PRICE 5 CENTS—$3 PER 100. 
 
 
 
 OK, 
 
 ITS CAUSE AND CURE 
 
 United States officer with the 
 stars and stripes.—Liberty versus 
 Chains. 
 
 The African claiming his rights as 
 expressed in the instrument held 
 in his hand. 
 
 Jeff. Davis holding the principles 
 on which the Southern Confederacy 
 is founded. 
 
 BY A SON OF THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 NEW YORK: V 
 
 <P PUBLISHED BY SAMUEL HOPPER, & CO., 171 BROADWAY (Basement). 4 
 
 £) 1861 - £ 
 '— - 
 
EAR-MARKS OE TRAITORS 
 
 Jeff. Davis expects the Northern traitors to take up arms, but he is mis¬ 
 taken ! They have no notion of fighting. Having all the cunning of the fox, 
 they lack the savageness of the wolf. This is the distinction between a Traitor 
 and a Rebel. 
 
 Ten well-armed soldiers, in support of a good cause, would put a thousand of 
 them to flight. Just half way between the supporters of the Government and 
 its foes, these foxy traitors have taken their stand, loathed and shunned as a 
 pestilence by the former, condemned and detested as cowards by the latter, 
 they remain “ stinking and shining and shining and stinking like rotten mackerel 
 by moonlight.” Every principle resembling manhood has fallen into decay, 
 and no matter how they attempt to disguise themselves, they can always be 
 told by the following ear-marks:—They are always war men when the country 
 is at peace ; and invariably peace men when the country is at war. They now 
 look upon war as a terrible calamity. Adverse news to the cause of the Gov¬ 
 ernment seems to light up their countenances with joy. But the defeat of the 
 rebels casts a gloom over their faces, and they, again begin to snuff innocent 
 blood. They endeavor to revive party lines in order to dampen the ardor of the 
 patriots who have forgotten minor differences to defend their country. They 
 think it would be best to let the government be broken up, and recognize the 
 Southern Confederacy, and are continually prating about the impossibility of 
 conquering the South. 
 
 England, they say, would not permit it, and boast that she and France will 
 brake the blockade. They must have cotton. 
 
 Everything they can do to destroy Government credit is eagerly done. They 
 have a great horror for a national debt. The country will be ruined with taxes. 
 We have no right, they say, to saddle such a burden upon our children. 
 
 The property of such fellows, if they have any, should everywhere be confis¬ 
 cated, and made to pay the expense of the war. The time for trifling has gone 
 by. Either they or us will have to change our sentiments. It will not do to 
 sacrifice our own interests and the interests of posterity in this great nation to 
 that of rebels and traitors. Our children will view this war the same as we now 
 do the war of the Revolution. That the principles sustained were worth more 
 than ten thousand times their cost, and they will receive them of us as we re¬ 
 ceived them from our fathers, as a priceless inheritance ; and in the general joy 
 of surrounding freemen, the debt will be viewed as a blessing. 
 
 Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1861, by 
 SAMUEL HOPPER & CO., 
 
 In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of the United States, for the 
 Southern District of Hew York. 
 
m 7ii 
 Wl% 
 
 THE WAR AND ITS END; 
 
 OR, 
 
 IN absolute monarchy the people are subjects, and have no 
 voice in the government. Rebellion against their oppressors 
 is considered a right, and is known throughout the civilized 
 world by the sacred name of revolution. But in a representa¬ 
 tive form of government, like the United States, the public will, 
 expressed according to the Constitution, is considered law, and 
 the Executive, whoever he may be, is bound by his oath to see 
 it properly executed. 
 
 It is the duty of the minority, who have been out-voted, to 
 quietly give their consent, and by so doing they rise from the 
 changing quicksands of party strife to the exalted position of 
 patriots and supporters of the Constitution. When the mi¬ 
 nority not only refuse to submit to the public will, but rise up 
 in arms rgainst, for the purpose of overthrowing that will, their 
 organization is not entitled to any more respectable name than 
 a conspiracy, or mob, and in every civilized country, men con¬ 
 stituting a body of either kind, are not entitled to the respect¬ 
 able name of soldiers. Murder and theft are generally their 
 leading characteristics ; and such we must confess seems to be 
 the object of the one now raging at the South. The life of a 
 Northern-born citizen is not safe in any of the States that have 
 seceded—and his property is seized and used for the benefit of 
 the conspirators. Just debts due to citizens residing in the 
 Northern States are forbidden by the mob to be -paid, and all 
 property they can lay hands on belonging to the Federal Gov¬ 
 ernment, they steal and appropriate to their own use. In war¬ 
 fare they are equally as dishonorable—they skulk about like 
 
4 
 
 THE WAR AND ITS END ; 
 
 miscreants in ambush, and only from behind some building, 
 tree, or masked battery, will they give fight: even then they 
 hold to the good old doctrine— 
 
 “ He that shoots and runs away, 
 
 May live to shoot another day.” 
 
 All their actions, thus far, instead of being characterized with 
 the dignity of soldiers, fighting for their independence, have 
 been the low, groveling, dishonest, cowardly, and destructive 
 spirit of a mob. 
 
 That this conspiracy has been gotten up on a grand sca’e no 
 one will attempt to deny—and it is of the highest importance 
 that the whole country should know the true cause and object 
 of the conspirators. 
 
 There can be no doubt that their first object is to overthrow 
 the legally constituted authorities at Washington-—to dissolve 
 the Union, break up and destroy the national compact, and blot 
 the United States out from the map of nations. The people of 
 the loyal States are not only surprised, but disgusted, with this 
 unholy and damnable plot to subvert the best government the 
 wisdom of man ever established, but are casting about them to 
 ascertain the true cause of this great Southern outbreak. To 
 furnish the desired information, in a cheap and concise form, 
 is the sole object of the author. 
 
 What has poisoned the minds of the Southern people, and 
 weaned their affections from the Constitution of their fathers? 
 On this subject, we are not left to vague conclusions, drawn 
 from false premises—not left to travel in an unknown wilder¬ 
 ness, nor grope in darkness without the aid of an experienced 
 and unerring guide. We shall first give the reasons, as given 
 by the South, that have caused the present trouble, and shall 
 quote from no mean authority. The first We shall introduce is 
 an extract from a speech delivered by Alex. H. Stephens, 
 Vice-President of Jeff. Davis’ Confederacy, in Savannah, Geo., 
 on the 12th day of March, 1861. Mr. Stephens said— 
 
 11 The new Constitution sets at rest forever all the agitating questions 
 respecting our peculiar institution, African slavery, as it exists among us, 
 the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the 
 immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jefferson, 
 in his forecast, had anticipated this as the rock on which the old Union 
 would split. The prevailing opinion entertained by him and most of the 
 
OR, ITS CAUSE AND CURE. 
 
 5 
 
 leading statesmen at the time of the formation of the old Constitution, 
 was that the enslavement of the African was in violation to the law of 
 nature—that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally, and politically. 
 Our new government is founded on directly the opposite idea.” 
 
 We will now introduce another witness, high in authority 
 among the rebels. The Charleston Mercury of March the 6th, 
 1861, says— 
 
 “ It is said that President Davis has vetoed the hill passed by Con¬ 
 gress to suppress the slave trade. The ground of the veto is not quite 
 known, but it is certainly unfortunate that there should be a difference 
 between Congress and the President on such a subject. Slavery is the 
 immediate cause of the existence of the Confederacy, and that differences 
 should exist concerning it in its councils is very much to be deplored.” 
 
 One more rebel witness, and, as a lawyer would say, we rest. 
 We only introduce this last to amuse the reader. Being a 
 chapter on love—always in demand among the ladies—we have 
 no doubt jdiey will pardon us for introducing it here, from the 
 Southern Literary Messenger , Richmond, Ya.— 
 
 “ Any man who does not love slavery for its own sake, as a divine in¬ 
 stitution—who does not worship it as the corner-stone of civil liberty— 
 who does not adore it as the only possible social condition on which a 
 Republican form of government can be erected, and who does not in his 
 inmost soul wish to see it extended over the whole earth as a means of 
 reformation, second in dignity, importance, and sacredness only to the 
 Christian religion—he who does not love slavery with this love is an 
 abolitionist.” 
 
 There are many things to love, but loving slavery is like bad 
 whisky—it diseases as well as intoxicates the brain. A man 
 must have often been deceived, yea, he must have been sorely 
 tried and crossed with every kind and condition of love, before 
 an old harlequin like slavery could captivate his diseased and 
 worn-out affections. 
 
 Mr. Stephens, the first witness we brought to the stand, is a 
 man in the ring, and sets forth clearly and distinctly that slavery 
 is the sole cause of the war, and for the sole purpose of extending 
 and perpetuating that institution on this continent, the South¬ 
 ern Confederacy was formed. The second witness, the Charles¬ 
 ton Mercury , says that slavery is the immediate cause of the 
 existence of the Confederacy. 
 
6 
 
 THE WAR AND ITS END ; 
 
 Their testimony is plain, straightforward, and undisguised. 
 It cannot be explained away or misunderstood ; they simply 
 say what they mean and mean what they say. After years of 
 calm deliberation, carefully considering the question in all its 
 bearings, they have made the issue, and it is for the people of 
 the free States to determine whether they will submit to have 
 their government broken up, and the Union destroyed, or 
 whether they will make war to the death on the power that 
 threatens their destruction. 
 
 The present Constitution of the United States makes liberty 
 national, leaving slavery local. The South demands that 
 slavery shall be nationalized and liberty made local. They 
 want to make a weather-cock of the Constitution, so it can be 
 changed to their whims by the storm of rebellion. After years 
 of political intrigue and encroachments on its sacred precincts, 
 they failed to accomplish their unholy designs, and as a last 
 resort have demanded a separation from the States where 
 slavery does not exist : and have commenced by organizing 
 the Southern Confederacy, making slavery the basis. It is now 
 absolutely necessary that the people should examine this ques¬ 
 tion for themselves, and decide whether they will give up 
 liberty to have slavery nationalized, or submit to have their 
 government broken up, that this same slaver} 7 may be perpetu¬ 
 ated by its overthrow. 
 
 We now propose to examine into the origin and character of 
 slavery, and its position at the formation of our government, 
 and in doing this we shall be brief, for brevity is our motto. 
 
 It was in broad day-light on the 20th day of August, 1620, 
 on the banks of James’ River, Va., that the great political 
 whoredom commenced. England, the old harlequin, after hav¬ 
 ing employed all her seductive and wily arts, and failing to 
 seduce the poor African, there, in the face of civilized man and 
 before high heaven, ravished and robbed him of his God- 
 given inheritance-—liberty-^-and entailed on him and his pos¬ 
 terity the everlasting curse of slavery. 
 
 As far as this country is concerned, this peculiar institution 
 is of British origin, and in the language of a British statesman, 
 we can proclaim that 
 
 “ If slavery is the misfortune of America, it is the crime of Great 
 Britain—we poured the fatal infection into her veins, and fed and cherish¬ 
 ed the leprosy which now deforms that otherwise prosperous country.” 
 
OR, ITS CAUSE AND CURE. 
 
 7 
 
 For one hundred and fifty-six years after its introduction, all 
 of which time the country was a colony of Great Britain, slavery 
 was on the increase, and w r hen our fathers declared their inde¬ 
 pendence there were about six hundred thousand scattered 
 over twelve of the original thirteen States, Massachusetts hav¬ 
 ing none. This was one of the rich, social legacies left us by 
 the mother country. We give some extracts to show the 
 opinions entertained of the institution by the statesmen of that 
 time. Thomas Jefferson, in the original draft of the Declara¬ 
 tion of Independence, makes the following charge against the 
 king of Great Britain :— 
 
 11 He waged a cruel war against human nature itself, violating the 
 most sacred right of life and liberty in persons of a distant people, who 
 never offended him, by captivating and carrying them into slavery in 
 another hemisphere, or to incur miserable deaths by their transportation 
 thither. This piratical warfare—the opprobrium of infidel powers—as 
 the warfare of the Christian king of Great Britain. Determined to keep 
 a market where men should be bought and sold, he has at length pros¬ 
 tituted his negative for suppressing any legislative attempt to prohibit 
 and restrain that execrable commerce.” 
 
 In a letter to a friend in 1814, Jefferson remarks :— 
 
 “ We must wait with patience the workings of an overruling Provi¬ 
 dence, and hope that that is preparing the deliverance of these our bre¬ 
 thren. When the measure of their tears shall be full, when their groans 
 shall have involved heaven itself in darkness, surely a God of justice will 
 awaken to their distress. Nothing is more certainly written in the book 
 of fate, than that this people shall be free.” 
 
 A few weeks before his death, in a letter to James Heaton, 
 dated May 20th, 1826, he said, “ My sentiments have been forty 
 years before the public ; had I repeated them forty times they 
 would only become the more stale and threadbare ; although I 
 will not live to see them consummated they will not die with 
 me.” On the 40th page of his Notes on Virginia, is to be found 
 this solemn meditation. ‘‘Indeed I tremble for my country when 
 I reflect that God is just, that his justice cannot sleep forever.” 
 The above are the opinions entertained by our beloved Jeffer¬ 
 son concerning slavery, giving his wishes and fears. We might 
 fill up the entire pamphlet with similar extracts from the 
 writings of this great man, but this will suffice. 
 
8 
 
 THE WAR AND ITS END ; 
 
 Now for the views entertained by the great General that 
 achieved our independence. In a letter to Robert Morris, 
 dated April 12th, 1786, Washington says,** I hope it will not be 
 conceived from these observations that it is my wish to hold 
 the unhappy people who are the subject of this letter in slavery. 
 I can onty say there is not a man living who wishes more sin¬ 
 cerely than.I do to see some plan adopted for the abolition of 
 it. There is only one proper and effectual mode by which 
 it can be accomplished, and that is by legislative authority ; 
 and this as far as my suffrage goes shall never be wanting.” 
 
 Washington advocated that slavery should be abolished by 
 legislative enactment, without compensation, and practised the 
 doctrine by giving at his death those under his care their 
 liberty. To prove this we make the following extract from his 
 last will and testament. 
 
 “Upon the decease of my wife, it is my will and desire that all the 
 slaves I hold in my own right shall receive their freedom. To emanci¬ 
 pate them during her life would, though earnestly wished by me, be at¬ 
 tended with such inseparable difficulties on account of their intermixture 
 by marriage with dower negroes, as to incite the most painful sensation, 
 if not disagreeable consequences, from the latter, while both descriptions 
 are in the occupancy of the same proprietor, it not being in my power, 
 under the tenure by which the dower negroes are held, to manumit them.” 
 
 When Mrs. Washington ascertained the contents of the will, 
 she immediately waived her right of dower, and the slaves 
 were made free. 
 
 We will now give the opinion of James Madison, author of 
 the Constitution of the United States. Speaking of that in¬ 
 strument he says :— 
 
 “ We thought it wrong to admit in it the idea that there could be pro¬ 
 perty in man.” 
 
 The following proviso in the Constitution is the only thing 
 that would seem to squint at that doctrine—and Madison, who 
 should be the best judge of what he has written, says it has no 
 reference to slavery. From the Constitution :— 
 
 K No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws 
 thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regu¬ 
 lation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be de¬ 
 livered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be 
 due.” 
 
OR, ITS CAUSE AND CURE. 
 
 9 
 
 “ On motion of Mr. "Randolph the word servitude was struck out, and 
 service unanimously inserted, the former being thought to express the 
 ondition of slaves and the latter the obligations of free persons.”— Madi¬ 
 son's Papers, Vol. Ill, p. 1569. 
 
 We have now given the opinions of the author of the Decla¬ 
 ration of Independence, the Commauder-in-Chief of the Army, 
 who achieved it, also those of the author of our glorious Con¬ 
 stitution, which stands yet as a monument to civil and religious 
 liberty—Jefferson, Washington, and Madison. Immortal names 1 
 Perhaps in no country in the wide world could be found such 
 liberty-loving, self-sacrificing patriots, and their opinions, so 
 clearly expressed by themselves in the above extracts, should 
 form the political text-book of every man who has lived under 
 the free government which their wisdom and patriotism es¬ 
 tablished. They entirely ignored slaveiy, as being any part 
 of the general government. It was neither recognized, in the 
 Declaration of Independence nor in the Constitution, being 
 tolerated to exist only as a local disease. It was as foreign in 
 fact as it was in spirit to the whole tenor of our institutions. 
 After eradicating “ kings’ evil ” entailments of estates and 
 hereditary titles of nobility from the body politic, our fathers 
 concluded that by simply not recognizing slavery that the moral 
 sentiments of the people would eventually outgrow it, and that 
 the principles, which they waded through sorrow and blood to 
 establish, would live after slavery was dead. 
 
 We are supported in the foregoing views, not only by the 
 organic laws themselves, but by the well known opinions en¬ 
 tertained by their authors, to suppose men holding views like 
 Jefferson, Washington, and Madison, would so far prostitute 
 their principles as to fasten on future generations an evil which 
 they desired and prayed they might live to see abolished. Mr. 
 Stephens clearly sets forth in his Savannah speech that the 
 South so understands the Constitution. He says all the lead¬ 
 ing statesmen of that time held views against the enslavement 
 of the African. He admits that the old Constitution was 
 founded on liberty, and boasts that the one adopted at Mont¬ 
 gomery is founded on slavery, remarking that the stone that 
 the old builders rejected has become the chief one in the cor¬ 
 ner of the new confederacy. 
 
 The real cause of the war was not in anything that the 
 government had done or intended to do, neither was it because 
 
10 
 
 THE WAR AND ITS END ; 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was elected President ; for the South broke up 
 and divided the Democratic party at Charleston for the sole 
 purpose of securing his election, that they might raise the 
 war cry against Black Republicanism, and rally a united South 
 to make war on the flag and overthrow the Constitution. 
 
 Just two hundred and forty-one years ago, in the soil of Vir¬ 
 ginia, the seeds that originated this conspiracy were planted 
 —and strange as it may seem, that is the very ground now 
 selected by a gracious Providence to commence its eradication 
 
 Its origin dates far back to British crime, and British avarice 
 is now secretly aiding their offspring to overthrow and destroy 
 a government that would otherwise be peaceable,.prosperous, 
 and happy. This power has grown up outside of the national 
 government, and is as foreign and as antagonistic as hell is to 
 heaven. It is truly a British question that was overlooked by 
 our fathers, and is the only unfinished part of the American 
 Revolution. If it had not now arrayed itself against the liber¬ 
 ties they had acquired, it might have existed unmolested for 
 some time to come : but it became restless for dominion, and 
 with a well settled purpose it has commenced war against the 
 government, with a determination to destroy it and erect on 
 its ruins a monarchy founded exclusively on slavery. The 
 principles of these slavery crusaders go far beyond the color of 
 the skin, and with one broad sweep they gather in their clutches 
 the whole human race by proclaiming the doctrine (lacking 
 only time and opportunity to put it in practice) that capital 
 should own and not hire labor. 
 
 Looking upon the great bulk of mankind as beasts of burden, 
 to be owned, sold, and worked, irrespective of color, by the 
 lazy few; this is slavery full grown, and are the principles that 
 come in contact and are waging war against liberty. The 
 General Government is founded on the principle that freedom 
 is the gift of God. “ Destroy that belief, eradicate it from the 
 minds of the people,” says Jefferson, “ and our whole super¬ 
 structure crumbles into dust.” 
 
 In this deadly contest, each man must decide for himself 
 which side he will take. Eternal justice is with the Govern¬ 
 ment—hell and slavery are threatening its overthrow. The 
 Rebels already look upon their case as hopeless, except they 
 can command foreign aid. We have from undoubted authority 
 that the commissioners sent out to European governments, by 
 
OH, ITS CAUSE AND CURE. 
 
 11 
 
 Davis & Co., have very large discretionary powers, and were 
 to act on them as the emergency and desperation of their cause 
 might require. They were first to use every means at their 
 command to get England and France to recognize in the family of 
 nations their one-eyed confederacy. Failing to accomplish 
 that, and their cause becoming deplorable on the field of battle, 
 they have instructions to enter into any alliances t hat would 
 be acceptable. If all fail, then as a last resort they are first to 
 offer to sell the country to Great Britain—if she declines to 
 purchase, the offer is next to be made to the French Emperor. 
 All this agrees exactly with what Russell, the spy of the British 
 Government and correspondent of the London Times , wrote 
 from Charleston, South Carolina, directly after the bombard¬ 
 ment of Fort Sumter. He says 
 
 11 It appeared to he the wish of the wealthy and refined, in fact all 
 classes joined in the general desire that some branch of the Royal Family 
 would come over and take up lodgings in the beautiful city of Charles¬ 
 ton, to rule over the Southern Confederacy.” 
 
 A fellow by the name of Hine, after seeing the London Times 
 containing Russell’s letter, concluded that he had been more 
 bold than discreet in forcing the bud to blossom before it had 
 matured. In a letter to the Charleston Courier ) June 18th, 1861, 
 he says :— 
 
 11 The people of South Carolina, gentry and commoners, are not Demo¬ 
 or atic. They believe no more in king numbers than in the divine right 
 of Queen Victoria.” 
 
 Very well for Hine. His cause is hopeless, and it is not 
 strange that men who have all their life-time been trading in 
 the birth-rights of the poor slave should get so debased, like 
 Esau of old, and offer to trade off their own. The remarks 
 made by Mr. Pinckney, in the House of Delegates in the State 
 of Maryland, in 1789, are peculiarly adapted to the present 
 time, and show that the author had studied human nature well. 
 He said :— 
 
 “ I have no hope that the stream of political liberty will ever flow un¬ 
 polluted through the mire of partial bondage, or that they who have been 
 habituated to lord it over others will not become base enough in time to 
 invite others to lord it over them.” 
 
12 
 
 THE WAR AND ITS END ; 
 
 Thus we see when individuals or nations start out with un¬ 
 sound principles, it is generally the means of making their 
 pathway through life very difficult and their stay on earth very 
 short. Their case is now getting very desperate. Heretofore 
 they have remained in their strongholds erected for protection 
 —all their ports are now blockaded, their supplies cutoff from 
 without and within, and the great army of freemen, with a 
 step as steady as time, are advancing into the dark regions of 
 slavery. They go in a holy cause, determined to fight over 
 again the battles of the Revolution. We lift up the arms 
 where our fathers had laid them down, and give new vigor to 
 the cause, rejoicing that we have the opportunity of conveying 
 constitutional liberty unsullied to posterity. That we shall 
 successfully defend our government against all its foes, is a 
 fixed fact. The question is often asked how we shall wean the 
 affections of the South back to the Constitution. It would be 
 useless, we think, to attempt it so long as the cause of their 
 disloyalty remains unremoved. Let a death blow be struck at 
 slavery. It is making war on the government, aud has suc¬ 
 ceeded in poisoning the principles of nearly all the deluded 
 people wherever it exists. There are then but two ways of 
 mastering this troublesome question, and they who attempt to 
 meet it otherwise will find out when too late their mistake. 
 There is no time for trifling. The armies are arrayed against 
 each other with torches lit and swords drawn. The South de¬ 
 mands a dishonorable peace —that is, that the government shall 
 cut its own throat and become a political suicide by recogniz¬ 
 ing the independence of the Southern Confederacy. This the 
 slave power has determined, at the point of the bayonet, to force 
 upon the supporters of the Constitution, compelling them to 
 aid in digging a political grave, in which is to be buried the 
 National Government and flag with all their hallowed recol¬ 
 lections. This never could restore tranquillity, but would al¬ 
 ways remain a cause for disturbance and civil war. The true 
 way to bring about an honorable and permanent peace is, to 
 fight to the death to sustain the Constitution as it is—cling to 
 it as the sheet anchor of our liberties—and if in the terrible 
 battle slavery falls, we will have the consolation of knowing 
 that we have carried out the wishes and design of the founders 
 of our government, and removed forever from our midst the 
 only cause of domestic strife and foreign interference. This 
 
OR, ITS CAUSE AND CURE. 
 
 13 
 
 is God’s peace, founded securely in the eternal nature of things, 
 and will exalt the name of America abroad and secure ever¬ 
 lasting peace and happiness at home. 
 
 The South are already organizing regiments of blacks. Two 
 have been mustered into the service at New Orleans.:— 
 It is the duty of the government to meet this squarely and 
 promptly, by raising the banner of liberty to the African in 
 aliSrates that are in arms against its authority. When this is 
 done, every stripe in that good old flag will show plainer, and 
 every star shine brighter. This is the true way to prevent a 
 bloody insurrection, as the slaves will only have to will it to 
 become free. 
 
 This good work should at once commence in Virginia, near 
 as possible the very spot where the curse had its origin. The 
 blacks, who would rush to the standard of the government, 
 being well acquainted with the localities of the country, would 
 prove valuable aids as our army advances. A sufficient num¬ 
 ber of them should be organized under white officers, to remain 
 as a police force to preserve order and protect loyal citizens in 
 the rear of our army. This would be a master stroke of policy 
 on the part of the government, and the conspiracy, and slavery 
 its cause, would fall prostrate together. In no case should men 
 be permitted to suffer who had arisen above self-interest to 
 support the loyal cause—all of this kind in the border States, 
 and the glorious patriots who have stood out in the dark night 
 of rebellion in the seceded States, anxiously looking for the 
 bright star of the Constitution to come to their aid—they 
 should receive a recompense for their loyalty, and paid some¬ 
 thing for their property in slaves. By this means the govern¬ 
 ment would rally to its support all the border States, which 
 have thus far remained lukewarm, by pointing out to them 
 the star of their destiny. A spirit of enthusiasm, like Jonah’s 
 goard, would spring up in one night, rivaling Massachusetts it¬ 
 self. This would bring a new power to bear that would crush 
 the conspiracy in ninety days, with no more expenditure of 
 treasure and less waste of life than would be brought about in 
 carrying on the war in any other way. The fathers of the 
 Revolution, who longed to see the day when this country 
 should be free in fact as well as in name, are in heaven now, 
 rejoicing that the hour has struck. The present generation, 
 now living and suffering the inconveniences and miseries of 
 
14 
 
 THE WAR AND ITS END ; 
 
 this war of slavery—and future generations—all demand of 
 President Lincoln, members of his Cabinet, and Members of 
 Congress, that there should be no useless expenditure of the 
 blood and treasure of the nation. All see and know that slavery 
 is the sole cause of the trouble. Sound policy, as a matter of 
 national defence, and the never changing principles of eternal 
 justice, mingle with the cry of the oppressed. All demand that 
 slavery shall be eradicated, now and forever. The whole power 
 of the government should be brought to bear to accomplish the 
 good work, and thousands who are now in arms against it, will 
 live to bless their defeat. Any patched up peace, leaving 
 slavery in the body politic, would be only healing over the 
 sore, to fester and break out anew in the next generation. It 
 will always serve as a rallying point to gather the restless and 
 disaffected to make war on the Constitution. To settle it per¬ 
 manently then, is the sole business of this war ; and in blotting 
 out this foul inconsistency of American character, President 
 Lincoln and General Scott start a new era in the history of 
 our country, and their names will enter immortality in company 
 with Washington. 
 
 There is no truth more firmly rooted in the minds of men 
 than that freedom is the glorious inheritance given by the 
 great Author of nature to the whole human race. H lights 
 their rugged pathways with bright hopes of the future, and 
 emits a silvery edge around the darkest clouds of their exist¬ 
 ence. But slavery extinguishes the priceless jewel, and, with 
 a power as unfeeling as the grave, holds its victims in darkness 
 forever—but as God has set a limit to the dominion of death, 
 so He has set a time to hear and avenge the cry of the slave. 
 That time has at last come ! and the enormities of all the crimes 
 of the slave power are only made more hideous, in the eyes of 
 the world, by the effort it is now making, without cause or 
 provocation, to strike a death-blow at the Constitution and the 
 flag of the immortal Washington. Every effort is being made 
 by this enemy of liberty to extinguish from the blue sky of our 
 national emblem several of the bright stars that first dawned 
 on its existence. A bold stroke to carry out a plot, that must 
 have originated in the lowest corner of hell, to destroy the best 
 hopes of mankind. But it will not succeed! Already our 
 three hundred thousand, with veins filled with the best blood 
 of the brave, have rallied to uphold the Constitution and flag 
 
OR, ITS CAUSE AND CURE. 
 
 15 
 
 of their fathers—and millions more stand ready, if needed, 
 to engage in the same good work. These our patriotic bre¬ 
 thren, who were first to respond to the call of their country, 
 carry with them to the field of battle the fondest hopes, the 
 earnest prayers of the hearts left behind them. With a cause 
 so holy and affections so united, each officer and soldier will 
 do deeds of daring that will sound throughout all time. Sol¬ 
 diers and citizens! we all know what has caused this trouble 
 —it is slavery. 
 
 Jefferson, as with the spirit of prophecy, foresaw its tendency 
 and wept over it. Washington, in his Farewell Address, warn¬ 
 ed us that it would come. Madison would not consent to taint 
 the Constitution with even the name of a slave. Patrick Henry 
 hoped that the time would come when it would be abolished— 
 “if not in our day,” he says, “let us transmit to our descend¬ 
 ants, together with our slaves, a pity for their unhappy lot and 
 an abhorrence for slavery.” 
 
 Monroe said, in his time, “ it had preyed on the very vitals 
 of the Union.” Henry Clay looked upon it with horror, and 
 declared that New Mexico and California should never reproach 
 us as we reproached Great Britain with fastening on them the 
 everlasting curse of human bondage.” “ When Mr. Clay arose 
 in the Senate,” says Benton, “and made use of the above re¬ 
 marks, his countenance was all alive and luminous with the 
 ideas that beat in his bosom. I could have wished that I had 
 spoken the same words. I speak them now, telling you they 
 were his and adopting them as my own.” 
 
 Layfayette remarked that “ he would have never drawn a 
 sword in the cause of America if he had thought thereby that 
 he was founding a land of slavery.” 
 
 Slavery is tyranny, and such tyranny is hard to conquer—but 
 freedom is the natural inheritance of men, and God will not 
 permit it to be destroyed. If the pathway leads through rivers 
 of blood and seas of trouble, the government of our fathers 
 must be sustained. We must come out of this contest victori¬ 
 ous, and by washing out the stain of slavery, we leave our flag 
 spotless and crown our country with immortal glory. If the 
 slave power succeed to destroy the beloved Union, our posterity 
 will have no shelter from oppression—no proud nationality ; 
 and last, but not least, in one common grave will be buried 
 Constitutional Government and liberty forever. Arouse, free- 
 
16 
 
 THE WAR AND ITS END. 
 
 men, arouse ! Ours is the cause of mankind—it is the cause of 
 liberty—it is the cause of God. Let each State have but one 
 object, and that, to furnish men and money in abundance. Let 
 the regiments endeavor to surpass each other only in danger, 
 loyalty, and devotion to their country, extending to their bro¬ 
 thers of foreign birth the hand of perpetual brotherhood. 
 They saw the glittering stars of Washington’s flag from afar, 
 and left the land of their nativity to find under its folds a home 
 from oppression. They know the worth of liberty. Irish, 
 German, Italian, Scotch, and French, have made our cause 
 their cause, and will either die at their post of duty or triumph 
 in victory. Let the war be of short duration. By removing 
 the cause, the troubles will cease, and we shall perpetuate our 
 glorious Union forever ! 
 
 Speak out, ve guardians of the free ! 
 
 Shall this'vile scourge increase? 
 
 Shall we to Traitors bow the knee, 
 
 Or shall their inroads cease? 
 
 Let freemen rise, ere Freedom fall, 
 
 And vindicate the rights of all.