3 3 75 
 
 Llr\L'ch) r 
 
 I 
 
 .S P E E C H 
 
 OF 
 
 MR. PROFFIT, OF INDIANA, 
 
 OX 
 
 'r HE G E N E U A I. A P P R 0 P R I A T ION B 1 L L 
 
 DKLlVKtl):!) 
 
 IN THE HOUSE OF 
 
 11 E P R E S E N T A 'J' I V E S, 
 
 A I‘11IE 
 
 27 , 1840 . 
 
 WASHlxNGTON : 
 
 i 
 
 FRONTED BY GALES AND SEATON. 
 
 1840 , 
 
I 
 
 \ • v<* ;: w% ' ■ •* 
 
 *' ' • \ • 1 ■• ' >■ A 
 
 ; *■'.'*• ^. r;. 
 
 J ' ' , 
 
 ■■f'-'v 
 
 
 
 
 
 # :•. '?• ; 
 
 i . 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 0 
 
 Ifk 
 
 . 
 
 ' "v 
 
 I 
 
 ' ‘-fe-V 
 
 ) J ^ ' 
 
 'A',* • 
 
 
 ^ / 
 
 ' 
 
 
 i'iV'' I /'*' 
 
 ' I. /' 
 
 ■--V... 
 
 ' i , 
 
 .;■•-■ 
 
 
 ■ N''K '. 
 
 ' V 
 
 ■ 
 
 •.W-., V ' 
 
 ‘ '. r 
 
 
 V4 
 
 I 
 
 - i'- ' 
 
 
 i ; t' ' ; ' /. j • • f ' 
 
 ■ * ' 
 
 » .. 
 
 
 
 - . iV'X^ 
 
 ■ - .'^1’ 
 
 r 
 
 
 ■:fe& 
 
 
 ► • .'IC • 
 
 
 J 
 
 t. t 
 
 ■ - : 
 
 /. ! 
 
 V. 
 
 
 / 
 
 ■ »* 
 
 ■' 
 
 ■ - 'f^ - ‘ 
 
 ■■' V.' •', 
 
 if. 
 
 
 ■ ?•■ 
 
 V ... .i;:, , 
 
 c-*: . . ' • • ' f-*' 
 
 ;y, '' 
 
 'vy. ' 
 
 ' - ■ 
 
 
 
 ;,l 
 
 
 \ 
 
 
 . A' 
 
 “% f- 
 
 .> i 
 
 ■ -r. ..•* 
 
 - * ',' i, 
 
 
 ' P'tt ! 
 
 ' ’ 'V.*. ■.;); 
 
 
 './-' -S. ■';' J'-' 
 
 : y. J" 
 
 , , .*■• ..^ ,; ', , ;J, 
 
 
 ■' . ' ■-. *« 
 
 
 
 
 
 i. ‘A. 'N ♦*v 
 
 / 
 
■ 
 
 s p E 1^: (j n. 
 
 Mr. Chainuan ; It is now, I believe, about l\)iir weeks since the House resolved itself into a Com¬ 
 mittee of the Whole upon this bill; and during all that time, day after day, and night after night, I 
 have been a silent but attentive looker on in this unrivalled scene of contention. The first two 
 days of the discussion convinced me, sir, that we of the Op{)osition could propose no amendment, 
 use no argument, which would in the slightest degree affect the determination of the majority to 
 pass the bill in the form reported by the Committee of Ways and Means. It required no stretch 
 of intellect to perceive that the order had gone forth to vote down every proposition of the minor¬ 
 ity ; and, sir, up to this hour, that order has been most implicitly obeyed. It comports not with 
 my taste to describe the tumult, the legislative depravity, the utter recklessness, which 1 have here 
 witnessed. It has been but a continuatiun of the disgraceful scene wdth which our-sitting open¬ 
 ed ; and it is now lamentably palpable that a Congress which commenced in revolution, riot, and 
 anarchy, must terminate in disorder and disgrace. Nothing beneficial to the people need be ex¬ 
 pected ; for this Hall, wdiich was intended for deliberation, for discussion, for legislative action, is 
 converted into a mere arena for the display of the gladiatorial feelicg of party. With every feel¬ 
 ing of my heart, I respond to the language of my honorable friend from Virginia, (Mr. Botts,) 
 when, on a former occasion, he said, “I wish to God, from my very heart and soul, that our 
 constituents, especially such of them as are friendly to this Administration, were thronging our 
 galleries.” Yes, sir, they wmuld soon see who it is that has caused Congress to become a by- 
 v/ord and a reproach. Who, sir, is accountable for these scenes and for this delay of the public 
 business! Who, sir, is chargeable with introducing and suffering this unparliamentary and un¬ 
 profitable discussion 1 Sir, the countenances of the prominent Administration members give the 
 reluctant answer. They know that they commenced and prosecuted this partisan debate. They 
 cannot deny that they encouraged it. The gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Duncan) knows that hr> 
 commenced it. If I do him injustice by this accusation, he or any of his friends may correct me. 
 No, sir, it cannot be denied. Without the slightest provocation, and without one word having 
 been said by the Opposition on the subject, he, for one whole day, violently assailed the character 
 of General Harrison ; exhibited caricatures—vile filthy daubs, manufactured by his own party for 
 political effect; disgusted and fatigued us with the execrable rhymes of some wretched “ballad- 
 monger;” read scraps from outcast newspapers, which until now w^ere rotting in the oblivion to 
 which they were long since consigned by the universal consent of all decent men. Sir, for days 
 the friends of the Administration inflicted upon us the same stale, stereotyped speeches, which 
 have served their purposes, in every need, for the last few years. The “anti-bank,” “anti-mo¬ 
 nopoly,” “anti-associated-wealth” speech was recited by the gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. Wel- 
 LKK ;) and 1 mean no disrespect to the gentleman when I say that I have unhappily been com¬ 
 pelled to listen to that speech upon at least one hundred different occasions. I hope, most sin¬ 
 cerely hope, that I have, heard it for the last time. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Pab- 
 menter) broached another favorite theme of the Administration, making known his horror of 
 the Hartford Convention; and on this interminable topic, tested for hours the patience of the 
 committee. 'J'he gentleman from New Hampshire, (Mr. Atherton,) who so frequently pro¬ 
 fesses to abhor irrelevancy in debate, occupied, for hours, the attention of such as could listen, 
 by reading from sundry British essays, pamphlets, and reviews, &c.; among which I recollect 
 Blackwood's Magazine occupied a very conspicuous place; and, not content with hours thus 
 wasted, the gentleman must have the benefit of an adjournment, in spite of the remonstrances of 
 myself and others; and, on the next day, with refreshed energy and renewed vigor, continued to 
 inflict upon us the punishment of listening to his dull, unmeaning, and irrelevant quotations. 
 J'he honorable gentleman from Maine, (Mr. Clifford,) des}>ite the agony depicted on every 
 countenance around him, unfeelingly introduced another subject, on which all Administration 
 men are eloquent—‘‘ 'J'he History of the Federal and Democratic Parties;” and hour after hour was 
 consumed in reading from and descanting on all the partisan writers of the first thirty years of 
 our Government. Sir, against this waste of time I must distinctly protest, because the party in 
 power published some years since a pamphlet under this title. It was compiled under the super¬ 
 vision of its choice spirits, and was sown broadcast and gratuitously over the whole land, par¬ 
 ticularly in the West, I have a copy of it now before me. I therefore think this new edition by the 
 

 4 
 
 gentleman from Maine quite unnecessary, especially as it is mucli inferior to the first; anil, sir, I 
 would, with due deference, suggest to gentlemen that, if they wish to recommend thoinsclves to 
 Executive favor, by becoming partisan authors and ];amj)hlet scribblers, would it not be better 
 that they, should betake themselves to the closet, and in that retirement scrawl to their heart’s con¬ 
 tent] Thousands of dollars could be thus saved to the people, and yet the ymblic receive the ben¬ 
 efit of their vast knowledge and literary gleanings. But, sir, the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. 
 Jameson) outsiripped all his compeers in the ingenuity of his cruelty ; for, in spite of all entreaty 
 and all remonstrance, he caused to be read to us one whole newspaper and jiarts of several others. 
 The ‘‘Nashville Union” was, 1 believe, the name of the [)a}K“r which he gravely informed us he 
 should atlopl as a part of his speech. 'J'o this, sir, I have no objection, (fentlemcn may adopt 
 any bantling they please. I care not what its color or its origin; but I do wish that some rule 
 could be devised, whereby gentlemen could be [rermitted to give us these pamphlets, and reviews, 
 and newspa()ers, and old songs, by the iiilt. 'I'hen, sir, a bill providing for the civil and diplo¬ 
 matic e.xpenses of the (iovernment, might be discussed and disjjoscd of in somew bat less time 
 than forty days and nights, and some exhibitions might be avoided, which, to say the least of 
 them, reflect any thing but credit upon us as legislators. I could proceed, sir, to name many other 
 gentlemen of the Administration party who occujoied day after day without one moment’s refer¬ 
 ence to the subject before the committee. I could prove, beyond the possibility of denial, that a 
 very large portion of the misspent time of which the people are justly complaining, was occupied 
 by the declaimers of the Administration party. A'et, sir, the organ of that party, with unparal¬ 
 leled eATrontery, accuses the Opposition of procrastination, of wasting time unnecessarily, and its 
 petty satellites throughout the Union echo the baseless charge, notwithstanding the facts which I 
 have here stated stand uncontroverted by any gentleman on tliis floor. 
 
 There is, .Mr. Chairman, one gentleman of the Administration party who participated largely 
 in this debate, who is not obnoxious to the charge I have made: it is the honorable chairman of 
 the Ways and Means, (Mr. Jones.) I must, in justice to that gentleman, say, that he attempt¬ 
 ed to curb and repress the reckless spirits with whom he is unfortunately associated. But dig¬ 
 nity and common sense, and courtesy of manners, have but little influence with them ; and, 
 therefore, his counsels and his example passed unheeded. I, sir, well understand the object of 
 those w'ho have polluted this atmosphere with their ribaldry and misrcpre.^^entalions. They think 
 that they are working wonders in their daily labor of manufacturing political capital for the Pres¬ 
 idential election. They supiiose that the people will implicitly believe any slander they may 
 utter. 'I'liey imagine that, under the imposing title of a Congressional name, any absurdity 
 will pass current in the country; and this, sir, is the manner in which they carry on their machi¬ 
 nations. 
 
 A base falsehood is manufactured at the fountainhead. It i.s then inserted in some contempt¬ 
 ible newsj)apcr in an obscure corner of the country, or blazoned forth in staring characters in the 
 “Oflicial organ,” as the occasion may demand. It then takes the rounds of the Administration 
 journals, with such comments as sui; the political atmosphere in which it appears. If it succeeds 
 in poisoning the public mind, the object is accomplished, and the party rejoice and are satisfied 
 with the result of their laltors. But if the good sense of the ]:)eo[)Ie, distrustful of the base 
 source from w'hich it emanates, should hesitate to receive the fafsehood—if, in anxious inquiry 
 after truth, the honest yeomanry of the nation demand proof of the charge [)referred, or asser¬ 
 tion made, and the slander receives but a mo?nentary check, then, sir, the eye of the Administra¬ 
 tion is cast upon Congress, and some supple tool is selected to become the “ Cunyrcssional en¬ 
 dorser ” Then, sir, in the shape of a speech made u])on this floor, and with increased malig¬ 
 nity, and improved venom, it is })oured forth to the world. . And from what 1 have witnessed, 
 there certainly is much competition for the honor of serving as the server of the party, through 
 which all the filth of the Administration shall pass itrto this Hall, and from this to the country. 
 U{)on this occasion I will say, that more than one of the organs selected have shown themselves 
 to be of fitting mateiial, not to be the sewer only, but ih.B reservoir of all the pestilential misrep¬ 
 resentations of the Administration. 
 
 I cannot notice what iliflerent gentlemen have. said. I had not intended to have opened my 
 lips during this ilebate; but after what has fallen from the gentlemen from Ohio (Mr. Duncan) 
 and from Virginia, (Mr. Hopkins,) I should consider myself as remiss in duty did I not say a few 
 words in reply. The first of these gentlemen is the acknowledged idol of the party and the especial 
 object of their reverence. The latter, not less beloved, because more recently installed as a priest 
 in their political temple. Both have figured conspicuou.sly on this occasion, and have succeeded 
 in throwing into the shade all other aspirants to the title of party leaders. Of the speech of the 
 gentleman from Ohio I will say but little. All that part of it impeaching the civil and military 
 character of General Harrison is but a compilation of the slanders which have appeared again 
 and again in the Administration prints, and have so often been refuted that further notice of them 
 might possibly raise their authors “to the dignity of a decent man’s contempt.” I have no wish 
 to give them even that importance, but shall content myself with rejrlying to the attacks made 
 upon General Harrison by the gentleman from Virginia, both in his speech and in his letter to 
 
5 
 
 Colonel Piper, uliicli, haviniv been puMisheJ in pamphlet form, and alluded to on this floor, is 
 legitimately a subject for criticism. 
 
 I perceive, Mr. Chairnuui, that the last Globe contains the speech of the gentleman from Ohio, 
 ond that, in recommending the speech to the jnihlie, its editor says, “it has a spice of coarse¬ 
 ness suited to the VV'estern people.” I presume, sir, that our j)eoj)le of the West will fully ayj- 
 prociate the rnniplinient ]:aid to their taste. I, sir, liave yet to learn that our };co]de are less 
 intelligent, or less observant of the decencies and proprieties of life, than the people of other por¬ 
 tions of tl'c Union; and I have greatly mistaken their character if any respeetalile man of any 
 ()arty will countenance, and approve any such vile garbage a.s is contained in this specimen of 
 coarseness issued to suit the taste of the West. Could I overcome my repugnance to read such 
 ribaldry, 1 would give the committee some “beautiful extracts” from this speech; but I should 
 then be compelled to pollute my printed remarks with their inseriion, and, therefore, I forbear. 
 At the suggesti()n of a gentleman immctliately before me, I will, however, reail one extract, as¬ 
 suring the committee that I mean no contempt l)y its introduction: 
 
 “ Mary Rogers are a case, 
 
 And so are bally Thompson, 
 
 General Jackson are a hors“, 
 
 And so are Colonel Johnson.” 
 
 This, sir, is a specimen of Congressional speech making, and if it is not coarse enough to suit 
 the taste of the most vulgar, the gentleman will, doubtless, upon another trial, improve both his 
 style and liis rhymes. With the aid of other kindred spirits, he will, doubtless in his next 
 clfort, favor us with sornctlring still more disgusting and foolish. 
 
 I, Mr. Chairman, as a Western man, have watched with something both of sorrow and of 
 anger, the continued insults which have been offered to the West, since General Harrison be¬ 
 came a candidate. No sooner was his name announced, than we were snceringly told that he 
 was hut a '^^paltrij Log Cabin Candidate as thougii a residence in an humble dwelling con¬ 
 stituted a crinie, or at least a disqualification for otfice. Another writer of the Administration, 
 defending this scornful allusion to the people of the West, speaks of the tenants of the Log 
 Cabins as “ having souls suited to the dirt hovels In icliich they live.'’’ And nowq sir, the most 
 loathsome trasli is published under the name of a speech, and it is said by the official organ that 
 its coarsc7iess will suit the Western people. 
 
 Sir, I know tlic peojilc who are the objects of this continued abuse. I know full well the 
 answer they will give to these pampered menials of power. 'J’hey await imyiat'cntly the 
 coming of November next; and then, sir, with one .simultaneous thunder-shout of indignation, 
 will they pronounce the deaUi doom of the Adininistration wdiich, not content with injuring, lias 
 dared to insult ihem. 
 
 And now, sir, I will turn my attention to the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Hopkixs,) and 
 although I could wi.sh to follow him closely, ami examine his position minutely, thi.s, sir, is 
 impossible, bolli from tlie lalone.ss of tlic hour, and from the muUiplicity of subjects introduced 
 by the gentleman, doubtless to evade the true issue now pending. But, sir, as I had anticiyiated, 
 the currency (]uestion was tlie piincipal theme of his discouisc; and all the distress and ruin now 
 universal through the country, attributed to the bank.s. 'This is always the cry—over-isi-ues ; 
 contraction and exnan.sion ; excessive imports; .‘^mali exports ; heartless coryjorations ; combined 
 wealth. 'I’lu'se nevt'r varying and never failing calch-yrhrasrs the gentleman uses in profusion, 
 
 1 oth in ills speech and in his letter to Col. J’ipcr. In the latter, Ifnd it again and again repeated. 
 Page 4, I liinl he .speaks of the inlluonce tiY the baiik«, and of the “whole dynasty of associated 
 wealthy I’age 9, he is ag.iin opposed to the wliole dynasty of associated iccalthd’ Page 
 10, he speaks of a “powerful combhicfion ot' avtiticiai,” &:c. Again, the hanks “ com¬ 
 bine the Administration.” And again, he tells of “ encioachments.” And, 
 
 yr.ige II, “incorporated wealth never cloys.” Mr. Chairman, we all understand for what pur- 
 ()ose tlicso changes are rung. I am inclined to think, sir, that the people of this country under¬ 
 stand that it is an attempt to enlist their piTjudices rather than tlicir judgments. And further, 
 .sir, I think the gentleman undei ratcs their common sense, by supposing that he can, by thas ruse, 
 prevoiil them from examining into the causes of their pre.'^ent troubio.s. The gentleman says 
 that there have been over-issues by the banks; over-trading by ihe.yaeople, <Ac. I, .‘^ir, have 
 not time to iiivcsiigate this matter closely ; but it lia.s 1 cen examined repeatedly, both in this and 
 the last Congress, and proved beyond the possibility of a doulit, that the destruction of the ,Bank 
 of the United Slates, and the after policy of the Administration, caused those ovcr-is.suts of 
 which tho-gentleman comjdains. The ver}’ stale of tilings now existing, wa.s predicted by the 
 Cyiposition yirevious to it.s destruction. We were told, sir, by the friends of the then existing 
 Administration, that the State corporations would furnish a better currency ; that money would 
 be more yileutiful ; atul that money was to be all gold or silver—no baidt yiaper. But no sooner 
 was the bill rechartcring the Bank of the United States vetoed, and the deposites removed from its 
 care, than we liad message after message lauding the State lianks. In 1834, the President pro¬ 
 claimed to Congress that “ the State banks are found fully adequate to tlie performance of all ser¬ 
 vices whi<‘h were required of tlie Bank of the United State.s, quite as promptly, and with the same 
 
6 
 
 cheapness.” In 1835, the President in his message again assures Congress that the State banks 
 continued to realize every expectation entertained of their capacity to serve the purposes of Gov¬ 
 ernment. In 1836, the President again told Congress that the State banks still performed all the 
 duties required of them. Every Administration paper in the Union echoed their praise. The 
 Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Taney, urged upon the several deposite hanks to inciiease their dis¬ 
 counts, and gave as a reason, that “ the deposUes of the public money will enable you to afford 
 increased facilities.” Banks were selected as public depositories, merely on account of the party 
 bias of those who controlled their affairs, as will appear by the published correspondence of certain 
 institutions in New York, and other parts of the Union. According to the recommendation of the 
 Secretary of the Treasury, they did extend their issues, and speculation—unprecedented expansion, 
 became the result. Then came the specie circular ; and the very crisis which the Opposition 
 had always predicted, fell with appalling force upon us; and ever since that time, the country, 
 like a drunken man, has been reeling to and fro under the influence of the noxious draught ad¬ 
 ministered by the political empirics of that day. This, sir, is a brief sketch of the causes of the 
 over-issues to which are attributed the present embarrassments of the country. But, sir, if mis¬ 
 management of banks, and over-issues, are to be alluded to in a party point of view, I would turn 
 the attention of the gentleman to those States where the Administration party had the control. 
 
 I will instance Mississippi, Alabama, &c. Those States, sir, are edifying specimens of Admiti- ' 
 istration financiering. It is useless, sir, to’ attem[>t to satisfy the people any longer with fine 
 spun theories, or specious promises. It is in vain to ask them to submit to any more experi¬ 
 ments. They are determined to have a change in the Administration. They can recollect that 
 but a few years since they had a sound currency, good markets, and constant employment for 
 their industry. They know that there has been mismanagement somewhere. Their present 
 condition cannot be rendered more distressing. Any change must be for the better, and there¬ 
 fore a change they will have. This, sir, is the language of common sense, as now coming from 
 the mass of the people. 
 
 But, sir, I perceive that the Administration party here affect to sneer, as usual, at the assertion 
 i, made by myself and others, that general distress pervades the country. I know, sir, that gentle¬ 
 men have' said that it is but imaginary. One gentleman, (Mr. Duncax,) in his speech, has told 
 us that, if the people are embarrassed, he would advise them “to take oft’ their coats, and go to 
 work.” This language, sir, may suit an Administration rolling in wealth and splendor. It may 
 come with fitting grace from the supporters of men who are receiving large salaries in gold and 
 silver, and actually by the derangement of the currency. But I tell you, sir, that the 
 
 people will know how to appreciate and to answer such unfeeling, heariless, cold-blooded, and 
 insolent language. They have had their coats off; they have labored ; they have vainly used 
 every effort to obtain the due reward of that labor; and now the products of the agricultural com¬ 
 munity are still remaining unsold, or, if disposed of, it has been at a ruinous sacrifice. Aird 
 even now the farmer is sowing and planting without hope of remuneration. He knows not 
 whether the sweat-drops of a long summer’s labor will avail him aught. In the present derange¬ 
 ment of all business operations, the calculations even of the most sagacious fail; and yet gentle¬ 
 men, as an answ’er to the every day’s experience of these truths, return the old answ'er, that the Ad¬ 
 ministration is not responsible, and attribute it all to the banks. Sir, the Administration is res¬ 
 ponsible. It is its exploded and exploding experiments which have occasioned this state of things. 
 
 Its tamperings ; its reckless disregard for every interest; its determination to sustain itself in power 
 at every hazard ; its execrable attempts to check the enterprise, and assimilate the condition of 
 the American people to that of the monarchies of Europe. Sir, one week’s derangement of the 
 active industry of this country is a greater loss to the country than if you w'ere to throw the 
 whole capital of the Bank of the United States into the Delaware. This, sir, is undeniable, and 
 yet we have had not only weeks, but years, of constant derangement, and the consequences are 
 now hanging darkly as a pall upon the country. 
 
 But, sir, as the gentleman from Virginia is so loud in his denunciation of the banks, and no’in 
 thinks that the public money ought by no means to be placed in their keeping, I will read a 
 passage from the report of the majority of the Investigating Committee, of which the gentleraan 
 was a uiember, and W'ilh w'hich majority he acted. Atfer stating that the loss to the Govern¬ 
 ment of large sums of money might have been avoided by depositing-in the banks, on special 
 deposite, and citing the Bank of America and the Manhattan Bank as having been used as de¬ 
 positories after they suspended specie payments, the committee, on page 72, say: 
 
 “ It is, then, apparent ihat, had the depositing system of banks been continued, Mr. Swartwout could not have 
 had money, beyond the collections of a sinale week, exceeding the current expenses of his office, to have retained 
 on going out of office ; and the evidence, (if hi.s not having diverted any previous to that ti e, and that all previous 
 collections wei'c in bank, would have been regularly derived from the banks, as well as in Mr. Swariwout’s official 
 j.eiurns.” 
 
 I shall have occasion, sir, to refer to this report again ; but, in the meantime, I must remark 
 that the gentleman’s opinions have certainly undergone a great change since the last session of 
 Congress. It is useless for the gentleman to give as an excuse, that the banks have now' sus¬ 
 pended ; for the report finds fault because the deposites were not made, even after they had sus¬ 
 pended. 
 
But, ssir, it is not my purpose to defend the hanks. I am in nowise identified with them ; but 
 the gentleman having thought fit to accuse the Opposition of shifting ground, and acting incon¬ 
 sistently, I deem it my duty to den}’- the assertion, to investigate his course, and to ascertain 
 whether he is not liable to the very charge he has so unreservedly made against u.s. 
 
 I would, Mr. Chairman, call the attention of the commitlee to the systematic deception which 
 is now practising upon the people of the United States, on the subject of the promised reforms 
 in the currency. The Administration leaders have now at least some half a dozen various 
 schemes on which they are attempting to coin political capital. The Senator from Missouri. 
 (.Mr. Bknton) is opposed to the issuing of any hank paper in bills under the denomination of one 
 hundred dollars. The Senator from South Carolina (Mr. Cauhoun) is out aga nst all hank 
 paper, and must have nothing hut gold and silver. A Senator from Pennsylvania (Mr. Bu- 
 CHAiTAjr) says that he is in fiivor of a mixed currepey, hut asks the Legislatures of the States to 
 confer power on Congress to prohibit the issue of any notes under twenty dollars. Another 
 Administration partisan in this House (Mr. MoNTGO]\rETir) proposes to issue ten dollar Treasu¬ 
 ry notes as currency, and this without one single dollar of specie basis. Look also, sir, at the 
 action of the Legislatures under Administration control—Pennsylvania, for instahee. 'i'he Legis¬ 
 lature meets, (the V^an Buren party having a large majority,) l)reathing vengeance against the 
 banks; nothing will appease their wrath but immediate resumption or instant destruction. They 
 meet, wrangle, scold, vow that banks are nuisances, and bank paper worthless rass; and termi¬ 
 nate the session by borrowing some millions of bank paper, and allowing the banks their own 
 time to resume specie payment. They then go home and hold indignaiion meetings,' and 
 denounce one another as having acted traitorously to the party. And when, sir, I, as a stranger 
 to Pennsylvania tactics, have asked some explanation of these seeming inconsistencies, I have 
 been told, Oh, never mind us; we will arrange it all; we understand the people of Pennsylvania. 
 
 I will now take notice of the complaint made by the gentleman that the Opposition deal unfair¬ 
 ly with the Administration, in giving to the public partial extracts from official documents. 
 This charge, sir, is unfounded; is unsupported by any proof; and I defy any gentleman to 
 make good the accusation. T deprecate as much as any gentleman can, any such unfairness ; 
 and I consider any man who would knowingly mislead the public mind, a fit object of scorn and _ 
 contempt. I will read, sir, the document which has given the Administration party so much ^ 
 uneasiness. 
 
 (OFFICIAL.)-PUBLIC EXPENDITURE FROM 1824 TO 1838. 
 
 Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, trausmUting a statement of expenditure, exclusive of the public 
 
 debt, for each year, from 1824 to 1838. 
 
 (June 28,1838.—Read, and laid upon the table.) 
 
 Treasury Department, June 27,1838. 
 
 Sir ; In obedience to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 25th instant, I liave the honor to “ lay 
 before the House a statement showing the amount of expenditure, exclusive of the. public debt, for each year, from 
 1824 to 1838.” I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 LEV^I WOODBURY, Secretary of the Treasury 
 
 Hon. J. K. Polk, Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
 
 Statement showing the amount of expenditures of the United States, exclusive of the public debt, for each year, 
 from 1824 to 1837, inclusive, stated in pursuance of a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 25111 
 June, 1838. 
 
 For the year 1824 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - §15,330,144 71 
 
 For the year 
 
 1831 - 
 
 Do 
 
 1825 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 11,490.459 94 
 
 Do 
 
 1832 - 
 
 Do 
 
 1826 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 13,062,316 27 
 
 Do 
 
 1833 - 
 
 Do 
 
 1827 - 
 
 - 
 
 
 12,653,095 Go 
 
 Do 
 
 1834 - 
 
 Do 
 
 1828 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 12,396,041 45 
 
 Do 
 
 ia35 • 
 
 Do 
 
 1829 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 12,660,460 62 
 
 Do 
 
 1836 • 
 
 Do 
 
 1830 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 13,229,533 33 
 
 Do 
 
 ia37 - 
 
 §13,864,067 9U 
 16,516,388 77 
 22,713,755 11 
 18,425,417 25 
 17,514,950 28 
 30,868,164 04 
 ’*^39,164,745 37 
 
 *Note.— The foregoing sums include jjayments for trust funds and indemnities, which, in 1837, was §5,610,404 36 
 
 Treasury Department, Register's Office, June 27,1838. 
 
 T. L. SMITH, Register. 
 
 Is there a gentleman on this floor who will rise in his place and say that this is not a full and 
 complete document, as sent to Congress by the Secretary of the Treasury 1 Is there a word or 
 figure missing 1 Is there a syllable added 1 No, sir; it is the whole of an official report. What 
 does it prove 1 That the expenditures of this Government, despite all the professions of 
 economy, despite all the promises of retrenchment, have increased from $15,330,144 71 in 
 1824, to $39,164,745 37 in 1837, nearly threefold; and w'hen, sir, we present this document 
 to the people and ask their judgment upon it, the Administration party complain of unfairness. 
 
 The gentleman from Virginia, with much ingenuity, attempts to evade this plain demonstra¬ 
 tion of facts and figures, by explaining the causes which have led to this vast increase of the ex¬ 
 penditures by the Administration. This, sir, he has a perfect right to do; and I, sir, have also 
 a right to answer his explanations, and to show that, notwithstanding his ingenuity and tact at 
 mystifying this subject, this Administration is responsible—justly censurable—for permitting 
 and countenancing waste, extravagance, and peculation. 
 
8 
 
 Amongst other things, the’ gentleman from Virginia qm-tes the Florida war as an item of ‘■‘ex¬ 
 traordinary expenses,” and says that many of the Opposition voted supplies. I have not exam¬ 
 ined the journal,- neiiher shall I; for I consider it as (juitc immaterial who and what party voted 
 for or against the appropriations. It is enough for me to know that a war with the Indians ex¬ 
 isted in Florida, and that the Government made estimates, and demanded supplie.?. They were 
 granted; and the Administration is responsible for the manner of the expenditure. But, sir, 
 this is another instance oi'ihe fair7ics^ with which the Opposition are treated. If they vole sup¬ 
 plies, they are accused extravagance, and the President protests that he is not responsible. 
 Had they refused to vote the money demanded by the Government, a want of patriotism would 
 have been a.scril)ed to them, and they would have been branded as enemies of the country. But, 
 Mr. Chairman, I will proceed to prove that the money appropriated by Congress for the prose¬ 
 cution of this w'ar has been most shamefully wasted ; and I will cite a few instances of the lavish 
 extravagance which I charge, upon the Administration. In Senate Document, 2d session 25th 
 Congress, vol. 3, I find “a statement of contracts for fuel, transportation, &c., for the Quarter¬ 
 master’s department for 1837,” and signed “ T. Cross, Acting Quartermaster General.” Here, 
 .sir, I find, in part, how the thirty millions have been expended in Florida. 1 will give the 
 committee a few items oi steamboat contracts for 1837; 
 
 charter of steamboat Watchman 
 
 - §450 per 
 
 
 or §164,250 
 
 pel annum 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. 
 
 Mobile 
 
 465 
 
 do. 
 
 169,725 
 
 do. 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. 
 
 .\nna Calhoun, and 2 
 
 barges 400 
 
 do. 
 
 146,000 
 
 do. 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. 
 
 Henry Crornw'ell 
 
 300 
 
 do. 
 
 109,500 
 
 do. 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. 
 
 Hyperion 
 
 300 
 
 do. 
 
 109,500 
 
 do. 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. 
 
 Leflore 
 
 200 
 
 do. 
 
 73,000 
 
 do. 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. 
 
 Charleston - 
 
 - 3,750 per month 
 
 , or 45,000 
 
 do. 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. 
 
 Florida 
 
 - 3,000 
 
 do. 
 
 36,000 
 
 do. 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. 
 
 .fohn McLean 
 
 - 4,000 
 
 do. 
 
 48,000 
 
 do. 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. 
 
 Camden 
 
 - 4,000 
 
 do. 
 
 48,000 
 
 do. 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. 
 
 James Adams 
 
 - 4,000 
 
 do. 
 
 48,000 
 
 do. 
 
 Do. 
 
 do. 
 
 iVltamaha - 
 
 - 5,000 
 
 do. 
 
 60,000 
 
 do. 
 
 Do, 
 
 do. 
 
 — 
 
 - 3,500 
 
 do. 
 
 40,000 
 
 do- 
 
 In short, sir, by this document it appears that there were ciiAnTEiiED, during the year 1837', 
 thirty-live steamboats, forty-three schooners, tw'o sloops, twenty-five brigs, six ships; making, 
 in all, one hundred and eleven vessels chartered, during the year 1837, for the prosecution of this 
 Florida w^ar—this war, sir, which we, a nation of millions, have waged for years with some 500 
 naked warriors. And, besides the one hundred and eleven vessels chartered, I find upwards of 
 one hundred contracts, some of them of a very large amount, for Iransportation of troops, for¬ 
 age, ann^, horses, 8ic., during that year, for this war. Sir, the party in power is justly charge¬ 
 able with having involved the country in this war unnecessarily, and then of having wasted the 
 money appropriated for its prosecution. 
 
 1 will give also another charge from the same document: Yor transporting 100 cords of 
 
 fire-wood from New Orleans to Fort Brooke, East Florida, and one assistant surgeon, $2,000.” 
 Here, sir, is charged twenty dollars per cord for currying fire-wood from New Orleans, besides 
 the original cost and other expenses; and that, too, to a country where, as I am assured by gen¬ 
 tlemen well acquainted with the country, thousands of cords of'vsmod could be cut in sight of the 
 'ort to which this wood was sent. I am also informed that w’ood has often been taken from 
 Florida to New Orleans'for sale; and I should not be surprised if this wood was originally from 
 Florida, and, after being shipped to New Orleans and properly seasoned, was shipped back again 
 to afford a little patronage. 'I’hese, sir, are a few specimens of expenditure in the Florida war 
 for 1837. I could for hours read charges equally obnoxious to censure; and, sir, I have had a 
 resolution on your table ever since the first resolution day of this session asking the Secretary of 
 War for a detailed account of the expenditures of the war, and the friends of the Administration, 
 by some miserable subterfuge or quibbling point of order, refuse to call for the statement. And 
 yet, sir, this is called a representative Government, and wc assume to be the Grand Inquest of 
 the nation, and the people are told that all officers, from the President dow n, arc strictly account¬ 
 able. Fet we cannot ask hoNv §30,000,000 of their money has been spent without being told 
 by gentlemen that the Opposition voted supplies for the war, and that these expenditures are 
 
 extraordinary.” Truly, sir, they are extraordinary and therefore it is that I demand a 
 full and explicit statement as to their nature. 
 
 I am told, sir, that a steamboat was oflered to the Government for about §14,000, and, refusing 
 to purchase, they chartered her until they paid some §72,000. I am told, sir, that plank in sev¬ 
 eral instances has cost §1 25 per foot, or'§l25 per hundred feet. Also, that fire wood has cost 
 §50 per cord. Sir, it is the duty of the Administration party to give the people light on this 
 subject, and to relieve themselves, if they can, from the charges of waste and peculation. 
 
 I believe tiae charges to be true, from what I have seen of the documents now before me, and 
 4iis is but the account for one year. I should, amongst other things, like to see what amount 
 
9 
 
 has been expentled for the “bloodhounds,” which, as every person now acknowledges, have 
 turned out to be common curs, and not worth a shilling a head. I presume that this experiment-, 
 with the confi}igencles, cost some thousands. I perceive, also, that one man has been paid 
 ■S7 bO per day, and subsistence, for transporting feriy bushels of corn, in sacks, from one post 
 to another in Wiskonsin. Flour has been transported from one place to another until it cost 
 $50 per barrel, and then sold at one-fourth of the cost of transportation. In .short, sir, did I not 
 sec these things stated in official documents, I could not have believed it possible that such gross 
 mismanagement existed. But I must leave this branch of expenditure, thus hastily glanced at, 
 and puss to another. 
 
 The gentleman from Virginia, in his anxiety to defend his new allies, quotes the expenses 
 “of Indian emigration, and subsistence for Indians,” as an item of expenditure for vvhich many of 
 the Op[)osition voted, and the gentleman classes it under the head of “extraordinary expenses.” 
 I shall not deny that many Opposition members did vote for the estimates demanded by the Ad¬ 
 ministration for this branch of the public service. I think they were quite justifiable in so doing. 
 But, sir, could any one of the 0])i)osili(in have ever supjioscd that the money voted would have 
 been so shamefully squandered, absolutely wasted, as the reports of the officers in that depait- 
 ment piiovk it to have been. I w'ill cite one or two instances, out of the many I could enumer¬ 
 ate, to jirove the unjustifialile and criminal abiucs which have been practised on this subject. 
 
 Document No. 127, of 3d session of 2.'ilh Congress, is a letter of Mr. Poinsett, Secretary of 
 W ar. In that document I find a communication from the Commissary General of Subsistence, 
 addressed to Mr. Poinsett, and I there perceive that the Government, after purchasing unneces¬ 
 sarily a vast amount of provisions, <S:c., “ for the army, sent it to the Cherokee country,” and, hav¬ 
 ing no use for it, ordered it to be sold, and I wall quote an extract from that communication : 
 
 “ The supplies sold consisted of 50 barrels pork, 2,C45 barrels flour, 821 barrels hard bread, 272,| 1 ushels beans, 
 16;!: bushcTs conunealj 169 l iislu Is corn, 506 bushels salt, 75,027 pounds sutrar, 41,297 jiounds coti'ee, 5,40b pounds rice, 
 501,020 pounds_bacon, 28,181 pounds soap, 11,110 pounds candles, 371 galbuis whiskey, 5,145 gallons xinegar, and 
 all the i5?Suing apparatus, such as scales, wefahts, a.nd measures, used while the volunteer troops were in-service. 
 Tliese articles produced the nett sum of 1552,117 90.” 
 
 This, sir, is the official account.'’' Doc.s any gentleman here deny ill Is there one 
 
 of the Administration party who wishes to give an explanation I if so, I will give way. Not 
 onCj sir. Then, let none of the Administration payters throughout the Union dare to deny this 
 statement. And what do I prove by ihis^ Mr. Chairman I 'i’hat this vast amount of supplies, 
 
 collected unnecessarily," cost, as will appear by the accounts of the Department, uynvards of 
 two hundred and sixty thousand dollars, including transportation, commissions, buildings erect¬ 
 ed for their preservation. &c., and were sold by this all-wise and competent Administration for 
 less than one-jifih of cost. 'Uhis, sir, is the manner in which the money of the people is wa.sted. 
 
 I will ask the gentleman from Virginia if it was possible for any honest man to anticiyiale such 
 unjustifiable .squanderings of the jiublic money I It seems, sir, that the 28,181 pounds of soaj) 
 w’cre not needed by the army. It ought never to have been sold, sir. It should have been 
 shipped to Washington, and would have served as a fraction of the quantity requisite to cleanse 
 this foul Administration. But, sir, I wall give you another item of sale.s of stores, 8cc., purchased 
 unnecessarily, and sold at auction in the Cherokee country, in 1838, and embraced in this same 
 communication. I find, sir, that corn, which cost the Government at legist one dollar and a 
 halj, and in many instances two dollars, per bushel, and accumulated unnece.ssarily in vast quan¬ 
 tities, w'as sold by this economical Administration as follows ; 
 
 8,381 bushels corn, at 17^ cents yicr bushel 400 bushels corn, at 3^ cents per bushel. 
 
 5,275 do. at Ilf do. 4,230-^ do., at 1do. 
 
 4,990| do. at lOi do. 
 
 This, sir is a specimen of the prices at which this article was .sold, and thousands of dollars 
 thrown away in this one article of corn alone. And this, sir, is only a fraction of the quantity 
 sold. I find, further, sir, that oats, purchased at double the usual cost, were sold at 3^ cents 
 per bushel. This corn and oats were not damaged ; for ihc report states them to have been sound, 
 and the damaged corn sold separately. I could proceed, sir, to enumerate liundred-s of cases of 
 the same nature, but time will not permit. I will close by giving an extract from a letter of the 
 Creek agent at Fort Gibson, addressed to the Commissioner of Indian Allairs, complaining of 
 the action of tiio Administration, in forwarding such immense quantities of supyilics unnecessari¬ 
 ly to that post, and which also had to be sold at an immense sacrilice : 
 
 “ But, whatever be the apology of the measure in question, whether it be ignorance of the res urces of the comitr}q 
 distrust of the caqability of the officers charged with the sul sistence of the Indians, (ir a tlrrad of a failure (.f iheir 
 pftbris in that resiiect, one thing is deinonstral ly true, that the great loss n.hich is timr inerituhh/ consequent upon, 
 the measure, might have been avoided had timely directions been given to dispose of t'iiis extraordinary 
 supply of provision as soon us it was'ascertained not to be needed." 
 
 He. again says: 
 
 “ Instead of this, cargo after cargo continued to arrive as the necessity decreased." 
 
 Again, sir, the same agent says : 
 
 “ 1 reyioat, sir, fearless of contradiction, had the agents here been instructed, in the first instance, as agents ol the 
 Governnionl otight to have been, where its interest^was concerned, the public would not have sustained the loss of 
 
10 
 
 a single dollar ; ihe provision purchased in New Orleans would have been sold, and not transported here, as has 
 been the case, at an enormous expense, where it was not needed, and at an additional expense o)'several thousamls 
 to erect suitable buildings to cover it from the weather.” 
 
 This gentleman, sir, for his plain speaking to the Government olTicers, was treated with offi¬ 
 cial insolence, and immediately resigned his station. A mean, obsequious, fawning sycophant 
 would have been cherished and patronized by them. Here, sir, is another instance of hundreds 
 of thousands of dollars squandered. Who could liave dreamed of such “blundering policy?” 
 And yet the gentleman from Virginia says the Opposition voted for “Indian subsistence,” &c.; 
 and he is loud in praise of an Administration which is thus, by its own official fiocument.s, con¬ 
 victed of incompetency, waste, and extravagance, and it may be something worse. I believe, 
 sir, that all these unnecessary purchases were made to give profitable contracts to favorites. 
 
 We have been told, sir, that the public buildings are another source of “ extraordinary” ex¬ 
 pense. I will, sir, for a moment refer to this matter, and in that moment, convince the com¬ 
 mittee, that another high-handed and unjustifiable act of this Administration has cost-the people, 
 unnecessarily, three hundred thousand dollars. I refer to the Post Office building. The Com¬ 
 mittee on Public Buildings of the House of Representatives, in order to ascertain the actual cost 
 of the building proposed to be erected, made a demand for a detailed estimate of the cost of a 
 split granite building. It was furnished; and amounted to two hundred and eighty thousand 
 dollars. But, sir, no sooner had Congress adjourned, than the President ordered the erection of 
 a marble building—a perfect palace, which is now estimated, even by Administration gentlemen, 
 to cost six hundred thousand dollars. This, sir, will explain to gentlemen why this branch of 
 expenditure is termed “extraordinary.” But, sir, there is another matter connected with this 
 subject, and which is admitted even here by the friends of the Administration. After the money 
 appropriated by Cong ess had been expended, fearing that at its next nneeting it might arrest the 
 work, or demand an explanation of this enormously increased expenditure, the Executive actually 
 allowed the work to progress on credit to the amount of §565,000, and the laborers on the build¬ 
 ing, instead of receiving their pay regularly, were given checks or memoranda of the amount 
 due them; and now, sir, wo arc called upon to vote money; and our sympathies are appealed to 
 to pay the laborers. They shall be paid, sir; but I would demand to know by what authority of 
 law was this work persevered in after the appropriation was expended ? How dare the President 
 and his coadjutors anticipate the action of Congress ? How dare they usurp the power which 
 legitimately belongs to the Representatives of the people ? But, sir, my questions are answered 
 by every day’s experience. They dare do any thing. They dare violate all law; scoff at all pre¬ 
 cedent; commit any and every act, however unjustifiable and unlawful, and a drilled party ma¬ 
 jority will support and countenance their iniquities. 
 
 I could refer, also, to the Treasury building as another instance of the wasteful expenditure of 
 public money. I could give repeated instances, in which money appropriated by Congress for 
 one object has been transferred to another, without any authority of law; and when these ex¬ 
 posures are made, the party acknowledge that investigation ought to be had, but that it is not 
 convenient to make it at this particular time. 
 
 I will mention, Mr. Chairman, one other item of expenditure. Congress ordered a survey of 
 the mouth of the Mississippi, and made an appropriation for improving the channel at the Ba- 
 iize. And how do you suppose, sir, that the money has been expended ? One steamboat, 
 one dredgeboat, and four schooners have been built or purchased, and fitted up in the most taste¬ 
 ful style. I find, sir, that there is charged for furniture in one of them, a mahogany sideboard, 
 two splendid card tables, merino curtains, fine cane-seated settees, and other furniture to suit, 
 eight patent lever watches, one chronometer, costing $280, silver ware, and numerous other ar¬ 
 ticles of the same description. All this, sir, is for common mud-boats. And after expending two 
 hundred and ninety-one thousand dollars, the work is abandoned; and the mouth of the river is 
 now in a worse condition than before the work was commenced. This, sir, is the expenditure 
 at the mouth of the river. I know not how many snag-boats and mud-boats have been employ¬ 
 ed on Red river, or other rivers, or whether they are fitted out in the same style. But I do 
 know, that when we ask a small appropriation on the Cumberland road, we are told by the 
 Adminstration that there is no money in the Treasury; and that they are disposed to think that 
 work unconstitutional. 
 
 'I’here is another title, Mr. Chairman, under which the money of the people is squandered, if 
 not actually purloined. It is under the head of “contingencies;” and the bill now before us 
 gives a small specimen of the amount thus charged. In it alone, there is appropriated, under the 
 title of contingencies, one hundred and twenty-seven thousand two hundred and thirty-five dol¬ 
 lars, besides sixty-seven thousand dollars for miscellaneous, making together, one hundred and 
 ninety-four thousand two hundred and thirty-five dollars. And when, sir, we ask how this 
 large sum is expended, we are told that it is quite impossible now to give a detailed statement; 
 but that, no doubt, it will be honestly accounted for. And if any of us insist on receiving the 
 information, we are accused of wasting the time of the House, and of being altogether too in¬ 
 quisitive. Next year, sir, we shall have these sums accounted for in a bill for washing towels, 
 horse hire, &c. 
 
11 
 
 But, sir, it strikes me that gentlemen, in their zeal to defend the Administration, in more 
 than one instance forget that “there is but one step from the sublime to the ridiculous.” They 
 talk quite feelingly indignant of the unfairness shown to the Administration in this matter of ex¬ 
 penditure, and call it “crying injustice,” and say that a large item is the three per cent, fund 
 paid to the States. Now, sir, this is rather an amusing defence. Has not the three per cent, 
 fund been paid to the States under every Administration 1 Is it not paid only in proj)ortion to 
 the amount of sales of the public lands within the diflerent States'? Is it not guarantied to the 
 States by the compact under which they became members of the Union? And have they not 
 received it from the first day of their admission as States? Keally, Mr. Chairman, these apolo¬ 
 gies are rather too shallow to deserve serious notice. But, sir, after all, the friends of the Ad¬ 
 ministration are somewhat excusable for these attempts at subteri'uge and evasion. They are 
 sorely pressed by many searching inquiries. The stern gaze of the people is at last directed to 
 their action, and they are compelled to avail-themselves of any and every excuse, no matter how 
 pitiable and unsatisfactory. 
 
 Sir, (said Mr. P.,) I have touched these different branches of ex})enditure but slightly; and I 
 leave it with gentlemen better qualified to particularize abuses and unjustifiable expenditure.s. 
 I will leave the subject by saying that, although the expenditure.s have increa.sed nearly ihree- 
 lold, I should not so loudly complain had the money been properly expended. But, sir, it has 
 been wasted. Our fortifications were never in a worse condition. We have scarcely a ship of 
 war fit for .sea. When the frigate United States received some damage entering the port of 
 New York, and was condemned as unseaworthy after an expenditure of some seventy thou¬ 
 sand dollar.s, there was not a ship ready to receive her crew ; and months passed before one 
 could be fitted out to take the place of the condemned frigate. We have not a single steamship 
 of war which deserves the name ; I beg pardon, sir, I believe there is one—the “ Poinsett”—they 
 call her a steam• frigate ; she is nothing but a miserable old scow. If I am riglitly informed, she. 
 used to be employed somewhere about New York as a ferry-boat; was purchased at an enor 
 mous price by the Administration, fitted up, and has cost near one hundred thousand dollars. 
 
 I am told that it took all hands (when serving in the Florida waters) two weeks to cut wood 
 enough to run her three days. She is now lying at Norfolk, the perfect laughingstock of every 
 sailor; but she is reported to Congress as a sieam frigaie. Really, sir, it is a libel upon the 
 name. In short, sir, the money voted by Congress within a few years past, for harbors, for 
 light-houses, for breakwaters, for clearing out of rivers, has nearly all been wasted, foolishly 
 thrown away, by the mismanagement and extravagance of the Administration. The searching 
 question of the people is, “ Where is our money ?” The laconic answer is. Millions have been 
 stolen ; millions squandered ; millions unaccounted for. 
 
 But the gentleman from Virginia, not content with glorifying the Administration, has thought 
 it necessary to charge us with making unprovoked attacks upon the President and his friends, 
 and, in a tone of triumph, has defied us to prove any act of malfeasance or misfeasance. Sir, I 
 meet the challenge, and I will prove, from under the gentleman’s oron signature, charges made 
 by him against the present Administration sufficient to blast the fair fame of any party. T shall 
 refer, sir, to report No. 313 of House of Representatives, commonly called the report of the Investi¬ 
 gating Committee on the defalcation of Swartw'out and others. 7'he gentleman from Virginia was 
 a member of that committee, and although he did not .sign the report with the majority, he made 
 a special report to which he affixed his signature. I, sir, shall not at this time enter into an ex¬ 
 amination of the merits of the document. It is enough for me to know that the gentleman’s 
 name is signed to it. The following is the special report of the gentleman, and as he complains 
 that it is unfair to give extracts, I will give it entire: 
 
 »' Mr. Hopkinses special concurrence in the report of the commillee, appended thereto by vote of the committee. 
 
 “ I have not liad the requi.sit.e lime for scruiinizins: the report of the committee with that care amt altention whicti 
 its length and importance deserve, and which I could have desired ; and I should have preferred, for this reason, to 
 have presented the journal of the committee, without comment, to the House of Representatives. Rut, as conflict¬ 
 ing opinions prevail in the committee, and are to be submitted to the country in the shape of formal reports, I con 
 aider it my clniy to say that I concur with the committee in all the conclusions at which they have arrived, so far as 
 those conclusions apply to the extent and character of the defalcations of Samuel Swarwoui and William M. Price. 
 
 “ [ should be faithless to my duty, and do violence to the most conscientious convictions of my judgment, if I did 
 not also declare my entire concurrence in those conclusions of the committee which relate to the conduct of the 
 late naval officer of the cnstom-liouse at New York ; to the late and present Solicitor of the Treasury ; to the Secre- 
 tary and accounting officers of the Treasury Department, including the late Comptroller of that Department; and. 
 in that part of the report which reviews the conduct of J. Hoyt, the present collector of the customs at the port of 
 New York. G. W. HOPKINS, Member of the Committee. 
 
 Now, Mr. Cbairman, we find by this report tliat the gentleman concurs fully in the censure of 
 the committee, passed upon the Secretary of the Treasury ; and, that there may be no doubt on 
 the subject, I will read what is said by the committee—page 98; 
 
 “ The committee will forbear to recapitulate here the extraordinary stibmissiveness and want of energy that are 
 betrayed by the Secretary of the Treasury, in his tolerance, without known complaint made to the Executive, of 
 the retention and use of the public money collected by the present collector at New York for duties on imports 
 against and under the protests of merchants.” 
 
 Again, sir, upon the same page, the committee further say ; 
 
12 
 
 “ It. is belipvetl to coiisiitnte an imbecililu of culmviislralion on the part of the Secretary that calls fi'r irr.niccliate 
 correction, whether reaard be had to the honor of the Government or to the security of the publfc money.” 
 
 And furlhcT, sir, the report says: 
 
 “ The ncaligence -iuid failure of tlie Secretary of the Treasury to discharge liis duty as the head of the Treasury 
 Dojiartnient. cdiarged by law willi the superintondpin e of the collection of the revenue, and his want ot a correct 
 appreciation of Urn beforenainod records in the superintendence of the collection cd the public revemtes, and the 
 i-.onsenuent noelect to continue a,nd complete them, are justly regarded as a jtrimary cause of tlte escape from detec¬ 
 tion, fur so long a [leriod, of the immense dtlalcations of the late “col lector at the port of New York.” 
 
 Here, sir, is a direct assertion made by the gentleman himself, that the Secretary of the Treas¬ 
 ury has manifested “extraordinary submissiveness” and. “want of energy;” that he Iras been 
 guilty of ^f rabcdliii/of administration ” and that such conduct requires immediate eorrec- 
 iion 'r tintl further, sir, that the Secretary, by his “negligence and failure to discharge bis duty,” 
 is diteclly responsible for the immense defalcalion of Swartwout, araounling to one milLion and 
 a quarter of dollass. 
 
 Sir, where is this “imbecile Secretary 1” Has he been dismissed by the Executive'? Has 
 even an inquiry lieon made by this House into these grave charges preferred by the committee? 
 No, sir! no! The same negligent, imbecile, criminal Secretary still presides over the 'i'reasury 
 Department. Instead of having been discarded, as the gentleman said he should he, he is the 
 jrampered pet of the .Executive, and the gentleman from \ irginia is now as loud in his praise as 
 he was in his denunciation; and he has the assurance lo lecture the Opposition for complaining 
 of this gross outrage perpetrated on the character and honor of the Government which he him¬ 
 self assisted in exposing. 
 
 But, sir, the committee may check the expression of astonishment which at this time seems 
 so sensibly to pervade it. I have but commenced v\ith the gentleman’s consistency. 
 
 On page 41 of the report I find the fidlowing charges made by the gentleman against the late 
 naval officer of the custom-house, New York, (Enos 'I'. Throop:) 
 
 “ From the preceding testimony, the committee report as established facts : 
 
 “1. 'I'ha.t the late naval officer at the port of New York, throughout the term of his service, from 1S~9 to ISCS, 
 wliolly disrecarded the reriuirernents uf the law prescribing the dutif s of his office. 
 
 “2. That said naval officer, for the same period, wholly disregarded the instructions of the Comptroller of the 
 Treasury, uf November 10, 1S21. 
 
 ‘■3. That said naval (fficer, tty so disregarding the rcaiuircments of law and the instructions of the Treasury De¬ 
 partment, culpably neglected to keep the accounts and records appertaining lo iiis offic , and thereby rendered the 
 office micatory as a clieck upon the accounts of tlie collector. 
 
 “ 4. That if the duties of said naval officer, as authorized and direcieu by existing laws, had been executed with 
 proper care and vigilance, they would have rendered it impracticalrle for any fraud or error in any of the accrauits 
 of tlie collector of said port to escape, immediate detection. 
 
 ‘‘5. That tire culpable disregard of lire plain requirements of law and of Treasury instructions prescribing the 
 duties uf naval officers, by said iraval officf r, and his continued neglect of official duly, are a la-imary cause of tlte 
 immense defalcations uf ihc late collector at .• ew York.” 
 
 Here, sir, is a charge made again.st ibis ollicer by the genllemaii from Virginia, Vhere, sir, 
 is this same Enos T. 'Jliroop? Ha.s b.e been dismissed from the service of the country ? No, 
 sir! This man, who was proved to be incomjx4ei)t to act as naval officerf instead of being 
 innnediatelv discharged, as he wmuld have been by any honest Executive, has been sent as 
 Charge to Naples. Unfit to discharge tlie duty of a subordinate in a cu.stom-house, he is fully 
 qualified to serve as a minister of this great nation at a foreign Court. And the gentleman from 
 Virginia, who so recently demanded his dismissal, lauds the Executive, and vows that this is a 
 most virtuous and pure Administration, and tauntingly sneers at us as a fault-finding Opposition, 
 
 Again, sir: on page 105, the (^ommitloe of Investigation, after citing repeated instances of 
 neglect in the Solicitor of the Treasury to di.scharge bis dt.ty, report: 
 
 “ 1st. That William M. Price, as district attorney, is a defuidltr lo tlie Government in a large amount. 
 
 “ 2d. Tliat his defalcalion.s are auribuialde to the notorious irresponsibility and want rf character cf said Price at 
 the periods of liis appoinlmom and rrappoinUnont, and iluring his entire terms of otlice; and to the evnlitnud. neg¬ 
 lect of tka ■proper and cficicnt discharge of duties at the ojffice of the Solicitor of the 'I’l eusumj, bp the lute and 
 present incumbents of that oficcJ' 
 
 Again, 1 ask the gentleman from Virginia lias this officer been dismissed from the service of the 
 State ? Has the Executive discharged that duty, which the gentleman deemed so imperative 
 when he .signed his riport ? No, sir. 'This man who neglected his duty, violated his oath of 
 ofTicc, and permitted an immense defalcation, has been sent as Charge d'aifiiircs to Belgium ? 
 Neglect of duty is now the sure road to preferment. Iml a man manifest palpable incompetoncy 
 as Solicitor of the 'I’rcasary, and lie is immediately inade a fortdgn mini.ster. I, sir, will not at¬ 
 tempt to express my astonishment at the course ])ursued by the gentleman from Virginia. He 
 proves that Mr. V^an Buren has violated every tm.-rT reposed in liiin by the people, not only by 
 continuing unfaithful men in otfice, but by jjromoiintf them for their misconduct, lie then, 
 most unexpectedly, becomes his champion anil eulogist, and petulantly complains that w’c are 
 over-nice in our demands for correct Government. 
 
 Page 140, the gentleman is loud in his denunciations of Mr. Hoyt, collector at New York; 
 thinks his conduct unjustifiable; and yet, sir, Mr. Hoyt is still collector; and the gentleman 
 now preaches to wi passive obedience. Page ?0, we find the committee saying that. 
 
 From the preceding evidence the corninitlee rey>ort the following fact as established : 
 
 “That the late Foniptroller of tlie Treasury, George Wolf, Fsq., now collccter of the port of Philadelphia, 
 
13 
 
 was truilly, while in said office of Comptroller, of oilpable disregard of law and neglect of diity, both in regard tO' 
 the bonds of C(dleclors filed in his office, and the records thereof required by law; and in settling and ccrtiiyine: to 
 the Ileaister the accounts of Sanuiel Swartwout, late collector, without having transmitted to him the vo'uchers 
 therefor required by positive injunction of law.” 
 
 I will Ireacl lightly here, sir. This oflicer is now no nittre. But, sir, after this dowuirighl 
 charge of “culpable disregard of law,” made by tiie gentleman from Virginia, this oflicer, who 
 had negUteted Iris duty and violated all law, was ap))ointed collector of customs at Philadelphia. 
 Unfit to be Comptroller, he was fully qualilicil to superintend some hundred.s of olficers, and to 
 receive millions of the jruldic money annually. , 
 
 Page. 41. The P'irst Auditor is denounced as negligent and incompetent. Yet now, not a 
 word of complaint from the gentleman IVom Virginia ; and all thi.s “ criminal neglect and official 
 negligence,” which in 1839 appeared to the gentleman so unjustifiable, so monstrous, is, in 1840, 
 quite innocent, very excusable, and entirely unworthy of serious consideration. This i.s, in¬ 
 deed, a change of opinion. Ldf^t year, to denounce tire Administration, sub-Treasury and all : 
 this year, to support ij. warmly, and its darling sub-Treasury too. T know, sir, that with some 
 politicians it becomes necessai'y to alter their opinion.s; and thi.s change of the gentleman recall.s 
 to my recollection a passage I once read in one of Bulwer’s works, in wiiich the politic courtier 
 finds it necessary to change his opinions in order to keep pace with the shifting policy of the 
 Court. 
 
 “Well! T have decided on my change of life,” said the lawyer, with a slight sigh. 
 
 “So have I on my change of ojhnion,” chimed in the Earl. “ 1 will tell you what opinions seem to me like”— 
 
 “ What t” said B’randoru 
 
 “ Trees!” answered Maulevprer, quaintly ; “ if they can be made serviceable by standing, don’t part with a slick ; 
 t>ut wlion they are of that growth that sells well, or whenever they shut out a fine prospect, cut them down and pack 
 them off by all manner of means.” 
 
 1, Mr. Chairman, shall not inquire a.s to the causes which leu the gentleman from Virginia to 
 this sudden, startling, and mysterious change in his political opinions. I am not even inquisi¬ 
 tive or interested enough to inquire whether his former opinions shut out a fine prospect. It is 
 sufficient for me to know that he has cut them all down, d’lre reason is with himself. But, 
 sir, he will excuse me when I say, that I think it in bad taste for him to criticise too narrowly 
 the ground we tread, when he so recently taught us that it was our duty to walk it fearlessly, as 
 being the path of rectitude and honor. When the gentleman shall favor u.s with a clew to the 
 labyrinlh, the mazes of which he is threading, and shall give us something like convincing proof 
 that he pursues its tortuous windings, not from personal aggrandizement or ambitious aspira¬ 
 tions, then, sir, we may again, with indulgent eye, look upon his course. Until then, sir, (he 
 gentleman must excuse us if we look suspiciously on his advice, and distrustingly upon the j)o- 
 sition he has assumed. I will, Mr. (Jhairman, give one other extract from the report of the 
 committee of which the gentleman was a zealous member, and then leave it to the gentleman to 
 reconcile the opinions then expressed with his present course. 
 
 “But, the imptntanl results which have tieen attained, notwithstanding the disadvantages adverted to, cannot fail 
 to inspire the country with a contident hope that the higli obligation which will rest upon ihesucce.ssors of the pres¬ 
 ent Congress in the legislative councils of the iiaiion, to resume and complete the great work of investigation and 
 reform of the alarming condition and abuses of the Executive Departments of the Government, from the higJiest to 
 the lowcvsi, and from Che nearest to the remotest functionaries, wall secure the prompt and efficient allention which 
 its magnitude demands. 
 
 “Guided solely by the characler of the developments which the investigation impc'sed upon them by the House 
 has elicited, the con'uniuee cannot resist the conviction, tliai at no period in the iiisiory of the P'ed.''ral Government 
 has there been deeper or better founded cause than exists at the jaesenl moment for every patriot heart to desire a 
 prompt consummation of that signal ‘ task ofi refiorm' v htch public sentiineui, mu.ny years since, inscribed on 
 the list of Executive duties in characters too legible lobe overlooked, requiring, ‘ particularly, the correction of 
 those abtisps that have brought the pair iiage of the f'ederal Government into conflict with the fr'e doni of elections, 
 and the counteraction of those causes ichich have disturbed. Ihe rightful course of apjioini'metit, and have placed 
 or continued pozeer in unfaithful or incompetent hands.’ ” 
 
 We here read of the obltgatiox which rests upon this Congress “ to resume and eomplete ihe 
 great icork of investigation, reform ofi the alarnimg condition and abuses of the Executive De- 
 parimenfs of the Government,^’ and yet, sir, thegenileman has not only neglected to “resume and 
 complete” the work he commenced, hut has joined the party which permitted and counten.anccd 
 these abuse.5, and now refuses to grant investigation. We also read, “ that at no period in the 
 history of the Federal Govemmenf’ has there existed so much necessity for every patriot heart 
 to rally totlie rescue of the country; and yet, sir, the gentleman, instead of fighting under our glo¬ 
 rious and bright banner of reform, has rallied under llie black piratical flag of Van Burenism. Sir, 
 said Mr. Phoffit, I take no pleasure in criticising the course of any gentleman ; I know the 
 fallibility of human nature. I regret being compelled to show to my fellow-citizens the corrup¬ 
 tions of their Government. I regret that this corruption exists. I am sorry that the necessity is forced 
 upon me to take any thing like a yirominent ])osition in denouncing the conduct of the Adminis¬ 
 tration, I know that a faithful discharge of duty will draw down tiie execrations and base cal¬ 
 umnies of the Administration presses—our motives will be impugned ; public course misrepre¬ 
 sented ; private character assailed; “life’s life lied away.” But, sir, I, for one, will pursue 
 my course with the same defying spirit which animated the poet when he exclaimed— 
 
14 
 
 ‘‘ As liUle. as the moon stops for the baying 
 Of wolves, will the bright muse withdraw one ray 
 From out her skies. Then howl your idle wrath ! 
 
 While she still silvers o’er your gloomy path.” 
 
 [Mr. PuoFrtT then piroceeded to defend General Harrison from the chargee and insinuationa 
 made against him by j\ir. Hopkins, both in his spjeech and in his letter to Colonel Piper. Mr- 
 P. read extracts from the speeches of General Harrison when in Congress, from his published 
 letters. He referred to his votes to disprove the statements of .Mr. Hopkins. This part of Mr* 
 /h’s speech will be published at some future day.] 
 
 r 
 
 
 I 
 
 \ 
 
 /