned the merciless execution which was done upon the fugitives and on the wounded who remained on the field of battle. The first might be necessary to strike terror into an enemy so resolute and so capable of rallying as the Highlanders; the second might be the effect of the brutal rage of common sol¬ diers flushed % victory, to wdiich they had not been of late accus¬ tomed, and triumphant over an enemy before whom many of them had fled; but the excesses which followed, must, we fear, be imputed to the callous disposition of the Commander-in-chief him¬ self,^ under whose eye, and by whose command, a fearful train of ravages and executions took place. The Duke proceeded, in military phrase, to improve his victory, by “ laying waste” what was termed “ the country of the enemy;” and his measures were taken slowly, that they might be attended with more certain success. Proclamations had been sent forth for the insurgent Highlanders to come in and surrender their arms, with which very few complied. Several of the chiefs, in¬ deed, had made an agreement among themselves to meet together and defend their country: but although a considerable sum of money, designed for the Chevalier’s use, reached Lochiel, and others his stanch adherents, the list of the slain and disabled 1 See on this subject Sir W. Scott’s article on the Culloden Papers, Prose fVorks, vol. XX., p. 87. 302 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. chiefs had been so extensive, and the terror and dismay attending the dispersion so great, as to render the adoption of any general measures of defence altogether impossible. The Duke of Cumberland—so much may be said in his justifi¬ cation—entered what was certainly still a hostile, but an unresist¬ ing country, and, fixing his own headquarters in a camp near Fort Augustus, extended his military ravages, by strong parties of soldiery, into the various glens which had been for ages the abode of the disaffected clans. The soldiers had orders to exer¬ cise towards the unfortunate natives the utmost extremities of war. They shot, therefore, the male inhabitants who fled at their approach; they plundered the houses of the chieftains ; they burnt the cabins of the peasants ; they were guilty of every kind of outrage towards women, old age, and infancy ; and where the soldier fell short of these extremities, it was his own mildness of temper, or that of some officer of gentler mood, which restrained the license of his hand. There can be no pleasure in narrating more particularly such scenes as this devastation gave rise to. When the men were slain, the houses burnt, and the herds and flocks driven off, the women and children peinshed from famine in many instances, or followed the track of the plunderers, beg¬ ging for the blood and offal of their own cattle, slain for the sol¬ diers’ use, as the miserable means of supporting a wretched life.^ Certainly, such instances lead us to join in the observation of Monluc, that those engaged in war have much occasion for the mercy of the Deity, since they are, in the exercise of their pro¬ fession, led to become guilty of so much violence towards their fellow-creatures. One remarkable narrative of this melancholy time is worth telling you; and I willingly consign to silence many others, which could only tend to recall hostile feehngs better left to slumber: A gamekeeper of MacDonald of Glengarry, returning from the 1 “ Thy tow’ring spirit now is broke, Thy neck is bended to the yoke. What foreign arms could never quell, By civil rage and rancour fell. * * ^ Yet when the rage of battle ceased. The victor’s soul was not appeased; The naked and forlorn must feel Devouring flames, and murd’ring steel! The pious mother, doom’d to death. Forsaken wanders o’er the heath. The bleak wind whistles round her head. Her helpless orphans cry for bread; Bereft of shelter, food, and friend. She views the shades of night descend ; And stretch’d beneath the inclement skies. Weeps o’er her tender babes, and dies. While the warm blood bedews my veins. And unimpair’d remembrance reigns. Resentment of my country’s fate Within my filial breast shall beat.” S.mollett’s Tears of Scotland. MILITARY RAVAGES. 303 forest to his home, found it had been visited by a party of the English troops, who had laid waste and burnt his house, and sub¬ jected his wife to the most infamous usage. The unfortunate husband vowed revenge. The principal author of the injury, who commanded the party, was described to him by the circumstance of his riding upon a grey horse. The detachment had to pass by the side of Loch Arkaig, through the wild rocks of Lochaber; lurking in a thicket, the MacDonald, a marksman by profession, took aim at the person whom he saw mounted on the grey horse, and shot him dead. His revenge, however, was disappointed ; the person who had perpetrated the crime happened to have com¬ mitted his horse to the charge of a groom, or individual of infe¬ rior rank, who sulfered the penalty of the officer’s outrage. The avenger, having learned his mistake, again waylaid the line of march, and once more seeing an officer ride upon the fatal grey horse, between the advanced guard and the main body of the troops, he again took aim, and his bullet again proved fatal—but he had a second time mistaken his victim. The person whom he shot was not the author of the injury, but a gentleman generally esteemed in the Highlands, Captain George Monro of Culcairn, (the same who escaped so remarkably at Glenshiel, by the fidelity of his foster brother.) Upon learning this second mistake, the MacDonald broke his gun, and renounced further prosecution of his revenge. “ It was not the will of Heaven,” he said, “that the man who had injured him should perish b}"^ his hands; and he would spill no more innocent blood in the attempt.” During the prosecution of these severities, no man experienced more keen regret than President Forbes, whose active zeal had made such an important stand in favour of Government, and who, by determining the wavering purpose of Sir Alexander Mac¬ Donald of Sleat, and the Laird of MacLeod, must be considered as having contributed so materially to the suppression of the re¬ bellion. It is said, that in ventuinng to quote to the Commander- in-chief the law of the country, he was repulsed, with the reply, “ That a brigade should give laws.” He was deeply affected by the miseries which civil war had brought upon his country ; nor had he any reason to congratulate himself individually, on having obtained personal favour by the part he had acted. It is certain that at his death his estate was embarrassed by debts contracted in behalf of Government, during 1745-6. All we can say on the subject is, that justice was not so profuse in its rewards on this remarkable occasion as in its punishments.^ Other persons, who had given sufficient proof of their loyalty in the course of the rebellion, fell, nevertheless, into disgrace with the Commander-in-chief, for expressing the slightest sympathy with the distress of the vanquished, or uttering any censure of the severities inflicted on them. The late Lord Forbes, than whom 1 See a passage concerning the uncrateful treatment of President Forbes in the article on the Culloden Papers, Prose PVorks, vol. xx., p. 85. 304 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. a man more loyal to the King’s government was not to be found, had served in the field of Preston, and done all that an officer could do to prevent the flight of the cavalry; notwithstanding this, he found that his preferment in the military profession was so much impeded as to render his retirement advisable. The only reason which could be assigned was, that this nobleman, the Premier Baron of Scotland, had ventured to interfere with the course of ravage practised upon the offending districts. A story is told, that after the battle of Culloden, the Grants of Glenmoriston, who had been in the rebellion, came into Inverness to surrender themselves to the chief of their own name. They were armed cap-a-pee. “ Who are these men ? ” said the Duke of Cumberland. He was informed by the Laird of Grant that they were the Grants of Glenmoriston. And to whom have they surrendered '■ ”—“ To me,” answered their chief ; “ and to no man in Britain, but me, would they have submitted.”—“ No ?” replied the Duke, after a pause ; I will let them know that they are the King’s subjects, and must likewise submit to me.” He ordered the Grants of Glenmoriston to be instantly surrounded and disarmed ; which might be a very proper check to the spirit of clanship. But when we learn that they were shipped off for the colonies, we cannot wonder that the example of submission afforded small encouragement to such surrenders as this. On most occasions these proceedings by martial law would have attracted animadversion in England, whoever were the suflferers. But the truth is, that the English nourished a very false idea re¬ specting the political opinions of the Scots, and were much dis¬ posed to conceive that the whole inhabitants of that kingdom were at heart their enemies; or at least to entertain violent suspicions against such as expressed the least sympathy with the sufferings of a Jacobite, or supposed that his punishment might, by possi¬ bility, be more severe than the crime deserved. There was some¬ thing of consolation in such an opinion, in so far as it seemed a justification for the extent of the alarm of which, by this time, the English people had become ashamed, since it sounded more respectable to have feared the whole force of Scotland, than that of a few Highland clans, much inferior in number to those of their own nation who embraced the side of the Government. Nor would it be just to blame the English alone for these severities. It must be confessed, that Scottish officers were found willing to escape from the suspicion of Jacobitism, so fatal to preferment, at the expense of becoming the agents of the cruelties practised on their unfortunate countrymen. At length, and slowly, the military operations began to be relaxed. After residing at Fort Augustus from the 24th of May till the 18th of July, the Duke of Cumberland returned towards Edinburgh. That town had, in the mean time, witnessed a procession of fourteen of the rebel standards, borne by as many chimney¬ sweepers, to be publicly burnt by the hands of the common hang- CESSATION OF RAVAGES. 305 man. A Jacobite might have observed, like a captive who re¬ ceived a blow after he was bound, that there was little gallantry in this insult. The Duke was received with all the honours due to conquest, and all the incorporated bodies of the capital, from the guild brethren to the butchers,’ desired his acceptance of the freedom of their craft or corporation. From Edinburgh his Royal Highness proceeded to London, to reap the full hai'vest of honours and rewards, which would not have been less richly de¬ served, if he had mingled more clemency with a certain degree of severity. After this period the military executions, slaughters, and ra¬ vages, were in a great measure put an end to. The license of the soldiei’y was curbed ; courts of civil justice asserted the whole¬ some superiority of the law over violence ; the aggressions of the parties of soldiery were punished with damages in the usvial course of justice ; and the ordinary rules of civilized society were in a great measure replaced. We now dismiss the consideration of the calamitous consequences brought on the country by gene¬ ral military execution, and proceed to consider the fate of those chiefs whose insurrection had been the cause of so much evil. The first in rank, in misfortune, and in the temerity which led to the civil war, was, unquestionably, Charles Edward himself. A reward of £30,000 was offered for the discovery and seizure of this last scion of a royal line. It was imagined, that in a country so poor as the Highlands, lawless, in a sense, so far as the law of property w^as concerned, and where the people were supposed to be almost proverbially rapacious, a much smaller reward would have insured the capture of the Pretender to the throne. His escape, however, so long delayed, and effected through so many difficulties, has been often commemorated as a brilliant instance of fidelity. I shall only here touch upon its general outlines, leavmg you to acquire farther details from other authors.^ During the battle of Culloden, Charles had his share of the dangers of the field. The cannon, specially directed against his standard, made some havoc among his guards, and killed one of his servants who held a led horse near to his person. The Prince himself was covered with the earth thrown up by the balls. He repeatedly endeavoured to rally his troops, and in the opinion of most who saw him, did the duties of a brave and good comman¬ der. When he retreated from the field, he was attended by a large body of horse, from whom, being perhaps under some doubt of their fidelity, he disengaged himself, by dismissmg them on ’ “ The Butcher Cumberland.”— Byron’s Don Juan. 2 Mr. John Home, in his History of the Rebellion, and Mr. James Boswell, in his Tour to the Western Isles, have given each a minute account of the Prince’s escape, more correct than those formerly published under the name of Ascanius, Young Juba, &c. They have been embodied in Mr. Robert Cham¬ bers’s History of the Rebellion in 1745-6, a work which contains a great quan¬ tity of curious information, both historical and traditional, respecting the re¬ bellion.—S. VOL. III. U 30G TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. various errands, but particularly with instructions to warn the fugitives that they were to rendezvous at Ruthven, in Badeno’ch; for such had been the reckless resolution to fight, and such per¬ haps the confidence in victory, that no place of rendezvous had been announced to the army in case of defeat. Having dismissed the greater part of his horsemen, Charles retained around his per¬ son only a few of the Irish officers, who had been his constant followers, and whose faith he considered as less doubtful than that of the Scots, perhaps because they were themselves more loud in asserting it. He directed his flight to Gortuleg, where he under¬ stood Lord Lovat was residing. Perhaps he expected to find counsel in the renowned sagacity of this celebrated nobleman ; perhaps he expected assistance from his power; for the Master of Lovat, and Cluny MacPherson, Lovat’s son-in-law, were neither of them in the action of Culloden, but both in the act of bringing up strong reinforcements to the Prince’s army, and on the march thither when the battle was lost. Charles and Lovat met, for the first and last time, in mutual terror and embarrassment. The Prince exclaimed upon the dis¬ tresses of Scotland ; Lord Lovat had a more immediate sense of his own downfall.^ Having speedily found that neither counsel nor aid was to be obtained at Lovat’s hands, the Prince only partook of some slight refreshment, and rode on. He thought Gortuleg dangerous, as too near the victorious army ; perhaps also he suspected the faith of its principal inmate. Invergarry, the castle of the Laird of Glengarry, w'as the next halt, wdiere the chance success of a fisherman who had caught a brace of salmon, afforded him a repast. The mansion-house suffered se¬ verely for the temporary reception of the Prince, being wasted and destroyed by the English soldiery with unusual rigour.^ From Invergarry the fugitive Prince penetrated into the West Highlands, and took up his abode in a village called Glenbeisdale, vei*y near the place wdiere he had first landed. By this time he had totally renounced the further prosecution of his enterprise, his sanguine hopes being totally extinguished in the despair which attended his defeat. Charles despatched a message to those chiefs ' “ A lady, who, then a girl, was residing in Lord Lovat’s family, described to us the unexpected appearance of Prince Charles and his flying attendants, at Castle Dounie. The wild and desolate vale, on which she was gazing with indolent composure, was at once so suddenly filled with horsemen riding furi¬ ously towards the castle, that, impressed with the belief that they were fairies, who, according to Highland tradition, are visible to men only from one twinkle of the eye-lid to another, she strove to refrain from the vibration, which she believed would occasion the strange and magnificent apparition to become in¬ visible. To Lord Lovat it brought a certainty more dreadful than the pre¬ sence of fairies, or even demons.”— Scott, Prose JVoi’ks, vol. xx., p. 83. 2 Two large chestnut-trees were blown up with gunpowder; one was de¬ stroyed totally, the other survived the explosion, one half continuing to flourish though the other was torn off. Glengarry’s plate fell into the hands of the sol¬ diery : part of it was melted into a cup, long in the possession of Sir Adolphus Oughton, commander-in-chief in Scotland, bearing the motto, Ex prcedaprce- datoris. —S. ESCAPE OF PRINCE CHARLES. 307 and soldiers who should rendezvous at Ruthven in obedience to his order, to acquaint them that, entertaining deep gratitude for their faithful attention and gallant conduct on all occasions, he was now under the necessity of recommending to them to look after their own safety, as he was compelled by circumstances to retire to France, from whence he hoped soon to return with suc¬ cours. Although not above one thousand men had attended at the appointed rendezvous, a great many of these thought that there was still hopes of continuing the enterprise, and were disposed to remonstrate with the Prince on his resolution of abandoning it. Lord George Murray was of this opinion, and declared that, as for provisions, if he was intrusted with any direction, they should not want as long as there were cattle in the Highlands, or meal in the Lowlands. John Hay was despatched to wait upon the Prince, and entreat him even yet to resume his post at the head of his army. It must be owned that these were the thoughts of desperate men; the enterprise had been despaired of by all sensible persons ever since the retreat from Stirling, if not since that from Derb}\ It was not to be supposed that an army with little hope of sup¬ plies or reinforcement, and composed of clans each independent of the others, and deprived of a great many of the best and boldest chiefs, while others, like Lochiel, were disabled by wounds, should adhere to an alliance in which there was no common ob¬ ject ; and it is much more likely, that divided as they w^ere by jealousies, they would have broken up, as on former occasions, by each clan endeavouring to make its separate peace. When John Hay, therefore, came to Charles at Glenbeisdale, to convey Lord George Muri'ay’s expostulation and request, he received from the Prince a letter in answer, declaring, in stronger and plainer words, his determined intention to depart for France, from wdiich he hoped soon to return with a powerful reinforce¬ ment. Each behaved according to his character. The stubborn resolution of Lord George Murray demonstrated the haughty obstinacy of his rough and indomitable character, wLich had long looked on the worst as an event likely to arrive, and was now ready to brave it; while the Prince, whose sanguine hopes could not be taught to anticipate a defeat, now regarded it with justice as an irretrievable evil. From this time Charles must be regarded as providing for his own escape, and totally detached from the army which he lately commanded. With this view he embarked for the Long Island, on the coast of which he hoped to find a French vessel. Con¬ trary winds, storms, disappointments of several sorts, attended with hardships to which he could be little accustomed, drove him from place to place in that island and its vicinity, till he gained South Uist, where he was received by Clanranald, who, one of the first who joined the unfortunate Prince, v as faithful to 308 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. him in his distresses.^ Here, for security’s sake, Charles was lodged in a forester’s hut of the most miserable kind, called Cor- radale, about the centre of the wild movmtain so named. But every lurking place was now closely sought after, and the islands in particular were strictly searched, for the purpose of securing the fugitive Prince, suspected of being concealed in their recesses. General Campbell sailed as far as the island of St. Kilda, which might well pass for the extremity of the habit¬ able world. The simple inhabitants had but a very general idea of the war which had disturbed all Britain, except that it had arisen from some difference between their master, the Ijaird of MacLeod, and a female on the continent—probably some vague idea about the Queen of Hungary’s concern in the war. General Campbell, returning from Kilda, landed upon South Uist, with the purpose of searching the Long Island from south to north, and he found the MacDonalds of Skye, and MacLeod of MacLeod, as also a strong detachment of regular troops, engaged in the same service. While these forces, in number two thou¬ sand men, searched with eagerness the interior of the island, its shores were surrounded with small vessels of war, cutters, armed boats, and the like. It seemed as if the Prince’s escape from a search so vigorously prosecuted was altogether impossible ; but the high spirit of a noble-minded female rescued him, when pro¬ bably every other means must have failed. This person was the celebrated Flora MacDonald ; she was re¬ lated to the Clanranald family, and was on a visit to that chief’s house at Ormaclade, in South Uist, during the emei’gency we speak of. Her stepfather was one of Sir Alexander MacDonald’s clan, an enemy to the Prince of course, and in the immediate command of the militia of the name of MacDonald, who were then in South Uist. Notwithstanding her stepfather’s hostility. Flora MacDonald readily engaged in a plan for rescuing the unfortunate Wanderer. With this purpose she procured from her stepfather a passport for herself, a man servant, and a female servant, who was termed Betty Burke—the part of Betty Burke being to be acted by the Chevalier in woman’s attire.^ In this disguise, after being re¬ peatedly in danger of being taken, Charles at length reached 1 “ Clanraiiald’s father, who had lived in the Long Island during the whole progress of the war, came immediately, bringing with him some Spanish wines, provisions, shoes, and stockings. He found the youth who had recently agitated Britain in so extraordinary a manner, and whose pretensions to a throne he considered indubitable, reclining in a hovel little larger than an English hog- stye, and much more filthy; his face haggard with disease, hunger, and ex¬ posure to the weather; and his shirt, to use the expressive language of Dougal Graham, as dingy as a dish-clout.”— Chawhers, vol. ii., p. 153. 2 “ Lady Clanranald dressed up the Prince in his new habit, not without some mirth and raillery passing amidst all their distress and perplexity, and a mixture of tears and smiles. The dress was on j)urpose coarse, and even homely, suited to the station of the wearer, viz. a calico gown, with a light- coloured quilted petticoat, a mantle of dun camelet, made after the Irish fashion, with a hood joined to it.”— Lockhart Papers, vol. ii., p. 545. ESCAPE OF PRINCE CHARLES. 309 Kilbride, in the Isle of Skye ; but they were still in the country of Sir Alexander MacDonald, and, devoted as that chief was to the service of the Government, the Prince was as much in danger as ever. Here the spirit and presence of mind of Miss Flora MacDonald were again displayed in the behalf of the object, so strangely thrown under the protection of one of her sex and age. She resolved to confide the secret to Lady Margaret MacDonald, the wife of Sir Alexander, and trust to female compassion, and the secret reserve of Jacobitism which lurked in the heart of most Highland women. The resolution to confide in Lady Margaret was particularly hardy, for Sir Alexander MacDonald, the husband of the lady to be trusted with the important secret, was, as you will recollect, originally believed to be engaged to join the Prince on his arrival, but had declined doing so, under the plea, that the stipulated su])port from France was not forthcoming; he was afterwards induced to levy his clan on the side of Government. His men had been at first added to Lord Loudon’s army, in Inverness- shire, and now formed part of those troops from which the Che¬ valier had with difficulty just made his escape. Flora MacDonald found herself under the necessity of commu¬ nicating the fatal secret of her disguised attendant to the lady of a person thus situated. Lady Margaret MacDonald was much alarmed. Her husband was absent, and as the best mode for the unfortunate Prince’s preservation, her house being filled with officers of the militia, she committed him to the charge of Mac¬ Donald of Kingsburgh, a man of courage and intelligence, who acted as factor or steward for her husband. Flora MacDonald accordingly conducted Chai’les to MacDonald of Kingsburgh’s house ; and he was fortunate enough to escape detection on the road, though the ungainly and awkward appearance of a man dressed in female apparel attracted suspicion on more than one occasion.^ From Kingsburgh the Wanderer retired to Rasa, where he suffered great distress, that island having been plundered on ac¬ count of the laird’s accession to the rebellion. During this period of his wanderings he personated the servant of his guide, and the country of the Laird of MacKinnon became his temporary re- 1 “ Mrs. MacDonald’s girl could not help observing the extraordinary ap¬ pearance of the female with whom Kingsburgh was walking, and exclaimed that she ‘ had never seen such a tall impudent jaud in her life! See,’ she con¬ tinued, addressing Flora, ‘ what lang strides she taks, and how her coats wamble about her! I daur say she’s an Irishwoman, or else a man in woman’s clothes.’ Flora confirmed her in the former supposition, and soon after parted with her fellow travellers.—In crossing a stream, Charles held up his petti¬ coats indelicately high—on another occasion he permitted them to float on the water. Kingsburgh again represented that this mode was as likely as the other to attract disagreeable observation. His conductor further observed, that in¬ stead of returning the obeisance of the country people by a curtsy, his royal Highness made a bow, &c. &c. ‘Your enemies,’ remarked Kingsburgh, ‘ call you a pretender; but if you be, I can tell you are the worst at your trade 1 ever saw.’”— Chambers, vol. ii., p. 165, 166. 310 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. fuge ; but notwithstanding the efforts of the chief in his favour, that portion of Skye could afford him neither a place of repose or safety, so that he was compelled once more to take refuge on the mainland, and was by his own desire put ashore on Loch Nevis. Here also he encountered imminent danger, and narrowly escaped being taken. There were a number of troops engaged in traversing this district, which being the coimtry of Lochiel, Keppoch, Glengarry, and other Jacobite chiefs, was the very cradle of the rebellion. Thus the Wanderer and his guides soon found themselves included within a line of sentinels, who, cross¬ ing each other upon their posts, cut them off from proceeding into the interior of the province. After remaming two days cooped up within this hostile circle, without daring to light a fire, or to dress any provisions, they at length escaped the impending danger by creeping down a narrow and dark defile, which divided the posts of two sentinels. Proceeding in this precarious manner, his clothes reduced to tatters, often without food, fire, or shelter, the unfortunate Prince, upheld only by the hope of hearing of a French vessel on the coast, at length reached the mountains of Strathglass, and with Glenaladale, who was then in attendance upon him, was compelled to seek refuge in a cavern where seven robbers had taken up their abode—(by robbers you are not in the present case to un¬ derstand thieves, but rather outlaws, who dared not show them¬ selves, on account of their accession to the rebellion)—and lived upon such sheep and cattle as fell into their hands. These men readily afforded refuge to the Wanderer, and recognising the Prince, for whom they had repeatedly ventured their lives, in the miserable suppliant before them, they vowed unalterable devotion to his cause. Among the flower of obedient and attached sub¬ jects, never did a Prince receive more ready, faithful, and effec¬ tual assistance, than he did from those who were foes to the world and its laws. Desirous of rendering him all the assistance in their power, the hardy freebooters undertook to procure him a change of dress, clean linen, refreshments, and intelligence.^ They proceeded in a manner which exhibited a mingled charac¬ ter of ferocity and simplicity. Two of the gang way-laid and killed the servant of an officer, who was going to Fort Augustus with his master’s baggage. The portmanteau which he carriedi fell into the robbers’ hands, and supplied the articles of dress which they wanted for the Chevalier’s use. One of them, suit¬ ably disguised, ventured into Fort Augustus, and obtained valu- 1 “ When Charles came near,” says Home, quoting the narrative of Hugh Chisholm, “ they knew him and fell upon their knees. Charles was then in great distress. He had a bonnet on his head, a wretched yellow wig, and a clouted handkerchief about his neck. He had a coat of coarse dark-coloured cloth, a Stirling tartan waistcoat much worn, a pretty good belted plaid, tar¬ tan hose, and Highland brogues tied with thongs, so much worn, that they would scarcely stick upon his feet. His shirt (and he had not another) was of the colour of saffron.”—Vol. iii., p. 243. ESCAPE OF PRINCE CHARLES. 311 able infoimation concerning the movements of the troops; and, desirous to fulfil his purpose in every particular, he brought back, in the singleness of his heart, as a choice regale to the un¬ happy Prince, a pennyworth of gingerbread ! With these men Charles Edward remained for about three weeks, and it was with the utmost difficulty they would permit him to leave them. ‘‘ Stay with us,” said the generous robbers; the mountains of gold which the Government have set upon your head may induce some gentleman to betray you, for he can go to a distant country and live on the price of his dishonom’; but to us there exists no such temptation. We can speak no language but our own—we can live nowhere but in this country, where, were we to injure a hair of your head, the very mountains would fall down to crush us to death.” A singular instance of enthusiastic devotion happened about this time (August 2d,) which served to aid the Prince’s escape. A son of a goldsmith in Edinburgh, one Roderick MacKenzie, late an officer in the Prince’s army, happened to be lurking in the braes of Glenmoriston. He was about the same size as the Prince, and was reckoned like him both in person and features. A party of soldiers set upon the young man in his hiding-place; he defend¬ ed himself gallantly; and, anxious to render his death useful to the cause which he must no longer serve in life, he said in his mortal agony, “ Ah, villains! you have slain your Prince !” His generous design succeeded. MacKenzie’s head was cut off, passed for that of Charles Edward, and was sent as such up to London.^ It was some time ere the mistake was discovered, during which the rumour prevailed that Charles was slain; in consequence of which the search after him was very much relaxed. Owing to this favourable circumstance, Charles became anxious to see his adherents, Lochiel and Cluny MacPherson, who were understood to be lurking in Badenoch with some other fugitives; and in or¬ der to join these companions of his councils and dangers, he took leave of the faithful outlaws, retaining, however, two of them to be his guard and guides.^ 1 “ The d^ositions of several persons in London, who affirmed that this was the head of Prince Charles, had the good effect of rendering the English less vigilant, and less active in their pursuits. Before that event, they had formed a chain from Inverary to Inverness, and the Prince had frequently escaped with great risk, having been obliged to cross the chain between their detach¬ ments. Mr. Morrison, nis valet-de-chambre, was .then in the prison of Carlisle, condemned to death; and the Government despatched a messenger to suspend the execution of the sentence, and bring him to London, to declare upon oath whether this really were the head of Prince Charles; but Mr. Morrison having been attacked on the road with a violent fever accompanied with delirium, re¬ mained in bed at the messenger’s house, where he continued a prisoner for fifteen days after his arrival in London; and when he began to recover, the head was in such a putrid state, that it was judged unnecessary to examine him, as it was no longer possible to distinguish any of the features.”— John¬ stone, p. 155. 2 I am ashamed to tell, that one of these poor men, who had showed such inflexible fidelity, was afterwards hanged at Inverness for stealing a cow. Another, by name Hugh Chisholm, resided at Edinburgh, and was well known to your Grandfatlrer, then a young man at College, who subscribed with others TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. 312 After many difficulties he effected a junction with liis faithful adherents, Cluny and Lochiel, though not without great risk and danger on both sides. They took up for a time their residence in a hut called the cage, curiously constructed in a deep thicket on the side of a mountain called Benalder, under which name is in¬ cluded a great forest or chase, the property of Cluny. Here they lived in tolerable security, and enjoyed a rude plenty, which the Prince had not hitherto known during his w’andering. About the 18th of September, Charles received intelligence that two French frigates had arrived at Lochnanuagh, to carry him and other fugitives of his party to France. Lochiel embark¬ ed along with him on the 20th, as did near one hundred others of the relics of his party, whom the tidings had brought to the spot where the vessel lay. Cluny MacPherson remained behind, and continued to skulk in his own country for several years, being the agent by means of whom Charles Edward long endeavoured to keep up a correspondence with his faithful Highlanders. A letter is in my possession, by which the Pidnce expressed his sense of the many services which he had received from this gentleman and his clan. I give it as a curiosity in the note below.^ to a small annuity, which was sufficient to render him comfortable. He retired to his native country, and died in Strathglass sometime subsequent to 1812. He was a noble commanding figure, of six feet and upwards, had a very stately demeanour, and always wore the Highland garb. The author often questioned him about this remarkable period of his life. He always spoke as a highminded man, who thought he had done no more than his duty, but was happy that it had fallen to his individual lot to discharge it. Of the death of the officer’s ser¬ vant, he spoke with great composure. “ It was too much honour for the like of him,” he said, “ to die for the relief of a Prince.” Hugh had some peculiar customs and notions. He kept his right hand usually in his bosom, as if worthy of more care than the rest of his person, because Charles Edward had shaken hands with him when they separated. When he received his little dole (I am ashamed of the small amount, but I had not much to give,) which he al¬ ways did with the dignity of one collecting tribute rather than receiving alms, he extended his left hand with great courtesy, making an excuse for not offer¬ ing the other, “ that it was sick. But the true reason was, that he would not contaminate with a meaner touch the hand that had been grasped by his right¬ ful Prince. If pressed on this topic, or offered money to employ the right hand, he would answer with passion, that if your hand were full of gold, and he might be owner of it all for touching it with his right hand, he would not comply with your request. He remained till the last day of his life a believer in the resto¬ ration of the Stewart family in the person of Charles Edward, as the Jews con¬ fide in the advent of the Messiah; nor could he ever be convinced of the death of his favourite Prince. A scheme, he believed, was formed, by which every fifth man in the Highlands was to rise—if that number was insufficient, every third man was to be called—“ If that be not enough,” said the old man, raising himself and waving his hand, “ we will all gather and go together.” Such delu¬ sions amused his last years ; but when I knew him, he was quite sane in his intellects.—S. 1 ” Mr. Macpherson of Clunie, “ As we are sensible of your and clan’s fidelity and integrity to us dureing our adventures in Scotland and England, in the year 1745 and 1746, in recovering our just rights from the Elector of Hanover, by which you have sustained very great losses both in your interest and person, I therefore promise, when it shall please God to put it in my power, to make a gretfull return, sutable to your suferings. (Sismed) “Charles, P. R. “ Diralagich in Glencamvier of Lochaikaig, 18th Sept., 1746.” It is dated two days before Charles left Scotland.—S. PRINCE CHARLES IN FRANCE. 313 The Prince landed near Morlaix, in Brittany, on the 29th of September. His short but brilliant expedition had attracted the attention and admiration of Europe, from his debarkation in Bora- dale, about the 26th of August, 1745, until the day of his landing in France, a period of thirteen months and a few days, five months of which had been engaged in the most precarious, peri¬ lous, and fatiguing series of flight, concealment, and escape, that has ever been narrated in history or romance. During his wan¬ derings, the secret of the Adventurer’s concealment was entrust¬ ed to hundreds of every sex, age, and condition ; but no individual was found, in a high or low situation, or robbers even who pro¬ cured their food at the risk of their lives, who thought for an in¬ stant of obtaining opulence at the expense of treachery to the pro¬ scribed and miserable fugitive. Such disinterested conduct will reflect honour^ on the Highlands of Scotland while their moun¬ tains shall continue to exist. CHAPTER LXXXV. Lord George Murray—Pardon of Murray of Broughton, on his becoming Evidence for the Prosecutions—Trial of the Earls of Kilmarnock, Cromarty, and Lord Balmerino—Bepriere Cromarty—Execution of Kilmarnock and Balmerino—Trial and Execution of Lo7'd Lovat—Executions on Kennington Co7n- mon, at Brayn'pton, Pen^'ith, York, and Carlisle—Act of In¬ demnity, hut with a long List of Exceptions—Short Imp/rison- ment of Flora MacDonald—Long Period during which Prose¬ cutions of the Jacobites were kept on Foot. We must now detail the consequences of the civil war to the Prince’s most important adherents. Several had been taken prisoners on the field of battle, and many more had been seized in the various excursions made through the country of the rebels by the parties of soldiery. The gaols both in England and Scot¬ land had been filled with these unfortunate persons, upon whom a severe doom was now to be inflicted. That such was legally in¬ curred, cannot be denied; and, on the other hand, it will hardly be noAv contradicted, that it was administered with an indiscrimi¬ nate severity, which counteracted the effects intended, by inspir¬ ing horror instead of awe. 1 When General Stewart was printing his “Sketches of the Highlanders,” he asked Sir Walter Scott to suggest a motto for the title-page—and he point¬ ed out those lines of Shakspeare— “ ’Tis wonderful That an invisible instinct should frame them To loyalty unlearn’d; honour untaught, Civility not seen from others; valour, That wildly grows in them, but yields a crop As if it had been sow’d.” 314 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. The distinguished persons of the party were with good reason considered as most accountable for its proceedings. It was they who must have obtained power and wealth had the attempt suc¬ ceeded, and they were justly held most responsible when they failed in their attempt at accomplishing a revolution. Lord George Murray, who acted so prominent a part in the insurrection, effected his escape to the contment,^ and died at Medenblink in Holland, in 1760. The Earls of Kilmarnock and Cromarty, and Lords Balmerino and Lovat, in Scotland, with Mr. Charles Ratcliffe, in England (brother of the Earl of Derwentwater, attainted and executed in 1715,) were the persons most distinguished by birth and title whom the Government had within their power. The Marquis of Tullibardine had also been made prisoner, but death, by a disease under which he had long languished, relieved his captivity in the Tower, and removed him from all earthly trial or punish- ment.2 There could have been no difficulty in obtaining evidence against Kilmarnock, Cromarty, and Balmerino, all three of whom had acted openly in the rebellion at the head of an armed force; but in Lovat’s case, who had not been personally in arms, it was absolutely necessary that evidence should be brought of his ac¬ cession to the secret councils of the conspiracy, which it was also desirable should be made known to the British public. The Government were therefore desirous to get at the grounds, if possible, on which the conspiracy had been originally formed, and to obtain knowledge of such Jacobites of power and conse¬ quence in England, as had been participant of the councils which had occasioned such an explosion in North Britain. A disclosure so complete could only be attained by means of an accomplice deep in the secret intrigues of the insurgents. It was, therefore, necessary to discover among the late counsellors of the Chevalier, some individual who loved life better than honour and fidelity to a ruined cause; and such a person was unhappily found in John Murray of Broughton, secretary to Charles Edward. This unfortunate gentleman, as we have al¬ ready seen, was intimately acquainted with the circumstances in which the rebellion had originated, had been most active in ad¬ vancing the Chevalier’s interest, both in civil and military affairs; and though he considerably embroiled his master’s affairs, by fan¬ ning the discord between the Duke of Perth and Lord George Murray, and stimulating the Chevalier’s dislike to the latter nobleman; yet it would be overloading the memory of the un- 1 “ He arrived, 21st March, 1747, at Rome, where he was received with CTeat distinction by the Pretender, who fitted up an apartment for him in his palace, and introduced him to the Pope.”— Wood, vol. i., p. 152. 2 “ He died 9th July, 1746, in the 58th year of his age, and was privately in¬ terred in the chapel of the Tower. In his last moments he declared, that al¬ though he had been as much as any man attached to the cause of the Preten¬ der, if he might now advise his countrymen, it should be never more to enter into rebellious measures, for after having failed in their late attempt, they might be sure never to succeed in any other.”— Wood, vol. L, p. 150. MURRAY OF BROUGHTON. 315 fortunate, to suppose that his conduct arose from any other motive than a desire to advance the objects of his own ambition, without a thought of betraying his master’s interest. After the battle of Culloden, Murray fled to the Highlands, but, unable to endure the hardships which he incurred in these regions, he re¬ turned to his native country, and took refuge with a relation,^ whose seat is in the mountains at the head of Tweeddale. He was here discovered and made pi’isoner. Being assailed by threats and promises, this unhappy gentle¬ man was induced, by promise of a free pardon, to confess to Ministers the full detail of the original conspiracy in 1740, and the various modiflcations which it underwent subsequent to that period, imtil the landing of Prince Charles in the Hebrides. It has never been doubted that his details must have involved the names of many persons, both in England and Scotland, who did not take up arms in the insurrection of 1745, although, as the law of England requires two witnesses to every act of high treason, none such could have been brought to trial upon Murray’s single evidence. He himself urged, in extenuation of his conduct, that although he preserved his own life, by bringing forward his evi¬ dence against such men as Government could have convicted with¬ out his assistance, yet he carefully concealed many facts, which, if disclosed, would either have borne more hard upon such corn- plotters before the fact, or would have implicated others, against whom Government had no other information. It is not neces¬ sary to examine this species of logic; as, on the one hand, it is unlikely that Government would have been trifled with in this manner by a person in Murray’s situation; and, on the other, it does not appear that the moral guilt of an approver, or King’s evidence, is diminished, because he discharges with infidelity the base bargain he has entered into.‘'‘ The Government, thus made fully acquainted, by Mr. Murray’s means, with the original plan and extent of the conspiracy, pro¬ ceeded to bring to trial those leading culprits by whom it had been carried on in arms. The two Earls, of Kilmarnock and Cromarty, with Lord Bal- merino, were brought to the bar of the House of Lords, towards the end of JMy 1746, upon a charge of high treason, to which the two Earls pleaded guilty, and adhered to that plea. Lord Balmerino, when asked to plead, declared, that he had been in¬ dicted as the Lord Balmerino “ of the city of Carlisle,” a title which did not belong to him, and that he even had not been 1 His brother-in-law, Mr. Hunter of Polmood. 2 “ Thus may you drag your heavy chain along, Some minutes more inglorious life prolong. And when the fates shall cut a cowai'd’s breath. Weary of being, yet afraid of death. If crimes like thine hereafter are forgiven, Judas and Murkay both may go to Heaven !” Jacobite Belies, vol. ii., p. 374. 316 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. at Carlisle on the day when he was charged by the indictment. He, was answered, that the words, “ late of Carlisle,” were not made part of his title, but only an addition of place, which law required by way of description, of a person indicted like his lord- ship. Lord Balmerino then pleaded not guilty. Several witnes¬ ses appeared, who proved that the accused party had been seen clothed in the uniform of the rebel guards, heading and command¬ ing them, and acting in every respect as a chief of the rebellion. Lord Balmerino only alleged, that he had not been at the tak¬ ing of Carlisle on the day mentioned in the indictment. This, he said, was an idea of his own adoption, and as he was now satisfied that it was not founded on law, he Avas sorry that he had given their lordships the trouble of hearing it. The three peers were then pronounced guilty, by the voice of the House of Lords. On the noblemen being brought up for sentence, on the 30th July, Lord Kilmarnock again confessed his offence, and pleaded guilty, urging that his father had bred him up in the strictest revolution principles, and pleading that he himself had imprinted the same so effectually on the mind of his own eldest son, that Lord Boyd bore, at the very time, a commission in the royal ser¬ vice, and had been in arms for King George at the battle of Cul- loden, when he himself fought on the other side. He pleaded likewise, that he had, in the course of the insurrection, protected the persons and property of loyal subjects; and that he had surrendered after the battle of Culloden of his oAvn accord, al¬ though he might have made his escape. Although this confes¬ sion of offences was made at a time when its sincerity might be doubted, the grace and dignity of Lord Kilmarnock’s appear¬ ance, together with the resignation and mildness of his address, melted all the spectators to tears; and so fantastic are human feelings, that a lady of fashion present, who had never seen his lordship before, contracted an extravagant passion for his per¬ son, which, in a less serious affair, would have been little less tlian a ludicrous frenzy.^ Lord Cromarty also implored his Majesty’s clemency, and de¬ clined to justify his crime. He threw his life and fortune on the compassion of the high court, and pleaded for mercy in the name of his innocent wife,—his eldest son, who was a mere boy,— and eight helpless children, Avho must feel their parent’s pun¬ ishment before they knew his guilt. Lord Balmerino being called upon to speak, why judgment of death should not pass upon him, at fii’st objected to the act of Parliament under which he was tried; but withdrew his plea in 1 “ Kilmarnock was a nobleman of fine personal accomplishments; he had been educated in revolution principles, and engaged in tne rebellion, partly from the desperate situation of his fortune, and partly from resentment to the Government for his being deprived of a pension which he had for some time enjoyed.”— Smollett. LORD BALMERINO. 317 arrest of judgment upon further consideration. Sentence of dcatli was pronounced according to the tenable behest of the law, in cases of high treason. The conduct of Balmerino was a striking and admirable con¬ trast to that of the other two noblemen. He never either dis¬ owned or concealed his political principles. He stated, that he had, indeed, held an independent company of foot from Queen Anne, which he accounted an act of treason against his lawful Prince; but that he had atoned for this by joining in the insur¬ rection in 1715 ; and willingly, and with his full heart, drew his sword in 1745, though his age might have excused him from taking arms.^ He, therefore, neither asked, nor seems to have wished, for either acquittal or pardon, and the bold and gallant manner in which he prepared for death, attracted the admiration of all who witnessed it. It was understood that one of the two Earls who had submitted themselves to the clemency of the sovereign, was about to be spared. The friends of both solicited anxiously winch should ob¬ tain preference on the occasion. The circumstance of his large family, and the situation of his lady, it is believed, influenced the decision which was made in Lord Cromarty’s favour.^ When the Countess of Cromarty was delivered of the child which she had borne in her womb while the horrible doubt of her husband’s fate was impending, it was found to be marked on the neck with an impression resembling a broad axe; a striking instance of one of those mysteries of nature which are beyond the knowledge of philosophy. While King George the Second was perplexed and overwhelm- 1 “ Arthur Elphingstone, Lord Balmerino, never enjoyed the estate, it hav¬ ing devolved to him only in the beginning of January, 174G, by the death of his brother. He had the command of a company of foot in Lord Shannon’s re¬ giment, in Queen Anne’s time; but, on the accession of Geovge I., resigned his commission and joined the Earl of Mar, under whom he served at Sheriff- muir. He escaped from Scotland and entered into the French service, in which he continued till the death of his younger brother Alexander, in 1733. When this happened, his father, anxious to have him settled at home, made such strong application to Government in his behalf, that he obtained a free pardon, of which he sent notice to his son, then at Berne, in Switzerland. Not a little surprised at this unexpected piece of intelligence, he thought it his duty, before determining whether or not to accept of the pardon, to state the whole circumstances of the case to the Pretender, who, in an answ'er writ¬ ten with his own hand, gave him permission to return to Scotland, and withal mentioned that he had issued orders to his bankers at Paris, to su])ply him with money for his travelling expenses. He thereupon returned home after having been near twenty years an exile, and was received with great joy by his aged father.”— Wood, vol. ii., p. 188. 2 “ Great interest was made on behalf of the Earl of Cromarty. His lady went about, the day after sentence, with petitions to the Lords of the Cabinet Council; and on Sunday, August 3d, she was at Kensington in mourning; and falling down on her knees to the King as he was going to chapel, took hold of the hem of his garment, held out a petition, and swooned away. Flis Ma¬ jesty raised her up with his own hand, took her petition from her and gave it to the Duke of Grafton who was behind; desiring Lady Stair, who accompanied Lady Cromarty, to carry her to an apartment where she might be taken pro¬ per care of.”—.Scofs IMag., Aug.. 1746' 318 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. ed with personal applications for mercy, in behalf of Lords Cro¬ marty and Kilmarnock, he is said to have exclaimed, with na¬ tural feeling, “ Heaven help me, will no one say a word in behalf of Lord Balmerino? he, though a rebel, is at least an honest one! ” ^ The spirit of the time was, however, adverse to this generous sentiment; nor would it have been consistent to have spared a criminal, who boldly avowed and vindicated his politi¬ cal offences, while exercising the severity of the law towards others, who expressed penitence for their guilt. The Earl of Cromarty being, as we have said, reprieved, the Earl of Kilmar¬ nock and Lord Balmerino remained under sentence, with an intimation that they must prepare for death. The King, how- over, commuted the mode of execution into decapitation. The behaviour of both noblemen, during the short interval they had now to live, was of a piece with their conduct on the trial. Lord Kilmarnock was composed, though penitent, and pre¬ pared himself with decency for the terrible exit. Balmerino, on the contrary, with a bold military frankness, seemed disposed to meet death on the scaffold with the same defiance as in a field of battle. His lady was with him at the moment the death- warrant arrived. They were at dinner: Lady Balmerino fainted at the awful tidings. “ Do you not see,” said her husband to the officer who had intimated the news, “ you have spoiled my lady’s dinner with your foolish warrant ? ” On the 18th of August, 1746, the prisoners were delivered over by the Governor of the Tower to the custody of the Sheriffs; on which occasion, the officers closed the words of form by the em¬ phatic prayer, “ God save King George! ” Kilmarnock answer¬ ed with a deep “ Amen.” ^ Lord Balmerino replied, in a loud and firm tone, “ God save King James!” Having been transported in a carriage to an apartment on Tower-hill provided for the purpose, the companions in suffering were allowed a momentary interview, in which Balmerino seem¬ ed chiefly anxious to vindicate the Prince from the report, that there had been orders issued at the battle of Culloden to give no quarter. Kilmarnock confessed he had heard of such an order, signed George Murray, but it was only after he was made pri¬ soner. They parted with mutual affection. “ I would,” said Lord ^ “As for Balmerino, a letter from London of Aug. 7. bears, that he never asked his life; that the day after sentence, hearing that the two Earls had made application for mercy, he said, by way of sneer, that ‘ as they had so great in¬ terest at Court, they might have squeezed his name in with their own,’ that a gentleman who went to speak with him on business, excusing himself for in¬ truding on the few hours his Lordship had left, Balmerino replied, ‘ No intru¬ sion at all, sir; for I have done nothing to make my conscience uneasy. I shall die with a true heart and undaunted; for I think no man tit to live that is not fit to die : nor am I any ways concerned at what I have done.’ ”— Scots Mag., Aug., 174G. 2 Among the individuals, in number seventy-seven, executed for their share in the insurrection of 1745-0, the Earl of Kilmarnock was the only one that con¬ fessed guilt, or expressed repentance. EXECUTION OF BALMERINO. 31.9 Balmerino, “ that I could pay this debt for us both.” Lord Kil¬ marnock acknowledged his kindness. The Earl had the sad pre¬ cedence in the execution. When he reached the spot, and be¬ held the fatal scaffold covered with black cloth; the executioner with his axe and his assistants; the sawdust which was soon to be drenched with his blood; the coffin prepared to receive the limbs which were yet warm w-ith life ; above all, the immense display of human countenances which surrounded the scaffold like a sea, all eyes being bent on the sad object of the preparation, his na¬ tural feelings broke forth in a whisper to the friend on whose arm he leaned, “ Home, this is terrible !” ^ No sign of indecent timidity, however, affected his behaviour; he prayed for the reigning King and family; knelt calmly to the block, and sub¬ mitted to the fatal blow. Lord Balmerino was next summoned to enter on the fatal scene. “ I suppose,” he said, “ my Lord Kilmarnock is now no more; I will not detain you longer, for I desire not to protract my life. His Lordship then, taking a glass of wine, desired the bystanders to drink “ ain degrae ta haiven,^’ that is, an ascent to Heaven. He took the axe out of the hand of the executioner, and run his finger along the edge, while a momentary thrill went through the spectators, at seeing so daring a man in the posses¬ sion of such a weapon. Balmerino, did not, however, meditate such desperate folly as would have been implied in an attempt at resistance; he returned the axe to the executioner, and bid him strike boldly, ‘‘ for in that,” he said, “ my friend, will con¬ sist thy mercy.” There may be some,” he said, “ who think my behaviour bold. Remember what I tell you,” addressing a bystander, “it arises from a confidence in God and a clear con¬ science.” 2 1 “ This expression,” says the Rev. Mr. Forster, who attended the Earl on the scaffold, “so suitable to the awful occasion, must, to all who know the human heart, appear to be nothing else than the language of nature, and was far from being a mark of unmanly fear, being pronounced with a steady counte¬ nance, and firmness of voice, indications of a mind unbroken and not discon¬ certed. His whole behaviour was so humble and resigned, that not only his friends, but every spectator was deeply moved; even the executioner burst into tears, and was obliged to use artificial spirits to support and strengthen him.” 2 “When his Lordship mounted the scaffold,” says Ford, “he did it with so undaunted a step as surprised every spectator that was unacquainted with the greatness of his soul. He appeared there in the very same regimentals he wore at the battle of Culloden, a blue coat turned up with red, with brass but¬ tons and a tie wig; and so far was he from haying the least concern him¬ self at the fear of death, that he frequently reproved his friends that were about him for showing any. He walked round the scaffold, bowed to the people, called up the warder, and gave him some money; asked which was his hearse, and ordered the man to drive near, read the inscription upon his coffin [Arthurus Dominus de Balmerino, Decollatus 18th AuoirsTi 1746, jEtat. Su.E 58, with a Baron’s coronet over it, and six others over the handles;] said it was right, and with seeming pleasure looked on the block, which he called his ‘pillow of rest' Then presenting the executioner with three guineas, said, ‘ Friend,*! never had much money, this is all I have; I wish I had more for your sake, and am sorry that I can add nothing else to it but my coat and waistcoat,’ which his Lordship instantly took off and placed on bis coffin for the executioner.” 320 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. With the same intrepid countenance, Balmerino knelt to the block, prayed for King James and his family, entreated forgive¬ ness of his own sins, petitioned for the welfare of his friends, and pardon to his enemies. These brief prayers finished, he gave the signal to the executioner; but the man was so surprised at the undaunted intrepidity of his victim, that he struck the first blow irresolutely, and it requii’ed two to despatch the bloody work. The conclusion of Lord Lovat’s eventful and mysterious career was the next important act of this eventful tragedy. That old conspirator, after making his escape from his vassal’s house of Gortuleg, had fled to the Highlands, where he was afterwards taken in one of the Western Islands, by a detachment from the garrison of Fort William, who had disembarked from on board a bomb vessel, called the Furnace.^ The old man was brought to the Tower of London. On this occasion, using the words of the Latin poet,^ he expressed himself prepared either to resort to his old stratagems, or to meet death like a man, if he should find it inevitable. Lovat’s tidal, which came on before the House of Lords on the 9th, and was finished on the 19th day of March, was very long and extremely curious. On the former occasions it had not been necessary to produce the evidence of Secretary Murray; but on the present, as Lovat had not been personally engaged in the insurrection, it was indispensable to prove his accession to the previous conspiracy. This was accomplished in the fullest manner; indeed he said of himself, probably with great truth, that he had been engaged in every insurrection in favour of the family of James the Seventh, since he was fifteen years old; and he might have added, he had betrayed some of them to the opposite party. His guilt, thinly covered by a long train of fraud, evasion, and deceit, was clearly manifested, though he displayed very considerable skill and legal knowledge in his de¬ fence. Being found guilty by the House of Lords, the sentence of high treason was pronounced upon the old man in the usual horrible terms. Lie heard it with indifference, and replied, “ I bid your lordships an everlasting farewell! Sure I am, we shall never all meet again in the same place.” During the interval between the sentence and its execution, this singular personage employed himself at first in solicitations for life, expressed pretty much in the style of a fawning letter, which, when he was first taken prisoner, he had written to the Duke of Cumberland, pleading his high favour with George the First, and how he had carried his royal highness about when a child, in the parks of Kensington and Hampton-Court. Finding these meannesses were in vain, he resolved to imitate in his 1 The detachment was engaged in making descents upon the coasts of Knoi- dart and Arisaig. In one of these descents they got intelligence of Lord Lovat and after three days’ search, found him in a hollow tree.—S. 2 Seu versare doles, seu ccrtae occumbere morti.—S. EXECUTION OF LORD LOVAT, 321 death the animal he most resembled in his life, and die like the Fox, without indulging his enemies by the utterance of a sigh or groan. It is remarkable, my dear boy, how the audacity of this daring man rendered him an object of wonder and awe at his death, although the whole course of his life had been spent in a manner calculated to excite very different feelings. Lovat had also, indeed, the advantage of the compassion due to extreme old age, still nourishing a dauntless spirit, even when a life beyond the usual date of humanity was about to be cut short by a public execution. Many circumstances are told of him in prison, from which we may infer that the careless spirit of levity was indulged by him to the last moment. On the evening before his execution, his w'arder expressed himself sorry that the morrow should be such a bad day with his Lordship. “ Bad !” replied his lordship; “ for what ? do you think I am afraid of an axe ? It is a debt we must all pay, and better in this way than by a lingering disease.” When ascending the scaffold (in which he requested the as¬ sistance of two warders), he looked round on the multitude, and seeing so many people, said with a sneer, “ God save us, why should there be such a bustle about taking off an old grey head from a man who cannot get up three steps without two assist¬ ants?” On the scaffold he repeated the line of Horace— “ Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori.” It was more in his true character, that when a scaffold fell, and he was infoi’med that many persons had been killed and maimed, he replied in the words of the Scottish adage—“ The more mischief the better sport 1” He submitted to the fatal blow with unabated courage, and left a strong example of the truth of the observation, that it is easier to die well than to live well. The British Government did not escape blame, for having se¬ lected as an example of punishment, an old man on the very verge of life. Yet, of all the victims to justice, no one either de¬ served or received less compassion than Lovat. While the blood of the nobility concerned in the insurrec¬ tion of 1745 was flowing thus plentifully, the criminals of minor importance had no cause to think that justice was aristocratic in her selection of victims. The persons who earliest fell into the hands of the Government, were the officers of the Manchester regiment, left, as we have seen, in Carlisle after the retreat from Derby. Of these the colonel and eight other persons who had held commissions, were tried and condemned in London. Eight others were found guilty at the same time, but were reprieved. Those who were destined for execution, underwent the doom of law in its most horrible shape, upon Kennington Common; where they avowed their political principles, and died firmly. A melancholy and romantic incident took place amid the ter¬ rors of the executions. A young lady, of good family and hand- VOL. III. X 322 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. some fortune, who had been contracted in marriage to James Dawson, one of the sufferers, had taken the desperate resolution of attending on the horrid ceremonial. She beheld her lover, after having been suspended for a few minutes, but not till death, (for such was the barbarous sentence,) cut down, embowelled, and mangled by the knife of the executioner. All this she sup¬ ported with apparent fortitude; but when she saw the last scene finished, by throwing Dawson’s heart into the fire, she drew her head within the carriage, repeated his name, and expired on the spot. This melancholy circumstance was made by Mr. Shenstone the theme of a tragic ballad.^ The mob of London had hooted these unfortunate gentlemen as they passed to and from their trial, but they witnessed their last sufferings with decency. Three Scottish officers of the party taken at Carlisle, were next condemned and executed in the same manner as the former; others were tried in the like manner, and five were ordered for execution; among these, Sir John Wed- derburn. Baronet, was the most distinguished. At Carlisle no less than 385 prisoners had been assembled, with the purpose of trying a select number of them at that place, where their guilt had been chiefly manifested. From this mass 119 were selected for indictment and trial at the principal towns in the north. At Yoi’k, the Grand Jury found bills against 75 insurgents. Upon this occasion, the chaplain of the High Sheriff of Yorkshire preached before the judges on the very significant text (Numbers, xxv. 5,) “ And Moses said unto the judges of Is¬ rael, slay ye every one his man that were joined unto Baal peor.” At York and Carlisle seventy persons upon the whole received sentence of death; some were acquitted on the plea of having been forced into the rebellion by their chiefs. This recognises a principle which might have been carried much farther; when it is considered how much by education and principle these wretched kerne were at the disposal of their leaders, a similar apology ought, in justice, to have been admitted as an excuse to a much larger extent. The law, which makes allowance for the influence of a husband over a wife, or a father over a son, even when it involves them in guilt, ought unquestionably to 1 “ And ravish’d was that constant heart She did to every heart prefer; For tho’ it could its king forget, ’Twas true and loyal still to her. “ The dismal scene was o’er and past, The lover’s mournful hearse retired; The maid drew back her languid head. And sighing forth his name expired. Tho’ justice ever must prevail, The tear my Kitty sheds is due: For seldom shall she hear a tale So sad, so tender, yet so true,” &c. Shbnstonk. CHARLES RATCLIFFE. 323 have had tlie same consideration for the clansmen, who were trained up in the most absolute ideas of obedience to their chief, and politically exerted no judgment of their own. Nine persons were executed at Carlisle on the 18th of Octo¬ ber. The list contained one or two names of distinction ; as Buchanan of Arnpryor, the chief of his name ; MacDonald of Kinloch Moidart, one of the first who received the Prince on his landing ; MacDonald of Teindreich, who began the war by attack¬ ing Captain Scott’s detachment when marching to Fort Augus¬ tus, and John MacNaughton, a person of little note, unless in so far as he was said, but it is believed erroneously, to have been the individual by whose hand Colonel Gardiner fell at Preston. Six criminals suffered at Brampton; seven were executed at Penrith, and twenty-two at the city of York ; eleven more were afterwards executed at Carlisle; nearly eighty in all were sacri¬ ficed to the terrors which the insurrection had inspired. These unfortunate sufferers were of different ages, rank, and habits, both of body and mind ; they agreed, however, in their behaviour upon the scaffold. They prayed for the exiled family, expressed their devotion to the cause in which they died, and par¬ ticularly their admiration of the princely leader whom they had followed, till their attachment conducted them to this dreadful fate. It may be justly questioned, whether the lives of these men, supposing every one of them to have been an apostle of Jacobitism, could have done so much to prolong their doctrines, as the horror and loathing inspired by so many bloody punish¬ ments. And when to these are added the merciless slaughter upon the fugitives at Culloden, and the devastation committed in the Highland districts, it might have been expected that the sword of justice would have been weary with executions. There were still, however, some individuals, upon whom, for personal reasons, vengeance was still desired. One of these was Charles Ratcliffe, brother to the Earl of Derwentwater. This gentleman had been partaker in the Earl’s treason of 1715, and had been condemned for that crime, biit escaped from Newgate. In the latter end of the year 1745 or beginning of 1746, he was taken on board a French ship of war, with other officers. The vessel was loaded with arms and warlike stores, bound for the coast of Scotland, for the use of the insui’gents. Ratcliffe’s case was, therefore, a simple one. He was brought before the King’s Bench, where evidence was adduced to show that he was the same Charles Ratcliffe who had been condemned for the earlier rebellion, and who had then made his escape. Upon this being found proved by a jury, he was condemned to die, although, appealing to his French commission, he pleaded that he was not a subject of Britain, and denied himself to be the Charles Rat- cliffe to whom the indictment and conviction referred, alleging he was Charles Earl of Derwentwater. On the 8th of December, RatclifiFe appeared on the scaffold, 324 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. where he was admitted, in respect of his birth, to the sad honours of the axe and block. He was richly dressed, and behaved with a mixture of grace and firmness which procured him universal sympathy.’ Lovat, whose tragedy I have already given, v/as, in point of time, the last person who suffered death for political causes in 1747. An Act of Indemnity was passed in June 1747, granting a par¬ don to all persons who had committed treason,‘^ but with an awful list of exceptions, amounting to about eighty names. I may here mention the fate of some of those persons who had displayed so much fidelity to Charles during the time of his escape. The Laird of MacKinnon, MacDonald of Kingsburgh, and others, as¬ certained to have been active in aiding the Prince’s escape, were brought to London, and imprisoned for some time. Flora Mac¬ Donald, the heroine of this extraordinary drama, was also, for a time, detained in the Tower. As I have recorded several of the severities of Government, I ought to add, that nothing save a short imprisonment attended the generous interference of those individuals in behalf of the unfortunate Adventurer, during his dangers and distresses. After being liberated from the Tower, Flora MacDonald found refuge, or rather a scene of triumph, in the house of Lady Primrose, a determined Jacobite, where the Prince’s Highland guardian was visited by all persons of rank who entertained any bias to that unhappy cause. Neither did the English Jacobites limit their expressions of respect and admiration to empty compliments. Many who, perhaps, secretly regretted they had not given more effectual instances of their faith to the exiled family, were desirous to make some amends, by loading with kind attentions and valuable presents, the hero¬ ine who had played such a dauntless part in the drama. These donations supplied to the gallant Highlandwoman a fortune of nearly £1500. She bestowed this dowery, together with her hand, upon MacDonald of Kingsburgh, who had been her assis¬ tant in the action which procured her so much fame. The applause due to her noble conduct, was not rendered by Jaco¬ bites alone; many of the Royal Family, and particularly the good-natured and generous Prince Frederick of Wales,^ felt and 1 “ He was dressed in scarlet, laced with black velvet trimmed with gold; a gold-laced waistcoat, white silk stockings, and a white feather in his hat. On the scaffold he took leave of his friends with great serenity and calmness of mind; and after speaking a few words, and giving a parcel of gold, which he called ten guineas, to the executioner, knelt down to prayers, all the company on the scaffold kneeling with him. In about two minutes he spread his hands, which was the signal, and the executioner struck off his head at three blows. The first cut all except a bit of skin, which was cut at two chips more. On searching his pockets, the executioner found half-a-guinea, a silver crucifix, and his beads. Instead of ten guineas, he had got eleven and a half out of Rat- cliffe’s hand.”—.Scots Blag., 1746. 2 2()th George II., 1747-—S. 3 Frederick, grandfather of King George the Fourth. His Royal Highness gave a ])roof of this generous and liberal mode of thinking, when the Princess his wife informed him that Lady Margaret MacDonald, concerned with Flora PROSECUTIONS CEASE. 325 expressed what was due to the worth of Flora MacDonald, though exerted for the safety of so dangerous a rival. The sim¬ plicity and dignity of her character was expressed in her remark, that she never thought she had done any thing wonderful till she heard the world wondering at it. She afterwards went to America with her husband Kingsburgh, but both returned, in consequence of the civil war, and died in their native isle of Skye.^ I should make these volumes thrice as long as they ought to be, were I to tell you the stories which I have heard (some¬ times from the lips of those who were themselves the sufferers) concerning the sti*ange concealments and escapes which the Jaco¬ bites were reduced to for the safety of their lives after their cause was ruined. The severity of legal prosecution was not speedily relaxed, although the proceedings under martial law were put a stop to. Lord Pitsligo, who lurked on his own estate, and displayed a model of patience under unusual sufferings, con¬ tinued to be an object of occasional search long after the 1746 ; and was in some degree under concealment till his death in 1762, at the age of eighty-five. Some other criminals peculiarly ob¬ noxious to Government were not liberated from prison until the accession of George the Third.^ CHAPTER LXXXVI. Daring Character of Prince Charles’s Enterprise—The Conse¬ quences that must have attended its Success—Causes which con¬ tributed to Charles’s temporary Success—False lustre which in saving the Chevalier, -had been presented to her Royal Highness, adding, with some concern, that she did not know her to be the person implicated in the escape of Charles Edward. “ And would you not have done the like, madam,” replied the high-minded Prince, “ had the unfortunate man appeared before you in such calamitous circumstances ? I know—I am sure—you would. ” 1 In his journey to the Western Islands, 1773, Dr. Johnson says, “ We were entertained with the usual hospitality by Mr. MacDonald, and his lady Flora MacDonald, a name that will be mentioned in history, and if courage and fidelity be virtues, mentioned with honour. She is a woman of middle stature, soft features, gentle manners, and elegant presenceand in a letter to Mrs. Thrale he adds, “ here I had the honour of saluting the far-famed Miss Flora MacDonald. She must then (1746) have been a very young lady ; she is now not old; of a pleasing person, and elegant behaviour. She told me that she thought herself honoured by my visit; and I am sure that whatever regard she bestowed on me was liberally repaid. ‘ If thou likest her opinions thou wilt praise her virtue.’ At Kingsburgh we were liberally feasted, and I slept in the same bed in which the Prince reposed in his distress; the sheets which he used were never put to any meaner offices, but were wrapped up by the lady of the house, and at last, according to her desire, were laid round her in her grave— these are not Whigs.”—Flora MacDonald died at Skye, 4th March, 1790.— Scots Mag. 2 Farquharson of Monaltry, Lieutenant-colonel of one of Lord Lewis Gor¬ don’s Aberdeenshire battalions, was the last person who remained in confine¬ ment for the affair of 1745.—S. ^ 326 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. Romance th'oics around the System of Clanship—Abuses to which that System led—Proscription of the Highland Garb — Abolition of Hereditary Jurisdictions, and of Feudal Tenures. We have hitherto only detailed the penal procedure taken against the principal actors in the rebellion 1745. Before pro¬ ceeding to narrate the legislative measures which Parliament thought proper to adopt to prevent the recurrence of such a calamity, it may be necessary, in this place, to take a review of the character of the insurrection, and the result which it actually did or might have produced. Looking at the whole in a general point of view, there can be no doubt that it presents a dazzling picture to the imagination, being a romance of real life equal in splendour and interest to any which could be devised by fiction. A primitive people, re¬ siding in a remote quarter of the empire, and themselves but a small portion of the Scottish Highlanders, fearlessly attempted to place the British Crown on the head of the last scion of those ancient kings, whose descent was traced to their own mountains. This gigantic task they undertook in favour of a youth of twenty- five, who landed on their shore without support of any kind, and threw himself on their generosity—they assembled an army in his behalf—their speech, their tactics, their arms, were alike un¬ known to their countrymen and to the English,—holding them¬ selves free from the obligations imposed by common law or posi¬ tive statute, they were yet governed by rules of their own, derived from a general sense of honour, extending from the chief to the lowest of his tribe.^ With men unaccustomed to arms, the amount of the most efficient part of which never exceeded 2000, they defeated two disciplined armies commanded by officers of experience and reputation, penetrated deep into England, ap¬ proached within a hundred miles of the capital, and made the crown tremble on the king’s head; retreated with the like suc¬ cess, when they appeared on the point of being intercepted be¬ tween three hostile armies; checked effectually the attack of a superior body detached in pursuit of them; reached the North ' A remarkable instance of this occurred when the Highland army advanced to Kirkliston, in their march on Edinburgh, 1745. It was recollected that the house of Newliston, lying near the camp of the Highlanders, had been built by the Secretary, Lord Stair, who was so deeply implicated in the massacre of Glencoe; it was also remembered, that the grandson of the murdered Glencoe was in the Highland camp, at the head of his clan regiment; it was, therefore, to be apprehended, that they would commit some violence on the house of Newliston, and as this would be highly prejudicial to the reputation of the Chevalier’s army, it was proposed to place a guard for the purpose of prevent¬ ing it. Glencoe heard this proposal, and demanded an audience of the Prince. “ It is right,” he said, “ that a guard should be placed upon the house of New¬ liston, but that guard must be furnished by the MacDonalds of Glencoe; if they are not thought worthy of this trust, they cannot be fit to bear arms in your Royal Highness’s cause, and I must, of course, withdraw them from your stan¬ dard.” The claim of the high-spirited chief was necessarily admitted, and the MacDonalds of Glencoe mounted guard on the house of Newliston; nor was there the least article deranged or destroyed.—S. ENTERPRISE OF CHARLES. oZ i in safety, and were only suppressed by a concurrence of disad¬ vantages which it was impossible for human nature to surmount. All this has much that is splendid to the imagination, nor is it possible to regard without admiration, the little band of deter¬ mined men by whom such actions were achieved, or the interest¬ ing young Prince by whom their energies were directed. It is therefore natural that the civil strife of 1745 should have been long the chosen theme of the poet, the musician, and the novelist, and each has in turn found it possessed of an interest highly suit¬ able to his purpose. In a work founded on history, we must look more closely into the circumstances of the rebelhon, and deprive it of some part of the show which pleases the fancy, in order to judge of it by the sound rules of reason. The best mode of doing this, is to suppose that Charles had accomplished his romantic adventure, and seated himself in temporary security in the palace of St. James’s; when common sense must admit that nothing could have been expected from such a counter-revolution, excepting new strife and fiercer civil wars. The opinion and conduct of the whole British empire, with very few exceptions, had shown their disinclination to have this man to rule over them ; nor were all the clans in his army numerous enough to furnish more than two battalions of guai’ds to have defended his throne, had they been able to place him upon it. It was not to be supposed that England, so opulent, so populous, so high-spirited, could be held under a galling yoke by a few men of unknown language and manners,'who could only be regarded as a sort of strelitzes or janizaries, and detested in that capacity. By far the greater part of Scotland itself was attached to the House of Hanover, and the principles which placed them on the throne ; and its inhabitants were votaries of the Presbyterian religion, a form of church government which it had been long the object of the Stewart family to destroy. From that quarter, therefore, Charles, in his supposed state of perilous exaltation, could have drawn no sup¬ port, but must have looked for opposition. The interference of a French force, had such taken place, could only have increased the danger of the restored dynasty, by rousing against them the ancient feelings of national hatred and emulation ; nor is it likely that they could have offered successful resistance to the general opposition which such unpopular aid would have accumulated around them. Neither is it probable that Charles Edward, educated as he had been in foreign courts, and in the antiquated principles of passive obedience and arbitrary power, would have endeavoured to con¬ ciliate the affections of the great mass of his subjects, by disavow¬ ing those sentiments of despotic government which had cost his grandfather so dear. Even while his enterprise was in progress, there existed a great schism in his camp, between Lord George Murray, Lord Elcho, and otJiers, who, though engaged with the 328 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. Prince and favouring his pretensions to the throne, conceived themselves entitled, as their lives and fortunes were depending on the issue, to remonstrate against measures of which they did not always approve. Charles Edward naturally, but fatally for himself and his family, preferred and followed the counsels of those who made it a point to coincide with him in opinion; so that had the strength of this army been adequate to place him upon the throne, he must nevertheless have speedily been preci¬ pitated into civil war, the seeds of which existed even among his own followers, since they did not agree among themselves on what principles he was to govern, whether as a despotic or consti¬ tutional monarch. From all this it would appear, that however severe upon the Highlanders and their country at the moment when it happened, the defeat of Prince Charles at Culloden could alone have ended the internal divisions of Great Britain; and that any victory which he might have obtained, would only have added to the protraction of civil strife, and the continuance and increase of national calamity. Neither were the actions of the Highlanders under Prince Charles, though sufficiently glorious for their arms, altogether so wonderful as to be regarded as miraculous. Without detracting from their undoubted bravery, it must be said that the Chevalier w’as fortunate in meeting with two such antagonists as Cope and Hawley, neither of whom appears to have dreamed of maintain¬ ing a second line or effectual reserve, though rendered so neces¬ sary by the violence and precipitance of the Highland attack, which must always have thrown a certain degree of disorder into those troops who were first exposed to its fury, but at the same time have brought confusion among the assailants themselves. The two regiments of dragoons who fought, or rather fled, at Pres¬ ton, having previously lost their character by a succession of panics, must be also looked upon as affording to the Highlanders an advantage unusual to those who encounter an English army. Of the general plan of insurrection, it may be safely said to have been a rash scheme, devised by a very young man, who felt his hopes from France to be rendered absolutely desperate; and by piqueing the honour of Lochiel and his friends, wrought them to such a height of feeling as to induce them to engage m what their common sense assured them was positive ruin. We may also observe, that though the small number of this Prince’s forces was in a great measure the cause of his ultimate defeat, yet the same circumstance contributed to his partial suc¬ cess. This may appear paradoxical, but you are to remember that the imperfections of an undisciplined army increase in proportion to its numbers, as an ill-constructed machine becomes more un¬ manageable in proportion to its size. The powerful army of clans commanded by Mar m the year 1715, could not have acted with HIGHLAND CLANSHIP. 320 the same speed and decision as the comparatively small body which was arrayed under Charles. And if, on tlie latter occa¬ sion, the Prince wanted the aid of such large forces as were brought to Perth in 1715 by the Marquis of Huntly and the Earls of Breadalbane and Seaforth, his councils were also unembar¬ rassed by the respect and deference claimed by these dignitaries, and by the discords which often arose between them, either amongst themselves, or with the Commander-in-Chief. It is also worthy of remark, that without derogating from the desire to maintain discipline, which was certainly entertained by the High¬ land chiefs during the enterprise, the small number of the Pi'ince’s army must also have occasioned among themselves a conscious¬ ness of weakness, and they were perhaps the more disposed to attend to orders and abstain from all unnecessary violence, be¬ cause they saw from the beginning that their safety depended on mutual concord, and on preservmg or acquiring the good opinion of the country. Upon the whole, it was perhaps fortunate for the history of Highland clanship, that in point of effective and recognised in¬ fluence, the system may be considered as having closed with the gallant and generous display of its character which took place in 1745. We have said already that the patriarchal spirit was gra¬ dually decaying, and that the system had been insensibly inno¬ vated upon in each successive generation. In the beginning of the eighteenth century, it probably would not have existed, if the chiefs had not sedulously nursed and kept it alive, to maintain in their persons that peculiar military power, which most of them expected to render the means of distinguishing themselves in the civil war that was yearly expected. If the country had remained in profound peace, the chiefs, like the Lowland barons, would have been induced to exchange the command of their clansmen, whose services they had no prospect of requiring, for other advan¬ tages, which increased rents, and improved possessions, would have procured them. The slow but certain operation of those changes would have finally dissolved, though perhaps at a later period, the connexion between the clan and the chief, and under circumstances, perhaps, less creditable to the latter. It is there¬ fore better, even for the fame of the Highlands, that the spirit of the patriarchal system, like the light of a dying lamp, should have collected itself into one bright flash before its final extinc¬ tion ; and in the short period of a few months, should have exhi¬ bited itself in a purer and more brilliant character than it had displayed during the course of ages. It must also be remarked, that the period at which the patri¬ archal system was totally broken up, was that at which it pre¬ sented the most interesting appearance. The Highland chiefs of the eighteenth century, at least those who were persons of consi¬ deration, were so much influenced by the general civilisation of Britain, as to be not only averse to the abuse of power over their 330 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. clansmen, but disposed, as well as from policy as from higher motives, to restrain their followers from predatory habits, and, discouraging what was rude and fierce, to cultivate what was honourable and noble in their character. It is probable the pa¬ triarchal system was never exercised, generally speaking, in a mode so beneficial to humanity, as at the time when it was re¬ motely affected by the causes, which must ultimately have dis¬ solved it. In this respect, it resembled the wood of certain trees, which never afford such beautiful materials for the cabinet-maker, as when they have felt the touch of decay. For these and other reasons, the view which we cast upon the system of clanship, as it existed in the time of the last generation, is like looking back upon a Highland prospect, enlivened by the tints of a beautiful summer evening. On such an occasion, the distant hills, lakes, woods, and precipices, are touched by the bril¬ liancy of the atmosphere with a glow of beauty, which is not pro¬ perly their own, and it requires an exertion to recall to our mind the desolate, barren, and wild character, which properly belong to the objects we look upon. For the same reason, it requires an effort of the understanding to remind us, that the system of society under which the Highland clans Avere governed, although having much in it which awakens both the heart and the fancy, was hostile to liberty, and to the progress both of religious and moral improvement, by placing the happiness, and indeed the whole existence, of tribes at the disposal of individuals, whose power of administration was influenced by no restraint saving their own pleasure. Like other men, the heads of the clans were liable to be seduced into the misuse of unlimited authority; and you have only to recall what I have said in these pages of Lovat and others, to be aware what a curse and a plague a vio¬ lent or crafty chief might prove to his own clan, to the general government, to the peace of his neighbours, and indeed to the whole country in which he lived. The possession of such power by a few men made it always possible for them to erect the stan¬ dard of civil war in a country otherwise disposed to peace; and their own bravery and that of their retainers, only rendered the case more dangerous, the provocation more easily taken, and their powers of attack or resistance more bloody and desperate. Even in peace, the power of ravaging the estates of a neighbour or of the Lowlands, by letting loose upon them troops of banditti, kennelled like blood-hounds in some obscure valley, till their ser¬ vices were required, was giving to every petty chieftain the means of spreading robbery and desolation through the country at his pleasure. With whatever sympathy, therefore, we may regard the imme¬ diate sufferers, with whatever general regret we may look upon the extinction, by violence, of a state of society which was so much connected with honour, fidelity, and the tenets of romantic chivalry, it is impossible, in sober sense, to wish that it should THE HIGHLAND GARB. 331 have continued, or to say that, in political wisdom, the Govern¬ ment of Great Britain ought to have tolerated its longer existence. The motives, however, of the legislature, in destroying the cha¬ racter of the patriarchal system adopted in the Highlands, were more pressing than those arising out of general expedience and utility. The measures struck less at what was inexpedient in general principles, than at the constant source of repeated rebel¬ lions against the Royal Family; and we cannot wonder, that being now completely masters of the disaffected districts by the fate of war, they aimed at totally eradicating all marks of dis¬ tinction between the Highlander and Lowlander, and reducing the mountains to the quiet and peaceful state which the Lowlands of Scotland had presented for many years. The system of disarming the Highlands had been repeatedly resorted to upon former occasions, but the object had been only partially attained. It was now resolved, not only to deprive the Highlanders of their arms, but of the ancient garb of their country; a picturesque habit, the custom of wearing which was peculiarly associated with the use of warlike weapons. The sword, the dirk, the pistol, were all as complete parts of the Highland dress as the plaid and the bonnet, and the habit of using the latter was sure to remind the wearer of the want of the former. It was pro¬ posed to destroy this association of ideas, by rendering the use of the Highland garb, in any of its peculiar forms, highly penal.^ Many objections, indeed some which appealed to compassion, and others founded upon utility, were urged against this interdic¬ tion of an ancient national costume. It was represented that the form of the dress, light, warm, and convenient for the use of those who were accustomed to it, was essentially necessary to men who had to perform long journeys through a wild and deso¬ late country; or discharge the labom's of the shepherd or herds¬ men among extensive mountains and deserts, which must neces¬ sarily be applied to pasture. The proscription also of a national garb, to which the people had been long accustomed, and were necessarily much attached, was complained of as a stretch of ar¬ bitrary power, especially as the law was declared to extend to large districts and tracts of country, the inhabitants of which had not only refrained from aiding the rebellion, but had given ready and effectual assistance in its suppression. Notwithstanding these reasons, and notwithstanding the repre¬ sentation of the loyal chiefs that it was unjust to deprive them of the swords which they had used in the Government’s defence, it was judged necessary to proceed with the proposed measure, as 1 This was a very harsh regulation, affecting the feelings and the habits of many who had no accession to the rebellion, or who had taken arms to resist it. Yet there was a knowledge of mankind in the prohibition, since it divested the Highlanders of a dress which was closely associated with their habits of clan¬ ship and of war. In like manner, I am informed, that in some provinces of Italy the peculiar dress of the banditti is prohibited to be worn even at masquerades, as it is found to excite by association a liking to the freebooting trade.—S. TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. 332 one which, rigidly enforced by the proposed severity of Govern¬ ment, promised completely to break the martial spirit of the Highlanders, so far as it had been found inconsistent with the peace and safety of the country at large. A law was accordingly passed, forbidding the use of what is called tartan, in all its various checkers and modifications, under penalties which, at that time, might be necessary to overcome the reluctance of the Highlanders to part with their national dress, but which certainly now appear disproportioned to the offence. The wearing any part of what is called the Highland garb, that is, the plaid, philabeg, trews, shoulder-belt, or any other distinctive part of the dress, or the use of any garment composed of tartan, or parti-coloured cloth, made the offender liable, for the first offence, to six months’ im¬ prisonment ; and for the second, to transportation to the colonies. At the same time, the wearing or even possession of arms sub¬ jected a Highlander to serve as a common soldier, if he should prove unable to pay a fine of fifteen pounds. A second offence was to be punished with transportation for seven years. The statute is 20th George II. chap 51. Whatever may be thought of these two statutes, not only re¬ straining the use of arms under the highest penalties, but pro¬ scribing the dress of a whole nation, no objection can be made to another Act of Parliament, passed in the year 1748, for abolish¬ ing the last effectual remnant of the feudal system, viz., the here¬ ditary jurisdictions throughout Scotland. These last remains of the feudal system I have repeatedly alluded to, as contrary alike to common sense, and to the free and impartial administration of justice. In fact they vested the power of deciding all ordinary actions at law in the persons of great landholders, neither educated to the legal profession, nor in the habit of separating their own interests and passions from the causes which they were to decide as judges. The statute appointed sums of money to be paid as a compensation to the possessors of those judicial rights, whose existence was inimical to the progress of a free country. The ad¬ ministration of justice was vested in professional persons, called Sheriffs-depute (so called as deputed by the Crown, in contradis¬ tinction to the Sheriffs principal, formerly enjoying jurisdiction as attached to their patrimony.) Such a Sheriff-depute was named for each county, to discharge the judicial duties formerly exercis¬ ed by hereditary judges. This last Act was not intended for the Highlands alone, its in¬ fluence being extended throughout Scotland. By the Act of 20th King Geo. II. cap. 5, all tenures by wardholding, that is, where the vassal held lands for the performance of military service, were declared unlawful, and those which existed were changed into holdings for feu, or for blanch tenures,—that is to say, either for payment of an annual sum of money, or some honorary ac¬ knowledgment of vassalage,—so that it became impossible for any superior or overlord, in future, to impose upon his vassals the ALLOWANCE GRANTED TO CHARLES’ FOLLOWERS. 333 fatal service of following him to battle, or to discharge the oppres¬ sive duties of what were called hunting, hosting, watching, and warding. Thus, although the feudal forms of investiture were retained, all the essential influence of the superior or overlord over the vassal or tenant, and especially the right which he had to bring him into the field of battle, in consequence of his own quarrels, was in future abrogated and disallowed. The conse¬ quence of these great alterations we reserve for the next chapter. CHAPTER LXXXVII. Allowance granted by France to Charleses Followers —Removal of the Prince from France—Miss Walhinshaw — Charles’s Visit to London—Jacobite Intrigues—Death of Prince Charles—and of his Brother, Cardinal Duke of York—Changes effected in the Highlands by the Measures adopted in consequence of the Rebel¬ lion—Decay of the System of Clanshiqy—the Jacobites become re¬ conciled to the House of Hanover—Restoration of the Forfeited Estates—The Highland Garb again permitted to be worn — In¬ troduction of Store-Farming—Improvement in the Commerce of Scotland. Before giving a farther account of the effect produced on Scot¬ land and its inhabitants by the Disarming Act, the Jurisdiction Act, and other alterations adopted into the law of Scotland, in consequence of the insurrection of 1745, we may take some notice of the melancholy conclusion of Charles Edward’s career, which had commenced with so much brilliancy. There are many per¬ sons like this unfortunate Prince, who, having failed in an effort boldly made and prosecuted with vigour, seem afterwards to have been dogged by misfortune, and deprived, by the premature de¬ cay of the faculties they once exhibited, of the power of keeping up the reputation gained at the beginning of their career. On his first arrival in France, with all the eclat of his victories and his sufferings, the Chevalier was very favourably received at Court, and obtained considerable advantages for some of his fol¬ lowers. Lochiel and Lord Ogilvie were made lieutenant-colonels in the French service, with means of appointing to commissions some of the most distinguished of the exiles who had participated in their fate. The Court of France also granted 40,000 livres a-year for the support of such Scottish fugitives as were not pro¬ vided for in their military service. This allowance, how'ever liberal on the part of France, was totally insufficient for the maintenance of so many persons, ac¬ customed not only to the necessaries but comforts of life ; and it is not to be wondered at, that many, reduced to exile and indi¬ gence in his cause, murmured, though perhaps with injustice, 334 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. against the Prince, whose power of alleviating their distresses they might conclude to be greater than it really was. An incident which followed, evinced the same intractability of temper which seems to have characterised this young man in his attempt to regain the throne of his ancestors. When the French Government, in the winter of 1748, were disposed to accede to a peace with England, it was an indispensable stipulation, that the young Pretender, as he was styled, should not be permitted to reside within the French territories. The King and ministers of France felt the necessity of acceding to this condition if they would obtain peace ; but they were desirous to do so with all the attention possible to the interest and feelings of Charles Edward. With this purpose, they suggested to him that he should retreat to Friburg, in Switzerland, where they proposed to assure him an asylum, with a company of guards, a large pension, and the no¬ minal rank and title of Prince of Wales. It is not easy to say with what possible views Charles rejected these offers, or from what motive, saving the impulse of momen¬ tary spleen, he positively refused to leave France. He was in a kingdom, however, where little ceremony was then used upon such occasions. One evening as he went to the opera, he was seized by a party of the French guards, bound hand and foot, and con¬ veyed first to the state prison of Vincennes, and from thence to the town of Avignon, which belonged to the Pope, where he was set at liberty, never to enter France again.^ To this unnecessary disgrace Charles appears to have subject¬ ed himself from feelings of obstinacy alone ; and of course a line of conduct so irrational was little qualified to recommend him as a pleasant guest to other states. He went first to Venice with a single attendant; but upon a warning from the Senate, he returned to Flanders. Here, about the year 1751, he admitted into his family a fe¬ male, called Miss Walkinshaw. The person whom he thus re¬ ceived into his intimacy had connexions, of which his friends and adherents in Britain were extremely jealous. It was said that her sister was a housekeeper at Leicester House, then inhabited by the Prince of Wales; and such was the general suspicion of her betraying her lover, that the persons of distinction in Eng¬ land who continued to adhere to the Jacobite interest, sent a spe¬ cial deputy, called Macnamara, to request, in the name of the whole party, that this lady might be removed from the Cheva¬ lier’s residence, and sent into a convent, at least for a season. The Prince decidedly put a negative upon this proposal,—“ Not,” he said, “ that he entertained any particular affection or even regard for Miss Walkinshaw, but because he would not be dictated to by his subjects in matters respecting his own habits or family.” • For a particular account of the proceedings with regard to Charles, his ultimate arrest and banishment from France, see the Lockhart Papers, vol. ii., pp. 569-586. 335 Charles’s visit to London. When Macnamara was finally repulsed, he took his leave with concern and indignation, saying, as he retii’ed,—•“ By what crime, sir, can your family have drawn down the vengeance of Heaven, since it has visited every branch of them through so many ages \ ” This haughty reply to a request, reasonable and respectful in itself, was the signal for almost all the Jacobite party in England to break up and dissolve itself; they were probably by this time only watching for an opportunity of deserting with honour a cause which was become hopeless.^ Before this general defection, some intrigues had been set on foot in behalf of Charles, but always without much consideration, and by persons of incompetent judgment. Thus the Duchess of Buckingham, a woman of an ambitious but flighty disposition, took it upon her at one time to figure as a patroness of the House of Stewart, and made several journeys from England to Paris and also to Rome, with the affectation of making herself the heroine of a Jacobite revolution. This intrigue, it is needless to say, could have no serious object or termination. In 1750, the Jacobite intrigues continued to go on, and the Prince himself visited London in that year. Dr. King, then at the head of the Church of England Jacobites, received him in his house. He assures us, that the scheme which Charles had formed was impracticable, and that he was soon prevailed upon to return to the continent.^ Dr. King at this time draws a harsh picture ^ “ When Macnamara returned to London, and reported the Prince’s answer to the gentlemen who had employed him, they were astonished and confound¬ ed. However, they soon resolved on the measures which they were to pursue for the future, and determined no longer to serve a man who could not be per¬ suaded to serve himself, and chose rather to endanger the lives of his best and most faithful friends, than part with an harlot, whom, as he often declared, he neither loved nor esteemed.”— King. —“ From this anecdote,” says Sir Walter Scott, “ the general truth of which is indubitable, the principal fault of Charles Edward’s temper is sufficiently obvious. It was a high sense of his own im¬ portance, and an obstinate adherence to what he had once determined on— qualities which, if he had succeeded in his bold attempt, gave the nation little room to hope that he would have been found free from the love of prerogative and desire of arbitrary power, which characterised his unhappy grandfather.” —Introduction to Redgauntlet. 2 “ September, 1750—I received a note from my Lady Primrose, who desired to see me immediately. As soon as I waited on her, she led me into her dress¬ ing-room and presented me to-” [the Chevalier, doubtless.] “ If I was sur¬ prised to find him there, I was still more astonished when he acquainted me with the motives which had induced him to hazard a journey to England at this juncture. The impatience of his friends who were in exile, had formed a scheme which was impracticable ; but although it had been as feasible as they had represented it to him, yet no preparation had been made, nor was any thing ready to carry it into execution. He was soon convinced that he had been deceived; and therefore, after a stay in London of five days only, he returned to the place from whence he came.”— King’s Anecdotes of his Own Times .— Sir Walter Scott adds, “ Dr. King was, in 1750, a keen Jacobite, as may be inferred from the visit made by him to the Prince under such circumstances, and from his being one of that unfortunate person’s chosen correspondents. He, as well as other men of sense and observation, began to despair of making their fortune in the party which they had cfiosen. It was indeed sufficiently dangerous; for, during the short visit just described, one of Dr. King’s servants remarked the stranger’s likeness to Prince Charles, whom he recognised from the common busts.”— Introduction to BedgauntleU 336 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. of thre unfortunate Prince; he represents him as cold, interested, and avaricious, which is one frequent indication of a selfish cha¬ racter. This author’s evidence, how'ever, must he taken with some modification, since the Doctor wrote his anecdotes at a time when, after having long professed to be at the head of the nonjur- ing party, he had finally withdrawn from it, joined the Govern¬ ment, and paid his duty at court. He is therefore not likely to have formed an impartial judgment, or to have drawn a faithful picture, of the Prince whose cause he had deserted. In 1752, the embers of Jacobitism threw out one or two sparks. Patrick, Lord Elibank, conducted at this time what remained of a Jacobite in¬ terest in Scotland; he was a man of great wit, shrewdness, and sagacity ; but like others who are conscious of great talent, often both in his conduct and conversation chose the most disadvanta¬ geous side of the question, in order to make a more marked dis¬ play of his abilities. The Honourable Alexander Murray, one of Lord Elibank’s brothers, a very daring man, had devised a desperate scheme for seizing upon the Palace of St. James’s and the person of the King, by means of sixty determined men. There was a second branch of the conspiracy which should have exploded in Scotland, where there were no longer either men or means to accomplish an insurrection. MacDonell of Lochgarry, and Dr. Archibald Cameron, brother to Lochiel, were the agents employed in this northern part of the plot. The latter fell into the hands of the Government, being taken upon the banks of Loch Katrine, and sent prisoner to London. Dr. Cameron was brought to trial upon the Bill of Attainder, passed against him on account of his concern in the Rebellion 1745, and upon that charge he was arraigned, condemned, and put to death at Tyburn, June 1753. His execu¬ tion for this old offence, after the date of hostilities had been so long past, threw much reproach upon the Government, and even upon the personal character of George the Second, as sullen, re¬ lentless, and unforgiving. These aspersions were the more cre¬ dited, that Dr. Cameron was a man of a mild and gentle disposi¬ tion, had taken no military share in the Rebellion, and had uni¬ formly exercised his skill as a medical man in behalf of the wound¬ ed of both armies. Yet since, as is now well known, he returned to Scotland with the purpose of again awakening the flames of rebellion, it must be owned, that whatever his private character might be, he only encountered the fate which his enterprise merited and justified.^ The Honourable Alexander Murray ventured to London about the same period, where a proclamation was speedily issued for his arrest. Having discovered that the persons on whose assistance he had relied for the execution of his scheme had lost courage, he renounced the enterprise. Other wild or inefficient intrigues 1 See the Introduction to Redgauntlet, and Boswell’s Life of Johnson, Edition 1835, vol. i., pp. 162-3. DEATH OF PRINCE CHARLES. 337 were carried on in behalf of Charles down to about 1760; but they have all the character of being formed by mere projectors, desirous of obtaining money from the exiled Prince, without any reasonable prospect, perhaps without any serious purpose, of rendering him effectual service. A few years later than the period last mentioned, a person seems to have been desirous to obtain Charles’s commission to form some interest for him among the North American colonists, who had then commenced their quarrels with the mother country. It was proposed by the adventurer alluded to, to make a party for the Prince among the insurgents in a country which contained many Highlanders. But that scheme also was entirely without solid foundation, for the Scottish colonists in general joined the party of King George. Amidst these vain intrigues, excited by new hopes, which were always succeeded by fresh disappointment, Charles, who had sup¬ ported so much real distress and fatigue with fortitude and firm¬ ness, gave way both in mind and body. His domestic uneasiness was increased by an unhappy union with Louisa of Stohlberg, a German princess, which produced happiness to neither party, and some discredit to both. Latterly, after long retaining the title of Prince of Wales, he laid it aside, because, after his father’s death in 1766, the courts of Europe would not recognise him as King of Great Britain. He afterwards lived incognito, under the title of Count D’Albany.^ Finally, he died at Rome upon the 31st of January, 1788, in his 68th year, and was royally interred in the cathedral church of Frescati, of which his brother was bishop. The merits of this unhappy Prince appear to have consisted in a degree of daimtless resoh .nd enterprise, bordering upon temerity; the power of supporting fatigues and misfortunes, and extremity of every kind, with firmness and magnanimity; and a natural courtesy of manner highly gratifying to his followers, which he could exchange for reserve at his pleasure. Nor, when his campaign in Scotland is considered, can he be denied respect¬ able talents in military affairs. Some of his partisans of higher 1 “ Family discord came to add its sting to those of disappointed ambition; and, though a humiliating circumstance, it is generally acknowledged that Charles Edward, the adventurous, the gallant, and the handsome, the leader of a race of pristine valour, whose romantic qualities may be said to have died along with him, had in his latter days yielded to those humiliating habits of intoxication, in which the meanest mortals seek to drown the recollection of their disappointments and miseries. Under such circumstances, the unhappy Prince lost the friendship even of those faithful followers who had most devotei themselves to his misfortunes, and was surrounded, with some honourable ex¬ ceptions, by men of a lower description, regardless of the character which he was himself no longer able to protect. It is a fact consistent with the author’s knowledge, that persons totally unentitled to, and unfitted for such a distinc¬ tion, were presented to the unfortunatePrince in moments unfit for presentation of any kind. Amid these clouds was at length extinguished the torch which once shook itself over Britain with such terrific glare, and at last sunk in its own ashes, scarce remembered, and scarce noted."— Scott, Introduction to Redgmmtlet. VOL, III. Y 338 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. rank conceived he evinced less gratitude for their services than he ought to have rendered them ; hut by far the greater part of those who approached his person were unable to mention him without tears of sorrow, to which your Grandfather has been fre¬ quently a witness. His faults or errors arose from a course of tuition totally unfit for the situation to which he conceived himself born. His educa¬ tion, intrusted to narrow-minded priests and soldiers of fortune, had been singularly limited and imperfect; so that, instead of being taught to disown or greatly modify the tenets which had made his fathers exiles from their throne and country, he was in¬ structed to cling to those errors as sacred maxims, to which he was bound in honour and conscience to adhere. He left a na¬ tural daughter, called Countess of Albany, who died only a few years since. The last direct male heir of the line of Stewart, on the death of Charles, was his younger brother, Henry Benedict, whom the Pope had created a cardinal. This Prince took no other step for asserting his claim to the British kingdoms, than by striking a beautiful medal, in which he is represented in his cardinal’s robes, with the crown, sceptre, and regalia, in the background, bearing the motto, Voluntate dei non desiderio populi, implying a tacit relinquishment of the claims to which, by birth, he might have pretended. He was a Prince of a mild and beneficent character, and generally beloved. After the innovations of the French Revolution had destroyed, or greatly diminished, the re¬ venues he derived from the Church, he subsisted, singular to tell, on an annuity of £4000 a-year assigned to him by the generosity of the late King George the Third, and continued by that of his royal successor. In requital of their bounty, and as if acknow¬ ledging the House of Hanover to be the legitimate successors of his claims to the crown of Britain, this, the last of the Stewarts, bequeathed to his present Majesty all the crown jewels, some of them of great value, which King James the Second had car¬ ried along with him on his retreat to the Continent in 1688, to¬ gether with a mass of papers, tending to throw much light on British history. He died at Rome, June 1807, in the 83d year of his age. Having now finished my account of the House of Stewart, ex¬ tinguished in the person of its last direct male heir, I return to notice the general effects produced in Scotland, by the laws tidopted for the abolition of the hereditary jurisdictions, and pro¬ hibition of the Highland dress and arms. On the first point, no dissatisfaction was expressed, and little was probably felt, ex¬ cepting by a few landed proprietors, who might conceive their dignity diminished by their power over their tenants being abridged and limited. But it was different with the Disarming Act, which was resented by the Highlanders as a deadly insult, STATE OF THE HIGHLANDS. 339 and which seemed for a considerable time rather to increase than allay the discontent, which it was the desire of the Govern¬ ment to appease.^ Indeed, when the state of the Highlands is considered, we can¬ not be surprised that, for the space of ten years at least, it should have been wilder than it was before the insurrection. The coun¬ try was filled with desperate men, whom their education to the use of arms, as well as the recent scenes of civil war, had familia¬ rized to rapine and violence, and the check, such as it was, which the authority of the chiefs extended over malefactors, was en¬ tirely dissolved by the downfall of their power. Accordingly, the criminal records of that period are full of atrocities of va¬ rious kinds, perpetrated in the Highlands, which give a strange idea of the disorderly state of the country. Tradition also delights to enumerate, among the sons of vulgar rapine, the names of Sergeant Mor Cameron*'^ and others, depre- 2 “ If the policy of the disarming act appears somewhat problematical, what must we think of the subsequent measure of 1747, to compel the High¬ landers to lay aside their national dress? It is impossible to read this latter act, without considering it rather as an ignorant wantonness of power, than the proceeding of a wise and beneficent legislature. To be compelled to wear a new dress has always been found painful.”— Johnson. —“ So the Highlanders found,” says General Stewart, “ and it certainly was not consistent with the boasted freedom of our country to inflict on a whole people the severest pun¬ ishment, short of death, for wearing a particular dress. Had the whole race been decimated, more violent grief, indignation, and shame could not have been excited among them, than by being deprived of this long 'inherited costume. This was an encroachment on the feelings of a people, whose ancient and manly garb had been worn from a period reaching back beyond all history, or even tradition.”—A'Actehes, vol. i., p. II 7 . 2 “ This man had been a sergeant in the French service, and came over to Scotland in the year 1745. From his large size he was called Sergeant Mor. Having no settled abode, and dreading the consequence of his service in France, and his after engagement in the rebellion, he formed a party of out¬ laws among the mountains between the counties of Perth, Inverness, and Ar- gyle. While he plundered the cattle of those considered his enemies, he pro¬ tected the propertv of his friends, and frequently made people on the Lowland borders purchase bis forbearance by the payment of black mail. Many stories are told of him. On one occasion he met with an officer from the garrison on the mountains of Lochaber. The officer told him that he suspected he had lost his way, and with a large sum of money, and much afraid of falling in with Sergeant Mor, requested the stranger would accompany him on his road. The other agreed; and as they walked on, they talked much of the sergeant and his feats, the officer using much freedom with his name, calling him rob¬ ber, murderer-‘ Stop there,’ interrupted his companion, ‘ he does indeed take the cattle of the Whigs and Sassenachs, but neither he nor his cearnachs ever shed innocent blood, except once,’ added he, ‘ that I was unfortunate at Braemar, when a man was killed, but I immediately ordered the creach (the spoil) to be abandoned, and left to the owners, retreating as fast as we could after such a misfortune.’—‘ You!’ says the officer, ‘ what had you to do with the affair?’—‘I am John Du Cameron—I am the Sergeant Mor; there is the road to Inverness; you and your money are safe. Tell your governor to send in future a more wary messenger. Tell him also, that though an out¬ law, and forced to live upon the public, I am a soldier as well as himself, and would despise taking his gold from a defenceless man who confided in me.’ The officer never forgot the adventure, which he frequently related. Cameron was afterwards betrayed by a treacherous friend to a party under the com¬ mand of Lieutenant (afterwards Sir Hector) Munro, and executed at Perth in 1753 . According to Highland prediction, in all such cases, the fortunes of the betrayer ever afterwards held a backward course.”— Stewarx’s Sketches, vol. ii., App. H. S40 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. dators of milder mood, and whose fame might rank with that of Robin Hood and his merry archers, as friends and benefac¬ tors to the poor, though plunderers of the rich. The sword of justice was employed in weeding them out; and if frequent ex¬ amples of punishment did not correct the old depredators, it warned the young from following their footsteps. But the race of Forty-five men, as they were called, who supplied this generation of heroes, became in time old, and accustomed to peaceful habits. Government also had, by the Act of Attainder, which forfeited the lands of those engaged in the rebellion, acquired very large estates in the Highlands, which had previously belonged to the Jacobite chiefs. More wise than their predecessors in 1716, in¬ stead of bringing this property to sale, they retained it under the management of a Board of Commissioners, by whom, after the necessary expenses were defrayed, the surplus revenue was applied to the improvement of Scottish arts and manufactures, and especially to the amelioration of the Highlands. The ex¬ ample of agriculture and successful industry, which was set on foot under the patronage of these commissioners, was imitated by those Highlanders, who, excluded from the rough ti’ade of arms, began to turn a late and unwilling eye to such pursuits. The character of the natives, as well as the face of the country, un¬ derwent a gradual change ; the ideas of clanship, which long clung to the heart of a Scottish Highlander, gradually gave way under the absence of many chiefs, and the impoverishment of others. The genius of the Earl of Chatham, about the same time also, opened a fresh career to the martial spirit of the Highlanders, by levying regiments for the service of Govern¬ ment in Canada, where they behaved themselves in a distin¬ guished manner ; while, in the mean time, the absence of the most inflammable part of a superabundant population greatly diminished the risk of fresh disturbances. Many persons also, who had served in their youth in the campaigns of Prince Charles, now entered this new levy, and drew the sword for the reigning monarch, whose generosity readily opened every rank of military service to his ancient enemies. I will give you one in¬ stance among many: The commission of a field officer, in one of these new regiments, being about to be bestowed on a gentleman of Athole, a courtier who had some desire to change the destination of the appoint¬ ment, told his late Majesty [George III.] of some bold and desperate actions which the candidate for military preferment Imd performed on the side of Charles Edward, during the insurrec¬ tion of 1745. “ Has this gentleman really fought so well against me?” said the good-natured and well-judging monarch; “then, believe me, he will fight as well in my cause.” So the commission kept its original destination. Such instances of generosity, on the part of the Sovereign, could not but make proselytes among a warm-hearted people like FORFEITURES RESTORED. S41 the Jacobites, with whom George the Third became personally popular at an early period of his reign. With an amiable incon¬ sistency, many of those who had fought against the grandfather would have spent the last drop of their blood for the grandchild, and those who even yet refused to abjure the right of the Pre¬ tender, showed themselves ready to lay down their lives for the reigning monarch. While a good understanding was gradually increasing between the Highlanders and the Government, which they had opposed so long and with so much obstinacy, the management of the for¬ feited estates in the Highlands was so conducted as to afford the cultivators a happy and easy existence; and though old men might turn back with fondness to the recollection of their younger days, when every Highlander walked the heath with his weapons rattling around him, the preference must, upon the whole, have been given to a period, in which a man’s right needed nothing else to secure it than the equal defence of the law. In process of time, it was conceived by Government that the period of pun¬ ishment by forfeiture ought, in equity as well as policy, to be brought to a close, and that the descendants of the original in¬ surgents of the year 1745, holding different tenets from their un¬ fortunate ancestors, might be safely restored to the enjoyment of their patrimonial fortunes. By an Act of Grace, accordingly, dated 24th George III. chap. 37, the estates forfeited for treason, in the year 1745, were restored to the descendants of those by whom they had been forfeited. A long train of honourable names was thus restored to Scottish history, and a debt of gra¬ titude imposed upon their representatives to the memory of the then reigning monarch. To complete this Act of Grace, the pre¬ sent King [George IV.] has, in addition to the forfeited property returned by his father, restored, in blood, such persons descended of attainted individuals as would have been heirs to Peerages, had it not been for the attainder;—a step well chosen to mark the favour entertained by his Majesty for his Scottish subjects, and his desire to obliterate all recollection that discord had ever existed between his royal house and any of their ancestors.^ Another feature of the same lenient and healing measures, was the restoring the complete liberty of wearing the Highland dress, without incurring penalty or prosecution, by 22d George III. 1 “ While the. life of Charles Edward was gradually wasting in disappointed solitude, the number of those who had shared his misfortunes and dangers had shrunk into a small handful of veterans, the heroes of a tale which had been told. Most Scottish readers who can count the number of sixty years, must recollect many respected acquaintances of their youth, who, as the established phrase gently worded it, had been out in the Forty-Jice. It may be said, that their political principles and plans no longer either gained proselytes or at¬ tracted terror,—those who held them, had ceased to be the subjects either of fear or opposition. Jacobites were looked upon in society as men who had proved their sincerity by sacrificing their interest to their principles; and in well-regulated companies it was held a piece of ill-breeding to injure their feel¬ ings, or ridicule the compromises by which they endeavoured to keep them- selves abreast of the current of the day*”—/ntrodciic/n to Bedgauntlet. 342 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. chap. 63. This boon was accepted with great apparent joy by the natives of the Highlands; but an effectual change of customs having been introduced during the years in which it was pro¬ scribed, and the existing generation having become accustomed to the Lowland dress, the ancient gai’b is seldom to be seen, ex¬ cepting when assumed upon festive occasions. A change of a different kind is very deeply connected with the principles of political economy, but I can here do little more than name it. Clanship, I have said, was abolished, or subsisted only as the shadow of a shade; the generality of Highland proprie¬ tors, therefore, were unwilling to support, upon their own estates, in the capacity of poor kindred, a number of men whom they no longer had the means of employing in military service. They were desirous, like a nation in profound peace, to discharge the soldiers for whom they had no longer use, and who, indeed, could no longer legally remain under their authority. The coun¬ try was, thei’efore, exposed to all the inconveniences of an over population, while the proprietors were, by the same circumstance, encumbered by the number of persons whom, under the old sys¬ tem, they would have been glad to have enrolled in their clan¬ following. Another circumstance greatly increased the multitude of High¬ landers, whom this new state of things threw out of employment. The mountainous region of the north of Scotland contained large tracts of moorland, which was anciently employed, chiefly, if not entirely, for the rearing of black cattle. It was, however, found at a later period, that these extensive pastures might, with much better advantage, be engaged in the feeding of sheep ; but to this latter mode of employing them, the Highlanders are by nature and education decidedly averse and ill qualified, being as unfit for the cares of a shepherd, as they are eminently well acquainted with those of the rearer of cattle. The consequence was, that as the Highlands began to be opened to inhabitants from the Lowlands, the sheep farmers of the southland mountains made offers of large rents to the proprietors of these store-farms, with which the Highland tenant was unable to enter into com¬ petition ; and the latter deprived at once of their lands and their occupation, left the country in numbers, and emigrated to North America and other foreign settlements. The author can well recollect the indignation with which these agricultural innovations were regarded by the ancient Highlanders. He remembers hearing a chief of the old school say, in sorrow and indignation, the words following: “ When I was a young man, the point upon which every Highland gentle¬ man rested his importance, was the number of men whom his estate could support; the question next rested on the amount of his stock of BLACK CATTLE ; it is now come to respect the number of sheep; and I suppose our posterity will inquire how many rats or 7nice an estate will produce.” STORE FARMING. 343 It must be allowed that, in a general point of view, this change was a necessary consequence of the great alteration in the system of manners, and that therefore it was an inevitable evil. It is no less true, that the humanity of individual proprietors bestowed much trouble and expense in providing means to enable those inhabitants who were necessarily ejected from their ancient pas¬ tures and possessions, to obtain new occupation in the fisheides, and other modes of employment, to which their energies might be profitably turned. Upon the great estate of Sutherland, in par¬ ticular, the Marquis of Stafford incurred an outlay of more than £100,000 in providing various modes of employment for High¬ land tenants, who might be unfit to engage in the new system of improved farming, while two years’ free possession of their old farms without rent, in order to furnish funds for their voyage, was allowed to those who might prefer emigration. But many other Highland proprietors neither possessed the means nor the disposition to await with patience the result of such experiments, and the necessary emigration of their followers was attended with circumstances of great hardship.^ It is, however, a change wdiich has taken place, and has had its crisis. The modern Highlanders, trained from their youth to the improved mode of agriculture, may be expected to main¬ tain their place in their native country, without experiencing the oppressive rivalry of the south country farmers, which a change of times has done much to put a stop to. The late introduction of steam navigation, by facilitating the communications with the best markets, presents an important stimulus to the encourage¬ ment of industry, in a country almost every where indented by creeks and salt water lakes, suitable to the access of steam ves¬ sels. We may, therefore hope, in terms of the Highland Socie¬ ty’s motto, that a I'ace, always renowned in arms, will hencefor¬ ward be equally distinguished by industry. With the Highlands we have now done, nor are their inhabi¬ tants now much distinguished from those of the rest of Scotland, except in the use of the Gaelic language, and that they still re¬ tain some vestiges of their ancient feelings and manners. 1 Sir Walter Scott, in 1816, says—“ In many instances. Highland proprie¬ tors have laboured with laudable and humane precaution to render the change introduced by a new mode of cultivation gentle and gradual, and to provide, as far as possible, employment and protection for those families who were thereby dispossessed of their ancient habitations. But in other, and in but too many instances, the glens of the Highlands have been drained, not of their superfluity of population, but of the whole mass of the inhabitants, dispossess¬ ed by an unrelenting avarice, which will be one day found to have been as shortsighted as it is unjust and selfish. Meanwhile the Highlands may be¬ come the fairy ground for romance and poetry, or subject of experiment for the professors of speculation, political and economical.—But if the hour of need should come—and it may not, ])erhaps, be far distant—the pibroch may sound through the deserted region, but the summons will remain unanswered. The children who have left her will re-echo froiii a distant shore the sounds with which they took leave of their own—Ha til, ha til, ha til, mi tididh !—‘ We return—we return—we return—no more!’ ”— Prose Works, vol. xx., p. 93. 344 TALES OF A GRANDFATHER. Neither has any thing occurred in Scotland at large to furnish matter for the continuation of these narratives. She has, since 1746, regularly felt her share in the elevation or abasement of the rest of the empire. The civil war, a cruelly severe, yet a most effectual remedy, had destroyed the seeds of disunion which existed in the bosom of Scotland; her commerce gradually in¬ creased, and, though checked for a time by the American war, revived after the peace of 1780, with a brilliancy of success hither¬ to unexampled. The useful arts, agriculture, navigation, and all the aids which natural philosophy affords to industry, came in the train of commerce. The shocks which the country has sustained since the peace of 1815, have arisen out of causes general to the imperial kingdoms, and not peculiar to Scotland. It may be ad¬ ded also, that she has not borne more than her own share of the burden, and may look forward with confidence to be relieved from it as early as any of the sister kingdoms. THE END. EDINEUfGH; PRINTED BYT. CONSTABLE, PRINTER TO HER MAJESTY. ' f ^ 4 ' 9 « i f i , OUND