AN OPEN LETTER TO MINISTERS OF THE GOSPEL Trades unionism aims to afford the workers an opportunity to appreciate a liberal proportion of the desirable things of life; it quickens their intellects by giving them the means, time, and opportunity for mind culture; it gives them something for which to be truly thankful, and its entire programme prepares the way for the enlivenment of spirituality. It does more. Thousands of children, emancipated from the grind of the mine, the mill, and the workshop, through its efforts are blessed today, and myriads of childish voices will be raised in loud hosannas in the future proclaiming their redemption from a condition that stunted life and menaced coming genera- tions. The children are one of the special cares of the labor union; their salvation from industrial slavery during their tender years will make it possible for them to become strong men and women, intellectually, physically, and spiritually. In this the unions are obeying the command of Him who said: “Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto me;” “Suffer little children, and forbid them not, to come unto me; for of such is the kingdom of Heaven/ ’ The women are another special care of the trades union, and their interests are zealously guarded by the organizations of the workers. For them is demanded all the conditions that will en- able them to live “unspotted from the world,’ ’ so that future generations will rise up and call them blessed. Our cause is built on the strong, broad foundation of human- ity. Our doors are open and our hands always outstretched in welcome to the humblest and oppressed of earth. Our mission is the redemption of the workers from the bondage of industrial slavery, and we welcome the co-operation of all lovers of man- kind. Like all great reform movements, trades unionism has had and has many bitter opponents. It is continually reviled and maligned in the most opprobrious manner. Its icpresentatives 2 are caiuminated and often persecuted. All great advanced relig- ious movements have encountered like experiences. The early Christian Church encountered fearful opposition. Its Founder “was despised and rejected of men,” and died the death of a common malefactor. His followers were accused of all manner of heinous crimes, and martyrdom was their common inheritance. Other religious societies met similar experiences, as did scientists and other advanced thinkers, whose only crime was a desire to advance the interests of society and mankind in general. At all times and under all circumstances have many honest but non-inquiring minds been deceived by unwarranted attacks and become unwittingly poisoned against a cause built upon the broadest possible foundation of humanity. Trades unionism is accused of tyranny and lawlessness. Its opponents are alw T ays active. The public press and every avail- able channel of publicity is used to hurl their defiances and de- nunciations broadcast against the labor unions and their repre- sentatives. Faults of an individual are always the signal for an attack upon the organization, and the officials of the unions are accused of inciting, aiding, and abetting crime. The position of the opponents of organized labor and of those who support and believe in such a policy is not only ridiculous, but unjust. If the same attitude was displayed in other cases, or did the unionists retaliate and use the same policy, a continual cry would go up for the destruction and abolition of banks, churches, and organi- zations of ever}' description by reason of the mistakes, faults, and ofttimes misdemeanors of some of their members. It is really a virtue of theirs that the labor unions do not retaliate, but have been exceedingly long-suffering in this matter, inasmuch as the offenses proven against even their individual members are outnumbered a hundred per cent or more by many business, mercantile, fraternal, and even religious organizations. It is not just to judge an organization by the misdeeds of some of its members. Its desirable achievements, its efforts in behalf of worthy objects, and its ideals are better measures of judgment. The record of trades unionism speaks for itself, and while it has many opponents, it has had and has many defenders, among them a goodly proportion of the great of our land, some of whom have passed away, while others still live, raising their voices and contributing their support in the promulgation of its doctrines. Trades unionism, in seeking to establish the “Brotherhood of Man,” is a mighty factor in perpetuating the belief in the “Fatherhood of God.” & c i < bYato 3 33 1 THE LABOR UNION NOT THE LABOR QUESTION It is sometimes forgotten that the labor union is not the labor question. If every labor union in existence was wiped out, the labor question would still be present, and that, too, in more aggra- vated form than it is toda}^ It can not be denied that unionism has brought nearer a solution of the industrial problem. It is easier and more satisfactory to deal with men collectively..than to attempt to deal with them as individuals. As a matter of fact, in this day of great corporate interest, individual contracting has practically gone out of practice. Furthermore, if workingmen were to be denied the right to organize and to elect representa- tives to care for their interests, such denial could only result in a state of individualism which would end in chaos and anarchy. It is the fact that this right still belongs to them that makes our American life so free from so-called anarchistic propaganda, and which accounts for small response on the part of the American workingmen to such appeals. It seems almost superfluous to add that trades unionism does not indorse the plea for the disruption of our American form of government. Nowhere can be found more loyal citizens than in the ranks of organized labor. THE RIGHT TO PROTEST We are not opposed to employers’ associations that are or- ganized for the purpose of safeguarding the interests of their members, but we deplore “union-smashing” alliances of any kind that deny the same right to us. We w r ould respectfully suggest that Ministers of the Gospel, who are associated with such organ- izations, are identified with societies to whose membership an adherent of organized labor, who believes in strikes, is not eligible, and that in the line-up which is taking place between capital and. labor, these Ministers seem to be against us. There are times when a strike is justifiable. God' Help us it the day should ever come when the right to protest is denied the workingman. In so far as these organizations stand for law and order, we are i'with them, but in their present attitude, which only makes for ^class distinctions, class privileges, and, as a result, class hatred, ^we are diametrically opposed to them. THE EMPLOYERS' “WALKING DELEGATE" The manager or superintendent of a great corporation who refuses to deal with the elected representatives of the trades union who may not be in the employ of the corporation does not seem 4 to realize that he himself is the elected or appointed representa- tive of a number of stockholders, thus practically becoming the business agent or ‘ ‘walking delegate” of his corporation. Taking human nature as one finds it, it would be only natural for that superintendent to be prejudiced against the workman who, rep- resenting his fellow-employes, dared to present a grievance in their behalf. To avoid this unpleasant and almost inevitable dis- crimination, organized labor prefers to appoint to this difficult task a man who can not be touched by the corporation because of his aggressive interest in behalf of its employes. SOME GENERAL MISCONCEPTIONS Certain misconceptions in regard to the position taken by the trades unions on the question of equal earnings for all work- men, the color line, a ‘ ‘labor trust,” and labor-saving machinery have made it difficult for many Ministers to declare for organized labor. For the benefit of such we would respectfully submit the following statements: EQUAL EARNINGS FOR ALL WORKMEN The unions do not demand equal earnings for all workmen, thus reducing the skilled workmen to the level of the lowest. They do insist that a minimum or living wage be paid; but there is nothing in the laws of the American Federation of Labor or any of its affiliated unions that prevents an employer from pay- ing any employe as much as he pleases. Nor in connection with this do the unions insist upon the employment of incompetent men. Where agreements exist, the employer can hire any man he pleases in compliance with the terms of the agreement. Where no agreement exists, the union exercises no jurisdiction in the matter, but in either case the employer has every right to dis- charge the incompetent, shiftless employe. NO COLOR LINE The American Federation of Labor does not draw the color line, nor do its affiliated national and international unions. A union that does can not be admitted into affiliation with this body. A portion of the pledge taken .by every candidate for membership reads: ”1 promise never to discriminate against a fellow- worker on account of color, creed, or nationality.” Colored men are 5 sometimes rejected, but there is no discrimination in such cases, as white men are more often treated in a like manner. Even in the South, where race hatred is so prevalent, the negroes have been admitted into the trades unions, while they have been barred from other organizations that are antagonistic to organ- ized labor. The color barriers have been broken down by labor unions, and not his color, but his character, bars the negro v>dien he is barred. LABOR-SAVING MACHINERY Trades unionism does not antagonize labor-saving machinery. It welcomes all such innovations. It does believe, however, that such machinery was intended to be a blessing, and in order that it may not become a curse, a shorter workday is advocated, so that a gigantic proportion of labor shall not be displaced and thus become sufferers instead of recipients of some of the benefits gained by modern invention. NOT A “LABOR TRUST" Trades unionism is not a “labor trust/’ A trust excludes the many for the benefit of the few. Trades unionism opens wide its door to every workingman in the craft, frequently reducing or abrogating the initiation fee in order to make it easier for the candidate. A trust is a close corporation; a trades union dili- gently seeks new members. Its officers are not high-salaried offi- cials. They are usually underpaid, when one considers the char- acter of the work and the other demands which are made upon them. The business agent of a labor union receives as his salary only the rate of wages which prevails in his craft. The interna- tional officers, who carry great responsibilities, which demand executive ability of a high order, receive only what is paid an ordinary clerk in the office of a corporation. It will be interest- ing to note that the term “walking delegate” had its origin in the action of a New York labor union which refused to pay the car fare of its business agent. The ‘ ‘walking delegate’ ’ does not have unlimited power in the matter of calling a strike. The men do not blindly follow his dictates. The business agent can order a strike only when the question has been voted upon by the members of the union. He then simply ANNOUNCES the strike. Sometimes he is given power to order a strike by the men themselves, in an extraordi- nary case, but even under such circumstances the action must be indorsed by those directly concerned. It is not his business to 6 “stir up trouble” for peaceably inclined workingmen. He is con- sidered the most successful business agent who keeps his men at work. Frequently he winks at open violations of stipulated agree- ments on the part of the employer, in order to prevent a strike. He is really the “pastor” of his union. He visits the sick, he finds work for the unemployed, he cares for those in distress of any kind. CHARACTER OF LABOR LEADERS The officials of organized labor are men of unquestioned character. As in all other organizations, undesirable men will at times succeed in securing an office, but in the great democratic labor movement such men can be easily removed, and are re- moved. Character, stability, perseverance, and unselfishness are essential qualities in the men who retain official positions in a labor union. Many of these officials, business agents, local offi- cials, and officials of national and international unions are mem- bers and officers in the various churches. Moreover, their efforts as unionists are directed to secure improved temporal conditions for the workers that will make it possible for them to direct their attention to things ideal, beautiful, spiritual. MEMBERSHIP OF TRADE UNIONS. It has been and is now asserted that labor unions admit immoral and even vicious men to membership. The charge is malicious. Trades unions have character qualifications, and men are required to be “sober, steady, and industrious workmen” before membership can be gained. It would be foolish to assert that the trades unions did not have immoral or even vicious mem- bers, but not to a greater extent than other organizations that are supposed to have a higher standard of ethics. It is unqualifiedly true that trades unions have been and are directing their efforts to bring into their ranks importations from other countries that are not always considered desirable. But it must be admitted that the employers, and not the trades union- ists, are responsible for the presence of this class of labor in our country. The employers brought them here. If they are good enough to be brought here and employed for profit by the em- ployers, and the opponents of organized labor, who profess a high order of morality and good citizenship, then it follows as a natural sequence that they must be good enough for us to try and organize them in trades unions, and thus protect themselves, help and receive help for man’s social and moral uplift. 7 It is not fair to condemn the trades union and trades union- ist. It is not fair to always judge them by their worst, when all other institutions and their devotees are judged by their best. THE “CLOSED” SHOP The principle of the so-called "closed shop” is accepted in everyday business life; why may not an organization of working- men similarly make a bargain with an organization of employers ? The dealer will agree with the manufacturer to handle only a certain kind of goods. This is considered perfectly legitimate. Why does it seem unconstitutional when precisely the same bar- gain is entered into between the employer and his employes? The labor union says to the employer: “We will agree to furnish you with competent men at so much per day. We can control the men in our organization. They will abide by the contract that we shall make. We can not control the men who are outside of our organization, so we ask you to employ only our men, thus making your shop a union shop. If these outside men will agree to make the same contract with you that we have made, we shall be glad to have them come into our organization, thus giving them the same privilege that we enjoy.” The average employer who fights so strenuously for the "God-given right” of the non-union workingman to exercise his privilege of remaining out of the union if he so desires, declaring that his shop must be an "open shop” for free men, will usually debar the man who exercised the same God-given right by becom- ing a member of the trades union, so that practically his boasted "open shop” policy means a "closed shop” to the unionist. WHY LABOR UNIONS ARE NOT INCORPORATED But, it may be argued, the trades union is unincorporated, so that an employer can not hold it to its contract, while he himself is liable to damages. This is not true. It is well known that an unincorporated concern can neither sue nor be sued, so that both the employer and the trades union are on an equality before the law in this respect. Furthermore, if the trades union was to become incorporated it would be a comparatively easy matter for an unscrupulous employer to hire a spy to commit an act of law- lessness which would involve the destruction of property whereby the entire union would become involved. A successful suit for 8 damages would practically disrupt the organization. If all em- ployers were absolutely honest, the incorporation of the union might be insisted upon; but for the reason given above organized labor is naturally cautious about taking a step which would bring it practically no advantage, while it w 7 ould lay itself open to the assaults of its enemies. The right to run one’s business “as he pleases” must have its limitations. Great changes in the conception of personal and property rights have come as part of the democratic evolution. In some respects a man can run his business as he pleases, but in other respects public opinion, and frequently public law, steps in and limits his exclusive control. In the matter of employment it is being recognized that there are two parties instead of one. A man may do as he pleases only in so far as that liberty does not injure the well-being of his fellow-man. One may not set fire to his own house, nor may he sell cigarettes or whiskey, in some States, because the exercise of that privilege might injure some- body. RELATION OF THE LABOR UNION TO THE NON- UNION MAN The non-union man, by accepting lower wages and longer hours, sets up the standard of living for the entire craft. He may degrade the men who required years of hard work to bring themselves up to their present social and economic level. It is because of this fact that workingmen object so strongly to Chi- nese and Japanese immigration Blit what about the non-union man who demands and receives everything that the unionists ask for? Surely, if may be said, he is not degrading the working- men. That may be true, for the present. The time may come, however, when the w r orkingmen of his craft may have a griev- ance which will require a united protest against the unfair treat- ment of the employer. Outside of the organization, that non- union man may become a menace to our interests, even though he is receiving union wages and working union hours. He may be used against us. Furthermore, he is receiving the benefit of the years of sacrifice and hardship of his fellow-w 7 orkmen without assuming any of the obligations of the union. He is quite willing to have others fight his battles, without subjecting himself to the perils of the warfare, and frequently his “conscientious scruples” against joining the labor union consist simply of an unwilling- ness to assume these obligations. 9 “LIMITATION OF OUTPUT” Limitation of output is sometimes urged against the trades union. This is untrue, but practically no attention is given the regular meetings of manufacturers and dealers in which they openly discuss and agree upon prices and the limitation of their product in order to maintain these prices. This applies to prac- tically every great corporation. In some industries the producer will cut off the supply of the dealer if he sells the product cheaper than the price demanded. Meanwhile the same concern will in- sist on the workingman’s right to sell HIS labor for whatever price HE pleases. Every storekeeper despises the merchant who cuts his prices, but he will usually defend the workingman who cuts his. We are sometimes accused of limiting the number of ap- prentices in a particular shop. But we have been compelled to resort to this measure at times because some employers have filled their shops with boys, who were frequently kept at work on a particular machine or on the same kind of special work, which enabled them to earn a man’s wages in a year or two, thus not only depriving the full-fledged mechanic of his position, but, at the end of his apprenticeship, the young man found himself a * ‘specialist,” unable to pursue his craft as a journeyman, and therefore replaced by another boy, who would pass through the same experience. In the matter of piecework, when the employers found that by hard spurts their employes could earn a little more than was customary, it frequently happened that a reduction was ordered in the piecework price, so that soon this system in many trades became “the pace that kills.” In practically every instance where the rules of the labor union seem unjust or tyrannical we have been compelled, in self- -defense, to establish such laws as would guarantee us some pro- ection against further encroachment by unscrupulous employers. The extra five minutes at the end of the day in order to “finish a job,” became a regular thing, and soon it lengthened into a quarter of an hour or longer, while frequently a protest brought only abuse. Hence, the apparently arbitrary ruling that under no circumstances must a man work beyond the time limit. MORAL AND ETHICAL VALUE. The labor union has an ethical value which is rarely appre- ciated. Labor halls have become social centers. Frequently 10 helpful lecture courses are given. Social features, uplifting in character, are often supported. The labor press educates the trades unionist in technical matters, presents higher ideals, and urges better living. There is a moral value in the regular meetings of the union. A man soon realizes that he can not force a particular measure upon his associates. He must possess the facts and present them. Every man has a fair chance to present his views, no matter how unpopular he or they may be. He learns the lesson of subordi- nation to the will of others, which is always a good discipline. He learns the value of brotherhood, of co-operation, of “team- work.” He is sometimes called upon to make real sacrifices for the sake of his fellows. It frequently happens when it becomes known that a member of a labor union who has run into debt desires to “skip the town” that his union will withhold his traveling card until his debts are paid. Very little has been said to the public about the millions of dollars which have been expended in sick and death benefits by trades unions. Rarely does a trades unionist apply to the charity organization society, or any other society, for aid. Organized labor has done much for the cause of temperance among workingmen. There is probably no purely philanthropic organization which has done more in this direction. In many in- stances there is a prohibition clause in the contract with the em- ployer. The rules of the union declare that an injured man will not receive the weekly sick benefit if the injury was sustained while he was intoxicated. More and more labor union meetings are being held in halls which are free from saloons. Rarely do they meet on Sunday. TRADES UNIONISM AND THE IMMIGRANT Trades unionism is doing more to Americanize the immi- grant than any other institution, not excepting the church, according to the United States Labor Commissioner in the bimonthly report issued January, 1905. It is teaching him the nature of the American form of government. In the old country the word “government” meant oppression. He soon understands that here it means “friend.” In the labor union he gets away from his clannish instinct, which even his religion has not here- tofore been able to accomplish. Organized labor has done much for the abolition of child labor, for the doing away of the sweatshop, unsanitary conditions 11 in the shop and tenement, and the long hours, which left the workingman no time for mental or moral improvement. We realize that isolated cases may be cited which seem to disprove some of the above statements, but the principles presented are those for which organized labor as a whole stands. For these reasons we ask for a fair consideration of our cause, and we earnestly seek your co-operation in our desire to improve the condition of the toiling masses, because we believe that in these things we have much in common. UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS-URBANA 3 0112 061964216 ISSUED BY THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR 801-809 G Street N. W., Washington, D. C. SAMUEL GOMPERS, President FRANK MORRISON. Secretary