U N I VLRS ITY 
 Of I LLI NOI5 
 
 9108 
 
The person charging this material is re¬ 
 sponsible for its return to the library from 
 which it was withdrawn on or before the 
 Latest Date stamped below. 
 
 Theft, mutilation, and underlining of books 
 are reasons for disciplinary action and may 
 result in dismissal from the University. 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2019 with funding from 
 
 University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign Alternates 
 
 https://archive.org/details/memorialsofempir08unse 
 

 '0 
 
 
 » 
 
 
 
WORKS ISSUED BY 
 
 Ci )t ©afelugt 
 
 MEMORIALS OF THE EMPIRE 
 OF JAPON. 
 
 M.nccc.r.. 
 
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY 
 
 Council* 
 
 SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, G.C.St.S., F.R.S, Corr. Mem. Inst. Fr, 
 Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St. Petersburg, &c., &c., President. 
 
 Vich-Admiral Sir CHARLES MALCOLM, Knt. 
 The EARL OF ELLESMERE. 
 
 1 
 
 f 
 
 Vice-Presidents. 
 
 Rear-Admiral Sir FRANCIS BEAUFORT, K.C.B. 
 
 CHARLES T. BEKE, Esq., Phil. D., F.S.A. 
 
 Captain C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, R.N., C.B. 
 The LORD ALFRED S. CHURCHILL. 
 
 WILLIAM DESBOROUGH COOLEY, Esq 
 BOLTON CORNEY, Esq., M.R.S.L. 
 
 The Right Rev. LORD BISHOP OF ST. DAVID'S. 
 Sir HENRY ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S. 
 
 JOHN FORSTER, Esq. 
 
 R. W. GREY, Esq., M.P. 
 
 THOMAS HODGKIN, Esq., M.D. 
 
 JOHN HOLMES, Esq. 
 
 JOHN WINTER JONES, Esq. 
 
 P. LEVESQUE, Esq. 
 
 THOMAS RUNDALL, Esq. 
 
 The Right Hon. the LORD ADVOCATE OF SCOTLAND. 
 The Hon. HENRY E. J. STANLEY. 
 
 R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.R.G.S., Honorary Secretary. 
 

 
 
 ' 
 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 * 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
MEMORIALS 
 
 # 
 
 OF THE 
 
 EMPIRE 
 
 OF JAPON: 
 
 •mo? 
 
 IN THE XVT AND XVII CENTURIES. 
 
 EDITED, WITH NOTES, BY 
 
 THOMAS RUNDALL. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. 
 
 M.DCCC.L. 
 
LONDON: 
 
 RICHARDS, 10i>, ST. MARTIN’S LANK. 
 
EDITOR’S PREFACE. 
 
 The present collective volume has been produced by 
 the joint labours of three different persons, and hence, 
 in a great measure, has arisen the delay which has 
 taken place in its completion. In the first instance, 
 the translation of the interesting manuscript of Niki¬ 
 tin, procured for the Society from Moscow, through 
 the instrumentality of our president, Sir Roderick 
 I. Murchison, was undertaken by the late estimable 
 Count Wielhorsky, Secretary of the Russian Lega¬ 
 tion at the Court of St. James’s, and by great good 
 fortune was completed by him before his recall. The 
 smallness of this document made it unfit to form a 
 separate work ; and it was thought that by bringing 
 together a collection of voyages in the same century, 
 previously untranslated into English, an interesting 
 volume might be formed. Mr. Winter Jones, the 
 
 184675 
 
 a 
 
ii editor’s preface. 
 
 present Keeper of the Printed Books in the British 
 Museum, was requested to edit such a volume, which 
 he obligingly undertook to do, though with much 
 hesitation, in consequence of the increasing pressure 
 of his important duties in the Museum. After trans¬ 
 lating and annotating the voyage of Nicolo de’ Conti 
 and seeing it through the press, he felt compelled by 
 the claims of his present responsible position to give 
 up a task which he would otherwise gladly have 
 completed, but which he could not continue with 
 justice to the members of the Society or to himself. 
 In the spring of the present year, the Honorary 
 Secretary of the Society volunteered to complete what 
 Mr. Jones had left undone, a task which, although 
 laborious, has been performed under the advantage 
 of not having in any way to interfere with the 
 labours of his predecessor. 
 
 While thus called upon to refer to the contribu¬ 
 tors to this volume, the editor cannot deny himself 
 the satisfaction of recording in this place the fol¬ 
 lowing exalted testimony to the generous conduct of 
 his lamented friend, Count Wielhorsky, after his 
 return to Russia. The following autograph letter 
 
editor’s preface. iii 
 
 from tlie present Empress of Russia to the Count’s 
 father, the Count Michel Wielhorsky, was published 
 in the Journal de St. Peter sbourg of the 3rd January, 
 1856, and its translation into English appeared in 
 The Times of the 12th of the same month. 
 
 “ Count Michel Yourievitch,—Appreciating the generous senti¬ 
 ment which led your son to express the desire to go to the aid of 
 the suffering among our brave soldiers wounded in the army of the 
 Crimea, I intrusted to him, in this sacred work, the accomplishment 
 of my views and intentions. 
 
 “ Count Wielhorski Matuschkine completely justified my choice 
 and my confidence, by wise measures and indefatigable activity, 
 which were joined, in the midst of incessant labours, to his 
 feelings of humanity and ardent zeal. Thousands of wounded 
 men, thousands of mourning families have blessed, and still bless, 
 the attentions, so full of humanity and Christian sentiment, which 
 your son lavished upon them. It gave me pleasure to think that, 
 on his return to St. Petersburg, I should have the heartfelt joy of 
 expressing to him my sincere gratitude for his arduous labours, 
 and for having so well divined my wishes and carried them out 
 with so much success. He had already worthily received a testi¬ 
 mony of the high satisfaction of His Majesty the Emperor, at the 
 period of his visit to the Crimea. 
 
 “ The Most High has otherwise ordained. It is with keen sorrow 
 that I have learned the premature and unexpected death of your 
 son. I appreciate the extent of your grief, and I am unable to 
 express the interest and sympathy with which it inspires me. One 
 consolation remains to your sorrow—it is the secret thought that 
 your son, in his short career, has known how to distinguish him¬ 
 self by a useful activity in the performance of his professional 
 duties, and that Divine Grace has granted him an end that every 
 Christian may envy. 
 
 “ Deprived of the satisfaction of expressing my thankfulness to 
 
IV 
 
 editor’s preface. 
 
 your son himself, it is in his name and in remembrance of him that 
 I address myself to you. It was in the paternal house and in the 
 example of the family that he imbibed the principles which formed 
 the rule of his life, and which, after his death, will assure to his 
 memory an imperishable fame. 
 
 “ I remain, ever yours, very affectionately, 
 
 “ St. Petersburg, Dec. 26, 1855.” 
 
 “ Marie.” 
 
 To those who knew Count Wielhorsky in Eng¬ 
 land the noble conduct thus feelingly appreciated 
 by the Empress will occasion no surprise ; while, by 
 those who did not, it is hoped that this testimony to 
 the worth of one, now gone, who obligingly rendered 
 his best services to our Society, will not be deemed 
 superfluous. 
 
 R. H. M. 
 
MEMORIALS OF JAPON. 
 
 PREFATORY REMARKS. 
 
Mortalitatis incommoda, famem, sitim, aestum, algorem, vigilias, 
 
 LABORESQUE ADMIRABILI PATIENTIA TOLERANT.MULTA INSUPER 
 
 VARII8 LOCIS GYMNASIA, QUAS AcADEMIAS DICIMUS . . . . In VNIUERSUM, 
 ACUTA, SAGAX, AC BENE A NATURA INFORMATA GES EST : IUDICIO, DOCILI- 
 TATE, MEMORIA. PAUPERTAS DEDECORI AUT PROBRO EST NULLI. MALE- 
 DICTA, FURTA, IMPIAM TEMERE IURANDI CONSUETUDINEM, ALEAE GENUS 
 OMNE AUERSANTUR. 
 
 Ortelius, 1595. ( Japon . Ins. Descript.) 
 
 United and peaceable, taught to give due worship to the Gods, 
 
 DUE OBEDIENCE TO THE LAWS, DUE SUBMISSION TO THEIR SUPERIORS, DUE 
 LOVE AND REGARD TO THEIR NEIGHBOURS, CIVIL, OBLIGING, VIRTUOUS ; IN 
 ART AND INDUSTRY EXCELLING ALL OTHER NATIONS ; POSSESS’D OF AN 
 EXCELLENT COUNTRY, ENRICH’D BY MUTUAL TRADE AND COMMERCE AMONG 
 THEMSELVES ; COURAGIOUS, ABUNDANTLY SUPPLIED WITH ALL THE NECES¬ 
 SARIES OF LIFE ; AND WITHAL, ENJOYING THE FRUITS OF PEACE AND 
 TRANQUILLITY. 
 
 KiEMPFER, 1692. {Hist, of Japon.) 
 
 The GENTLEMEN OF JAPON WERE MOST POLITE AND COURTEOUS, CON¬ 
 DUCTING THEMSELVES WITn REFINED AND POLISHED URBANITY ; AND 
 EXHIBITING IN THEIR ACTIONS A DIGNIFIED AND RESPECTFUL DEMEANOUR, 
 THAT PUT TO SHAME THE ILL-BREEDING OF THE SEAMEN WHO VENTURED 
 TO LAUGH AT THEM. 
 
 Voy. of Il.M.S. Samarang, 1845. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 d’.KAKY 
 
 Of TH£ 
 
 UttlYtRSHTY of ILLINOIS 
 
 
PREFATORY REMARKS. 
 
 Comparing obvious circumstances with the facts ad¬ 
 duced in this volume, the reader, who may not have 
 had the means of investigating the subject, will become 
 aware, probably with feelings of some surprise, that a 
 remarkable change has taken place in the character of 
 the relations which formerly subsisted, and in the cha¬ 
 racter of the relations which now subsist, between the 
 empire of Japon and the states of the Western-hemis¬ 
 phere. 
 
 In the early intercourse which existed between the 
 empire and the states of the west, the government of 
 Japon is exhibited in a most favourable light. It was 
 distinguished, at that period, by high-bred courtesy: 
 combined with refined liberality in principle, and gene¬ 
 rous hospitality in practice. Without any reservation 
 in regard to circumstances, rank, calling, or nation, the 
 hand of good-fellowship was, then, cordially extended 
 to the stranger. In the instance of a Governor of the 
 Phillipines, although ship-wrecked and destitute, the 
 claims of rank were admitted. He was received with 
 the honours due to a prince: while he sojourned in 
 the land, similar honours were paid him; and to facili- 
 
 b 
 
IV 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 tate his departure, he was furnished with all the means 
 generosity could dictate. 1 The lowly-born William 
 Adams, when cast in wretchedness on the shores of 
 Japon, was not, indeed, received as a prince: yet this 
 man, commencing life in the capacity of u apprentice 
 to Master Nicolas Diggines, of Limehouse”, even¬ 
 tually attained rank, and acquired possessions in the 
 empire equal to those of a prince. With no claims 
 to consideration but talent and good conduct, he 
 became the esteemed councillor of the sagacious and 
 powerful monarch by whom the land that had afforded 
 him shelter was ruled. In the course of his career, 
 this man of humble origin appears as the negotiator 
 between the sovereign of his native country and the 
 foreign sovereign by whom he was patronized; and 
 in that capacity securing for his countrymen impor¬ 
 tant advantages and privileges. Merchants, for a 
 century, found a free and open market for their 
 wares. They realized enormous profits, if cent, per 
 cent, may be so deemed; and, if reliance may be placed 
 on the imperfect materials that exist for forming an 
 estimate, they were enabled to enrich their native 
 lands with stores of the precious metals to an incalcu¬ 
 lable amount of value. 2 Missionaries, from their ad¬ 
 vent, were allowed to commence a career of prose- 
 lyteism; and they pursued it with zeal and success. 
 
 1 See Summary of the Narrative of Don Rodrigo de Vivero y 
 Velasco in the Appendix : also the Letters of William Adams, 
 passim. 
 
 2 A statement which, however, must be viewed as an approxi¬ 
 mation only, of the exports of the precious metals from the empire 
 during certain periods, will be found appended to Note A A. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 V 
 
 Assuming their statements to be correct, they made 
 nearly two millions of converts in little more than a 
 quarter of a century. With the unqualified concur¬ 
 rence of the authorities, they erected in several of the 
 principal cities of the empire, edifices for the celebra¬ 
 tion of Divine-worship, according to the ritual of the 
 Romish church: while, with the sanction of the autho¬ 
 rities also, numerous institutions for the instruction of 
 their neophytes were established. But this spirit of 
 toleration has not been confined to the Romish faith. 
 Some centuries since, the doctrines of Boodh were 
 introduced into Japon. From the date of their intro¬ 
 duction to the present time, they have been freely 
 disseminated: so that now, the votaries of the sect far 
 out-number the followers of the Sinto , or national 
 creed. Besides the Boodhists, there are thirty-four 
 sects, who, as regards the state, indulge their respective 
 opinions without restraint; and who, in respect to 
 each other, live in peace and love. 1 William Adams, 
 
 1 In emoluments and dignity, all sects in Japon are on an 
 equality. On these points, causes for dissension do not arise. 
 Doctrinal differences have occasionally excited fierce disputes : 
 which, on two occasions, have been summarily decided by the 
 reigning emperors. In 1580, contention ran so high between 
 the Xodoxins and the Foquexus , that despairing of being able 
 to settle the difference without intervention, they appealed to 
 Nobunanga. That emperor agreed to accept the office of arbi¬ 
 trator ; but only on condition that the leaders of the vanquished 
 party should submit to be put to death. The condition was 
 accepted, and at the appointed time the disputants proceeded to 
 discuss their differences. In the sequel, the Foquexus orators, with 
 more candour than is usually displayed by controversialists, ad¬ 
 mitted they were unable to answer the arguments of their adver¬ 
 saries. They were immediately stripped and scourged, compelled 
 
VI 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 although a Christian, retained to the day of his death 
 his influence with the emperor. Saris, too, was well 
 received. Neither the members of the English or of 
 the Dutch factory, nor the lay-members of the Romish 
 church, were subjected to any inconvenience on 
 account of their creed, even when the Romish ecclesi¬ 
 astics and the native converts were under the ban of 
 the state. In regard to the people of different nations 
 of Europe, the government of Japon, at that period, 
 exhibited more liberality than the nations of Europe 
 exhibited towards each other. How the Spaniards 
 and Portuguese conducted themselves in respect to 
 William Adams and his unfortunate comrades, is fully 
 set forth in his correspondence, together with the 
 remarkable contrast afforded by the proceedings of 
 the Emperor, Ogosho Sama. 1 In the first instance, 
 they also vigorously opposed the settlement of the 
 Dutch in Japon. When that could not be prevented, 
 
 to sign an acknowledgment of their defeat with their blood ; and 
 having done so, were decapitated. Heavy fines and banishment 
 were inflicted on the residue of the defeated schismatics. A similar 
 occurrence took place in 1609, on which occasion Ogosho Sama 
 acted as arbitrator. The fact is, the Japonese government appears 
 to have exhibited a stoical indifference to mere matters of doctrine, 
 so long as they did not interfere with the tranquillity of the state. 
 When the Bonzes were desirous that the Romish faith should be 
 suppressed in Japon, the emperor, Nobunanga, is reported to have 
 inquired, “ How many sects may there be in Japon ?” The answer 
 was, “ Thirty-five.” “ Well,” said the emperor, “ where thirty- 
 five sects can be tolerated, we can easily bear with thirty-six ; 
 leave the strangers in peace.” (Appendix, p. 184.) 
 
 1 Minna-Motto-no-yei-yeas; or, Iejas; or, Gonyin Sama; the em¬ 
 peror by whom the privileges were granted to the English, 
 a.d. 1613. See Note Y. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Vll 
 
 no means were left untried by them to effect the expul¬ 
 sion of the new comers from the empire. The plea 
 urged, was, that the Dutch were refractory subjects of 
 Spain, and that it ill-became the emperor to treat with 
 favour rebels to the authority of his Catholic majesty, 
 with whom he professed to maintain relations of amity. 
 These efforts invariably failed. The answer Ogosho 
 Sama constantly gave, was: that he denied the right of 
 any power to dictate the policy he should pursue in re¬ 
 gard to strangers visiting his dominions: that he did 
 not consider it was necessary to mix himself up, in any 
 degree, with feuds existing among the states of Europe: 
 that all he cared for was the tranquillity of the country 
 and the welfare of his people; and that so long as 
 strangers paid obedience to the laws, and by their fair 
 and honourable dealings promoted the convenience 
 and enjoyment of his subjects, it mattered not to him 
 to what nation they belonged, or to what power in 
 the west they were nominally subject. On the last 
 occasion, when a joint memorial was presented on the 
 subject by the Spaniards and Portuguese, the monarch 
 seems to have lost all patience, and he drove the 
 remonstrants ignominiously from his presence: vehe¬ 
 mently declaring, that if “ devils from hell” were to 
 visit his realm, they should be treated like “ angels 
 from heaven”, so long as they conducted themselves 
 conformably with the principles he had laid down. 
 This sovereign carried his sentiments, or rather his 
 practice of justice, even further. The Spaniards, at 
 one time requiring men for an expedition that was 
 being fitted out in Nova Spania against the Dutch, 
 
Vlll 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 preferred a request, that the subjects of his Catholic 
 majesty might be sent out of the empire forthwith, as 
 they had not the permission of their liege to reside 
 there. “ Nay,” said the emperor peremptorily, u Japon 
 is an asylum for people of all nations. No man who 
 hath taken refuge in my dominions, and conducts 
 himself peaceably, shall be compelled, against his will, 
 to abandon the empire; but if his will be to quit, he 
 is welcome to depart .” 1 
 
 Unhappily, this desirable state of affairs has ceased 
 to exist. Since the middle of the seventeenth cen¬ 
 tury, exclusiveness is an element in the polity of the 
 empire that has been obtruded on observation. The 
 government of Japon is now regarded as little, if 
 in any degree, removed from barbarism. It is viewed 
 as mean, selfish, and arbitrary: as acting ungene¬ 
 rously towards the foreigner, by depriving him of the 
 just reward of commercial enterprize; and as inflict¬ 
 ing injustice on the native, by depriving him of com¬ 
 modities with which the foreigner, if he were permit¬ 
 ted, would willingly supply him. By one section of the 
 public in the Western-hemisphere, it is thought that 
 coercive measures may justifiably be applied against 
 a government of the character ascribed to that of 
 Japon. Another section, not advocating absolute hos¬ 
 tilities, is of opinion, that “ Justice to them [of Japon] 
 
 1 See the account of the proceedings of the Spanish and Portu¬ 
 guese in relation to the Dutch in Charlevoix {Hist, du Japon , 
 t. iii. ed. 1754). As this author derived his information from the 
 works of the missionaries, his representations may be considered 
 to be authentic. It is remarked the English were too insignificant 
 to excite apprehension , and therefore were not meddled with. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 IX 
 
 and the good, of mankind\ may imperiously demand 
 the interference of civilized nations”; or, that the 
 treatment experienced by strangers attempting to 
 visit the empire, u may call for explanations which 
 may end in opening a door long and obstinately 
 closed to the Merchant and the Missionary .” 1 Ad¬ 
 verting to the profession of the parties by whom these 
 opinions are promulgated, it must be presumed they 
 are dictated by feelings of the purest benevolence, and 
 with the best intentions; but doubts may be enter¬ 
 tained, whether the means suggested are really calcu¬ 
 lated to promote the objects in view. The right of 
 u interference” may be denied: the character of the 
 u explanations” demanded, may be misunderstood: 
 feelings of exasperation may ensue on both sides; and 
 consequences may result as little calculated to exalt 
 the character of Christianity, as to promote the inte¬ 
 rests of commerce . 2 
 
 1 See “ Journal of an expedition from Sincapore to Japan," etc. 
 “ By P. Parker, M.D., medical missionary from the American mis¬ 
 sionary board” (page 72) ; and the preliminary “Notice," by “ the 
 Rev. Andrew Reed, Z).D.” London, 1838. 
 
 2 The sentiments of the Jesuit author, Charlevoix , who confines 
 his views entirely to the religious part of the question, are as follow : 
 “ Dieu seul, dont les secrets sont impenetrates, mais dont les 
 misericordes sont infinies, sgait, si une Terre cultivee avec tant de 
 fatigues, qui a produit tant de Saints et tant de Heros, que tant 
 d’Hommes Apostoliques ont arrosee de leurs sueurs, et tant de 
 Martyrs de leur sang, ne recouvrera point un jour sa premiere 
 fecondite : Si la voix de ces genereux Confesseurs, qui demandent 
 a Dieu, non la vengeance, mais le fruit de leur pr^cieuse mort, ne 
 touchera point le coeur du Souverain Pasteur des Ames ; et si les 
 vceux de tant de fervents Missionaires, qui ne souhaitent rien tant 
 au monde, que de se consacrer au salut d’un Peuple si propre au 
 
X 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 The system of exclusion in respect to missionaries 
 and merchants, which has occasioned opprobrium to 
 be cast on the government of Japon, was evidently 
 not inherent in the constitution of the state, but must 
 be attributed to extrinsic circumstances. It remains 
 then to be ascertained: of what character were the pro¬ 
 ceedings of foreigners in connexion with the empire? 
 As brief a review of them as possible will therefore 
 be presented. 
 
 The Portuguese first visited in the empire about the 
 year 1542; and the arrival of the Spaniards maybe 
 dated a little later. The first indication of any misun¬ 
 derstanding between the government and the Euro¬ 
 peans resident in the empire appears in 1587. In that 
 year, Taico Sama,the reigning emperor, despatched two 
 imperial commissioners, in rapid succession, to Father 
 Cuello , the vice-provincial of the Portuguese, to de¬ 
 mand : 1°. Why he and his associates forced their creed 
 on the subjects of the empire? 2°. Why they incited 
 their disciples to destroy the national temples? 3°. 
 Why they persecuted the bonzes [native priests] ? 
 4°. Why they, and the rest of their nation, used for 
 food animals useful to man, such as oxen and 
 
 Royaume de Dieu, ne seront point enfin favorablement ecoutes.” 
 (Tentative de M. l’Abbe Sidotti, Ecclesiastique Sicilien, pour s’in- 
 troduire au Japon l’an 1702. Hist, du Japon , t. vi. p. 59, 
 edn. 1754.) It has been well observed : “ The Christian dispen¬ 
 sation was given to the human race, when the whole world was 
 at peace, and when, consequently, all mankind were best fitted to 
 receive the laws ordained by the God of peace, of justice, and of 
 mercy.” (Academical Questions; by the Right Hon. William 
 Drumond. Lond. 1805.) 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 XI 
 
 cows? 1 Finally, why they permitted the merchants of 
 their nation to traffic in his subjects, and carry them 
 away as slaves to the Indies? To these demands, the 
 vice-provincial replied, in substance : that no force was 
 used in the conversion of the people but the force of 
 reason : that if, under the influence of holy zeal, 
 their disciples destroyed the temples of the false gods 
 of the country, the missionaries were not account¬ 
 able : that the bonzes were only persecuted by having 
 the absurdities they taught exposed : that the use, 
 for food, of the flesh of oxen and cows was not an 
 intentional offence, but an error committed in igno¬ 
 rance, which, being disapproved, would not be repeated. 
 On the last point it was observed : the traders acted 
 in opposition to the wishes of the missionaries; but his 
 majesty might prevent the traffic in human flesh by 
 issuing his commands prohibiting the system, and by 
 enforcing proper regulations at the different ports in 
 the empire. 2 It will be perceived, the vice-provincial 
 did not deny the fact of the destruction of the national 
 temples by the converts. He is content with denying 
 the complicity of the missionaries ; and how far, being 
 considered the effects of holy zeal , the excesses were 
 viewed with aversion by those who may be regarded 
 as having excited the ardent feeling, is not indi¬ 
 cated. The denial of the charge relating to the 
 persecution of the bonzes cannot be characterized 
 in polite terms. In many parts of the empire, the 
 
 1 See Note M : for the reasons which render the Japonese 
 averse to the use of the flesh of oxen and cows for food. 
 
 3 Charlevoix , Hist, du Japon , t. iii. p. 249. 
 
Xil PREFACE. 
 
 bonzes had been persecuted : their dwellings having 
 been razed to the ground; and the extent of the evil 
 may be comprehended, in connexion with the fact 
 of the bonzes living together in communities, and in 
 buildings similar in construction to the monasteries 
 of Catholic lands . 1 How ignorance, after so long a 
 
 1 In an eulogy on Francois Civan, king of Bungo, who died 
 about 1587, it is remarked : “ On peut juger de son zele pour le 
 salut des ames, par ce que disoient les missionaires, qui l’avoient 
 le plus pratique, a s^avoir. . . . par le nombre des Temples et des 
 Maisons de Bonzes quil renversa, et que quelques-uns font monter a 
 trois mille." (Charlevoix , Hist, du Japon , t. iii. p. 234.) The sub¬ 
 ject is further elucidated by an address made by one of the 
 ministers of the state, to the emperor, Taico Sama ; and which is 
 interesting for the acuteness it displays in other respects. The 
 functionary in question is reported to have addressed his sovereign 
 in these terms:—“ My Liege \ Be wary of these Christians. 
 Mistrust, my Liege, the union that exists among them, and the 
 blind obedience they render to their leaders. Are not the members 
 of this sect dispersed throughout the whole extent of the Empire ? 
 Do they not number among them kings and princes, with the 
 bravest and most skilful of our generals, and the most exalted of 
 our nobility ? If need be, cannot they bring into the field at least 
 an hundred thousand men at arms ? Bethink thee what destruc¬ 
 tion there hath been of our temples and holy establishments, so 
 that our provinces seem as if they had been laid waste by fire and 
 sword. Hath not Uncon Dono, that valiant leader, alone destroyed 
 more than the piety of our rulers created in the space of ages ? . . . 
 These bonzes \_priests~\ from Europe proclaim they have come from 
 a mighty distance to enlighten us in spiritual matters, and to save 
 
 i 
 
 us from perdition. A brave purpose, of a verity, if the pretence be 
 true ! But may not some dangerous project lurk beneath this fair 
 seeming ? Hath it escaped thy remembrance, my Liege, how that 
 arch-traitor the bonze of Osacca did comport himself? He, as 
 these bonzes from Europe do, promulgated a new law. He drew 
 about him a multitude of the common sort, of whom he made stout 
 soldiers. He promised his followers they should become the inhe- 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Xlll 
 
 residence in the country, in regard to the prejudice, 
 it may be, entertained by the people of the country 
 against using the flesh of oxen and cows for food, 
 could be sincerely urged, cannot be readily conceived. 
 That it should have required a special enactment, as 
 intimated by the vice-provincial, to prevent the traders 
 from trafficking in their fellow-beings, does not exhibit 
 the humanity of those parties in a favourable light: 
 while, if really earnest in decrying the system, it de¬ 
 monstrates how inefficient the influence of the mis¬ 
 sionaries was, when directed to a good end, in opposi¬ 
 tion to mercenary propensities. As may be supposed, 
 the answers submitted by the vice-provincial to these 
 demands, did not prove satisfactory to the emperor. 
 An imperial edict was issued. In this document, the 
 European priests were commanded to quit the empire 
 
 ritors of a paradise, far exceeding in delights that promised by our 
 holy Camis. Fie so inflamed their minds, that, as thou art aware, 
 there was no peril they would not affront to secure the felicity with 
 which he excited their imaginations. Did he not, when he had 
 gained absolute power over their wills, proclaim himself king ? 
 Aye, and emperor, too, he would have been, but for the efforts of 
 the mighty Nobounanga, aided by the prowess of thy arm. Yet, 
 how difficult it was to quell this rebellious bonze thou dost well 
 know. May it be, that these European bonzes are less ambitious 
 than the traitorous bonze of our own land ? Art thou ignorant how 
 bold a front these people do maintain ? At Nangasaki, do they 
 not hold a strong fortress, well plenished with the engines and the 
 munitions of war ? Is not Nangasaki an harbourage to which 
 succours of men and munitions may freely come from abroad ? 
 Possess they not the means of intelligence among themselves, from 
 one extremity of the kingdom to the other ? My Liege ! would 
 you consult the safety of the state, not a moment is to be lost.” 
 (Hist, du Japon, t. iii. pp. 243-4!.) 
 
XIV 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 forthwith, and sentence of perpetual exclusion was 
 pronounced against them; but this part of the edict 
 remained a dead letter. All crosses and churches 
 were, also, ordered to be razed; but there is no evi¬ 
 dence of the order having been carried into effect: the 
 presumption is to the contrary. It was further de¬ 
 clared, that no distinctive marks of Christianity should 
 in future be borne. All converts to the Christian 
 faith were threatened with death and exile if they did 
 not abandon the new creed: u menace”, it is observed 
 by Charlevoix, u qu’il n’effectua pourtant jamais.” 
 The missionaries were allowed twenty days to enable 
 them to retire to Firando, preparatory to their final 
 departure from the empire, during which period, it 
 was declared, their persons would be safe; but should 
 they be found in the empire after that time, they 
 would render themselves liable to decapitation. They 
 did not depart, and were not subjected to the threat¬ 
 ened penalty. In fact, terrible as this edict was in 
 denunciations, no practical evils resulted from its pro¬ 
 mulgation. The only part of it to which effect was 
 given, was a liberal and just discrimination relating to 
 the traders. Those parties were informed, that not 
 being implicated in the disorders charged against the 
 ecclesiastics, they were at liberty to remain in the 
 empire, and to pursue their usual avocations: being at 
 the same time admonished not to converse with the 
 people of the state on religious topics, and also to be 
 on their guard against conniving at the introduction 
 of priests. 1 
 
 1 Hist, du Jajion, t. iii. p. 251. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 XV 
 
 To the excesses of the converts may be ascribed 
 the first invasion of the system of tolerance, that 
 had prevailed for nearly half a century. To their 
 acts may be attributed the introduction of doubt and 
 suspicion into the minds of the government, and the 
 origin of those rancorous feelings that were subse¬ 
 quently displayed. Whether the result of holy zeal , 
 or of fanatical intemperance, these excesses are to 
 be reprehended; and there is no evidence to shew why 
 the missionaries should be exempted from the censure. 
 If the missionaries did not incite, there is no proof of 
 their having endeavoured to restrain their disciples. 
 If they did endeavour to restrain their disciples, it 
 only shews, that though they possessed sufficient influ¬ 
 ence to lead parties out of the ways of religious error, 
 they could not prevent them from, also, abandoning 
 the paths of political rectitude. 
 
 The forbearance in deeds, though not in stern 
 words, of Taico Sama, did not produce the beneficial 
 effects that might have been contemplated. Fresh 
 disorders of an aggravated character occurred, and 
 some examples were made, against which the vice¬ 
 roy of Goa remonstrated. In reply to that func¬ 
 tionary, in a letter addressed to him in the year 1592, 
 Taico Sama observed: “ Japon is the kingdom of the 
 holy Camis , proceeding from Dsin , the first principle 
 and prime source of all things. The law of the empire 
 was promulgated by the Camis themselves. The end 
 for which the law was promulgated was good govern¬ 
 ment. Good government cannot be maintained unless 
 the law be strictly observed. If the law be not strictly 
 
XVI 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 observed, those bonds of obedience will be rent asun¬ 
 der, that should be binding between sovereign and 
 subject, husband and wife, parent and child, prince 
 and vassal, master and servant. In a word, the strict 
 observance of the law is essential, not only for the 
 maintenance of tranquillity within the realm, but to 
 secure respect from without. The law promulgated 
 by the Camis is wisely framed : too wisely framed to 
 be lightly cast aside. The adoption of a new law 
 would only tend to produce confusion in the state. 
 Now, the fathers, those denominated of the Company 
 [of Jesus], have come into these parts to bring in a 
 new law, and with it they have introduced confusion 
 into the state. Therefore have I issued my imperial 
 edict, commanding them to cease from teaching the 
 new law; and my will is, they avoid the empire pre¬ 
 sently.” 1 Active hostility to the state still marked 
 the conduct of the converts to the “ new law”, and 
 further examples were made. At length, in 1597, the 
 governor of the Phillipines despatched an envoy to 
 Taico Sama, to confer with him on the subject. In 
 conversation with the envoy, the emperor justified the 
 proceedings he had adopted with regard to the fathers, 
 on these grounds: that the priests from Europe had 
 traversed the country accompanied by large bands of 
 disorderly persons, to the destruction of peace and 
 good order, and in violation of the law: that they had 
 endeavoured to seduce his subjects from their allegi¬ 
 ance ; and that they made no secret of their design to 
 effect the conquest of the country, as had been the case 
 
 1 Hist, du Japon. Furchas. 
 
PREFACE. XVII 
 
 in the Phillipines. The emperor then made the fol¬ 
 lowing pertinent observations : “ Conceive yourself 
 in my position, the ruler of a great empire; and sup¬ 
 pose certain of my subjects should find their way into 
 your possessions, on the pretence of teaching the doc¬ 
 trines of Dsin. If you should discover their assumed 
 zeal in the cause of religion to be a mere mask for 
 ambitious projects : that their real object was to make 
 themselves masters of your dominions, would you not 
 treat them as traitors to the state? I hold the Fathers 
 to be traitors to my state; and as such I do treat them.” 
 He concluded by expressing his willingness to afford 
 every facility in his power to the operations of the 
 merchants, and voluntarily conceded to the Spaniards 
 the right of punishing such of his subjects visiting 
 Nova Spania, as might bring themselves under the 
 censure of the law. 1 
 
 Thus matters continued till the death of Taico 
 Sama, who, throughout his career as emperor, exhi¬ 
 bited a degree of moderation that has been ill requited. 2 
 Soon after Ogosho Sama, the successor of Taico Sama, 
 became emperor, it is said, “ some Franciscan friars, 
 whom the governour of the Manillas in the Phillipine 
 islands had sent up as his ambassadors to the emperor, 
 did, during the whole time of their abode in the country, 
 preach openly in the public streets of Miaco, where 
 they resided; and where, of their own accord, and 
 contrary to the imperial commands, they did build a 
 
 1 Hist, du Japan , t. iv. p. 104. 
 
 2 See the conclusion of Note W, career of Faxiba, or Taico 
 Sama. 
 
xvm 
 
 PREFACE, 
 
 church.” 1 This proceeding, justly characterized as 
 “ untimely and imprudent”, led to fatal consequences. 
 The priests were ordered to quit the empire without 
 delay. The command was disobeyed. Assuming 
 various disguises, the majority of the ecclesiastics 
 spread themselves abroad in all directions, their pro¬ 
 fessed object being “to gather up the fold of Christ”. 
 What measures the priests adopted to carry out their 
 professed object, are not apparent; but, simultane¬ 
 ously with their dispersion, numerous and extensive 
 revolts on the part of the Christian converts broke out. 
 Then ensued a persecution, on the part of the state, 
 of the direst description, which has not been surpassed 
 in atrocity by any persecution in any age or clime. 
 In this deplorable state, with occasional intermissions, 
 affairs continued till the year 1637, and then the end 
 arrived. At that period the Dutch laid before the 
 Japonese authorities a correspondence, alleged to have 
 been carried on with Portugal, purporting to invite the 
 European power to send forces for the conquest of the 
 empire, on pretence of aiding the native Christians : 
 which was confirmed, it is alleged, by a subsequent dis¬ 
 covery. The consequence was, all the European resi¬ 
 dents in the empire, with the exception of the Dutch, 
 were expelled : a price was set on Christians generally, 
 on priests particularly: the promulgation of the Chris¬ 
 tian doctrine was prohibited; and all natives were 
 forbidden from proceeding beyond the limits of the 
 country, or, if they quitted the country, they were 
 prohibited from returning, on pain of death. To use 
 
 1 Kamjifer, vol. i. p. 316. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 XIX 
 
 the homely but expressive phrase of Kaempfer, “ Japon 
 was shut up.” 1 
 
 In corroboration of the views entertained by the 
 government of Japon, of the proceedings of the Portu¬ 
 guese and Spaniards, the representations of the resi¬ 
 dents of other European nations in the empire may 
 be cited. In the correspondence of William Adams 
 evidence is to be found of the insubordinate conduct 
 of the native Christians, and traces are not wanting 
 of the agency of the priests in the tumults he records. 
 In his diary, Captain Cock constantly refers to the 
 disorders arising in the state through the intriguing 
 spirit, and the insolent disregard of the laws, evinced 
 by the latter. He represents them, further, as being 
 demoralized and avaricious: as men who did not scruple 
 to make their holy calling subservient to their worldly 
 interests, by the keen pursuit of traffic. Kaempfer also 
 distinctly alludes to the ambitious interference of the 
 priests with the rights of the state ; and, entering on 
 the conduct of the European residents generally, he 
 makes the following remarks: “Now as to the fall of 
 the Portuguese, I heard it often affirmed by people of 
 good credit among the Japonese themselves, that pride 
 and covetousness (in the first place, pride among the 
 great ones, and covetousness in people of less note) 
 contributed very much to render the whole nation 
 odious. Even the new-converted Christians were 
 
 1 The details will be found in Kampfer, vol. i. p. 317-18. It 
 may be observed that the expulsion of the Spaniards and Portu¬ 
 guese from Japon was preceded by the banishment of the Japonese 
 from Nova Spauia. 
 
 d 
 
XX 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 astonished, and grew impatient, when they saw that 
 their spiritual fathers aimed not only at the salvation 
 of their souls, but had an eye also to their money and 
 lands; and that the merchants disposed of their goods 
 in a most usurious and unreasonable manner. 1 The 
 growing riches, and the unexpected success in the 
 propagation of the Gospel, puffed up both laity and 
 clergy. Those who were at the head of the clergy 
 thought it beneath their dignity to walk on foot any 
 longer, in imitation of Christ and his apostles. No¬ 
 thing would serve them but they must be carried 
 about in stately chairs, mimicking the pomp of the 
 pope and cardinals at Rome. They not only put 
 themselves on an equal footing with the greatest men 
 of the empire, but, swelled with ecclesiastical pride, 
 they fancied that a superior rank was nothing but 
 their due.” 2 
 
 The authors that have been cited were Protestants, 
 and their testimony may be viewed with suspicion: 
 it may be thought to have been given under the influ¬ 
 ence of religious prejudice. The representations of 
 the sovereigns of Japon may be considered as ex 
 parte; and, in that respect, liable to objection. No 
 suspicion, however, can attach to the evidence of 
 Charlevoix, the Jesuit historian of the empire, and of 
 the Romish Church in the empire. His evidence 
 does not tend to the exculpation of the Europeans. 
 
 1 So early as 1587, Charlevoix notices the lively alarm that the 
 scandalous life led by many of the Portuguese residents in Japon 
 occasioned the Fathers. {Hist, du Japon, t. iii. p. 237.) 
 
 2 History of Japan, vol. i. p. 314. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 XXI 
 
 To the emperors, this writer awards the merit of being 
 men “ naturellement pleins d'e quite et de moderation”: 
 into whose minds, by the combination of powerful 
 causes, mistrust and suspicion were introduced: by 
 which was engendered an access of fury that excited 
 astonishment throughout the world. These causes, he 
 says, were: the commercial jealousy existing between 
 the Portuguese and Spaniards, and the arts to which 
 each had recourse to supplant the other: various scan¬ 
 dalous proceedings, and gross indiscretions on the part 
 of the Castilians; and the calumnies of the Dutch, 
 which, to use his words, U d'un meme coup ren- 
 versaient le commerce des Catholiques , et la Chris- 
 tianisme au Japon” The representations of Kaempfer, 
 Charlevoix affirms to be exaggerations: yet he admits 
 the conduct of the missionaries was not invariably 
 discreet or prudent, but occasionally liable to miscon¬ 
 struction. He acknowledges the Christian converts 
 were prone to rebellion; but endeavours to palliate 
 their conduct, on the plea, that the sovereigns against 
 whom they revolted were usurpers. The correctness 
 of this description of these emperors is open to doubt; 
 but, admitting it to be correct, the author does not 
 adduce any reasons to shew why the Christian con¬ 
 verts should have felt themselves specially aggrieved 
 by submission to an authority, that was willingly 
 acknowledged and obeyed by the unconverted portion 
 of the nation, including an overwhelming majority of 
 the population. The genuineness of the correspond¬ 
 ence that led to the expulsion of the Portuguese and 
 Spaniards, the jesuit author indignantly denies. He 
 
XXII 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 emphatically declares the letters produced by the 
 Dutch to have been gross forgeries, committed by 
 them purposely to effect the ruin of their commercial 
 rivals. There is no evidence by which the fact can 
 be decided; and probability is not in favour of one 
 allegation more than the other. Circumstances might 
 have impelled the Portuguese party in Japon to seek 
 aid from Europe; and nobody acquainted with the 
 proceedings of the Dutch in the Eastern seas, at that 
 period, will deem them incapable of having committed 
 the crime laid to their charge. 
 
 The Dutch have maintained their position, if not 
 their credit, in the empire. Their conduct in regard 
 to the letters which caused the expulsion of their 
 rivals from Japon, has been seen ; but how it was 
 viewed by the people of the empire is not apparent. 
 In regard to their u submissive readiness ”, on another 
 occasion, when they assisted the state to suppress the 
 Christians of Simabarra, the opinion entertained by the 
 Japonese is recorded. It is very decided, and no less 
 disparaging. This “ submissive readiness ” was not a 
 solitary instance: it has been exhibited, generally, by 
 the Dutch in their intercourse with the Japonese, by 
 whom they have been treated with much contumely 
 and no little scorn. 1 Eventually, unceremoniously 
 extruded from Firando, they “ were removed from 
 
 1 For an account of this affair, see Note I, martial character. 
 Adverting to the transaction, Ksempfer remarks : “ By submis¬ 
 sive readiness to aid the emperor in the execution of his designs, 
 with regard to the final destruction of Christianity in his dominions, 
 ’tis true indeed that we stood our ground so far as to maintain 
 ourselves in the country, and to be permitted to carry on our 
 
XXU1 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 the protection,” as Ksempfer observes, “ of a kind and 
 indulgent prince, to be placed under the control of a 
 strict and severe government, that of Nangasaki; 
 thereafter to be treated as traitors and professed ene¬ 
 mies of the empire.” To preserve the shadow of a 
 
 trade. But many generous and noble persons, at court and in the 
 empire, judg'd quite otherwise of our proceeding, and not too 
 favorably of the credit ive had thereby endeavoured to gain. It 
 seem’d to them inconsistent with reason, that the Dutch should 
 ever be expected to be really faithful to a foreign monarch, and one 
 too whom they look upon as a heathen prince, whilst they showed 
 so much forwardness to assist him in the destruction of a people, 
 with whom they otherwise agree in the most essential parts of their 
 faith, and to sacrifice to their own worldly interests those who 
 follow Christ the very same way, and enter the Kingdom of 
 Heaven through the very same gates : expressions I have often 
 heard the natives make use of, when the conversation happened 
 to turn upon the subject.” Two years after the affair of Sima* 
 barra, the Dutch were required to attend before a commissioner, 
 who had been specially deputed by the emperor to Firando. 
 After drawing an accurate parallel between the creeds professed, 
 respectively, by the Dutch and Portuguese, which he pronounced 
 to be identical in all essential points, the functionary proceeded 
 to address the Dutch in the following terms: “ In former 
 times it was well known to us, you both served Christ, but on 
 account of the bitter enmity you ever bore each other, we imagined 
 there were two Christs. Now, however, the emperor is assured to 
 the contrary. Now he knows, you both serve one and the same 
 Christ. From any indication of serving him you must for the 
 future forbear. Moreover, on certain buildings you have newly 
 erected, there is a date carved : which is reckoned from the birth 
 of Christ. These buildings you must raze to the ground, pre¬ 
 sently.” The buildings in question were of hewn stone, and had 
 been erected at considerable expense ; but without remonstrance, 
 or hesitation, the work of demolition was instantly commenced, and 
 so vigorously pursued, as to secure the approbation of the imperial 
 commissioner, who did not quit Firando till the order was com¬ 
 pletely carried out. ( Charlevoix, Hist, du Japon.) 
 
XXIV 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 once lucrative trade, 1 or for some other motive which 
 is not avowed, the Dutch are content to remain at 
 Nangasaki, subject to restrictions, physical and 
 moral, which cannot render their position altogether 
 agreeable. 2 
 
 1 The trade of the Dutch from the date of their removal from 
 Firando up to the present time, has been limited to two ships 
 yearly, the united cargos of which must not exceed in value 
 £70,000. The profits of the trade are as limited as the extent is 
 insignificant. From the cargos, on the arrival of the ships, valuable 
 presents according to regulation are selected for the emperor. 
 Other valuable commodities are selected as presents, but not subject 
 to any regulation, or limitation, for official authorities of various 
 grades and of various denominations. The Japonese merchant sets 
 his own price on the merchandize, and of course studies his own 
 interests rather than those of the seller. The Japonese merchant 
 also pays in coin to which an arbitrary value is affixed : of course 
 to his own advantage. The exports from Japon are very trifling; 
 and the native trader again takes care of himself. 
 
 2 The island of Desima, to which the Dutch are restricted, is 
 about a fathom and a half above high water mark, less than six 
 hundred feet in length, and scarcely so broad. It is strongly bar- 
 ricadoed by the water side, so that escape is impossible ; and it is 
 connected with the main by a bridge well protected and guarded. 
 One of the ordinances to which they have to submit is “ No 
 Hollander shall come out but for weighty reasons .” Accordingly 
 (except on the occasion of the periodical visits they are compelled 
 to make to the court) the Dutch do not “ come out” without the 
 special authority of the governor of Nangasaki, which must be 
 humbly solicited, in writing, twenty-four hours beforehand. The 
 period of relaxation is limited to a few hours; and the extent of the 
 excursion is also circumscribed : being generally confined to the 
 tea and sacki houses, mostly brothels, in the vicinity of the city. 
 Even on these occasions, the Dutchmen are not entirely free from 
 restraint. They are attended by a numerous escort of police 
 agents, and subordinate officials, all of whom are to be treated , 
 which renders the indulgence of a walk beyond the confines of 
 Desima somewhat too costly to be often enjoyed. “... only, and no 
 
 • • « 
 
XXV 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Of the English , it is simply to be observed, that in 
 their commercial project they failed, and that they 
 retired with honour, and regretted, from the scene of 
 their misadventure. 1 The English retired from Japon 
 in 1623, and a subsequent attempt was made (in 1673) 
 to renew the intercourse; but it proved unsuccessful. 
 The mission, despatched under the authority of Charles 
 the Second, was courteously received, and hospitably 
 entertained. The Japonese, however, had been in¬ 
 formed, apparently by the Dutch, that the king of 
 England was wedded to the “ daughter of Portugal”, 
 and that circumstance proved an insurmountable bar¬ 
 rier to the success of the negotiation. 
 
 other females, shall be allowed to enter Desima is an imperial order 
 affixed to the posts of the bridge, by which the island is connected 
 with the main: for the instruction, if not the edification, of the 
 natives. The observance of the Sabbath is prohibited ; and the resi¬ 
 dents in Desima carefully abstain from any manifestation of their 
 faith ; but there does not appear to be any foundation for the 
 statement, that in common with the natives, the Dutch are required 
 at certain periods to trample on the sign of the cross, and the effigy 
 of the Virgin Mary. If the practice were ever enforced, which is 
 doubtful, it has certainly fallen into disuetude. The Dutch are 
 required to be the intelligencers of the government of Japon. 
 “ Whatever comes to your knowledge in all countries you trade to , we 
 expect you should notify to our governor of Nangasaki," is the con¬ 
 cluding sentence of the “ strict imperial commands” issued to the 
 Dutch at Yedo, on the occasion of each periodical visit to the 
 court; and evidence might be adduced, to shew that the order is 
 not regarded by either party in the light of a mere formality. It 
 is but justice, however, to the Dutch, to observe, that on the visit 
 of Captain Belcher, their conduct was most friendly and courteous ; 
 though, as required by the state, they had given notice of his 
 coming to the Japonese authorities. 
 
 1 See Note A A. Fate of the English Factory . 
 
XXVI 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 It now remains to be seen what has been the con¬ 
 duct of the Europeans, in connexion with Japon, 
 during casual intercourse, and at a later period. In 
 1805, at the instigation of Count ResanofF, a Russian 
 diplomatist , who had taken umbrage at the treat¬ 
 ment he experienced while engaged in negotiations 
 with the authorities at Nangasaki, two officers of the 
 Russian imperial navy, named Chowstoff and DavidofF, 
 made a descent on one of the Kuriles. They landed 
 within territories dependent on the government of 
 Japon, inhabited by Japonese subjects, and governed 
 by Japonese authorities. Pillage, slaughter, rape, 
 and incendiarism, marked their track. They seized 
 many persons, carrying them away into captivity; 
 and left behind them numerous placards, printed in 
 various languages, in which the occasion of the incur¬ 
 sion was stated; and which teemed with threats of 
 further vengeance. It is to be regretted, that the 
 conduct of the British has not been altogether irre¬ 
 proachable. In 1808, a most impolitic proceeding, 
 though no doubt prompted by honest zeal in the per¬ 
 formance of his duty, was adopted by Captain Pellew, 
 of H.M.S. Phaeton. This officer entered the bay of 
 Nangasaki with the view of seizing any Dutch vessels 
 that might happen to be in the port. On the appear¬ 
 ance of the vessel, a boat was despatched by the 
 Japonese, having on board two Dutchmen, members 
 of the factory. Before the messengers reached their 
 destination, they were met by a boat from the Phaeton, 
 unceremoniously transferred from one craft to the 
 other, and taken, as prisoners, on board the British 
 
XXVIL 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 ship. This occurred on the 4th of October. On 
 the 5th, the Dutchmen were liberated, and set on 
 shore. The Phaeton then made sail, without any 
 prize, having previously received supplies from the 
 Japonese, which were furnished gratuitously; but 
 whether voluntarily, or under the influence of fear, is 
 not apparent. 
 
 The indignation of the Japonese was excited by 
 the ignominious treatment of persons they considered 
 themselves bound in honour to protect from injury 
 or insult, and an attack on the Phaeton was contem¬ 
 plated. The intention, however, was frustrated by 
 the rapid movement of the vessel, combined with 
 other circumstances. But the matter did not end 
 here. In regard to several of the Japonese function¬ 
 aries, the proceeding was followed by tragical effects. 
 In the first instance, the governor of Nangasaki 
 summoned the troops appointed to guard the coast, 
 to his aid; but discipline, through the long continu¬ 
 ance of peace, had become relaxed, and neither officers 
 nor men were at their posts to obey the summons. 
 The governor, though not formally invested with the 
 command of the troops, was responsible for their effi¬ 
 ciency when their services were required. He was 
 conscious he would be deemed to have neglected his 
 duty: that he had rendered himself amenable to the 
 severest punishment; and he considered, also, he 
 was disgraced by not having made any attempt to 
 avenge the insult that had been offered to the national 
 honour. There was but one course for him to pursue, 
 and that he promptly adopted. Within an hour from 
 
 e 
 
XXVI11 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 the sailing of the British vessel, he assembled his 
 household, and having delivered a farewell address, 
 ripped himself up. This example was followed by 
 the several commanders of the neglected posts. 1 
 
 The Americans must be placed in the same category 
 with ourselves. In the year 1837, the Morrison , a vessel 
 belonging to citizens of the United States, sailed from 
 Singapore, on an expedition to Japon. The object 
 of the expedition is not very clear. 2 Whatever it 
 may have been, it failed. In the first instance, the 
 Morrison was anchored in the bay of Yedo, not many 
 miles distant from the imperial residence; and from 
 thence she was driven the next morning, by the guns 
 of a battery that had been thrown up during the 
 night. Expelled from the bay of Yedo, a southerly 
 course was shaped, to the bay of Kago-Sima (Kiusiu), 
 in the territories of the Prince of Satzuma : where 
 the reception was similar to that experienced in the 
 previous instance. 3 Thereon, all sail was made direct 
 
 1 Siebold. For an account of this national custom, see Note L, 
 Additional Traits, of Manners and Customs. The visit of the Phaeton 
 and its tragical consequences, were commented on with regret by 
 the Japonese in 1813, when Dr. Ainslie visited Nangasaki, though 
 the conduct of the British, generally, was favourably contrasted 
 with that of the Russians. 
 
 2 The missionary attached to the vessel, in one page of his pub¬ 
 lished journal, intimates some commercial views were entertained. 
 In another page, he represents the undertaking to have been 
 “purely benevolent ”, to restore to their native country some ship¬ 
 wrecked Japonese. In the title-page it is announced to have been 
 “an attempt, with the aid of natives educated in England, to create 
 an opening for missionary labours in Japon." (Journal, etc., by P. 
 Parker, ut sup.) 
 
 3 What is termed “the expulsion of the Morrison from the shores 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 XXIX 
 
 for Singapore. The peculiarity of this proceeding is: 
 that with the full knowledge of only one port, the port 
 of Nangasaki, being open to foreigners, no attempt 
 was made to enter that port; but attempts were made 
 
 of Japonf gave rise to the suggestions, which have been the sub¬ 
 ject of comment, respecting “ interference ” and “ explanations .” 
 The authors of these suggestions, the American missionary and his 
 reverend friend, the editor of the journal, may derive information 
 on international law from the following case. In Carolina , and in 
 Louisiana also, a law exists by which free men of colour, of what¬ 
 ever country they may be, whether citizens of some other state of 
 the American Union, or foreigners, are subject, on their arrival in 
 either of those states, to imprisonment, with a view to their ulti¬ 
 mate removal from the territories of those states. The law of Caro¬ 
 lina and of Louisiana also prescribes, that persons of colour arriving 
 in ships, shall be taken from such vessels, and kept in prison till 
 the departure of the vessels by which they may have been brought 
 within the authority of the states. By this law, the captain of the 
 ship is held responsible not only for the removal of such coloured 
 persons when he himself may leave the port, but for the expenses 
 of their maintenance while they are kept in durance. He also 
 loses their services, and may have to incur the expense of hiring 
 other persons to perform their work. He is further responsible, 
 according to a recent decision in a British Court of Justice, to 
 the coloured persons in question, for the amount of the wages 
 accruing during the period of their incarceration. Against this 
 local regulation, opposed to the polity of the paramount govern¬ 
 ment, inconsistent with the established polity of nations, and in 
 direct violation of a portion of the articles of the treaty of 1815, 
 between Great Britain and the United States, under which all 
 citizens of the two countries are to be permitted freely to 
 enter, freely to reside in, and freely to quit, the territories 
 of the government of the United States, the British government 
 remonstrated in 1847. To a note presented by the British minis¬ 
 ter at Washington, Mr. Buchanan, the Secretary of State for 
 Foreign Affairs of the United States, verbally replied, that the 
 federal government had no power to induce the legislature of the 
 state of Carolina to revoke the law ; and, that if the British govern¬ 
 ment insisted on its right, and pressed the government of the 
 
XXX 
 
 PREEACE. 
 
 to enter two other ports, with the full knowledge of 
 their being closed by the laws of the empire against 
 foreigners. The manner in which this proceeding was 
 conducted, seems to have been eminently calculated to 
 provoke the result that actually occurred: while the 
 
 United States on the ground of that right, so based on the treaty 
 of 1815, the government of the United States would find the ques¬ 
 tion not merely so difficult, but so impossible to deal with, that 
 they would be obliged, however reluctantly, and at whatever in¬ 
 convenience to themselves, or to the British government, to take 
 advantage of the stipulation contained in the treaty of 1827, by 
 which either of the contracting parties was to be at liberty, at any 
 time it pleased, subsequent to 1828, to put an end to the treaty of 
 1815, upon giving twelve months’ notice. On this representation 
 being made, the British government refrained from pressing the 
 matter. In the British House of Commons, on the 30th of April 
 1850, Her Britannic Majesty’s Secretary of State for Foreign 
 Affairs made the following declaration with reference to this case, 
 namely : “Whatever may be thought of the principle of the law, 
 it is matter of public notoriety; so that free persons of colour, sub¬ 
 jects of Her Majesty, or otherwise, who voluntarily go within the 
 operation of the law, know beforehand the inconvenience to which 
 they expose themselves.” These are material points of difference 
 between the law of the two American states, and the law of the 
 empire of Japon. The law of the empire is no mere local regu¬ 
 lation, opposed to the polity of the paramount authority, and 
 which the paramount authority dare not attempt to annul, or even 
 modify, though, by its maintenance, the hazard attending a rupture 
 with a powerful ally may be imminent. The law of the empire, 
 on the contrary, extends over the entire state; while, such is the 
 habit of obedience, or such is the power of the government to 
 enforce obedience, that it is obeyed by the most independent 
 princes, such as the prince of Satzuma, and in the uttermost parts 
 of the realm, where the island of Kiusiu is to be found. The law 
 of the empire is also to be contrasted with the law of the American 
 states, insomuch as it does not contravene the provisions of any 
 treaty with any other state. The principle of the law depends on 
 the right of a perfectly independent state to make such laws for its 
 own peace and well-being as may be best adapted to its own 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 XXXI 
 
 wilful violation of the law of the state is utterly inde¬ 
 fensible. 1 
 
 Calmly reviewing these circumstances, it must be 
 confessed, that the nature of the intercourse between 
 the Europeans and the Japonese cannot have tended 
 either to elevate the character of the former in the 
 estimation of the people of the empire, or to have pro¬ 
 duced such feelings as can lead to a desire for the 
 formation of intimate relations. By the intercourse 
 that has hitherto subsisted between the Europeans 
 and the Japonese, all the worst features of the Euro¬ 
 pean character have been paraded before the people 
 of the empire, and few of their good qualities have 
 been displayed. In fact, the character of the former 
 has been abused by unworthy representatives, and the 
 perception of the latter has been- grossly deceived. 
 The Japonese have had intercourse with governments 
 
 peculiar circumstances ; and the term perfectly independent state, is 
 intended to convey the idea of a state which is supreme throughout 
 its territories, with the power of enforcing its supremacy : which 
 may not be conversant with the conventional laws and regulations 
 regarding inter-communication, prevailing among states, differing 
 from it in political views, and situated in a distant quarter of the 
 globe : or, which, if cognizant of such conventional laws and regu¬ 
 lations, has not bound itself by any compact to observe them. 
 However, so far like the law of Carolina and Louisiana, the law of 
 the empire is matter of public notoriety; so that subjects of her Majesty, 
 or otherwise, who may voluntarily go within the operation of the law, 
 know beforehand the inconvenience to which they expose themselves. 
 
 1 There is a report, not involving the government of Japon, 
 however, and which cannot be traced to an authentic source, that 
 Commander Biddle, of the U. S. navy, being with his ship in the 
 bay of Yedo, some short time since, was violently assaulted by one 
 of the mariners of a native junk that he had been invited to visit : 
 but why, or wherefore, is not apparent. 
 
XXX11 
 
 PEEFACE. 
 
 animated by a wild spirit of aggression, to which 
 every principle of right, humanity, justice, and honour, 
 was sacrificed. They have seen some wrong, real or 
 imaginary, for which the state was alone responsible, 
 vindictively and barbarously avenged on a peaceable 
 and defenceless part of the population. They have 
 been exposed to annoyance, if they have not been 
 irritated, by want of discretion in other quarters. 
 They have had intercourse with degenerate ecclesi¬ 
 astics, no less crafty than arrogant and ambitious. 
 They have had intercourse with traders, abjectly sub¬ 
 missive, or over-reaching: or, blood-thirsty, piratical, 
 and treacherous. Hence has arisen strong prejudice 
 against the character of Europeans, and others, with 
 suspicion and distrust, if not apprehension. Yet, of 
 disinterestedness, probity, justice, honour, true devo¬ 
 tion, and magnanimity, there is no deficiency among 
 the Western nations; and when the Japonese become 
 practically acquainted with the fact, sound friendship, 
 based on esteem and confidence, may be expected to 
 prevail. 
 
 Notwithstanding, however, such an accumulation 
 of untoward circumstances, some facts may be adduced, 
 which seem to indicate the Japonese are not so rigidly 
 indisposed to friendly intercourse with foreign nations 
 as they are popularly supposed to be. In 1803, an 
 American vessel , named the Eliza, appeared on two 
 occasions, under very suspicious circumstances, at 
 Nangasaki; yet on both occasions, the commander, at 
 his request, was furnished with abundant supplies. 
 In 1804, a Russian mission , under Count ResanofF, 
 arrived in the same port. • Intercourse between the 
 
XXXlll 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Russians and the Japonese authorities commenced 
 auspiciously. Negotiations were opened, and for some 
 time proceeded favourably. At length, a difference 
 arose on some point of etiquette; and of this circum¬ 
 stance the Dutch adroitly took advantage. By the in¬ 
 trigues of the Dutch, a complete breach was effected. 
 The negotiations were abruptly broken off, and Count 
 Resanoff departed, denouncing vengeance against the 
 Japonese. His threats were eventually carried into 
 effect by the Russian captains Chowstoff and Davidoff, 
 in the manner already narrated. Aid and supplies 
 were afforded to a second American vessel , in 1807. 
 A most courteous and hospitable reception was given 
 to Dr. Ainslie , in 1813. 1 In 1845, Captain Sir 
 Edward Belcher , of H.M.S. Samarang, visited Nan- 
 gasaki. Probably, this officer arrived with somewhat 
 of prejudice on his mind; for, he states, he had been 
 u warned by Mr. Gutzlaff, the interpreter at the visit 
 of the Morrison, to expect treachery , and be prepared 
 to punish it.” 2 Nothing, however, could exceed the 
 friendly feelings with which Captain Belcher was 
 received. He was allowed to land on an island for the 
 purpose of making observations. He was earnestly 
 requested to prolong his stay, which was short. When 
 it was found he could not comply with the request, he 
 was urgently, and with every appearance of sincerity, 
 solicited to renew his visit: the nobles and the leading 
 men of the government expressing a hope they might 
 
 1 This gentleman had been deputed by Sir Stamford Raffles to 
 negotiate with the Dutch factors for the surrender of Desima to 
 the English. He was not successful. 
 
 2 Voyage of the Samarang, vol. ii. p. 1. 
 
XXXIV 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 have the gratification, on some future occasion, of 
 shewing him their houses, and of introducing him to 
 their households. Finally, he was furnished with all 
 the supplies he required, and that gratuitously; it 
 being represented, the Japonese were not in the habit 
 of taking money from their visitors. 
 
 The force of the allegation, that injustice is inflicted 
 on a people by depriving them of the use of foreign 
 productions, depends on the fact of such commodities 
 being necessary to them. One, at the close of the seven¬ 
 teenth century, who had resided some time in Japon, 
 who had conversed freely with the best informed and 
 most intelligent in the empire, and who had associated 
 freely with the population, arrived at the following con¬ 
 clusion on the subject. He remarks: “ The Japonese 
 confined within the limits of their empire enjoy the 
 blessings of peace and contentedness, and do not care 
 for any commerce, or communication with foreign 
 parts; because, such is the happy state of their coun¬ 
 try, that they can subsist without it.” 1 
 
 A native writer, at the commencement of the eigh¬ 
 teenth century, states his views of the subject in the 
 following terms, viz.: “ The ancients compared the 
 metals to the bones in the human body; and taxes 2 to 
 the blood, hair, and skin, that incessantly undergo the 
 process of renewal; which is not the case with metals. 
 I compute the annual exportation of gold at about 
 one hundred and fifty thousand kobans; so that in 
 ten years this empire is drained of fifteen hundred 
 
 1 Kamipfer, vol. ii. p. 54. 
 
 2 i. e. Rent, the only description of tax known in Japon , and 
 which is invariably paid in kind. See Revenues , Note A. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 XXXV 
 
 thousand kobans. 1 With the exception of medicines, 
 we can dispense with every thing that is brought us 
 from abroad. The stuffs and other foreign commodi- 
 ties are of no real benefit to us. All the gold, silver, 
 and copper, extracted from the mines during the 
 reign of Gongin [Ogosho Senna], and since his time, 
 is gone, and, what is still more to be regretted, for 
 things we could do well without.” 2 In fact, the infi¬ 
 nite variety in the productions of the empire, and the 
 astonishing abundance in which each variety is pro¬ 
 duced, render the inhabitants of Japon completely 
 independent of foreigners for all the necessaries of 
 life; and, as yet, they are unacquainted with, and 
 consequently have no desire for, the elegancies and 
 luxuries that lend a charm to European life. It 
 must be considered, moreover, the people of the empire 
 are not destitute of the advantages of commerce; but, 
 on the contrary, that an extensive and lucrative traffic 
 exists within the empire. This results from the phy¬ 
 sical peculiarities of the country. Extensive tracts of 
 land, each with its own climate and its peculiar pro¬ 
 ductions, separated from each other by ranges of rug¬ 
 ged mountains, by impervious forests, or by broad 
 arms of the sea, promote an immense coasting trade, 
 by which the various productions are disseminated 
 and circulated, to the great comfort of the population, 
 and the no small gain of the trader. 3 But still, though 
 
 1 Equivalent to about £2,500,000 sterling. 
 
 2 From a treatise composed in 1708 by the Prime Minister of the 
 Emperor Tsouna-Yosi ■: quoted by Titsingh in the Illustrations of 
 Japan , pp. 28, 29, 4to. Lond. 1822. 
 
 3 Tracts, or Primary Divisions of the Empire, designated in 
 the Map by double lines, viz.: The Imperial Domains ( Gokinai - 
 
 / 
 
XXXVI 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 foreign commerce be not essential, may not intercourse 
 with foreigners be beneficial to a nation ? It has been 
 remarked: 61 it must be very much to the advantage 
 of a country, that its inhabitants, so long as they 
 can subsist without the produce and manufactures of 
 foreign countries, should be kept also from their vices: 
 from covetousness, deceits, wars, treachery, and the 
 like.” 1 It is a sad and undeniable fact, that the evils 
 above enumerated have too frequently accompanied 
 intercourse with foreigners in many parts of the 
 world: but if it be meant such evils must necessarily 
 follow from such a cause, the conclusion is unsound 
 and unjust. By a well regulated intercourse between 
 nations, intelligence may be promoted: intellect im- 
 
 goka-kohf) about Meaco: including the Provinces of: 1 , Jamasijro: 
 2, Jamattoo : 3, Kawatzii: 4, Idsumi: 5, Sitzu.—i. South Eastern 
 Tract ( Tookaido ). Provinces: 1, Iga: 2, Isie: 3, Ssima: 4, 
 Ovvari: 5, Mikawa : 6, Tootomi: 7, Surunga : 8, Kai: 9, Idsu : 
 10, Sangami: ll,Musasi: 12, Awa: 13, Kadsusa: 14, Simoosa: 
 15, Fitats. —ii. Eastern Mountainous Tract (Toosando). Pro¬ 
 vinces: 1, Oomi: 2, Mino : 3, Fida : 4, Sinano : 5, Koodsuke : 
 6, Mood-suke : 7, Mutsu : 8, Dewa.— in. Northern Tract (Foku 
 JRokhudo). Provinces: 1, Wackasa: 2, Jetsissen : 3, Kaga: 4, 
 Noto : 5, Jeetsju : 6, Jetsingo : 7, Sado. — iv. Northern Moun¬ 
 tainous, or, Cold Tract ( Sanindo ). Provinces: 1, Tanba: 2, 
 Tanga : 3, Tasima : 4, Imaba : 5, Fooki: 6, Idsumo : 7, Iwami: 
 
 8, Oki.—v. Southern Mountainous, or, Warm Tract ( Sanjodo ). 
 Provinces: 1, Farima: 2, Mimasaka : 3, Bidsden : 4, Bitsju : 
 
 5, Bingo : 6, Aki: 7, Suvvo : 8, Nagata.— vi. Western Coast 
 Tract ( Saikculo ). Provinces: 1, Tsikudsen: 2, Tsikungo : 3, 
 Budsen: 4, Bungo : 5, Fidsen : 6, Figo : 7, Fingo : 8, Oosumi: 
 
 9, Satzsurna.—vu. Southern Coast Tract ( Nankaido ). Pro¬ 
 vinces : 1, Kijnokuni : 2, Avvadsi: 3, Awa : 4, Sanuki: 5, Ijo : 
 
 6, Tosa.— viii. The Islands of Tsus and Iki, between Nipon and 
 Corea.—See also Note A : Trade and Commerce. 
 
 1 Kcempfer , vol. ii. p. 55. 
 
PREFACE. XXXV11 
 
 proved: science advanced: the fine and mechanical arts 
 perfected; and the germs of noble qualities so culti¬ 
 vated as to be made to flourish, and to produce good 
 fruits. In science, the Japonese have made some ad¬ 
 vances; and they are represented to be desirous of 
 making further progress. In some of the mechanical 
 arts they exhibit great skill, and are said to possess 
 great aptitude for improvement. The knowledge of 
 the fine arts is limited in extent, but in those branches 
 to which their knowledge extends, their performances 
 are admirable. To poetry and the drama they are 
 enthusiastically devoted; and in their compositions 
 they are represented to show talents of no mean order. 
 To music they are greatly addicted, though sadly 
 deficient in skill. If daring crime may be imputed to 
 this people, they are not disgraced by any mean vices. 
 They exhibit the elements of some noble impulses, 
 which only require full development to elevate them 
 in the rank of nations: an effect, which might, pro¬ 
 bably, be produced by means of well regulated inter¬ 
 course with foreigners. 
 
 With the disposal of the general charges, the sub¬ 
 ject might be dismissed, did not some specific points 
 appear to demand notice. With regard to the Japo¬ 
 nese, it has been publicly asserted, that, recently, 
 “ many of the crew of an American vessel wrecked 
 on the coast , were literally starved to death by order 
 of the government .” This charge rests on the autho¬ 
 rity of the party, by whom Captain Sir Edward 
 Belcher was misinformed as to the reception he might 
 expect in the empire ; and it is the reverse of the 
 treatment experienced by the Russian Captain Golow- 
 
XXXV1U 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 nin, who, in opposition to the warning that had been 
 given him, landed in Yesso, and was seized, whilst 
 the minds of the Japonese were in a state of irritation 
 on account of the outrages committed a short time 
 previously by his countrymen. 1 As regards the Euro¬ 
 peans, it has been stated, that descents have been made 
 on the coast , and that atrocities have been perpetrated 
 on the inhabitants of the empire , by the crews both 
 British and American whalers . This rests on 
 rumour. Without corroboration, it would be incon¬ 
 sistent with justice to admit the truth of either repre¬ 
 sentation. If true, however, the germ of a wide- 
 spreading evil is in existence, which, unless checked 
 in the growth, may lead to the most disastrous results. 
 In this case, the interests of humanity, and the honour 
 of the European and Japonese governments, equally, 
 appear to be involved, and seem to demand the adop¬ 
 tion of some mutual arrangement, by which the con¬ 
 tingent evils may be averted. Coercion, if politic, or 
 desirable, might be resorted to, most probably, with 
 success; but whether justifiably under such circum¬ 
 stances, may be doubtful. The clear enunciation of 
 principles: expostulations earnestly but cautiously 
 urged: offers of good-will made with frankness and 
 sincerity: with dignified forbearance when requisite, 
 seem calculated to win cheerful cooperation, which is 
 to be desired rather than the churlish obedience of 
 enforced submission. The experiment may be made, 
 and it may fail. Yet the attempt would not be ignoble. 
 
 i See the Narrative of Golownin’s Captivity. London, 1818. 
 
MEMORIALS OF JAPON. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 A 
 
 DESCRIPTION OF THE EMPIRE 
 
 IN THE 16TH CENTURY. 
 
 [From “ The Firste Booke of Relations of Moderne States”.— 
 Harleian Mss. 6249. The date of the Ms. is not given ; but in the 
 “ Relation of England ”, the following passage occurs : “ The Princesse 
 or Queene hereof at this day is Elizabeth by nameP Some illustrative 
 passages, included between asterisks, are incorporated from the narrative 
 of Arthur Hatch, Minister. — Purchas, vol. ii, pp, 1696, 1702.] 
 
 B 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I ' 1 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 f 
 
 
 
THE KINGDOMS OF JAPONIA. 
 
 Cftr JBesntpti'on. 
 
 J aponia may be said to be, as it were, a bodye of many and 
 sundry Ilandes, of all sorts of bignesse; which lies, as they 
 are separated in situation from the rest of the whole worlde, 
 so are they, in like maner, inhabited of people, most different 
 from all others, both for maners and customes. They are 
 devyded asunder, with the armes of the sea; and for most 
 parte with little channels, as the lies Maldiuae are in the 
 Indian sea, or, as the lies Hebrides and Oreades, which lye 
 in the Northern seas, are. They contain 66 kyngdomes, 
 which are distributed and devided into three principall mem¬ 
 bers of Japonia. Of which members, one conteyneth nyne 
 realmes, the seconde fowre; and the third fiftie-three. Fyve 
 of these kyngdomes are more noble and famous then the 
 rest: Coquinai, where the famous cytie of Meacum is seene; 
 and it happeneth for the most parte, that he that obteyneth 
 the dominion of these fyve kyngdomes getteth the whole 
 Empire of Japonia. 1 
 
 This countrey is distant from Nouva Hispania about 150 
 leukes, from China 60. * Yt is mountainous and craggie, full 
 of rockes and stonie places, so that the third part of this 
 
 These lies 
 lye in the 
 east ocean, 
 beyonde all 
 Asia, be- 
 twene Ca- 
 tai and the 
 West Indies, 
 beinge dis- 
 tante from 
 Spayne 600 
 leucas.— 
 Ms. 
 
 There the 
 kinge kep- 
 eth his 
 courte, and 
 it is very 
 wealthye. — 
 Ms. 
 
 1 Note A. Situation: extent: division : finances : population. 
 
4 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 Empire is not inhabited or manured: neither indeed doth it 
 afford that accommodation for inhabitants which is needful, 
 or that fatnesse and convenience for the growthe of corne, 
 fruit, and small grayne, as is requisite. Yet is the countrey 
 barreine, not so much through nature, as through the slouth- 
 fulness and negligence of the inhabitants. 1 ^ 
 
 In these Isles the sommer is very liote and burnynge, and 
 the winter extreme coulde. Yet is the climate temperate 
 and healthie, not much pestred with infectious or obnoxious 
 ayres; hut very subject to fierce windes, tempestuous stormes, 2 
 and terrible earthquakes, 3 insomuch that both ships in the 
 harbour have been oversete, and driven ashore by the furie 
 of the one, and houses on the land disjoynted and shaken to 
 pieces by the fearful trembling of the other. Of gold and 
 silver mynes, there he many. 4 5 
 
 The inhabitantes sliewe a notable witte, and an incredible 
 pacience in sufferinge, labour, and sorowes. They take 
 greate and diligent care lest, either in worde or deede, they 
 shoulde shewe either feare, or dulnesse of mynde, and lest 
 they should make any man (whosoever he be) partaker of 
 their trowbles and wantes. They covet exceedinglye honour 
 and prayse; and povertie with them bringeth no dammage 
 to the nobilitie of bloude. They suffer not the least iniurie 
 in the worlde to passe vnrevenged. For gravitie and curtesie 
 they gyve not place to the Spainardes. They are generally 
 affable and full of compliments. They are very punctuall in 
 the entertayning of strangers, 6 of whom they will curiously 
 inquyre even tryfles of forreyne people, as of their maners, 
 and such like thinges. They will as soone lose a limbe as 
 omit one ceremonie in welcoming a friend. * They use to 
 
 1 Note B. The industrious character of the Japanese. 
 
 2 Note C. Tempestuous storms. 
 
 8 Note D. Earthquakes and volcanic phenomena. 
 
 4 Note E. Mineral productions. 
 
 5 Note F. Punctuality in entertaining strangers. 
 
THE DESCRIPTION. 
 
 
 give and receive tlie cup at one the other hands, and 
 before the master of the house begins to drinke, hee will 
 proffer the cup to every one of his guests, making shew to 
 have them to begin. Fish, rootes, and rice, are their common 
 junkets, and if they chance to kill a lien, 1 ducke, or pigge, 
 which is but seldome, they will not like churles eat it alone; 
 but their friendes shall be surely partakers of it. * The most 
 parte of them that dwell in cyties can write and reade. 2 
 They only studie martiall feates and are delighted in armes. 3 * 5 
 They are far from all avarice, and for that cause detest both 
 dice and all other playe which is for gayne. 
 
 The people be favre and verye comely of shape. The 
 marchantes, althoughe very riche and wealthye, yet nothing 
 accompted of there; those that are of nobilitie are greately 
 esteemed althoughe they be never so poore. Both men and 
 women goe bareheaded without any difference, bothe in the 
 sunne and rayne. They washe theyre yonge children in 
 rivers as sone as they are borne, and when they are weaned 
 they are taken out of their mothers sight, and are exercised 
 in liuntinge and armes. When theyre children once come to 
 fourteene yeares oulde, they wear sword and dagger, and as 
 they be taught, do revenge the least iniurye that is offred 
 them. 6 
 
 They have the same kyndes of beastes 7 that we have, both 
 tame and wilde, but they seldome eat anye flesh, but that 
 which is taken with liuntinge. Indeed they delighte not 
 much in fleshe, but they lyve for the most parte with hearbes, 
 fvshe, 8 barley and ryce; which thinges are their chieffe now- 
 rishments. Their ordinarye drinke is water, and that is made 
 most times hot in the same pot where they seeth their ryce, 
 
 They are 
 very neate 
 and fyne, (4) 
 and vse 
 forkes when 
 they eate 
 for cleanli- 
 nesse, as 
 they doe in 
 Italy.—Ms. 
 
 They chas- 
 tice their 
 children 
 with wordes 
 onlye, and 
 the’ admon- 
 ishe theire 
 children 
 when they 
 are hue 
 yeares oulde 
 as yf the' 
 weare oulde 
 men.(5)— 
 Ms. 
 
 These now- 
 rishments 
 are very 
 holesome, 
 for they that 
 eate these 
 thinges liue 
 very 
 
 longe. (9)— 
 Ms. 
 
 1 Note G. Birds. 6 Note L. Additional traits of 
 
 2 Note II. Education. character and manners. 
 
 3 Note I. Martial character. 7 Note M. Beasts. 
 
 I Note J. Neat and fine habits. 8 Note N. Fish. 
 
 5 Note K. Family intercourse. 9 Note 0. Produce of the fields. 
 
They eate 
 moderately 
 and drinke 
 lustilie. 
 —Ms. 
 
 6 THE KYNGDOME OE JAPONIA. 
 
 that so it may receive some thicknesse and substance from 
 the ryce. They have strong wine and rack distilled of ryce, 
 of which they will sometimes drinke largely, especially at 
 their feasts and meetings, and being moved to anger, or 
 wrath, in the heate of their drinke, you may as soone per- 
 swade tygres to patience and quietnesse as them, so obstinate 
 and willfull they are in the furie of their impatience. As 
 concernvnge another drinke, they take great delighte in 
 water mingled with a certeine powder which is very pretiouse, 
 which they call Chia. 1 
 
 Theire buyldinges are for the most parte of tymber, for 
 the mediterranean countreys hath almost no stonne, and it 
 aboundeth with trees very fytte for buyldinges, amongst 
 which there are cedars that growe to a marvelous height and 
 bignesse. 2 At Falcata there is a wood of pine trees neere 
 about three mile square, which is all the summer time swept 
 and kept so cleane, that you shall hardly see any small twig, 
 boughe, or leafe, under the trees, and the trees stand so close 
 together, that you may solace and recreate yourselfe there at 
 all lioures of the day without any hurt or heate of the sunne. 
 In the midst of it there is a great pagod, or church, very 
 richly adorned with gilded images, and all sortes of curious 
 carved workes. Yet be they cunninge workers in stone. 
 * Ozechya, the most famous castle that the emperour hath, or 
 that is within the empire, is of an extraordinarie bignesse, 
 and compassed round with three severall walls. The castle 
 of Edo is likewise walled and moated, having some few 
 ordnance on it. At Crates and Falcata there are likewise 
 castles, both walled and moated; the circumference of each 
 of them beinge neere about two miles. The cliiefe noble¬ 
 men of those kyngdomes have houses within the castle walls 
 to come and live there, either at the king's or their own 
 pleasures. Within each of those castles there is a storehouse 
 
 1 Note P. Chia, or tea. 
 
 2 Note Q. Trees. 
 
THE DESCRIPTION. 
 
 / 
 
 kept ordinarily full of ryce, which may serve for their provi¬ 
 sion at all occasions and needs. * 
 
 Every one may change his name three times when he is 
 a childe; when he is a young man; and when he is ould. 
 Some change their names more often. Every one as he 
 pleaseth may make clioyce of his owne name; and they are 
 commonly named either by the king, or else by some noble 
 or great-man with whom they are chiefly in favour. They 
 have the use of writing and printing, and have had, the space 
 of many years : no man knowes certeinely how long. They 
 have seven sorts of letters, each single letter serving for a 
 word, and many of them in their placing serve for six or 
 seven, and each alphabet hath eight and fortie letters; and 
 yet with all these letters they have not the true pronunciation 
 of h, b, t, and some other letters. 
 
 They observe no Sabbath, but certaine Faste Dayes, accord¬ 
 ing to the moone,—as the first of the moone, the 15, or 28. 
 On these dayes they goe to the church, and visit the sepul¬ 
 chres of the dead. The ninth daye of the moone throughout 
 the year they hold for accursed; and therefore on that daye 
 they will not begin, or undertake, any worke of consequence 
 or importance. They strictly observe a faste on that daye 
 of the monetli on which their father or mother died; which 
 they doe so precisely keepe, that they will not touch or eate 
 any thing that hath blood. 
 
 * The lawes are very strict and full of severitie, affordinge 
 no other kinde of punishment, but either death, or banish¬ 
 ment. Murtlier, theft, treason, or the violation of any of the 
 emperour's proclamations or edicts, are punished with death; 
 so is adulterie also, if it be knowne, and the parties pursued; 
 but the devill, their master in those actions, hath taught 
 them such cleanly conveyances, that seldom, or never, are 
 they apprehended. They proceed both in controversies and 
 
 1 Note R. Change of names. 
 
8 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 criminal causes according to the verdict of the produced wit¬ 
 nesses, and the sentence being once past, they will not revoke 
 or mittigate the severitie of it; but if the parties attached 
 have deserved death, they shall surely have it. And for the 
 maner. They are eyther beheaded, or crucified. He kneels 
 down on his knees, and then comes the executioner behinde 
 him and cuts off his head with a catan, or theyre countrie 
 sworde; and, his head beinge off, the young cavalliers trie 
 their weapons on his limbes, and prove whether they can cut 
 off an arme or lege at a blowe. The other have their armes 
 and leges spread abroad on a crosse; which done, they set 
 the crosse upright in the ground, and then comes one either 
 with a lance, or speare, and runnes the partie through the 
 bodie. There he hangs untill he rots off: no man being suf¬ 
 ficed to take him downed^ 
 
 There lietli an ample region about 300 leukes from Meacum, 
 on the northe syde of Japonia [Yedzo], inhabited with men 
 that weare the skynnes of beastes; theire bodies are full of 
 hayre; they have long beardes; and are great wyne drinkers; 
 and stoute warriors; and a terror to the Japonians. They 
 have a certeyne kind of trafficke with the Yqnitaynes, which 
 are a people of Japonia; but these seldom enter into the 
 countrey of those barbarous people, lest they should evill 
 entreate them. 
 
 Cfte Jjpston'e. 
 
 In tyme past, all Japonia acknowledged the Government 
 of a certeyne Prince, whose name was Dairis, whom it obeyed 
 in all thynges with great reverence; whoe also governed all 
 these dominions with greate estimation and maiestie; and 
 this continued about 1700 yeares; but since som 500 yeares 
 agone, hitherto, twoe of his principall servauntes exalted 
 
 1 Note S. Laws and administration of justice. 
 
THE REGIMENT. 
 
 9 
 
 themselues, and have disturbed tbe whole empire: for either 
 of them invaded as greate a parte of the dominions as lie 
 coulde by force of armies, and took it from Dairis. In tyme 
 encreased ambition, and they advancynge and exalting them¬ 
 selves, one while the one, and another while the other, 
 became lordes, he of one parte, and the other of another 
 parte of the empire ; taking vppon them the title of Jacatai, a 
 
 that is, of Kynges. Notwithstandinge, they lefte to Dairis Sw ky£g«V 
 the name of Universall Lorde of Japonia, but without either now raygn- 
 
 etli there 
 
 iurisdiction or seignorie. These princes, whoe have gotten was oflate 
 
 ° x ' ° yeares at, 
 
 the dominions that are neere to Meacum, scarcelye aforde otETc- 1 
 him meate and aparell, insomuch that there remaynetli to fn^hym. 
 him, of the auncyent greatnesse and monarchy of Japonia, 1582 - 86 ].’ 1 
 nothing almost, but, as it were, a sliadowe thereof. 2 
 
 For these 500 hundred yeares past, he is called Emperour, 
 or Kynge of Japonia, in the place of Dairis, that obtevnetli 
 the dominion of Coquinai (he is also called Lorde of Tenza), 
 where those fyve kyngedomes are seene about the citye of 
 Meacum: of which sort, Nabunanga hath beene in our tyme, 
 and at this present Fassiba is, whoe for greatnes of dominions 
 and power hath far excelled all his predecessors; for Nabu¬ 
 nanga, whoe exceeded others in power, obteyned no more 
 but 36 kyngedomes; but Fassiba hath subdued no lesse then 
 fyftye. 
 
 Cl)e Regiment. 
 
 The regiment of Japonia dyfereth very far from all other 
 formes of government which are vsed in Europe; for the 
 power and greatnesse of this prince consisteth not in ordi- 
 narye revenues and love of his people, but in authoritye and 
 empire, for he having gotten one or many dominions, devid- 
 eth his realmes and provinces amonge his frendes; whom he 
 
 1 Note T. E7iibassy from Japan to Rome. 
 
 2 Note U. Reverses of the Da'iri, or Mikado. 
 
 C 
 
10 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 bindetli to serve him as well in peace as in war, with a cer- 
 teine number of men, which they must maynteyne at theire 
 owne costes and charges. These also distribute, moreover, 
 theire seigneiories to theire frendes, to whome they truste, 
 that they maye in like maner have them readye to serve 
 them, reservinge somewhat for themselves and theire fami¬ 
 lies. So that all the wealthe and substance of Japonia, as 
 well private as publicke, dependeth of a fewe, and those fewe 
 of one who is lorde of Tenza, whoe without any stay or lette, 
 gyveth and taketh away whatsoever he will: exalteth and 
 hnmbleth; and maketh princes either mightie or miserable. 1 
 Also, when one hath his state or dignitie taken from him, 
 all the noblemen of that province, with their soldiers, are 
 in time past changed, leavyne onlve the husbandmen and artyficers. This 
 
 all Japonia ° A J # J 
 
 obeyed this forme of regiment causeth continnall revolutions and changes 
 
 man, nowe ° ° 
 
 Sfleisiefte °f the states : fyrste, because that Dairis (whoe, although 
 without 1 not hee neither hath power nor empire, yet is had in great esti- 
 nour, for mation and honour with the people) is the cause that the 
 
 theJapo- 
 
 niansdo fordes of the Tenza and the other princes are accounted 
 
 thmke yet x 
 
 oughTto tyrantes, vsnrpers, destroyers of the monarcliye, and enemyes 
 empire!— of the greatnes of Japonia : which thinge taketh away their 
 estimation, and hindreth them of the good will of the people. 
 Hereof it cometh that they are easily moved to take armes, 
 and the rather, for that one hopetli that he may be exalted 
 through another’s fall. Moreover, the people cannot love 
 these princes as their naturall lordes, which are day lye 
 changed; and they, because they are vncerteyne howe longe 
 a tyme they shalbe lordes, take no more care for one state 
 then for another; yea, they hopinge that they maye with as 
 much facilitie gette a better as they gotte one before, like 
 carders and disers, doe hasarde the one to winne the other; 
 and sometymes alone, and sometymes beinge a number ioyned 
 together, the attempt divers thinges; by reason whereof those 
 iles are continually exercysed with warres. 
 
 1 Note V. Government and policy. 
 
THE REGIMENT. 
 
 11 
 
 But Fassiba, to the ende that he may become lorde, or 
 rather absolute tyrant, is wonte to remove the princes out 
 of one province into another : not ignorant, that lordes 
 beinge taken out of theire dominions and placed over strange 
 subiectes, become weake, and unable either to vse, or to take For this 
 
 cause 
 
 armes against him; and that they may the lesse practise and kynges and 
 
 monarckes 
 
 devise any revoulte, he devidetli their realmes and dominions. d ° eotte “ . 
 
 •> * change their 
 
 So those that are lordes, have not theire state so ioyned, lYeuSnts. 1 
 or knytte together; and that they never want cause of war 
 and debate, and the streitenes of the limites is the cause. 
 
 Besides all this, in all these mutations of states, he will 
 have theym, as well those that are made thereby better, as 
 those that become worse, to come and yelde him reverence 
 and obedience, and to offer vnto him everye year precyouse 
 gyftes; by which meanes he draweth to himself a greate 
 parte of the wealtlie and riches of Japonia. * For though all 
 rivers doe in a kinde of thankfull remuneration returne their 
 waters to the sea, because they drawe them from hence, 
 yet the princes of Japonia doe cleane contrarie. They 
 receive nothing from the emperour, and yet give all to the 
 emperour. They doe impoverish themselves by enriching 
 him by presents at his comaunde. Nay they even strive and 
 contend whoe may give the greatest and chiefest present. 
 
 And the emperour doth ordinarily requite his princes in this 
 sorte. He doth geve them a feather for a goose: some few 
 kerrimones, or coates, for gold, silver, or other precious 
 comodities; and that they may not growe riche, and of sufh- 
 tient abilitie to make head against him, he suffers not their 
 fleeces to growe, but slieares them cleane off: by raising taxes 
 on them for the buyldinge of castles, and the repearinge of 
 fortifications, and yet they are not suffred to repeare theire 
 owne, or any waye to fortifie themselves. * 
 
 Moreover he exercyseth the people in buyldinge, as of 
 mervelous pallaces, greate temples, castles, and incomparable 
 cyties. Aboute which buyldinges he kepeth above an hun- 
 
12 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 dred tliousande workemen occupied, which are maintained as 
 his suhiectes. Among other thinges at this tyme he is in of 
 buyldinge of a temple, in the huyldinge whereof he piu’- 
 posseth to consume all the iron in Japonia : for he hath com¬ 
 manded that all handicraftes men and common people shall 
 bring all theire armour and weapons to a place appointed for 
 that purposse, which must serve to the foresayd buyldinge. 
 By which facte he vnarmeth the people, and maketh magni- 
 Hedoth ficent and sumptuouse workes. Xnsomuche that he hath in 
 
 these x 
 
 thinges that twoe places onlve an 100,000 workmen and above, who are all 
 
 hemaygette ± } } 
 
 iarne°aiid be kept at his subiectes charges. Besides the kinges and princes 
 a god alter wliicli are bounde to gyve him gyttes, and to serve him as 
 Ms. well in tyme of peace as of war, he receaveth yearelye twoe 
 millions of goulde of the rentes of ryce which is gathered in 
 these possessions which are reserved to himself. He pur- 
 possetli when the Japponian warres are ended to attempt 
 China, for which purpose he hath appoynted tymber to be 
 fallen for the buyldinge of 2000 sayle, wherewith he may 
 convey over his armye. He trusteth through these greate 
 buyldinges, famous'expeditions, and through such amplenesse 
 of dominions, and ioyninge together of kingedomes vnder 
 one crowne, that he shall obtayne an immortall name, and be 
 accounted for a god: which tliinge all they have done, that 
 waf'com 16 ^ mve °bteyned the opinion of gods amonge the Japonians: 
 wifom X they f f° r Amida, Xaca, Camis, and Fatoques, to whom they attri- 
 vaine and bute divine honour, were nothing els but lordes of Japonia, 
 fabie S s —Ms. whoe by the glory of war, or skill in tyme of peace, obtained 
 the opinion of divinitie among the Japonians : no otherwise 
 then did Hercules and Bacchus in Grece, Saturnus and Janus 
 in Italie, and there be no lesse fabulous and tryffelynge tales 
 spreade abroade of those then of these. Therefore Fassiba, 
 perceavinge that the lawe of Christ permitteth not any other 
 god besydes him that created heaven and earthe of notliinge, 
 and therefore that all gods fayned foolishlie of men, are to be 
 detested as thinges accursed, hath decreed to sende the 
 
THE REGIMENT. 
 
 13 
 
 fathers of the socyetie into banishment which have preached 
 that lawe; and to plucke vp by the rootes that yonge vine, 
 which hath begonne to take deepe roote in those countreys. 
 An acte of pride worthye to be had in remembrance : for the 
 ltomaine emperours witlistode the preachinge of the Crosse 
 and Gospell whereby they might defende their idols, which 
 the lawe of God declared to be but devils andvayne thinges; 
 but this man for his owne private commoditie, maketli warre 
 against the Christian fayth, the same war being founded vpon 
 a certeyne extreme ambition, or rather foolishnes, wherewith 
 he being pricked forwarde wolde be estemed as a god, and 
 maketli war against the Christian fayth. But in the middest 
 of these his greate and immoderate cogitations, God hath 
 styrred vp against him a newe enemye (as we vnderstande by 
 letters sent this laste yeare) in the easte parte of Japonia 
 whoe oppugneth him. 1 
 
 Theire Highe Preist hathe his pallace or comte at Meacum, 
 
 They had a 
 care of 
 theire gods, 
 although 
 they were 
 false gods, 
 but this man 
 hath a care 
 of himselfe. 
 —Ms. 
 
 whome the honour as God. In the liowses 366 idolles, of 
 which there standeth one euerye nyglit by him, like, as it 
 were, a certein watcheman. The commone people esteeme 
 him to be so holye, that he ought not so muclie as once to 
 touche the grounde, which tliinge yf he happen by chance to 
 doe, he loosetli his dignitie. He is served not with any 
 greate pompe, for he is maintayned with almes. His servantes, 
 whose autlioritie is greate throughout all Japonia, goe in 
 embassage for the Cubucana [Cubo Sama], that is, the Em- 
 perour. These they call Cangues. 
 
 There is also another magistrate to whom they also almost 
 yelde devine honour, named in the Japonicall tonge A r o. 
 This man, for maiestie sake, never goeth forth of the doores, 
 and nowe and then he will not be seene. At whom [? home] 
 he is eytlier caried aboute in his seate, or goeth vpon wodden 
 soales lyfted vp from the groude. Oftentimes he sytteth in 
 a cliavre, liavinge a sworde placed on the one syde of hym. 
 
 1 Note W. Career of Fassiba, or Taico Sama. 
 
14 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OE JAPONIA. 
 
 There are 
 great store 
 of these in 
 that great 
 Hand, 
 everye one 
 being 
 knowen 
 by theire 
 ensignes or 
 armes, 
 which ap¬ 
 peals in the 
 sealinge of 
 their letters. 
 —Ms. 
 
 These 
 Tundi are 
 as it were 
 bysshops, 
 and are 
 greatlye 
 honored of 
 all men.— 
 Ms. 
 
 and a bowe and arrowes on his other syde. His garment is 
 blacke on the inner syde, and redde on the other syde. His 
 hat is not far vnlike a bisshop’s myther. His forehead is 
 paynted with redde and white. All the dishes and vessells 
 wherein meate is brought to his table are of earth. This 
 man determineth all tytles of honour. And for because that 
 nation doth thirst myserably after prayse and honour, everye 
 nobleman hath his sollicitor with the Yo, and they olfer vnto 
 him gyftes as it were by stryffe. By these meanes that 
 heraulde becometh so ryche, that althoughe he neyther hath 
 landes nor rentes, yet he may be thought to be the richest 
 man in all Japonia. There are three thinges which may 
 depryve him of this his office and dignitie. The first is, yf 
 he touche the grounde with his foote ; the seconde is, yf he 
 kill anye man; and the thirde is, yf he be founde to be an 
 enemye to peace and tranquyllitie. 1 
 
 For the good orderinge of his state, the Emperour hath a 
 Privie Councell of five, 2 whoe commonly are such that for 
 wisdome, policie, and careful vigilancie in managing the State 
 affairs, in preventing of treasons and rebellions, in executing 
 of justice, and continuing of peace and quietnesse, may be 
 compared with many, nay with most in Christendome. More¬ 
 over, they have iudges, which doe decyde matters in contro¬ 
 versy in the temporall courte; and also others, called Tundi, 
 which doe decyde matters in controuersie in the spirituall 
 consistory e. 
 
 1 Regarding the “ High Priest” and the “Yo”, see Note U : The 
 
 Reverses of the Dairi. 
 
 2 Note X. The Privy Council and State Officers. 
 
MEMORIALS OF JAPON 
 
 PART II. 
 
 THE 
 
 LETTERS OF WILLIAM ADAMS. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
{ntro&urtton. 
 
 The first letter sent by William Adams for England, lie 
 thus addresses: “ TO MY VNKNOWNE FRINDS AND 
 COUNTRI-MEN: dessiring this letter by your good meanes, 
 or the newes or copie of this letter, may come into the hands 
 of one, or manny of my acquayntance in LIMEHOVSE or 
 else wheare, or in KENT in GILLINGHAM, by ROCHES¬ 
 TER” 
 
 Probably through the agency of their Factors recently 
 settled at Bantam, two copies of the letter were transmitted 
 to the “ Worshipfull Felowship of the Merchants of London 
 trading into the East Indies”; and in the sequel it will be 
 perceived the communication led to the opening of com¬ 
 mercial intercourse between England and Japon. 
 
 Purchas has given a version of this letter ( Pilgrims, vol. i, 
 page 125, etc.); but it is to be viewed as a loose paraphrase 
 only. In the variations he has adopted, erroneously or capri¬ 
 ciously, the sense is not unfrequently destroyed; and the 
 unaffected earnestness which characterizes the original, is 
 rarely preserved. The version now given is founded on two 
 manuscript copies, preserved among the records of the East 
 India Company. Many of the variations between the printed 
 and manuscript copies are noted; but to exhibit the whole, 
 it would be necessary to print the two versions in juxtaposi¬ 
 tion, which would occupy more space than seems adviseable. 
 
 D 
 
18 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 better h 
 
 Hailing so good occasion, by bearing tliat certaine English 
 marchants lye in the island of laua, although by name vn- 
 knowen, I haue ymboldened my selfe to wryte these few 
 lines, desiring the Worshipfnll Companie being vnknowen 
 to me, to pardon my stowtnes. My reason that I doe wryte, 
 is first as conscience doth binde me with loue to my coun¬ 
 trymen, and country. Your Worships, to whom this pre¬ 
 sent wryting shall come, is to geve yon to vnderstand that I 
 am a Kentish man, borne in a towne called Gillingam, two 
 English miles from Rochester, one mile from Chattam, where 
 the Kings ships doe lye: and that from the age of twelne 
 yeares olde, I was brought vp in Limehouse neere London, 
 being Apprentice twelue yeares to Master Nicholas Diggines; 
 and my selfe haue serued for Master and Pilott in her Maies- 
 ties ships; and about eleuen or twelne yeares haue serued the 
 Worshipfnll Companie of the Barbarie Marchants, vntill the 
 Indish traffick from Holland [began], in which Indish traf- 
 fick I was desirous to make a littel experience of the small 
 knowledg which God had geven me. So, in the yeare of our 
 Lord 1598, I was hired for Pilot Maior of a fleete of five 
 sayle, which was made readie by the Indish Companie: Peeter 
 Vander Hay and Hance Vander Veek. The Generali of this 
 fleet, was a marchatt called laques Maihore, in which ship, 
 being Admirall, I was Pilott. So being the three and twen¬ 
 tieth or foure and twentieth of Iune ere we sett sayle, it was 
 too late ere we came to the line, to passe it without contrarie 
 windes. So it was about the middest of September, at which 
 time we fownde much southerly windes, and our men were 
 many sick, so that we were forsed to goe to the coast of 
 Guinney to Cape Gonsalves, where wee set our sicke men a 
 lande, of which many dyed: and of the sicknesse few bettered, 
 hauing little or no refreshing, beinge an vnhealthfull place. 
 
LETTE11 I. 
 
 19 
 
 So tliat to fulfill our voyage, wee set our course for the coast 
 of Brasill, beinge determined to passe the Streightes of 
 Magilanus; and by the way cam to an Hand called Annabona, y 
 which island we landed at, and tooke the towne, in which 
 was about eiglitie houses. In which Hand we refreshed our- 
 selues, bailing oxen, oranges, and diuers fruites, etc. But 
 the vnwholesomenesse of the aire was very had, that as one 
 bettered, an other fell sicke: spending vpon the coast vp the 
 cape Gonsalues, and vp Annabona, a two moneths tyme, till 
 the twelfth or thirteenth Nouember. At which time, wee set 
 sayle from Annabona, finding the windes still at the south 
 and south by east, and south south-east, till wee got into 
 foure degrees to the southwards of the line: at which time 
 the winde did fauour vs comming to the south-east, and 
 east south-east, and so that we were vp betweene the Hand 
 of Annabona, and the Streightes of Magilano, about a fiue 
 monetlies. One of our fiue sayle liir maine mast fell over 
 bord, by which we were much hindred ; for in the sea with 
 much troubell we set a new mast. So that the nine and 
 twentieth of March, we saw the lande in lattetude of fiftie 
 degrees, hailing the winde a two or three daies contrarie: so, 
 in the ende, liauinge the windes good, came to the Streightes 
 of Magilano, the sixt of Aprill, 1599, at which time, the winter 
 came, so that there was much snowe: and with colde on the 
 one side, and hunger on the other, our men grew weake. 
 Hauing at that time the wind at the north-east, six or seven 
 dayes, in which time wee might haue past through the 
 Streightes, But, for refreshing of our men we waited, water¬ 
 ing and taking in of wood, and setting vp of a pynnas of fif- 
 teene or twentie tonnes in burthen. So at length, wee would 
 haue passed through, but could not by reason of the southerly 
 windes : the weather 2 being very cold, with aboundance of 
 snowe and yce. Wherefore, we were forced to winter and to 
 stay in the Streightes from the sixt of Aprill, till the foure and 
 
 5 lllha da Nobon. [P.] 2 with wet. [P.] 
 
20 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 twentieth of September, in which time our victualles was for 
 the most part of spent, and for lacke of the same, many of 
 our men dyed of hunger. So, hauinge passed through the 
 Streiglites, and comming in the South Sea, wee found many 
 hard stormes, 1 being driuen to the southward in fiftie foure 
 degrees, being very cold. At length we found reasonable 
 windes and weather, with which wee followed our pretended 
 voyage towards the coast of Perow : but in long traves 2 we 
 lost our whole fleet, being separated the one from the other. 
 Yet wee had appointed before the dispersing of our fleet by 
 stormes and foule weather, that if wee lost one another, that 
 in Chili in the lattetude of fortie sixe degrees, wee should 
 stay the one for the other the space of thirtie dayes. In 
 which height according to agreement, I went in sixe and 
 fortie degrees, and stayed eight and twentie dayes where we 
 refreshed our selues, findinge the people of the countrey of a 
 good nature: but by reason of the Spaniardes, the people 
 would not trade with vs. At first, they brought vs sheepe 3 
 and potatoes, for which we gaue them bills 4 and kniues, whereof 
 they were very glad: but in the end, the people went vp 
 from their houses into the countrey, and came no more to 
 vs. Wee stayed there eight and twentie dayes, and set vp a 
 pynnas which we had in our ship in foure partes, and in the 
 end departed and came to the mouth of Baldiuia, yet by 
 reason of the much wind it was at that present, we entred not, 
 but directed our course out of the bay, for the iland of Much 
 [Mocha ], vnto the which the next day wee came ; and finding 
 none of our fleet there, directed our course for St. Maria, and 
 the next day cam by the Cape, which is but a league and an 
 halfe from the Iland, and seeing many people luffed 5 about 
 the cape, and finding good grownde, anchored in a faire sandy 
 
 1 streames. [P-] 
 
 2 i. e.: but in long traverses, or “ in making long stretches in working 
 up against the wind, we lost them.” Purchas reads, travels. 
 
 3 they would not trade with vs at first. They brought vs sheepe. [P.] 
 
 4 bets. [P.] 5 tossed. [P.] 
 
LETTER I. 
 
 21 
 
 bay in fifteene fathom; and went with onr boats hard by the 
 water side, to parle with the people of the lande, but they 
 would not suffer vs to come a lande, shooting great store of 
 arrowes at vs. Neuerthelesse, hauing no victualls in our 
 ship, and hoping to find refreshing by force, wee landed some 
 seuen and twentie or tliirtie of our men, and droue the wilde 
 people from the water side, most of our men being hurt with 
 their arrowes. And 1 being on land, we made signes of friend¬ 
 ship, and in the end came to parle with signes and tokens of 
 friendship, the which the people in the end did vnderstand. 
 So wee made signes, that our desire was for victualls, shew¬ 
 ing them iron, siluer, and cloth, which we would give them 
 in exchange for the same. Wherefore they gaue our folke 
 wine, with potatoes 2 to eate, and drinke with other fruits, and 
 bid our men by signes and tokens to goe aboord, and the 
 next day to come againe, and then they would bring vs good 
 store of refreshing: so, being late, our men came aboord, 3 
 very glad that we had come to a parle with them, hoping that 
 we should get refreshing. The next day, being the ninth of 
 Nouember 1599, our capten, with all our officers, prepared 
 to goe a lande, hauing taken counsell to goe to the water 
 side, but not to lande more then two or three at the 
 most; for there were people in aboundance vnknowen to 
 us : wilde, therefore not to be trusted ; 4 which counsell 
 being concluded vpon, the capten himselfe did goe in one 
 of our boats, with all the force that we could make; and 
 being by the shore side, the people of the countrie made 
 signes that they should come a lande; but that did not well 
 like our capten. In the end, the people not comming neere 
 vnto our boats, our capten, with the rest, resolved to land, 
 contrary to that which was concluded abord our shipp, before 
 their going a lande. At length, three and twentie men landed 
 
 1 They. [P.] 2 batatas. [P.] 
 
 3 the most part of them being hurt more or less. . . . [P.] 
 
 4 our men therefore were willed not to trust them. [P.] 
 
22 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 with muskets, and marched vpwardes towardes foure or hue 
 houses, and when they were about a musket shot from the 
 boates, more then a thousand Indians, which lay in ambush, 
 immediately fell vpon our men with such weapons as they 
 had, and slewe them all to our knowledge. So our boats 
 did long wait to see if any of them did come agen; but 
 
 I 
 
 being all slaine, our boates returned: which sorrowfull 
 newes of all our mens deaths was very much lamented of vs 
 all; for we had scarce so many men left as could winde vp 
 our anker. The next day wee weighed, 1 and went ouer to 
 the Hand of St. Maria, where we found our Admiral, who had 
 ariued there foure daies before vs, and departed from the 
 Hand of Much the day before we came from thence, hauing 
 the Generali, Master, and all his Officers, murthered a lande; 2 
 so that all our officers were slaine, the one bemoning the 
 other : neuerthelesse, both glad to see the one the other, 
 and that we were so well met together. My good friend 
 Timothy Shotten was Pilott in that ship. 
 
 Being at the island of St. Maria, which lieth in the latte- 
 tude to the s° ward of the line of thirtie seuen degrees twelue 
 minutes on the cost of Chili, wee tooke counsell to take all 
 things out of one ship, 3 and to burne the other; but that the 
 captens that were made newe, the one nor the other, would 
 not, so that we could not agree to leave the one or the other; 
 and having much cloth in our ships, it was agreed that wee 
 should leaue the coast of Perow, and direct our course for 
 Iapon, having understood that cloth was good marchandiz 
 there; and also how vpon that coast of Peroiv, the king’s 
 ships were out seeking vs, hauing knowledge of our being 
 there, vnderstanding that wee were weake of men, which was 
 certaine; for one of our fleet, 4 for hunger, was forced to seeke 
 
 1 waited. [P.] and God had so 'plagued vs. . . [P.] 
 
 3 our shipps. [original] one ship. [P.] 
 
 4 as we understood afterward was forced to yeeld themselves into the ene¬ 
 mies hand in. . . [P.] 
 
LETTER I. 
 
 23 
 
 rcliefe at the enemies hand in Saint Ago. For which reason, 
 hauing refreshed ourselnes in this Hand of St. Maria, more 
 by policie then by force, we departed the twentie seuen of 
 Nouember, from the Hand of St. Maria, with our two ships; 
 and for the rest of our fleete we had no newes of them. So 
 we stood away directly for Iapan, and passed the equinoctiall 
 hue together, vntill we came in twentie-eight degrees to the 
 northward of the line: in which lattetude we were about the 
 twentie third of February 1 1600. Wee had a wonderous storme 
 of wind, as euer I was in, with much raine, in which storme 
 wee lost our consort, 2 whereof we were very sorry: neverthe¬ 
 less, 3 with hope that in lapon we should meet the one the 
 other, 4 we proceeded on our former intention for lapon, and in 
 the height of thirtie degrees, sought the northermost [?] Cape 
 of the forenamed Hand; but found it not, by reason that it 
 lietli faulce in all cardes, and maps, and globes; for the Cape 
 lieth in thirtie-fiue degrees which is a great difference. 
 In the end, in thirtie-two degrees wee cam in sight of the 
 lande, being the nineteenth day of April. So that betweene 
 the Cape of St. Maria and lapon, we were foure moneths and 
 twentie-two daies; at which time there were no more then 
 sixe besides my selfe that could stand vpon his feet. So we 
 in safetie let fall our anchor about a league from a place 
 called Bungo. At which time cam to vs many boats, and we 
 suffred them to come abord, being not able to resist them, 
 which people did vs no liarme; neither of vs vnderstanding 
 the one the other. 5 Within a 2 or 3 daies after our arivall, 
 tlier cam a Iesuit from a place called Langasacke, to which 
 place the Carake of Amakau 6 is yeerely wont to come, which 
 
 1 the twenty second and twenty third. [P.] 
 
 2 greatest ship. [P.] 
 
 3 being left alone. [P.] 
 
 4 Then according to wind and iveather ice followed our. . . [P.] 
 
 5 but by signes and tokens. [P.] 
 
 6 Amacau. u The Portugals of those times [about the middle of the 
 16th century] were very desirous of trade with the Chinois, who on the 
 other hand were very suspitious of them. . . . yet desire of gaine pre- 
 
24 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 with other Iaponers that were Christians, were our inter¬ 
 preters, which was not to our good, our mortal ennemies 
 being our Truchmen. 1 Neuerthelesse, the King of Bungo, 
 the place where we arriued, shewed vs great friendship. For 
 he gaue vs an house a lande, where we landed our sicke men, 
 and had all refreshing that was needfull. We had when we 
 cam to anker in Bungo, sicke and whole, foure and twentie 
 men, of which number the next day three dyed. The rest 
 for the most part recouered, sauing three, which lay a long 
 time sicke, and in the end also died. In the which time of 
 our being here, the Emperour hearing of vs, sent presently 
 hue gallies, or friggates, to vs, to bring mee to the Court, 
 where his Highnes was, wdiich was distant from Bungo about 
 an eightie English leagues. Soe that as soon as I came 
 before him, he demanded of me, of what countrey we were; 
 so I answered him in all points; for there was nothing that 
 he demanded not, both conserning warre and peace betweene 
 countrey and countrey: so that the particulars here to wryte 
 would be too tedious. And for that time I was commanded 
 to prisson, being well vsed, with one of our mariners that 
 cam with me to seme me. 
 
 A two dayes after, the Emperour called me agein, de- 
 maunding the reason of our comming so farre. I aunswered : 
 We were a people that sought all friendship with all nations, 
 and to haue trade in all countries, bringing such merchan- 
 diz as our countrey did afford into strange landes, in the way 
 of traffick. 2 He demaunded also as conserning the warres 
 
 vayled, that they were admitted to trade; till the Chinois growing less 
 fearfull, granted them in the greater Hand a littel Peninsula to dwell in. 
 In which place was an Idoll called Ama, whence the Peninsula was called 
 Am a Cao : that is Amas BayP Such is the derivation of the modern 
 Macao, given by Purchas on the authority of the Jesuit Fathers. [ Pil¬ 
 grimst, vol. iii, p. 319.] 
 
 1 which was ill for vs, they being our mortal enemies. [P.] 
 
 2 bringing such merchandizes as our countrye had, and buying such mer¬ 
 chandizes in strange countryes as our countrey desired ; through which our 
 countryes on both side were inriched. [P.] 
 
LETfER I. 
 
 25 
 
 betwecnc tlic Spaniard or Portingall and onr countrey, and 
 the reasons; the which I gaue him to vnderstand of all 
 things, which he was glad to heare, as it seemed to me. In 
 the end, I was commaunded to prisson agein, but my lodging 
 was bettered in an other place. So that 39 dayes I was in 
 prisson, hearing no more newes, neither of our ship, nor cap- 
 ten, whether he were recouered of his sickenesse or not, nor 
 of the rest of the company: in which time, I looked eucrjr 
 day to die : to be crossed , as the custome of iustice is in Iapon , 
 as hanging is in our land. In which long time of imprisson- 
 ment, the Iesuites and the Portingalls gaue many euidences 
 against me and the rest to the Emperour, that wee were 
 tlieeues and robbers of all nations, and were we suffered to 
 liue, it should be ageinst the profit of his Highnes, and the 
 land: for no nation should come there without robbing: his 
 Highnes iustice being executed, the rest of our nation with¬ 
 out doubt should feare and not come here any more : thus 
 dayly making axcess to the Emperour, and procuring friendes 
 to hasten my death. But God that is always merciful at 
 need, shewed mercy vnto vs, and would not suffer them to 
 liaue their willes of vs. In the end, the Emperour gave them 
 
 aunswer that we as vet had not doen to him nor to none of 
 
 «/ 
 
 his lande any harme or dammage : therfore against Reason 
 and Iustice to put vs to death. If our countreys had warres 
 the one with the other, that was no cause that he should put 
 vs to death : with which they were out of hart, that their 
 cruell pretence failed them. Eor which God be for evermore 
 praised. 1 Now in this time that I was in prisson, the ship 
 
 1 And to this intent they sued to his maiestie daily to cut vs off, making 
 all the friends they could to this purpose. But God was mercifull vnto vs, 
 and ivould not suffer them to haue their wills of vs. At length, the Empe¬ 
 rour gaue them this answer, that as yet wee had done no hurt or damage to 
 him, nor to any of his land; and therefore that it was against reason and 
 iustice to put vs to death : and if our countreys and theirs had warres one 
 with the other, that vxis no cause that he should put vs to death. The empe¬ 
 rour answering them in this manner, they were quite out of heart, that their 
 cruell pretence failed: for the which, God he praised for euer and euer. [P.] 
 
 E 
 
26 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 was commaunded to be brought so neere to the citie where 
 the Emperour was, as she might be (for grownding hir); the 
 which was done. 41 daies being expired, the Emperour caused 
 me to be brought before him agein, demanding of mee many 
 questions more, which were too long to write. In conclusion, 
 he asked me whether I were desirous to goe to the ship to see 
 my countreymen. I answered very gladly: the which he 
 bade me doe. So I departed, and was freed from imprisson- 
 ment. And this was the first newes that I had, that the 
 ship and company were come to the citie. So that, with a 
 reioicing hart I tooke a boat, and went to our ship, where I 
 found the capten and the rest, recouered of their sickenesse; 
 and when I cam abord with weeping eyes was received d for 
 it was given them to vnderstand that I was executed long 
 since. Thus, God be praised, all we that were left aliue, came 
 together againe. From the ship all things were taken out: 
 so that the clothes which I took with me on my back I only 
 had. All my instruments and books were taken. Not only 
 I lost what I had in the ship, but from the capten and the 
 company, generally, what was good or worth the taking, was 
 carried away. All which was doen unknowen to the Empe¬ 
 rour. So in processe of time hauing knowledg of it, he com¬ 
 maunded that they which had taken our goods, should restore 
 it to vs back again; but it was here and there so taken, that 
 we could not get it again : sauinge 50000 E s in reddy money 
 was commaunded to be geven vs; and in his presence 
 brought, and delivered in 1 2 the hands of one that was made 
 
 1 But at our meeting aboord, we saluted one another with mourning and 
 sheadding of teares. [P.] 
 
 2 All things were taken out of the ship, together with all my instruments, 
 etc., and 1 had nothing left me, but my clothes on my backe : likewise what- 
 soeuer the rest of the company had, was also taken away, vnknowne to the 
 Emperour: which when he vnderstood, he gaue order that they should be 
 restored to vs againe. But being so dispersed abroad, they could not be 
 had: yet fiftie thousand rials in ready money, were commanded to be giuen 
 us, the Emperour himselfe seeing the deliuery thereof to .. . [P.] 
 
LETTER I. 
 
 27 
 
 our gouernour, who kept them in his hands to distribute 
 them vnto vs as wee had neede, for the buying of victualls 
 for our men, with other particular charges. So in the end of 
 thirtie dayes, our ship lying before the city called Salcay, 
 two leagues \ or three leagues, from Ozaca, where the Empe- 
 rour at that time did lye, commaundement cam from the 
 Emperour, that our ship should be carried to the eastermost 
 part of the land, called Quanto , whither according to his 
 commaundement we were carried, the distance being about 
 an hundred and twenty leagues. Our passage thither was 
 long, by reason of contrarie windes, so that the Emperour was 
 there long before vs. Comming to the land of Quanto, and 
 neere to the citie Eddo, where the Emperour was: being 
 arriued, I sought all meanes by supplications, to get our ship 
 cleare, and to seeke our best meanes 1 to come where the 
 Hollanders had their trade: in which suit we spent much of 
 the mony geven vs. Also, in this time, three or foure of our 
 men rebelled against the capten, and my selfe, and made a 
 mutinie with the rest of our men, so that we had much 
 trouble with them. For they would not abide noe longer in 
 the ship, but euery one would be a commander : and perforce 
 would haue euery one part of the money that was geven by 
 the Emperour. It would bee too long to wryte the particu¬ 
 lars. In the end, the money was devided according to euery 
 man’s place; but this was about two }^eeres that we had been 
 in Iapon; and when we had a deniall that we should not 
 haue our ship, but to abyde in Iapon . So that the part of 
 every one being devided, every one tooke his way 2 where he 
 thought best. In the end, the Emperour gaue euery man, 
 to liue vpon, two pounds of rice a day, daily, and yeerely so 
 much as was worth eleuen or twelue ducats a veare, yearely: 
 my selfe, the capten, and mariners all alike. 
 
 1 profit. [P.] 
 
 2 our companie having their parts of the money dispersed themselves 
 euerie one . .. [P-] 
 
28 
 
 THE KYNGD0ME OE JAP ONI A. 
 
 So in processe of four or flue yeeres the Emperour called me, 
 as diuers times he had done before. So one time aboue the 
 rest he would haue me to make him a small ship. I aunswered 
 that I was no carpenter, and had no knowledg thereof. Well, 
 doe your endeavour, saitli he: if it be not good, it is no matter. 
 Wherefore at his commaund I buylt him a ship of the 
 burthen of eightie tunnes, or there about: which ship being 
 made in all respects as our manner is, he comming aboord to 
 see it, liked it very well; by which meanes I came in more 
 fauour with him, so that I came often in his presence, who 
 from time to time gaue me presents, and at length a yearely 
 stypend to liue vpon, much about seuentie ducats by the yeare, 
 with two pounds of rice a day, daily. Nowbeeing in such grace 
 and fauour, by reason I learned him some points of jeometry, 
 and vnderstanding of the art of mathematickes, with other 
 things: I pleased him so, that what I said he would not 
 contrarie. At which my former ennemies did wonder; and 
 at this time must intreat me to do them a friendship, which 
 to both Spaniards and Portingals have I doen recompencing 
 them good for euill. So, to passe my time to get my liuing, 
 it hath cost mee great labour and trouble at the first; but 
 God hath blessed my labour. 
 
 In the ende of fiue yeeres, I made supplication to the king 
 to goe out of this land, desiring to see my poore wife and 
 children according to conscience and nature. With the 
 which request, the emperour was not well pleased, and would 
 not let me goe any more for my countrey, but to byde in his 
 land. Yet in processe of time, being in great fauour with the 
 Emperour, I made supplication agein, by reason weliadnewes 
 that the Hollanders were in Shian 2 and Patania; which re- 
 ioyced vs much, with hope that God should bring us to our 
 
 1 . . . Jesuites and Portugals did greatly wonder , and intreated me to 
 befriend them to the Emperour in their businesse: and so by my meanes 
 both Spaniards and Portugals have receiued friendship from the Empe¬ 
 rour; I recommencing their euill vnto me with good. [P. l 
 
 2 Achen. [P.] 
 
LETTER I. 
 
 29 
 
 countrey againe, by one meanes or other. So I made sup¬ 
 plication agein, and boldly spake my selfe with him, at which 
 he gaue me no aunswer. I told him, if he would permit me 
 to depart, I would bee a meanes, that both the English and 
 Hollanders should come and traffick there. But by no means 
 he would let mee goe. I asked him leave for the capten, the 
 which he presently granted mee. So by that meanes my 
 capten got leave; and in a Iapon iunk sailed to Pattan; and 
 in a yeares space cam no Hollanders. In the end, 1 he went 
 from Patane to lor, where he found a fleet of nine saile: of 
 which fleet Matleef was General, and in this fleet he was made 
 Master againe, which fleet sailed to Malacca, and fought with 
 an armado of Portingalls: in which battel he was shot, and 
 presently died: so that as yet, I think, no certain newes is 
 knownen, whether I be liuing or dead. Therefore I do pray 
 and intreate you in the name of Jesus Christ to doe so much 
 as to make my being 2 here in Iapon, knowen to my poor 
 wife: in a manner a widdow, and my two children father- 
 lesse: which thing only is my greatest griefe of heart, and 
 conscience. I am a man not vnknowen in Rat cliffe and 
 Limehouse, by name to my good Master Nicholas Diggmes, 
 and M. Thomas Best, and M. Nicholas Isaac, and William 
 Isaac, brothers, with many others; also to M. William Iones, 
 and M. Bechet. Therefore may this letter come to any of 
 their hands, or the copy: I doe know that compassion and 
 mercy is so, 3 that my friends and kindred shall liaue newes, 
 that I doe as yet liue in this vale of my sorrowfull 4 pil- 
 
 1 Ee answered, that he was desirous of both those nations company for 
 traffcque, but ivould not part with me by any meanes: but bade me write 
 to that purpose. Seeing therefore 1 could not preuaile for my selfe, I sued 
 that my captaine might depart, which suit hee presently graunted me. So 
 liauing gotten his libertie, he imbarqued in a lapans iunclc, and sayled to 
 Patane: but he tarried there a yeers space, waiting for Holland ships. 
 And seeing none came. . . . [P.] 
 
 2 . .. my desire is that my wife and two children may heare that I 
 
 am. . . [P.] 
 
 3 . . . that companies mercy is such. . . [P. j 4 sinfull. [P.] 
 
30 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 grimage: the which thing agein and agein I do desire for 
 Iesus Christ his sake. 
 
 You shall vnder stand, that the first ship that I did make, 
 I did make a voyage or two in, and then the King com- 
 maunded me to make an other, the which I did, being of 
 the burthen of an hundred and twentie tunnes. In this ship 
 I have made a voyage from Meaco to Eddo, being as far as 
 from London to the Lizarde or the Lands end of England: 
 which in the yeere of our Lord 1609, the King lent to the 
 Gouernour of Manilla, to goe with eightie of his men, to saile 
 to Acapulca . In the yeere 1609 was cast away a great ship 
 called the S. Francisco , beeing about a thousand tunnes, vpon 
 the coast of Iapon, in the lattetude of thirty hue degrees and 
 fiftie minutes. By distresse of weather she cut ouer-boord 
 her maine mast, and bore vp for Iapon, and in the night 
 vnawares, the ship ranne vpon the shore and was cast away : 
 in the which thirtie and sixe 1 men were drowned, and three 
 hundred fortie, or three hundred fiftie saued: in which ship 
 the Gouernour of Manilla as a passenger, was to returne to 
 Noua Spania. But this Gouernour was sent in the bigger 
 ship which I made, in aim. 1610, to Acapulca. And in ann. 
 1611, this Gouernour returned another ship in her roome, 
 with a great present, and with an Embassadour to the Empe- 
 rour, giuing him thankes for his great friendship: and also 
 sent the worth of the Emperours ship in goods and money: 
 which sliippe the Spaniards haue now in the Philippinas. 
 
 Now for my seruice which I haue doen and daily doe, being 
 employed in the Emperours seruice, he hath given me a 
 liuing, like vnto a lordship in England, with eightie or ninetie 
 husbandmen, that be as my slaues or seruants : which, or the 
 like president, was neuer here before geven to any stranger. 
 Thus God hath prouided for mee after my great miserie ; and 
 to him only be all honnor and praise, power and glory, both 
 now and for euer, worlde without ende. 2 
 
 1 One hundred thirtie and six. [p-] 
 
 2 his name hath and haue the prayse for ever. Amen. [P.] 
 
LETTER I. 
 
 31 
 
 Now, whether I shall come out of this land, I know not. 
 Vntill this present there hath been no meanes; hut now, 
 through the trade of the Hollanders, there is meanes. In 
 the yeere of our Lord 1G09, two Holland ships came to Iapon. 
 Their intention was to take the Caracke, that yeerly cam 
 from Macao, being a hue or six dayes too late. Neuer- 
 tlielesse, they cam to Firando, and cam to the Court to the 
 Emperour, where they were in great friendship receiued, 
 making condition with the Emperour yearely to send a ship or 
 two ; and so with the EmperouFs passe they departed. Now, 
 this yeare 1611, there is a small ship arriued, with cloth, lead, 
 elephants teeth, dammaske, and blacke taffities, raw silke, 
 pepper, and other commodities; and they haue shewed cause 
 why they cam not in the former yeare 1610, according to 
 promise yearely to come. This ship was wonderously well 
 receiued. 1 You shall vnderstand that the Hollanders haue 
 here an Indies of money; for out of Holland there is no need 
 of siluer to come into the East Indies. For in lapan, there is 
 much siluer and gold to serue for the Hollanders to handell 
 wher they will in the Est Indies. But the merchandiz, which 
 is here vendible for readie money, is raw silke, damaske, 
 blacke taffities, blacke and red cloth of the best, lead, and 
 such like goods. So, now vnderstanding by this Holland ship 
 lately arriued here, that there is a settled trade by my 
 countrey-men in the Est Indies , I presume that amongst 
 them, some, either merchants, masters, or mariners, must 
 needs know mee. Therefore I haue ymboldened my selfe to 
 write these few lines in breife; being desirous not to he ouer- 
 tedious to the reader. 
 
 This Hand of Iapon is a great land, and lyetli to the north¬ 
 wards, in the lattetude of eight and fortie degrees, and the 
 souther-most part of it in hue and tliirtie degrees, and it 
 lyeth east by north, and west by south or west south west, 
 
 1 This ship is ivell receiued and with great kindness intertained. [P.] 
 
32 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 two hundred and twentie English leagues. 1 The people of 
 this Hand of Iapon are good of nature, curteous aboue 
 measure, and valiant in warre : their iustice is seuerely 
 excecuted without any partialitie vpon transgressors of the 
 law. They are gouerned in great ciuilitie. I meane, not a land 
 better gouerned in the world by ciuill policie. The people 
 be verie superstitious in their religion, and are of diuers 
 opinions. There he many Iesuites and Franciscan friars in 
 this land, and they haue conuerted many to he Christians, 
 and haue many churches in the Hand. 
 
 Thus, in breife, I am constrained to write, hoping that by 
 one meanes or other, in processe of time, I shall heare of my 
 wife and children : and so with pacience I wait the good will 
 and pleasure of Allmighty God. Therfor I do pray all 
 them, or euery one of them, that if this my letter shall com 
 to their hands to doe the best, that my wife and children, and 
 my good acquaintance may heere of mee; by whose good 
 meanes I may in processe of time, before my death heare 
 newes, or see som of my freindes agein. The which thinge 
 God turn it to his glory. Amen? 
 
 Dated in lapan the two and twentieth of October 1611. 
 
 By your vnworthy friend and seruant, to 
 
 command in what I can, 
 
 William Adams. 
 
 1 The breadth south and north of it thirteene degrees, twenty leagues to 
 the degree, is two hundred sixty leagues, and is almost square. [P.] 
 
 2 . . . God Almightie, desiring all those to whom this my letter shall come, 
 to vse the meanes to acquaint my good friends ivith it, that so my wife and 
 children may heare of me: by which meanes there may be hope that I may 
 heare of my wife and children before my death : The which the Lord grant 
 to his glorie, and my comfort. Amen. [P.] 
 
33 
 
 letter STo. 5®. 
 
 Concurrently with the preceding, William Adams addressed 
 a letter to his wife, of which a fragment has been preserved 
 by Purchas. It contains some interesting additional touches 
 that contribute to the completion of the picture already 
 given. 
 
 WILLIAM ADAMS TO HIS WIFE. 
 
 Louing wife, you shall vnderstand how all things liaue 
 passed with mee from the time of mine absence from you. We 
 set saile with hue ships from the Texel, in Holland, the foure 
 and twentieth of Iune 1598. And departed from the coast of 
 England the fift of Inly. And the one and twentieth of 
 August , we came to one of the isles of Capo Verde , called 
 Sant’ Iago, where we abode foure and twentie dayes. In 
 which time many of our men fell sicke, through the vnwhol- 
 somenesse of the aire, and our generall among the rest. Now 
 the reason that we abode so long at these ilands was, that 
 one of the captaines of our fleet made our generall beleeue 
 that at these ilands we should find great store of refreshing, 
 as goats and other things, which was vntrue. 
 
 Here I and all the pilots of the fleet were called to a 
 councell; in which wee all shewed our iudgements of dislik¬ 
 ing the place; which were by all the captaines taken so ill, 
 that afterward it was agreed by them all, that the pilots 
 should be no more in the councell, the which was executed. 
 The fifteenth day of September w r e departed from the isle of 
 Sanf Iago, and passed the equinoctiall line. And in the 
 latitude of three degrees to the south, our generall dyed : 
 where, with many contrarie windes and raine, the season of 
 the yeare being very much past, wee were forced vpon the 
 
 F 
 
34 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 coast of Guiney, falling vpon an head-land called Cabo de 
 Spirito Sancto. The new generall commanded to hear vp 
 with Cape de Lopo Consalues, there to seeke refreshing for 
 our men ; the which we did. In which place we landed all 
 our sicke men ; where they did not much better, for wee could 
 find no store of victuals. The nine and twentieth of Decem¬ 
 ber, wee set saile to goe on our voyage, and in our way we 
 fell with an island called IUha da Nobon , where we landed all 
 our sicke men, taking the iland by force. Their towne 
 contayned some eiglitie houses. Hauing refreshed our men, 
 we set saile againe. At which time our generall commanded, 
 that a man for foure dayes should haue but one pound of 
 bread, that was a quarter of a pound a day; with a like pro¬ 
 portion of wine and water. Which scarcitie of victuals 
 brought such feeblenesse, that our men fell into so great 
 weaknesse and siclmesse for hunger, that they did eate the 
 calves’ skinnes wherewith our ropes were couered. The third 
 of Aprill 1599, we fell in with the Port of Saint Iulian. And 
 the sixt of Aprill we came into the Straight of Magellan to 
 the first narrow. And the eighth day we passed the second 
 narrow with a good wind, where we came to an anchor, and 
 landed on Penguin Island, where we laded our boate ful of 
 penguins, which are fowles greater then a ducke, wherewith 
 we were greatly refreshed. The tenth, we weighed anchor, 
 hauing much wind, which was good for vs to goe thorow. 
 But our generall would water, and take in prouision of wood 
 for all our fleet. In which straight there is enough in euery 
 place, with anchor ground in all places, three or foure leagues 
 one from another. 
 
 In the meane time, the wind changed, and came southerly, 
 so we sought a good harbour for our ship on the north-side, 
 foure leagues off Elizabeth’s Bay. All Aprill being out, wee 
 had wonderfull much snow and ice, with great winds. For 
 in April, May, Iune, luly, and August, is the winter there, 
 being in fiftie-two degrees ^ by south the equinoctiall. Many 
 
LETTER II. 
 
 35 
 
 times in the winter we had the wind good to goe through the 
 straights, but our generall would not. We abode in the 
 straight till the foure and twentieth of August 1599. On 
 the which day wee came into the South Sea; where sixe or 
 seuen dayes after, in a greater storme, we lost the whole 
 fleet one from another. The storme being long, we were 
 driuen into the latitude of fiftie-foure degrees by south 
 the equinoctial! The weather breaking vp, and hauing good 
 wind againe, the ninth of October we saw the admirall, of 
 which we were glad; eight or ten dayes after, in the night, 
 hauing very much wind, our fore-sayle flew away, and wee 
 lost companie of the admirall. Then, according to wind and 
 weather, we directed our course for the Coast of Chili, where 
 the nine and twentieth of October we came to the place 
 appointed of our generall in fortie-sixe degrees, where wee 
 set vp a pinnesse, and stayed eight and twentie dayes: In 
 this place we found people, with whom wee had friendship 
 fiue or sixe dayes, who brought vs sheep; for which we gaue 
 them bels [? bills] and kniues, and it seemed to vs they were 
 contented. But shortly after they went all away from the place 
 where our ship was, and we saw them no more. Eight and 
 twentie dayes being expired, we set sayle, minding to goe 
 for Baldivia. So wee came to the mouth of the bay of Bal- 
 divia. And being very much wind, our captaines minde 
 changed, so that we directed our course for the isle of Mocha. 
 
 The first of Nouember, we came to the ile of Mocha, lying 
 in the latitude of eight and thirtie degrees. Hauing much 
 wind, we durst not anchor, but directed our course for Cape 
 Banda Maria, two leagues by south the iland of Banda 
 Maria; where, hauing no knowledge of the people, the second 
 of Nouember our men went on land, and the people of the 
 land fought with our men, and hurt eight or nine; but in 
 the end, they made a false composition of friendship, which 
 our men did beleeue. 
 
 The next day, our captaine, and three and twentie of our 
 
36 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 chiefe men ; went on land, meaning for marcliandize to get 
 victualls, hauing wonderfull hunger. Two or three of the 
 people came straight to our boat in friendly manner, with a 
 kind of wine and rootes, with making tokens to come on land, 
 making signes that there were sheep and oxen. Our captaine 
 with our men, hauing great desire to get refreshing for our 
 men, went on land. The people of the countrey lay in¬ 
 trenched a thousand and aboue, and straight-way fell vpon 
 our men, and slew them all; among which was my brother 
 Thomas Adams. By this losse, we had scarse so many men 
 whole as could weigh our anchor. So the third day, in great 
 distresse, we set our course for the Island of Santa Maria, 
 where we found our admirall; whom when we saw, our 
 hearts were some-what comforted : we went aboord them, 
 and found them in as great distresse as we, hauing lost their 
 Generali, with seuen and twentie of their men, slaine at the 
 Island of Mocha, from whence they departed the day before 
 we came by. Here we tooke counsell what we should doe to 
 get victualls. To goe on land by force we had no men, for 
 the most part were sicke. There came a Spaniard by com¬ 
 position to see our shippe. And so the next day he came 
 againe, and we let him depart quietly. The third day came 
 two Spaniards aboord vs without pawne, to see if they could 
 betray vs. When they had seene our shippe, they would 
 haue gone on land againe, but we would not let them, shew¬ 
 ing that they came without leaue, and we would not let them 
 goe on land againe without our leaue; whereat they were 
 greatly offended. We shewed them that we had extreame 
 neede of victualls, and that if they would giue vs so many 
 sheepe, and so many beeues, they should goe on land. So, 
 against their wils, they made composition with vs, which, 
 within the time appointed, they did accomplish. Hauing so 
 much refreshing as we could get, we made all things well 
 againe, our men beeing for the most part recouered of their 
 sickcncsse. There was a young man, one Hudcopee, which 
 
LETTER II. 
 
 37 
 
 knew nothing, but had serued the admirall, who was made 
 generall: and the master of our sliippe was made vice-admi- 
 rall, whose name was Iacob Quciternak of Roterdam. So the 
 generall and vice-admirall called me and the other pilote, 
 becing an Englishman, called Timothy Shotten (which had 
 been with M. Thomas Candish, in his voyage about the world), 
 to take counsell what we should doe to make our voyage for 
 the best profit of our marchants. 1 At last, it was resolued 
 to goe for Iapon. For by report of one Dirrick Gerritson, 
 which had been there with the Portugals, woollen cloth was 
 in great estimation in that Hand. And we gathered by rea¬ 
 son, that the Malucos, and the most part of the East Indies, 
 were hot countreyes, where woolen cloth would not be much 
 accepted : wherefore, we all agreed to goe for Iapon. So, 
 leauing the coast of Chili from thirtie-sixe degrees of south- 
 latitude, the seuen and twentieth of Nouember 1599, we 
 tooke our course directly for Iapon , and passed the line equi- 
 noctiall with a faire wind, which continued good for diuerse 
 moneths. In our way, we fell with certain islands in sixe- 
 teene degrees of north latitude, the inhabitants whereof are 
 men-eaters. Comming neere these islands, and liauing a 
 great pinnesse with vs, eight of our men beeing in the pin- 
 nesse, ranne from vs with the pinnesse, and (as we suppose) 
 were eaten of the wild men, of which people we tooke one : 
 which afterward the generall sent for to come into his shippe. 
 When wee came into the latitude of seuen and twentie and 
 eight and twentie degrees, we found very variable winds and 
 stormy weather. The foure and twentieth of February, we 
 lost sight of our admirall, which afterward we saw no more : 
 Neuertlielesse, we still did our best, directing our course for 
 Iapon. The foure and twentieth of March, we saw an island 
 called Vna Colonna: at which time many of our men were 
 
 1 A summary of this eventful and disastrous voyage will he found in 
 the Appendix, Note B, to Narratives of Voyages towards the North-West, 
 etc., 1490 to 1031.—Hakluyt Society, 1849. 
 
 U" 
 
38 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OE JAPONIA. 
 
 sicke againe, and diuers dead. Great was the miserie we 
 were in, hairing no more bnt nine or tenne able men to goe 
 or creepe vpon their knees : our captaine, and all the rest,, 
 looking euery lioure to die. The eleuentli of Aprill 1600, 
 we saw the land of Iapon, neere vnto Bungo: at which time 
 there were no more but hue men of vs able to goe. The 
 twelfth of Aprill, we came hard to Bungo , where many barkes 
 came aboord vs, the people whereof wee willingly let come, 
 liauing no force to resist them; at which place we came to 
 an anchor. The people offered vs no hurt, but stole all 
 things they could steale; for which some paid deare after¬ 
 ward. The next day, the king of that land sent souldiers 
 aboord to see that none of the marchants goods were stolen. 
 Two or three dayes after, our shippe was brought into a good 
 harbour, there to abide till the principall king of the whole 
 island had newes of vs, and vntill it was knowne what his 
 will was to doe with vs. In the meane time we got fauour 
 of the king of that place, to get our captaine and sicke men 
 on land, which was granted. And wee had an house appointed 
 vs, in which all our men were laid, and had refreshing giuen 
 them. After wee had beene there fiue or sixe dayes, came a 
 Portugall Iesuite, with other Portugals, who reported of vs, 
 that we were pirats, and were not in the way of marchandiz- 
 ing. Which report caused the gouernours and common- 
 peeple to thinke euill of vs: In such manner, that we looked 
 alwayes when we should be set vpon crosses; which is the 
 execution in this land for theeuery and some other crimes. 
 Thus daily more and more the Portugalls incensed the jus¬ 
 tices and people against vs. And two of our men, as tray tors, 
 gaue themselues in seruice to the king, beeing all in all with 
 the Portugals, hauing by them their liues warranted. The 
 one was called Gilbert de Conning , whose mother dwelleth at 
 Middleborough , who gaue himselfe out to be marchant of all 
 the goods in the shippe. The other was called Iohn Abelson 
 Van Owater. These traitours sought all manner of wayes to 
 
LETTER II. 
 
 39 
 
 get the goods into their hands, and made knowne vnto them 
 all things that had passed in our voyage. Nine dayes after 
 our arriuall, the great king of the land sent for me to come 
 vnto him. So, taking one man with me, I went to him, 
 taking my leaue of our captaine, and all the others that were 
 sicke, commending my selfe into His hands that had pre- 
 serued me from so many perils on the sea. I was carried in 
 one of the king's gallies to the court at Osaca, where the king 
 lay, about eightie leagues from the place where the sliippe 
 was. The twelfth of May 1600, I came to the great king's 
 citie, who caused me to be brought into the court, beeing a 
 wonderfull costly house guilded with gold in abundance. 
 Comming before the king, he viewed me well, and seemed to 
 be wonderfull fauourable. He made many signes vnto me, 
 some of which I vnderstood, and some I did not. In the 
 end, there came one that could speake Portuges. By him, 
 the king demanded of me, of what land I was, and what 
 mooued vs to come to his land, beeing so farre off. I shewed 
 vnto him the name of our countrey, and that our land had 
 long sought out the East Indies, and desired friendship with 
 all kings and potentates in way of marchandize, hauing in 
 our land diuerse commodities, which these lands had not: 
 and also to buy such marchandizes in this land, which our 
 countrey had not. Then he asked whether our countrey had 
 warres ? I answered him yea, with the Spaniards and Por¬ 
 tugal, beeing in peace with all other nations. Further, he 
 asked me, in what I did beleeue? I said, in God, that made 
 heauen and earth. He asked me diverse other questions of 
 things of religion, and many other things : As what way we 
 came to the country. Hauing a chart of the whole world, I 
 shewed him, through the Straight of Magellan. At which he 
 wondred, and thought me to lie. Thus, from one thing to 
 another, I abode with him till mid-night. And hauing asked 
 mee, what marchandize we had in our shippe, I shewed him 
 all. In the end, he beeing ready to depart, I desired that 
 
40 
 
 THE ICYNGDOME OE JAPONIA. 
 
 we might haue trade of marchandize, as the Portugals and 
 Spanyards had. To which he made me an answer : bnt 
 what it was, I did not vnderstand. So he commanded me 
 to he carried to prison. Bnt two dayes after, he sent for me 
 againe, and enquired of the qualities and conditions of our 
 countreys, of warres and peace, of beasts and cattell of all 
 sorts; and of the heauens. It seemed that he was well con¬ 
 tent with all mine answers vnto his demands. Neuerthe- 
 lesse, I was commanded to prison againe : but my lodging 
 was bettered in another place. 
 
 better £to. Hi. 
 
 To my assured good frind Augustin Spalding, in Bantam, 
 deliuer this, per a good frind Thomas Hill, whom God 
 presserue. 
 
 Lavs dei: written in Japan in ye Hand of Ferrando, the 
 
 12 of Jeneuari 1613. 
 
 My good and louing frind: I do imbolden my self to wrytt 
 theess feaw lines vnto you in which I do hartylly sallute me 
 vnto you with all the rest of my good country men with 
 you, with hope of your good health, which God long conti- 
 new : as I pravss God I am at this pressent, etc. 
 
 Your ffrindly and Christian letter I hau receued by the 
 Hollanders which be heer arriued this yeer 1612, by which 
 I do vnderstand that you have receued my letter which I sent 
 by Peetter Johnssoon, of which I am veri glad, hoping yt my 
 poor wyf and frindes shall heer I am alyve. For vnto this 
 pressent ther hath not coum to ye hands of my frinds anny 
 letter of myne : being by the Hollanders intercepted alwayes : 
 for by the company of thees ship I haue sertain newes of 
 
LETTER III. 
 
 41 
 
 trewth yt it is exprsressley forbid by tlie Wintliabers so 
 called, or Indish Company, yt they shall carri nor bring 
 anny letters in no maner of wayes: for by both tliees shipes 
 I have had diuers letteers sent me by my wyf and other good 
 frinds out of Ingland and Holland, but feaw coum to my 
 hand and thooss yt I hau receued the most part were 2 
 lettrs which cam from London by the convayance of the 
 Gloob of London, which arriued at Pattania [ .1 which Soire words 
 
 L J obliterated 
 
 is heer arriued : which 2 lettrs, the on is from \? the honour - ]>y f crease 
 able $ir] Thomass Smith, and on from my good frind John 
 
 Stokle, soum tym on of the [.]. Thees 2 lettrs hau 
 
 not bin oppened, but a 40 or 50 dayes detayned from mee, etc. 
 
 You shall \? understand ] by the letter of Sr Thomass 
 Smith, he hath written that he will send a ship heer in Japan 
 to establish a facktori, of which, yf yt may be profitt I shalbe 
 most glad: of which newes I told the Emperour thearof, and 
 told him yt in ye next yeer the kinges ma ti - of Ingland would 
 send his imbashador w r ith mony and marchandiz to trad in 
 his country; and of the certenti theerof I had receued newes. 
 
 At which hee wass veery glad, and rejoyced that strange 
 nacions had such good oppinion: with many other good 
 speeches. Now, my good frind, if it so fall out that on of 
 our country shipes do coum heer to traffick thear [......] 
 
 not lee [.] welcoum. And this I do inseur you of, for 
 
 it is in my power to do it. I doo prayss God for it: who 
 hath geuen me fauor with the Emperour, and good will to 
 me, so farr as that I may boldly say our country men shalbe 
 so welcoum and free in coumparisson as in the riuer of 
 London. 
 
 And now to the purposs. I feear yt theer wilbe no profitt, 
 which is principall: for ye coumodeties of our countri are heer 
 good cheep, yt is clloth; for by reason of the ship that comes 
 from Novo Spaynia of the on party and the Hollanders on 
 the other party, hath made the priss of cloth so good chep as 
 in Ingland. An 8 or 9 years ago cloth was very deer, but 
 
 G 
 
42 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 now verry chep. Now the coumodities yt ye bring from Hol¬ 
 land are theess: cloth, leed, still [steel], louking glasses, drink¬ 
 ing glasses, dans-klass-glasses, amber, dieeper and holland, 
 with other things of small importance. First of ther cloth 
 
 no profitt; leed at [.] the 1., or lees, 3d the which is 
 
 no profitt; steel 6d the 1. and other things of small profitt. 
 
 By ye way [.] them bring peper, the priss thearof 40s. 
 
 the 1001.; clouess 51. starlinge the 1001. and thees [.] 
 
 and the priss tliay sell them for. The ship that coums from 
 
 Pattania [.] of all prisses, damas, taffety, velvett, 
 
 satten, Brassill to dye with. All other china coumodities yt 
 
 [.] is not sartain becass sonm yeers good cheep, and 
 
 soum yeer deer [.] of chinas goods they mad great 
 
 proffit at first. As the shipes coum lade, so thay go away 
 much deeper lade, for heer [? they ] lad thear shipes with 
 rise, fish, bisket, with diuers other prouisions, monicion 
 [? munition ], marriners, sojoures, and svch lyk, so that in 
 respeckt of the warres in the Mollowcouss [ Moluccas ] Jappan 
 is verry profitable vnto them; and yf the warres do continew 
 in ye Mollucous with ye traffick thay bane heer wilbe a greate 
 scourge vnto ye Spaynnards, etc. 
 
 Now my good frind : can our Inglish marcliants get the 
 handelling or trad with the Chinas, then shall our countri 
 mak great profitt, and the worshippful Indiss Coumpany of 
 London shall not hau need to send monny out of Ingland, 
 for in Japan is gold and siluer in aboundance, for with the 
 traffick heer they shall hau monny to serue theer need; I 
 mean in the Indiss, etc. 
 
 The Hollandes be now settled, and I hau got them that 
 priuilledg as the Spaynnards and Portingalles could neuer 
 gett in this 50 or 60 yeers in Japan, etc. 
 
 This yeer 1612 the Spaynnards and Portingalles hau 
 evssed me as an instrument to gett there liberty in the 
 maner of the Hollandes, but vppon consideration of farther 
 inconvenience I hau not sought it for them. 
 
LETTER III. 
 
 43 
 
 It hath plessed God to bring things to pass, so as in ye eyes 
 of ye world [? must seem ] strange: for the Spaynnard and 
 Portingall hath bin my bitter ennemis, to death; and now 
 theay must seek to me an vnworth wr[e/]ch: for the Spay- 
 nard as well as the Portingall must haue all their negosshes 
 {? negociations] go thorough my hand. God hau ye prayse 
 for it, etc. 
 
 The charges in Japan are not great: onlly a pressent for 
 ye Emperour and a pressent for ye Kinge, and 2 or 3 other 
 pressents for the Secretaris. Other coustoumes here be nonn. 
 Now, once, yf a ship do coum, lett her coum for the esterly 
 part of Japan, lying in 35d. 10m. whear the Kinge and ye 
 Emperour court is : for coum our ships to Eerando whear 
 the Hollanders bee, it is farr to ye court, about 230L., a wery 
 soum way and foul. The citti of Edo lyetli in 36, and about 
 this esterly part of the land thear be the best harbors and a 
 cost so cleer as theayr is no sholdes nor rokes 4 a myll from 
 the mayn land. It is good also for sale of marchandis and 
 security for ships, forr which cass I haue sent a pattron 
 [? pattern, card , or chart] of J apan, for which my self I hau 
 been all about the cost in the shipping that I haue made for 
 ye Emperour, that I hau experyence of all yt part of ye cost 
 that lyetli in 36d., etc. 
 
 Now my good frind: I thank you for your good writting 
 and frindly token of a byble and 3 other boukes. By your 
 letter I vnderstand of ye death of many of my good frinds in 
 the barbarous country of Barbary: for which death, and los 
 of goods I am heartelie sorry. Nevertheles it is ye lot of all 
 flesh : in this lyf manny trobelles and afflixcions, and in the 
 end death. Thearfor it is a blessed thing to dy in the Lord, 
 with a faithfull trust in God: for theay rest from theer 
 labores, etc. 
 
 In this land is no strange newes to sertify you of: the 
 wliool being in peace: the peopell veri subiect to thear 
 gouvernours and superiores: allso in thear relligion veri 
 
44 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OE JAPONIA. 
 
 zellous, or svpersticious, hauing diners secttes, but praying 
 all them secttes, or the most part, to one saynt which they 
 call Ameeda : which they esteem to bee their mediator be¬ 
 tween God and them : all theess sectes lining in frindship on 
 
 with an other, not [.] on an other, bnt everi on as his 
 
 conscience teacheth. In this land are many Christians ac¬ 
 cording to ye romishe order. In the yeer 1612 is pnt downe 
 all the sects of the Franciscannes. The Jesonets han what 
 
 priniledge [.] theare beinge in Nangasaki, in which 
 
 place only may be so manny as will of all sectes: in other 
 places not manny permitted. In justis very sener, lianing no 
 respecte of persons. Theer cittis gouerned with greatt 
 ciuility and in lou: for ye most part nonn going to lawe on 
 with an other; but yf questiones be bettween naybonr and 
 naybour, it is by justiss coummanded to be pressently taken 
 vp, and frindship to be mad with out dellay. No theef for ye 
 most part put in prisson, but pressently executed. No mur- 
 tlier for ye most part can escap : for yf so bee yt yt mur- 
 tlierer cannot be found, ye Emperour coumands a procli- 
 macion with a wryting, and by ye wrytting so mvch gold as 
 is of vallew 3001. starlinge; and yf anny do know whear ye 
 murtherer is, he cooms and reeeueth the gold, and goeth his 
 way with out anny further troubell. Thus for the lukar of 
 so moch monny it coumes to light. And their citties you 
 may go all ower in ye night with out any trobell or perrill, 
 being a peep ell \? well affected ] to strangers : ye lawe much 
 
 lyk the Jud [.] truth. Thus by the way, in hast I 
 
 hau imboldned \? myself] to writ somewhat of ye coustome 
 and manners, etc. 
 
 If it bee yt thear coum a ship neer vnto the estermost part, 
 let them inquir for me. I am called in the Japann tonge 
 Augiu Samma. By that nam am I knowen all the sea cost 
 allonge, and feear not to coom neer the mayn, for you shall 
 hau barkes with pillotts yt shall carry you wheer you will; 
 and coumes thear a ship hcer, I hop the wourshippfull coum- 
 
LETTER III. 
 
 45 
 
 pani shall find me to bee a saruant of yr saruants to sera 
 them in such a maner as they slialbe satisfied of my serues. 
 Thus yf occasion semeth, I pray wryt my hombell salluta- 
 cion to ye woursliippfull Sr Thomass Smyth; and consserning 
 his Christian charity and greate lou in lending my wyf 201. 
 starlling, God I hop will reward him; and I am, and slialbe 
 allwayes reddy to make paiment to whoum he shall apoynt 
 me. I pray yt capptain Stippon, capptain of the Gllobe 
 
 [.] I pray him to mak known in Ingland to my frinds, 
 
 that I am in good health, and I trust in God errlong to gett 
 leeaue from the Emperour to get out of this country to my 
 frinds agayne. Thus with this my poor request do I imbold 
 my seelf to troubell you. Had I known our Inglish sliipes 
 hade trade with the Indiss, I had long a[^o] troubled you 
 w r ith wrytting; but the Hollanders hau kept it most seccreet 
 from me tell the yeere 1611, which wass the first newes yt I 
 lieerd of the trading of our shipes in the Indiss. I would 
 gladdly a sent soum small token in signe of good will vnto 
 you, but at this pressent no conuenient messadg [? message , or 
 opportunity of sending]. For thes ships ass theay saye go no 
 far \ther\ as the Mollocouss in his coummand. Thus with 
 my coummendacion only, and to all my countrimen, I be- 
 que[a/A] you and your affares to the tuicion of God, who 
 blless and keep you in body and soull from all your ennemys 
 for euer and euer. 
 
 Your vnwourthe frind yet assured to coumand, 
 
 William Addames . 1 
 
 I hau writt 2 letters all in on maner, so yt yf on coumes 
 to your hand I shall be glad. 
 
 1 E. I. Mss. Japan Series. 
 
46 
 
 letter &o. w. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 In conformity with the intimation communicated by Sir 
 Thomas Smith to William Adams, of the intention of the 
 East India Fellowship to seek trade with Japon, Captain 
 John Saris, in command of the Clove, was despatched on a 
 mission to the Emperor : being accredited with a letter, and 
 charged with presents, from the Sovereign of England, James 
 the First. 
 
 The Clove came to anchor in the vicinity of Firando, one 
 of the Japonese islands, on the 11th of June, 1613. The 
 arrival of the vessel was marked by many circumstances of 
 highly interesting character; and the commander was greeted 
 with no less cordiality than courtesy. These matters are 
 fully set forth in his narrative, which is as follows : 
 
 CAPTAIN SARIS : HIS ARRIVAL AT EIRANDO, AND HIS INTER- 
 
 TAYNMENT. 
 
 The ninth [of June, 1613] in the morning wee had sight 
 of land, bearing north north-east, and sixe great islands on a 
 ranke. From the island we descried yesternight north-east 
 and south-west, and at the northermost end of them all, 
 many small rockes and hummockes, and in the hay to the 
 eastward of the hummockes we saw an high land hearing 
 east, east by south, and east south-east, which is the island 
 called Xima in the Plats, but called by the naturals Mashma , 
 and the island aforesaid, north north-east, is called Segue or 
 Amaxay: it lyeth east by north, and west by south, with 
 many small islands and rockes on the southerne side of them, 
 and is distant from the island with the steepe point, (which 
 wee did see the eight day) south south-west twelue leagues, 
 
l€i<? 
 
 rU*-fao 
 
 
 —-^ww > <>et 7^j Hj^- £gt 
 O-tU- <JH v^» yoflzJ-ynt- fyyefa Qofapt ^-ffa (fbiAAH '*- £? 
 
 (S r£*dL /Jt 7 vUv^y^-C^-A*-' (f^n, 
 
 (V^U^iP- Wcff. (Jr*i 4 - (fai L /ofa o[ fa(^ / fayts & fUs- 
 
 ojh QfW. <JZ *ty?o yefarU £ \yfa h>f/u[M 
 
 -rry 
 
 yJL\/ 
 
 
 
 V / 
 
 ZLftvJr fa ♦*- (**■ &$(\»»4$P'j 
 
 v*vo— 2^ <Ay^ j?<rU-~ fayo^ } f~ /,J r ~-■- rr^ 0* « 
 
 fa<tyfafafa&, V yy&'fyyp- ^e?*c CVo ^ /^ hdki>~ 
 
 '&%*Ay', fa. <yy- 
 
 'Q2ft> 
 
 t¥lf-yL./xeM & «W«^»^ L /**• ^7 aa y&/ 
 
 tyU- 0 -/^&* y p*g- 
 
 /nx^ fa /w^'^ 
 
 ^h4--——. 
 
 fafrJK [fair— 
 
 Jut- 
 
 
 <r^ 
 
 *#*-*/> typr^ft fy~ 
 
 Ufa- <?*/£, pfafa rfafa* 
 
 T^Z-fa- fa *fa o[ fa &fafL 1 ^fa a . 
 
 •/? cr°^' y °^[fff 
 
 -"• — Vn * If i 3 4 ^ ■« | ^ 
 
 ^Qs^p/’. j ^^°lo &$' <yc — £t-> ^/x/^«yi-v. [^\ WI ^ 
 
 'YO'-^O-yr^-. / f~p/" cr7- o[ Cpy*f-^‘^\fa£r > 
 
 Ley- €r 2*vv (°^ &o**Uo( gd-^r- oft 
 
 $&*A-e r ^ 0 |-£a>A4^^0 a ypfa^’ ^ <r ^ L 
 pciZ-^ rpp 0 ^ 0*0 2U/*»v^, ^Z^ -- ' * f*^ °ft 
 
 ; fafay^[ fa,LyrA~ l-fa^ 
 
 <(yc jfafa V, fayoo^, faM- ^ yfaM ^ fayr^^Vy 
 
 C^y, ^ ^ 7 ?^ (oilfar) fabyfa / 
 
 ^fafa[fa[ om^ijfa )}far<^ orffajlw*, Ufa y^yw 
 


 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 LI3RW 
 Of THE. 
 
 UNlYERSITir uf ILLINOIS 
 
 
 
 
 
LETTER IV. 
 
 47 
 
 tlie winde calmc all night, yet we got to the northward, as 
 wee supposed, by the lielpe of a current or tide. 
 
 The tenth, by breake of day the outward-most land to the 
 westward did heare north by east ten leagues off, the wind at 
 north-east by north: at nine, a gale at south, wee steered 
 north by west, and had sight of two liummockes without the 
 point. Then wee steered north north-west, and soone after 
 came foure great fisher-boats aboord, about hue tunnes 
 apeece in burthen, they sailed with one saile, which stood 
 like a skiffe saile, and skuld with foure oares on a side, their 
 oares resting vpon a pinne fastned on the toppe of the boats 
 side, the head of which pinne was so let into the middle part 
 of the oare, that the oare did hang in his iust poize, so that 
 the labour of the rower is much lesse, then otherwise it must 
 be; yet doe they make farre greater speed then our people 
 with rowing, and performe their worke standing, as ours doe 
 sitting, so that they take the lesse roome. They told vs that 
 we were before the entrance of Nangasaque, bearing north 
 north-east, and the straights of Arima , north-east by north, 
 and the high hill, which we did see yesterday, is vpon the 
 island called Vszideke , which maketh the straights of Arima , 
 where at the norther-most end is good riding, and at the 
 south end is the going into Cacliinoch. To this noone we 
 liaue made a north-way sixe leagues. Wee agreed with two 
 of the masters of the fisher-boats (for thirtie rialls of eight a 
 piece in money, and rice for their food) to pilot vs into 
 Firando; which agreement made, their people entred our 
 shippe, and performed voluntarily their labour, as readily as 
 any of our mariners. We steered north by west, the pilots 
 making account to be thirtie leagues off Firando. One of 
 the foure boats which came aboord vs, did belong to the 
 Portugals, living at Langasaque, and were new Christians, and 
 thought that our ship had been the Macau ship; but finding 
 the contrary, would vpon no intreatie stay, but made hast 
 backe againe to aduise them. 
 
48 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 The eleuenth, about three of the clocke in the afternoone, 
 we cam to an anchor halfe a league short of Firando, the tide 
 so spent that we could not get further in: soone after I was 
 visited by the old king Foyne Sama, and his nephew Tone 
 Sama, gouernour then of the iland vnder the old king. They 
 were attended with fortie boats or gallyes, rowed some with 
 ten, some with fifteene oares on a side: when they drew 
 neare to the ship, the king commanded all, but the two 
 wherein himselfe and his nephew were, to fall a sterne, and 
 they only entred the ship, both of them in silk gownes, girt 
 to them with a shirt, and a paire of breeches of flaxen cloath 
 next their bodies. Either of them had two cattans or swords 
 of that countrey by his side, the one of halfe a yard long, the 
 other about a quarter. They wore no bands, the fore-parts 
 of their heads were shauen to the crowne, and the rest of 
 their haire, which was very long, was gathered together and 
 bound vp on a knot behind, wearing neither hat nor turbant, 
 but bare-headed. The king was aged about seuentie two 
 yeeres, his nephew or grand-child, that gouerned under him, 
 was about two and twentie yeeres old, and either of them had 
 his gouernour with him, who had command ouer their slaues, 
 as they appointed him. 
 
 Their manner and curtesie in saluting was after their 
 manner, which is this. First, in presence of him whom they 
 are to salute, they put off their sliooes (stockings they weare 
 none) and then clapping their right hand within their left, 
 they put them downe towards their knees, and so wagging or 
 mouing of their hands a little to and fro, they stooping, 
 steppe with small steps sideling from the partie saluted, aud 
 crie Augh, Augh. I led them into my cabbin, where I had 
 prepared a banquet for them, and a good consort of musicke, 
 which much delighted them. They bade me welcome, and 
 promised me kind entertainment. I deliuered our kings 
 letters to the king of Firando, which he receiued with great 
 ioy, saying hee would not open it till Auge came, who could 
 
LETTER IV. 
 
 49 
 
 interpret tlie same vnto him; this Auge is, in their language, 
 a pilot, being one William A dams , an English man, who, pass¬ 
 ing with a Flemming through the South Sea, by mutiny and 
 disorder of the marriners slice remained in that countrey, and 
 was seised vpon by the emperour about twelue years before. 
 The king hauing stayed aboord about an houre and a halfe, 
 tooke his leaue: he was no sooner ashoare, but all his no- 
 bilitie, attended with a multitude of souldiers, entered the 
 ship, euery man of worth brought his present with him, 
 some venison, some wild-fowle, some wild-boare, the largest 
 and fattest that euer any of vs had seene, some fruits, fish, etc. 
 They did much admire our shippe, and made as if they had 
 neuer seene it sufficiently. We being pestered with the 
 number of these visiters, I sent to the king, requesting him 
 that order might bee taken to remoue them, and to preuent 
 all inconueniences that might happen. Whereupon hee sent a 
 guardian, (being a principall man of his owne guard) with 
 charge to remain and lye aboord, that no injury might be of¬ 
 fered vnto vs; and caused a proclamation to be made in the 
 towne to the same effect. The same night Henrick Brower, 
 captain of the Dutch factory there, came aboord to visite me, 
 or rather to see what passed betwixt the king and vs. I did 
 write the same day to master Adams (being then at Edoo, 
 which is very neare three hundred leagues from Firando) to 
 let him vnderstand of our arriual. King Foyne sent it away 
 the next day by his Admirail to Osackay, the first port of 
 note vpon the chiefe island, and then by post vp into the land 
 to Edoo : giuing the emperour likewise to vnder stand of our 
 being there, and cause thereof. 
 
 The twelfth in the morning, there was brought aboord 
 such abundance of fish, and so cheape as w r e could desire. 
 We weighed and set sail for the road. The king sent at the 
 least threscore great boats or gallyes very well mand, to bring 
 vs into the harbor. I doubted what the cause of their com¬ 
 ing might be, and was sending off the skiffe to comand them 
 
 ji 
 
 
50 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 not to come neare the ship, but the king being the head-most, 
 weaued with his handkerclier, and willed the rest to attend, 
 and liimselfe comming aboord, told me that he had com¬ 
 manded them to come to tow our ship in about a point, some¬ 
 what dangerous, by reason of the force of the tide, which 
 was such, that hauing a stiffe gale of wind, yet we could not 
 stemme it, and comming into the eddie, we should liaue been 
 set vpon the rockes. So we sent hawsers aboord them, 
 and they fell to worke. In the meane while the king did 
 breake his fast with me. Being at an anchor, I would haue 
 requited the people for their paines, but the king would not 
 suffer them to take any thing. Wee anchored before the 
 towne in hue fathome, so near the shoare, that we might 
 talke to the people in their houses. We saluted the towne 
 with nine peeces of ordnance, but were not answered, for 
 they haue no ordnance heere, nor any fort, but barricados 
 only for small shot. Our ground heere was ozie. Diuers 
 noblemen came to bid me welcome, whereof two were of ex¬ 
 traordinary account, called Nobusane and Simmaclone, who 
 were very well entertained, and at parting held very great 
 state, one staying aboord whitest the other was landed; 
 their children and cliiefe followers in the like manner. There 
 came continually such a world of people aboord, both men 
 and women, as that we were not able to go vpon the decks : 
 round about the ship was furnished with boats full of people, 
 admiring much the head and sterne of the ship. I gaue 
 leaue to diuers women of the better sort to come into my 
 Cabbin, where the picture of Venus , with her sonne Cupid, 
 did hang somewhat wantonly set out in a large frame. They 
 thinking it to bee our ladie and her sonne, fell downe and 
 worshipped it, with sliewes of great deuotion, telling me in a 
 whispering manner (that some of their own companions which 
 were not so, might not lieare) that they were Christianos : 
 whereby we perceiued them to be Christians, conuerted by 
 the Portugall Iesuits. 
 
LETTER IV. 
 
 51 
 
 The king came aboord againe, and brought foure cliiefe 
 women with him. They were attired in gownes of silke, clapt 
 tlie one skirt ouer the other ,and so girt to them, bare-legged, 
 only a paire of halfe buskins bound with silke riband about 
 their instep; their haire very blacke, and very long, tyed vp 
 in a knot vpon the crowne in a comely manner : their heads 
 no where sliauen as the mens were. They were well faced, 
 handed, and footed; cleare skind and white, but wanting 
 colour, which they amend by arte. Of stature low, but very 
 fat ; very curteous in behauiour, not ignorant of the respect 
 to be giuen vnto persons according to their fashion. The 
 king requested that none might stay in the cabbin, saue myself 
 and my Linguist, who was borne in Japan, and was brought 
 from Bantam in our ship thither, being well skild in the 
 Mallaiyan tongue, wherein he deliuered to mee what the king 
 spoke vnto him in the Iapan language. The kings women 
 seemed to be somewhat bashfull, but he willed them to bee 
 frolicke. They sung diuers songs, and played vpon certain 
 instruments (whereof one did much resemble our lute) being 
 bellyed like it, but longer in the necke, and fretted like ours, 
 but had only foure gut strings. Their fingring with the left 
 hand like ours, very nimbly, but the right hand striketli with 
 an iuory bone, as we vse to playe vpon a citterne with a quill. 
 They delighted themselues much with their musicke, keep¬ 
 ing time with their hands, and playing and singing by booke, 
 pricked on line and space, resembling much ours heere. I 
 feasted them, and presented them with diuers English co- 
 modities : and after some two lioures stay they returned. I 
 moued the king for a house, which liee readily granted, and 
 tooke two of the merchants along with him, and shewed them 
 three or foure houses, willing them to take their choice, pay¬ 
 ing the owners as they could agree. 
 
 The thirteenth, I went aslioare, attended vpon by the mer¬ 
 chants and principal officers, and deliuered the presents to 
 the king, amounting to the value of one hundred and fortie 
 
THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 pounds, or thereabouts, which he receiued with very great 
 kindnesse, feasting me and my whole companie with diuers 
 sorts of powdered wild fowles and fruits: and calling for a 
 standing cup (which was one of the presents then deliuered 
 him) he caused it to be filled with his country wine, which 
 is distilled out of rice, and is as strong as our Aquauitce : and 
 albeit the cuppe held vpward of a pint and half, notwithstand¬ 
 ing taking the cup in his hand, he told me hee would drinke 
 it all off, for health to the king of England, and so did my¬ 
 self, and all his nobles doing the like. And whereas in the 
 roome where the king was, there was onely my self and the 
 cape merchant, (the rest of our company being in an other 
 roome) the king commanded his secretarie to goe out vnto 
 them, and see that euerie one of them did pledge the health. 
 The king and his nobles did sit at meat crosse-legged vpon 
 mats after the Turkie fashion, the mats richly edged, some 
 with cloath of gold, some with veluet, satten, and damask. 
 
 The fourteenth and fifteenth, we spent with giuing of pre¬ 
 sents. The sixteenth, I concluded with captain Andassee, 
 captain of the China quarter here, for his house, to pay nine- 
 tie fiue ryals of eight for the monson of six moneths, he to 
 repair it at present, and wee to repair it hereafter, and alter 
 what we pleased: he to furnish all conuenient roomes with 
 mats according to the fashion of the Countrey. 
 
 This day our ship was so pestered with people, as that I 
 was enforced to send to the king for a guardian to clear them 
 out, many things been stolne, but I more doubted our owne 
 people, than the naturals. There came in a Flemming in one 
 of the Countrey boates, which had been at the Island Mash - 
 rna, w r here he had sold good store of Pepper, broad Cloth, 
 and Elephants teeth, but would not be aknowme vnto vs to 
 liaue sold any thing, yet brought nothing backe in the boat 
 with him. But the lapons his waterman told vs the truth, 
 viz. that he had sold good quantitie of goods at a Mart 
 there, and returned with barres of siluer, which they kept 
 very secret. 
 
LETTER IV. 
 
 53 
 
 The one and twentieth, the old King came aboord againe, 
 and brought with him diuers women to be frolicke. These 
 women were actors of comedies, which passe there from iland 
 to iland to play, as our players doe here from towne to towne, 
 hailing seuerall shifts of apparrell for the better grace of the 
 matter acted; which for the most part are of Warre, Loue, 
 and such like. These women are as the slaues of one man, 
 who putteth a price what euery man shall pay that hath to 
 doe with any of them ; more than which he is not to take 
 vpon paine of death, in case the partie iniured shall complaine. 
 It is left to his owne discretion to prize her at the first, but 
 rise he cannot afterwards, fall he may. Neither doth the 
 partie bargaine with the wench, but with her master, whose 
 command she is to obey. The greatest of their nobilitie 
 trauelling hold it no disgrace to send for these Panders to 
 their Inne, and do compound with them for the wenches, 
 either to fill their drinke at table (for all men of any rank 
 liaue their drinke filled to the by women) or otherwise to haue 
 the vse of them. When any of these panders die (though in 
 their life time they were receiued into company of the best, 
 yet now as vnworthy to rest among the worst) they are 
 bridled with a bridle made of straw, as you would bridle an 
 horse, and in the cloathes they died in, are dragged through 
 the streetes into the fields, and there cast vpon a dunghill, 
 for dogges and fowles to deuoure. 
 
 The twentie ninth, a Soma or lunke of the Flemmings 
 arriued at Langasaque, from Syam, laden with Brasill wood 
 and skins of all sorts, wherein it was said that there were 
 Englishmen, but proued to be Flemmings. For that before 
 our comming, the passed generally by the name of Englishmen', 
 for our English Nation hath been long known by report 
 among them, but much scandalled by the Portugals Iesuites, 
 as pyrats and rovers upon the seas; so that the naturals haue 
 a song which they call the English Crofonia, shewing how the 
 English doe take the Spanish ships, which they (singing) doe 
 
54 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 act likewise in gesture with their Cattans by their sides, with 
 which song and acting, they terrifie and skare their children, 
 as the French sometimes did theirs with the name of the 
 Lord Talbot. 
 
 The first of Iuly, two of our Company happened to quarrell 
 the one with the other, and were very likely to haue gone 
 into the field, to the endangering of vs all. For it is a custome 
 here, that whosoeuer drawes a weapon in anger, although he 
 doe no harme therewith, hee is presently cut in peeces : and 
 doing but small hurt, not only themselues are so executed, 
 but their whole generation. 
 
 The seuenth, the King of the Hand Goto, not farre from 
 Firando came to visit King Foyne, saying, that he had heard 
 of an excellent English ship arriued in his dominions, which 
 he greatly desired to see, and goe aboord of. King Foyne 
 intreated me that he might be permitted, for that hee was an 
 especial friend of his. So he was well entertained aboord, 
 banqueted, and had diuers peeces shot off at his departure, 
 which he very kindly accepted, and told me, that hee should 
 bee right glad to liue to see some of our nation to come to 
 his Hand, whither they should be heartily welcome. 
 
 The eighth, three Iaponians were executed, viz. two men 
 and one woman : the cause this; the woman none of the 
 honestest (her husband being trauelled from home) had ap¬ 
 pointed these two their seuerall houres to repair vnto her. 
 The latter man not knowing of the former, and thinking the 
 time too long, comming in before the houre appointed, found 
 the first man with her already, and enraged thereat, he whipt 
 out his cattan, and wounded both of them very sorely, hau- 
 ing very neere hewne the chine of the mans back in two. 
 But as well as he might hee cleared himselfe of the woman, 
 and recouering his cattan, wounded the other. The street 
 taking notice of the fray, forthwith seased vpon them, led 
 them aside, and acquainted King Foyne therewith, and sent 
 to know his pleasure, (for according to his will, the partie is 
 
LETTER IV. 
 
 executed) who presently gaue order that they should cut ofl' 
 their heads: which done, euery man that listed (as very 
 many did) came to trie the sliarpenesse of their cattails vpon 
 the corps, so that before they left off, they had hewne them 
 all three into peeces as small as a mans hand, and yet not¬ 
 withstanding did not then giue oner, hut placing the peeces 
 one vpon another, would try how many of them they could 
 strike through at a blow; and the peeces are left to the 
 fowles to deuoure. 
 
 The tenth, three more were executed as the former, for 
 stealing of a woman from Firando, and selling her at Lanya- 
 scicque long since, two of them were brethren, and the other 
 a sharer with them. When any are to be executed, they are 
 led out of the towne in this manner : there goetli first one 
 with a pick-axe, next followeth an other with a shouell for to 
 make his graue (if that bee permitted him), the third man 
 bearetli a small table whereon is written the parties offence, 
 which table is afterwards set vp vpon a post on the graue 
 where he is buried. The fourth is the partie to be executed, 
 his hands bound behind him with a silken cord, hailing a 
 litle banner of paper (much resembling our wind-vanes) 
 whereon is likewise written his offence. The executioner 
 followeth next, with his cattan by his side, holding in his 
 hand the cord wherewith the offender is bound. On either 
 side of the executioner goeth a souldiour with his pike, the 
 head thereof resting on the shoulder of the partie appointed 
 to suffer, to skare him from attempting to escape. In this 
 very manner I saw one led to execution, who went so reso¬ 
 lutely and without all appearance of feare of death, that I 
 could not but much admire him, neuer bailing seene the like 
 in Christendome. The offence for which he suffered was for 
 stealing of a sacke of rice (of the value of two shillings sixe 
 pence) from his neighbour, whose house was then on fire. 
 
 The nineteenth, the old King Foyne entreated me for a 
 peece of Poldauis, 1 which I sent him; hee caused it presently 
 
 1 Poldauis. Coarse linen, resembling canvas in texture. 
 
56 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 to be made into coates, which he (notwithstanding that hee 
 was a King, and of that great age, and famed to be the 
 worthiest soldiour of all Iapan , for his valour and seruice in 
 the Corean warres) did wear next his skinne, and some part 
 thereof was made into handkerchiefes, which he daily vsed. 
 
 The nine and twentieth, M. Adams arriued at Firando, 
 hauing been seuenteene dayes on the way comming from 
 Sorongo, we hauing staied here for his comming fortie eight 
 dayes. After I had friendly entertained him, I conferred 
 with him in the presence of the merchants, touching the in- 
 couragement hee could giue of trade in these parts. He an¬ 
 swered, that it was not alwaies alike, but sometime better, 
 sometimes worse, yet doubted not but we should doe as well 
 as others ; giuing admirable commendations of the Countrey, 
 as much affected thereunto. 
 
 The third of August 1613, king Foyne sent to know of what 
 bulk our kings present to the Emperour was, also what num¬ 
 ber of people I would take with me, for that he would prouide 
 accordingly for my going vp in good fashion both for barke, 
 horses, and pallanchins. 
 
 This day, I caused the presents to be sorted that were to 
 be giuen to the emperour. and to those of office and esteeme 
 about him. viz : 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 To Ogoshosama, the emperour, to the value of 87 7 6 
 
 To Shongosama , the emperours sonne ... 43 15 0 
 
 To Codskedona, the emperours secretarie . . 15 17 6 
 
 To Saddado7ia, the emperours sonnes secretarie 14 03 4 
 
 To Icocora Inga , Iudge of Meaco .... 04 10 6 
 
 To Fongo dona, admirall of Orango .... 03 10 0 
 
 To Goto Shozauero, the mintmaster .... 11 00 0 
 
 Totall. . 180 03 10 1 
 
 1 Purchas , vol. i, page 366, etc. 
 
i.k; a f’x, Y 
 
 OF lHt 
 
 UWiYth^TT Of ILLINOIS 
 

57 
 
 WILLIAM ADAMS: HIS LETTER. 
 
 [Endorsed : “ A vearey Larg Letter wrot from Japan by William 
 Adams, and sent home in the Cloue, 1614, touching of his assistance 
 rendred vnto ye Generali and of entertanenA into the Companies 
 Seruice. Decern. 1613.”] 
 
 The Allmightye God by whoum all enterprisses and pur- 
 poosses hau thear full effect be bllessed for euer. Amen. 
 
 Right Woorshipfulls, hauing ssoo just occacion, I haue 
 imboldned my self although unwourth to writt thees feau 
 vnwourthy lines vnto you: in which first of all I crau your 
 woorships pardon in whatt I shall fayll in. 
 
 Hauing thorough the prouidenc of God ariued on of your 
 shipes called the Cloue, being Gennerall or Captain John 
 Sarris, who at his first ariuall in the Hand of Ferando sent a 
 letter vnto me, in all hast to haue me coum to him: vntill 
 svch tym he would tarri for me. Ye which so sooun as I had 
 receued his letter, I made no dellai, being at that tym at the 
 courte, being distant from the place of the ships ariuall 250 
 llegs. So coomming to the place of the ships ariual, I wass 
 gladly receued of the Gennerall and Master and all the wholl 
 covmpani. At which tym we did enter in to consultacon 
 what courss was to be taken : the Gennerall making knowen 
 vnto me that he had brought his Majesti [a] letter with a prees- 
 sent for him. Yppon which for the honner of his Mti. and 
 our covntri, both, I with him thought it good to mak all 
 speed and to go to the courte for the delliueranc thearof, etc. 
 
 I allso entred into speech with him what covmodites he 
 had brought with him : of which lie. made all thinges to mee 
 known. So finding that svch thinges as he had brought wass 
 not veri vendibel; I told him, for his arivall I was veri glad 
 theerof, but in respecte of the ventur by the wourshipfull 
 
 i 
 
58 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIC. 
 
 covmpani being so greats I did not see anny wayss in this 
 land to requit the great charges therof. My reesson wass, 
 for theer cloth at this pressent was very cheep, becass both 
 from Nova Spania, Manilia, and ovt of Holland, which in 
 thees 4 yeers there caem very mvch : soum sold and verry 
 mvch vnsold. For olliphant teeth the Hollanders had brought 
 aboundanc, that the priss theroff was fallen very mvch : vppon 
 which occassion the Hollanders hau transported manny 
 therof to Siam. Stylle [steel] in long barres still holding 
 his old prise at 20 crownes the picoll, which is 1251. Inglish 
 wayt, and sovmtymes being coum worth 31. 15s. starling. 
 Leed, [lead] holding his priss a llittell mor or less at 25s. 
 and sovmtymes 30s. the picoll. Tin so good cheep heer as 
 in Ingland, and ordinance not in any great request: not the 
 picoll abou 30s. and sovmtym vnder. For callecovs and fine 
 Cambay a goods; not in any request, becass this countri hath 
 abovndanc of cotten. Thus for thoos thinges. Now for 
 peeper and cloues. This covntri doth not evs [use] verri 
 mvch therof, nor of any other spice: for which case sene 
 [since] the trad of the Hollanders which hau brought mvch 
 peper and cloues, that peper the pownd is noe more worth 
 then 5d. a pownd, and soumtymes less, and at the deerest 
 6d. and cloues at 12d., which is of no proffit to bring hether. 
 Affoor tym, when the Spaynard had the trad with the Jap- 
 panners, onlly, the peper was at 12d. the L. and cloues at 
 2s. 6d. and 3s. the L.: now being ouerlayd is verry cliep, etc. 
 
 Thus hauing confferred heer vppon, the gennerall mad him 
 self redy to go with me to the court: of which with all hast 
 prosseeded theerof, etc. 
 
 THE JOURNEY YP TO THE COURTE . 1 
 
 The seuenth of August, King Foyne furnished me with a pro¬ 
 per galley of his owne rowed with twentie fiue oares on a side, 
 
 1 The following account of the journey is given from the Narrative of 
 Captain Saris ( Purchas , vol. i, p. 370, etc.) ; Adams having omitted the 
 particulars. 
 
LETTER IV. 
 
 59 
 
 ancl sixtie men, which I did fit vp in a verie comely manner, 
 with waste cloathes, ensignes, and all other necessaries, and 
 hauing taken my leaue of the King, I went and remained 
 aboord the ship, to set all things in order before my depar¬ 
 ture.—Which done, and remembrances left with the master 
 and Cape merchant, for the well gouerning of the ship and 
 house ashoare during my absence, taking with mee tenne 
 English, and nine others, besides the former sixtie, which 
 were only to attend the gallie, I departed from Firando to¬ 
 wards the Emperours court. Wee were rowed through, and 
 amongst diuers Hands, all of which, or the most part of them, 
 were well inhabited, and diuers proper townes builded vpon 
 them; whereof one called Faccate, hath a very strong castle, 
 built of free-stone, but no ordnance nor souldiers therein. 
 It hath a ditch about flue fathome deepe, and twice as broad 
 round about it, with a draw bridge, kept all in very good re- 
 paire. I did land and dine there in the towne, the tyde and 
 wind so strong against vs, as that we could not passe. The towne 
 seemed to be as great as London is within the wals, very wel 
 built, and euen, so as you may see from the one end of the 
 street to the other. The place exceedingly peopled, very 
 ciuil and curteous, only that at our landing, and being here 
 in Faccate, and so through the whole country, withersoeuer 
 we came, the boyes, children, and worser sort of idle people, 
 would gather about and follow along after vs, crying, Core, 
 Core, Co core, Ware, that is to say, You Coreans ivith false 
 hearts d wondering, hooping, hollowing, and making such a 
 noise about vs, that we could scarcely heare one an other 
 speake, sometimes throwing stones at vs (but that not in 
 many townes) yet the clamour and crying after vs was euery 
 where alike, none reproouing them for it. The best aduice 
 that I can giue those who hereafter shall arriue there, is 
 
 1 In the recent wars between the Japonese and the Coreans, the latter 
 had practised many acts of the basest treachery, and were inveterately 
 hated by the people of the Empire. 
 
60 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 that they passe on without regarding those idle rablements , 
 and in so doing, they shall find tlieer eares only troubled 
 with the noise. All alongst this coast, and so vp to Ozaca 
 we found women diuers, that liued with their household and 
 family in boats vpon the water, as in Holland they do the 
 like. These women would catch fish by diuing, which by net 
 and lines they missed, and that in eight fathome depth : 
 their eyes by continuall diuing doe grow as red as blood, 
 whereby yon may know a diuing woman from all other 
 women. 
 
 We were two daies rowing from Firando to Faccate. About 
 eight or tenne leagues on this side the straights of Xemina- 
 seque, we found a great towne, where there lay in a docke, a 
 iuncke of eight hundred or a thousand tunnes of burthen, 
 sheathed all with yron, with a guard appointed to keep her 
 from firing and treachery. She was built in a very homely 
 fashion, much like that which describeth Noahs arke vnto vs. 
 The naturals told vs, that she serued to transport sonldiers 
 into any of the Hands, if rebellion or warre should happen. 
 
 We found nothing extraordinary after we had passed the 
 straights of Xemina-seque, vntill we came vnto Ozaca, where 
 we arriued the twenty seuenth day of August; onr galley 
 could not come neere the towne by sixe miles, where another 
 smaller vessell met vs, wherein came the good man or host 
 of the house where we lay in Ozaca, and brought a banquet 
 with him of wine and salt fruits to intertaine me. The boat 
 having a fast made to the mast-head, was drawn by men, as 
 our barkes are from London westward. We found Ozaca to 
 be a very great towne, as great as London within the walls, 
 with many faire timber bridges of a great height, seruing to 
 passe ouer a riuer there as wide as the Thames at London. 
 Some faire houses we found there, but not many. It is one 
 of the chiefe sea-ports of all Iapan; hauing a castle in it, 
 maruellous large and strong, with very deepe trenches about 
 it, and many draw bridges, with gates plated with yron. 
 
LETTER IV. 
 
 61 
 
 The castle is built all of free-stone, with bulwarks and bat¬ 
 tlements, with loope holes for smal shot and arrowes, and 
 diuers passages for to cast stones vpon the assaylants. The 
 walls are at the least sixe or seuen yards thicke, all (as I said) 
 of free-stone, without any filling in the inward part with 
 trumpery, as they reported vnto me. The stones are great, 
 of an excellent quarry, and are cut so exactly to fit the place 
 where they are laid, that no morter is used, but onely earth 
 cast betweene to fill vp voyd creuises if any be. In this 
 castle did dwell at our beeing there, the sonne of Tiqua- 
 samma, who being an infant at the time of his fathers decease, 
 was left to the gouernement and education of foure, whereof 
 Ogoshosamma, the now Emperour, was one and cliiefe. The 
 other three desirous of soveraigntie each for his particular, 
 and repulsed by Ogoshosamma, were for their owne safetie 
 forced to take vp armes, wherein fortune fauouring Ogosho¬ 
 samma at the triall in field, two of them beeing slaine, the 
 third was glad to saue himselfe by flight. He beeing con- 
 querour, attempted that which formerly (as it is thought) liee 
 neuer dreamed of, and proclaimed himselfe Emperour, and 
 seazing vpon the true hcire, married him vnto his daughter, 
 as the onely meanes to worke a perfect reconcilement, con¬ 
 fining the young married couple to liue within this castle of 
 Ozaca, attended onely with such as had been brought vp from 
 their cradles by Ogoshosamma, not knowing any other father 
 (as it were) then him : so that by their intelligence he could 
 at all times vnderstand what passed there, and accordingly 
 rule him. 
 
 Right ouer against Ozaca, on the other side of the riuer, 
 lyetli another great Towne called Sacay, but not so bigge as 
 Ozaca, yet is it a towne of great trade for all the Hands 
 thereabout. 
 
 The eight and twentieth day at night, hauing left musters 
 and prices of our commodities with our host, we departed from 
 Ozaca bv barke towards Fushimi, where we ariucd. 
 
62 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 The nine and twentieth at night we found here a garrison 
 of three thousand souldiers maintayned by the emperour, to 
 keepe Miaco and Ozaco in subiection. The garrison is shifted 
 euery three yeares, which change happened to be at our being 
 there, so that we saw the old bands march away, and the new 
 enter, in most souldier-like manner, marching live a brest, and 
 to euerie ten files an officer which is called a captain of fiftie, 
 who kept them continually in verie good order. First, 
 their shot, viz . calieuers, (for muskets they haue none, ney- 
 ther will they vse any), then followed pikes, next swords, or 
 cattans and targets, then bowes and arrowes : next those, 
 weapons resembling a Welch-hooke called waggadashes; 
 then calieuers again, and so as formerly, without any ensigne 
 or colours : neyther had they any drummes or other musical 
 instruments for warre. The first file of the cattans and tar¬ 
 gets had siluer scabberds to there cattans, and the last file 
 which was next to the captain had their scabberds of gold. 
 The companies consists of divers numbers, some fiue hundred, 
 some three hundred, some one hundred and fiftie men. In 
 the midst of euery companie were three horses very richly 
 trapped, aud furnished with sadles, well set out, some couer- 
 ed with costly furres, some with veluet, some with stammet 
 broad-cloth, euery horse had three slaues to attend him, 
 ledde with silken halters, their eyes couered with leather 
 couers. After euery troope followed the captaine on horse 
 backe, his bed and other necessaries w r ere laid vpon his owne 
 horse, equally peased [poised] on either side. Ouer the same 
 was spread a couering of redde felt of China , whereupon the 
 captaine did sit crosse-legged, as ifhee had sate betwixt a cou¬ 
 ple of panniers : and for those that were ancient or otherwise 
 weake-backt, they had a staff artificially fixed unto the pan- 
 nell, that the rider might rest himselfe, and leane backward 
 against it, as if he were sitting in a chaire. The captaine 
 generall of this garrison wee met two dayes after we had met 
 his first troope, (hauing still in the mean-time met with some 
 
LETTER IV. 
 
 63 
 
 of these companies as we passed along, sometimes one league, 
 sometimes two leagues distant one from another.) Hee 
 marched in very great state, beyond that the others did, (for 
 the second troope was more richly set out in their armes 
 then the first: and the third then the second, and so still 
 euery one better then other, vntill it came vnto this the last 
 and best of all.) He hunted and hawked all the way, hauing 
 his owne hounds and hawkes along with him, the hawkes 
 being hooded and lured as ours are. His horses for his owne 
 sadle being sixe in number, richly trapped. Their horses 
 are not tall, but of the size of our midling nags, short and 
 well trust, small headed and very full of mettle, in my opinion 
 farre excelling the Spanish iennet in pride and stomacke. 
 He had his pallankin carryed before him, the inside crimson 
 veluet, and sixe men appointed to carrie it, two at a time. 
 
 Such good order was taken for the passing and prouiding 
 for, of these three thousand souldiers, that no man either 
 trauelling or inhabiting vpon the way where they lodged, was 
 any way iniured by them, but chiefly entertayned them as 
 other their guests, because they paid for what they tooke, as 
 all other men did. Euery towne and village vpon the way 
 being well fitted with cookes and victualling houses, where 
 they might at an instant haue what they needed, and dyet 
 themselues from a pennie English a meale, to two shillings a 
 meal. 
 
 The thirtieth, we were furnished with ninetene horse at 
 the emperours charge, to carrie vp our Kings presents, and 
 those that attended me to Surunga. 
 
 I had a pallankin appointed for me, and a spare horse led 
 by, to ride when I pleased, very well set out. Sixe men ap¬ 
 pointed to carrie my palla7ikin in plaine and euen ground. 
 But where the countrey grew hilly, ten men were allowed 
 me thereto. The guardian whom king Foyne sent along with 
 vs, did from time to time and place to place by warrant, take 
 vp these men and horses to serue our turnes, as the post- 
 
64 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 masters doe here in England : as also lodgiug at night. Ac¬ 
 cording to the cnstome of the countrey, I had a slaue ap¬ 
 pointed to runne with a pike before mee. 
 
 Thus we trauelled vntill the sixth of September, before we 
 got to Surunga, each day fifteene or sixteene leagues, of three 
 miles to a league as we ghessed it. The way for the most 
 part is wonderfull euen, and where it meeteth wfith moun- 
 taines, passage is cut through. This way is the mayne reade 
 of all this countrey, and is for the most part sandie and 
 grauell; it is diuided into leagues, and at euery leagues end 
 are two small hils, viz. of either side of the way one, and 
 vpon euery one of them a faire pine tree, trimmed round in 
 fashion of an arbor. These markes are placed vpon the w T ay 
 to the end, that the hacknie men, and those which let out 
 horses for hire, should not make men pay more then their 
 due, wdiich is about three pence a league. The roade is ex¬ 
 ceedingly trauelled, full of people, euer and anon you meet 
 with farmes and countrey houses, with villages, and often 
 with great townes, with ferries ouer fresh riuers, and many 
 Futtakeasse or Fotoquis , which are their temples, scituate in 
 groues and most pleasantest places for delight of the wdiole 
 countrey. The priests that tend thereupon dwelling about 
 the same, as our friers in old time planted themselues here 
 in England. When wee approached any towne, we saw crosses 
 with the dead bodies of those who had been crucified there¬ 
 upon. For crucifying is heere an ordinarie punishment for 
 most malefactors. Comming neere Surunga, where the Em- 
 perours court is, wee saw a scaffold with the heads of diuers 
 (which had beene executed) placed thereupon, and by it were 
 diuers crosses with the dead corpses of those which had been 
 executed, remayning still vpon them, and the pieces of others, 
 which after their executioners had beene hewen againe and 
 againe by the triall of others caftans. All which caused a 
 most vnsauourie passage to vs, that to enter into Surunga, 
 must needs passe by them. 
 
LETTER IV. 
 
 65 
 
 This citie of Surunga is full as big as London , with all the 
 suburbs. The handi-crafts men wee found dwelling in the 
 outward parts and skirts of the towne; because those that 
 are of the better sort, dwell in the inward part of the citie, 
 and will not be annoyed with the rapping, knocking, and 
 other disturbance that artificers cannot be without. 
 
 WILLIAM ADAMS : HIS LETTER CONTINEWED. 
 
 Comming to Meaco [? Osacca ] had the kinge free hoorsses 
 according to need to goo to the courte wher the emperour 
 wass: at which plac of the genneralls ariuall, I made his 
 couming knowen. So the first day after, being sovmwhat 
 weery, rested and sovmwhat in fitting of the kinges pressents. 
 So the next daye following being redy, the gennerall went 
 to his [the emperour’s ] palles [ palace] : being courteously 
 receued and bid welcoum by the tresvrer and others. So 
 being in the palles set downe, the gennerall called me and 
 byd me tell the ssecretari, that the kinge mati. letter he 
 would delliuer it with his own handes. Yppon which I went 
 and told ye secretari thearof: at which he awnsswered, that 
 it was not the covstoum of the land to delliuer anny letter 
 with the hand of anny stranger, but that he should keep the 
 letter in his hand till he cam into the pressence of the em¬ 
 peror ; and then he would tak it from him ovt of his handes 
 and delliuer it to the emperour. Which awnsser I told the 
 generall theearof; at which awnsswer not being contented 
 cassed me to tell the secretari that yf he myght not delliuer 
 it himself he would retourn agayne to his loging. Which 
 second awnsswer I told the secretari; the which awnsser, 
 not thinking well therof, was disconted with me in that I 
 had nott instruckted him in the manners and coustoum of all 
 strangers which had bein yeerly in thir covntri; and made 
 me again to go to the gennerall: the which I did; but the 
 gennerall being verry mvch discontented, it so rested. At 
 which tym, pressently, the emperour came fourth, and the 
 
 K 
 
66 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 gennerall wass brought befoor him : to whoum the emperour 
 bid him wellcovm of so weery journy, receuing his mati. 
 letter from the gennerall by the handes of the secrittary, 
 etc. 
 
 So the generall departed his way, and I wass called in: to 
 whoum the emperor inquired of me of the kinges mati. of 
 Ingland : consserning his greatnes and poovr [power ], with 
 diners other questiones which wear to longe to wright. 
 Onlly at ye last he byd me tell the gennerall, yt what request 
 he had, yt he should mak it knowen to me, or to go to his 
 ssecretary; he should be awnssered : which awnsser I re¬ 
 turned to the gennerall. So the next day folowing the gen¬ 
 nerall went with me to the ssecrettaris hovss, with whoum 
 he mad known his demandes. The which being written wear 
 caried befor the emperor. The which the emperor reead all 
 his demandes, and hauing reed them told me that he should 
 liau them. Hauing mvch talk with me of his covming, I 
 told him to settell a factory in his land. He asked me in 
 what plac. I told him, hereon, I did think not far from his 
 court, or the kinges courtt: att which he seemed verry glad. 
 And hauing had mvch speech heer and thear, he asked me if 
 part of his covming was not for discouer [i] to farther partes 
 to the northwestward, or, northwards. I told him our 
 countri still doutli not cees to spend mvch monny in disco- 
 ueri thearof. He asked me whether thear wear nott a way, 
 and whear [? whether] it wass not verry short, or, neer. I 
 told him we douted nott but thear is a way, and that veery 
 neeir; at which tym called for a mappe of the wholl world, 
 and so sawe that it wass very neer. Hauing speechis with 
 me, whether we had no knolledg of a land lying hard by his 
 countri, on the north part of his land, called Yedzoo and 
 Mattesmay. I told him I did neuer see it pvt into anny 
 mappe nor gllobe. I told him it myght bee that the wour- 
 sliipfull coumpany woould send soum ship, or other, to dis¬ 
 couer. He told me that in the yeer of our Lord 1611 , a ship 
 

 ? 
 
 ’JL1f 'i 
 
 &-ppp o- fffft"H^y 
 
 cp-TT/p—^ <3~^J&..*Wv fX 
 
 5>w iuv), , o ^r cfy a. 
 
 . < ir j, /’°zrv A% ^ 
 
 /$tyy%WtW6,f <&~» v*-£-y\ I ~$~ Tc 7 ^ & 
 
 v ■<- *>■»*• «vi c§~x 
 
 ov 
 
 t-p^’ * _ i 
 
 -/- /Xh^ <"« ///i C a-n-i—J 
 
 l 
 
 , VX *$„ 
 
 £oh!i2 
 
 ?y TL» ro 1^1 /wOo 
 
 ki „ X^o (L 
 
 *o<iU2> y (U P ^y2^ art ^ ^ /^w ^ 
 
 ,^> O-J • /•» ^ o «>- *4*^- 4^S jAfL... / * ^ 
 
 o i-T 
 
 
 !% ^ ^A^V' **» V-J* 44 +- 
 
 44 
 
 JV 
 
 W-££/+& 
 
 9~\9~ '@fl LA/ ^O'W c?'/ ^ **$- 
 
 fio O 
 
 
 y~^/ ~ ° 
 
 &-jj- f j^cxjVt p xrfyl/^r- /y / - 
 £ a /^'\ 5 T i /LLt~U~ o^/tdry^ 
 
 r ^£~ ia 'PPlY^t ^• k-/$4t4rtvi4j^ 
 
 
 o m9^vv>. ^ J- £» //y- 
 
 f Jr^^p^XXSff' 
 
 fZZ* yjty**- £?yZyh ^co/H 
 
 ? 
 
 XmC'oX TV^c&wW 
 
 £L^\r—£ ot'tfAr- 
 <*/ C- " 
 
 cew 
 
 _/w AatfQ-id--jn 
 dfy &- Cti- 4*^ $~ 
 
 ''VV^ (sJ^ c^^4-v^'4i q >n4i^l P-tN rK1 V £ «4^»cr <SL^- j 
 
 4 j^r^A^Vi- £0 ^ o tv\T— ^d^'^/tT) A«-t---ay^w> iku4^/&, 
 
 L j ^ V ^ ^^ ^ 
 
 £^i>Sy).$- . w U-£ /^, v 
 
 '•V^ -^ov^i^e^J-\fr-t . Y<aA>/ Kp a C '“~ * 
 
 V H(S- tyf^ 7 <r-^j!r\£-Afc G&s3-£i 
 
 *& m ^ /yr ^ A^fo/Zi- 
 
 !S 
 
 ^ fX Ar ui ^Sy%tt '^JL. 
 
 ^ r ^£jp ^ <3L5k ^ 
 
 ** ^"&~i—0 l/ 'H 
 
 vr-^tu &£!£<£ 
 
 If ^jpa/ti- /^H 
 
 3$x>~i 
 -CPyc^-'/Ui 
 
 C—f>£*Xy t (\ ^ 
 
 <24^ 1 ^ r fj 1AA / l'$~ 
 
 t n 0 u&vr^ r &~ 0 /^ 
 
 /^//^ 
 
 >^~/^* yVV-o -£-— 
 
 vlfrrffv^ ya^o-vA- goyj^s >£V)*0^ 
 
 ^ OfU 4x* 
 
 °/^ 
 
 W- 
 
 
 OM/j 
 
 
 "k^J9 
 
 '^ff < b? y fj 
 
 J W. . /1T” • 
 
 jryi^r- vu j ^ '£fj * y + 1 jfjo jt 
 
 ,0 ^2L. ^<b cj—Q U-i- O 
 
 ° w ^ 
 
 zr^k 
 
 H'> 
 
 -Qfrff, f> k ' / ^faI?AJhU>'j~e 
 
 yjTzt-Mna* ’Mt/Ps/i# / ^ 
 
 ec ye-ytaf 
 
LETTER IV. 
 
 67 
 
 wass seen of tlieis cost, on tlie est syde, in latitude of 38 d., 
 or thearabout, whether that wear anny of our countri ship ? 
 I told him I thought not. He told me agayn it could be no 
 ship of ye Spaynnards going for Novo Spania: for this ship 
 was seen in Apprill, which tym no ship goeth not from the 
 Manillieus [. Manillas ]. He asked me yf I did deesir to go 
 that waye. I told hym, yf the wourshippful coumpanie 
 should dessir svcli a thing, I would willingly ymploy my self 
 in svch an honorabell accion. He told me yf I did go, he 
 would geue [give] me his letter of frindship to the land of 
 Yedzoo, whear his subiects liaue frinship, hauing a stronge 
 towne and a castell: thorough which menes haue 30 dayes 
 joourney frindship with thoos pepell; which peopell be, as I 
 do gather, Tartares joyning to the Cam, or borders of Cattay. 
 Now in my sympel iudgment, yf the northwest passag be 
 euer discouered, it wilbe discouered by this way of Jappan; 
 and so tliuss, with diuers other speechis most frindli evsed 
 [used~\j I toouk [ took ] my leaue of him. 
 
 So the next day folowdng, the gennerall mad him self 
 reddy to go for Quanto, a province so called, whear the 
 kinge, the emperors eldest sonn, is ressident, being distant 
 from the emperours court soum 42 lleagues. To which 
 place we went, hauing in 4 or 5 dayes finnissed according to 
 ye coustoum of the land, the gennerall being verri well 
 entertayned. So returned to the emperors courte agayne. 
 At which place receuing the emperours commission and pri- 
 uileges, mad our retourn for Ferrando. 1 
 
 Now consserning my self. Hauing dispached the gen¬ 
 nerall bysiness, I did seek vnto the counsell to speak in my 
 behalf, to get leeau [leave] to go hoom for my covntri; but 
 the ssecretari, with no other, would not speak for my liberty 
 to goo for my country, knowing that I had diuers tymes mad 
 [request] and he would not let mee goo. So I neuertheless 
 mad my selfc soumwhat bold. Finding the emperour in a good 
 
 1 Note Y. The Privileges. 
 
68 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 moud [mood], I took ovt of my boussom bis broode seeall, 
 consserning certtain lands, and layed it dounn beefore him, 
 gening bis mati. most hvmbell thankes for liis great fanor 
 vnto mee, dessiring leaue to go for my countri. At which 
 request he looked ernestli vppon mee, and asked me yf I wass 
 dessirrovs to go for my country ? I awnssered most dessirovs. 
 He awnssered, yf he should dettain me, he should do me 
 wrong; in so mvch, that in his seruis I had behaued my self 
 well, with manny other woourds of coummendacions, the 
 which I leaue. So I thank God got my lyberty ovt of my 
 long and evill sarues [service]. With this toouk my leau of 
 him, bidding me yf I did not think well of going this yeear, 
 1 should tarry tell other shipping came, and go as I wovld: 
 telling me yt. yf I cam vp into the countri to bring sertain 
 goodes which he named. So thuss, I thank God, being not 
 littell joyfful retvrned with the gennerall to Ferrando, whear 
 the ship wasse, etc. 
 
 So about a 15 dayes of my abod in Ferrando, it was the gen¬ 
 nerall plleasur to call for mee, the cape marchant with others 
 bein in pressenc, hauing wrytten cartain lynes vppon a sid of 
 paper, calling me to [? an ac] count, and to know of mee 
 what my intent wass, whether I would go horn with him, or 
 tarry heer in this countri. I awnsswered him my desir wass 
 to go houm to my countri. He asked me, now with him or 
 no; I awnssered him, I had spent in this countri mani yeares, 
 thorov which I wass poour : for which cass I wass dessirrouss 
 to get soumthing befor my retourn. The reason I would not 
 go with him wass for dyuers injerues [? injurious things] doun 
 against me; the which were tliinges to me veri strang and 
 vnloked for, which tliinges were wrytt I ceass, 1 leuing it to 
 others to mak rellacion thereof. He asked me yf I would 
 serue the coumpani. I awnssered, yees, veri willing. He 
 asked me on what condisscion, whether I would tak the 20/. 
 of grattis which the wourshipfull coumpany had lent my 
 
 1 ? Regarding the things down against me, I refrain from writing. 
 
LETTER IV. 
 
 69 
 
 wyfe, and stand to their conrtessi. * First, I do most hvmbly 
 thank the wonrshipfull company for this deed of Christian 
 charriti in the lending of my poour wyff the 20/. If ener I 
 he abell, I will mak sattisfaxcion for the proffit therof, and 
 for the principall hau heer mad sattisfaxcion to gennerall 
 John Sarris, taking the byll of exchang, which diners of my 
 good frinds had giuen their wourds for payment therof, 
 hauing theear hands firmed, and I thank all myghti God, 
 that hath geuen me abilliti to mak payment therof. The 
 tym wass manny yeares in this covntri, I hau not bin mr. of 
 20s.% I awnswered, yf I weer in pressenc of the wourship. 
 coumpani, I would stand to anny thing they should think 
 good of; bvt in this plac, was willing to haue soum sartanty. 
 He still vrged mee with the 20/. lent to my wyff of grattis, 1 
 and stand to the coumpanis good will. I awnssered as at the 
 first, again. Tlieay asked we what I would for a yeear. I told 
 him, I hau neuer bin hired by the yeear, but by the month. 
 He told me the coumpani did not hire anny man by the 
 monneth, but by the yeear. I told him, I wass not willing 
 to go by the yeer, but by the monnth. He asked me what I 
 would ask a rnoheth. I told him of strangers by whoum I hau 
 bin imployed did geu mee 15/. the monnth, but I demanded 
 12/. the month. Vppon demand, he bade mee go ovt of the 
 chamber a littell wliill, and he would call me again. So I 
 went away, and a littell wliill afterward he called me again, 
 and asked me yf I wass ressolued. I told him as at the first. 
 So he bad mee the yeer 80/. I told him again, I would not. 
 So in the end I told him not vnder 10/. the monnth, I would 
 not serue, alledging I wass vnwilling to pvt the coumpany to 
 svch a great charge, becass I did not see in Japan anny proffit 
 to be mad to quit svch great wages, but rather to be free, for 
 in respect of bennifit I had diuers mens [means] ofered me, 
 to be mor to my proffit, which the gennerall knew of: dessir- 
 
 1 From entries in commercial books of the period, it appears the term 
 gratis , when applied to loans, etc., means free from interest. 
 
70 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OE JAPONIA. 
 
 ing ye gennerall to let mee be free, and to tak other orders, 
 which weear for my furtheranc ; and not to be beer imployed, 
 whear I saw no proffit conm in. Thus in the end, he proffited 
 [? proffered] me 80/. and the 20/. genen mee free which wass 
 lent my wyff. I awnser him, no. So lett me dept, till the 
 next day, at which tym I promissed to geu him a ressolut 
 awnsser. So the next day, in the morning, sent for me 
 again, [ashing] whether I was ressolued, I sayd ass affor. 
 So he awnssered me, I did exact vppon them to hau them to 
 geu mee what I list. I told him again my mening was not 
 so, for I could better my selfe a great dell more, onlly I wass 
 not willing to searue, where, by my sarues I could not win so 
 mvcli for my masters, for which cass onlly and nothing ells. 
 So demanding me still ernestly, proffered me 100/. the yeer; 
 the which, in conssideracion I would not geu discontentment, 
 but granted vnto it. So vppon this he did aske me how I 
 would be paid it. I told him, heer in Japan. He said, none 
 in his ship did receue not aboue a 3 pt beffor he cam horn: at 
 which I awnssered, it might be so, bvt my cass was otherwyss, 
 for I liaue promyssed my sserues [service] no longer but svch 
 tym as God shall send the Cloue in to Ingland, or awnsser of 
 her ariual, and return of the wourshipfull companis awnsser, 
 whether they will discouer to the nor west, or not. Thearfor, 
 for me tarry so longe, and not to receu [receive] no wages 
 heir, I would not mayntain my self with aparill and expences, 
 with ovt receuing soom monny to mayntain my self in credit 
 and clothes. So I agreed : which God grant his blessing 
 vppon my labors, that I may be a proffitabell saruant vnto 
 your wourship : which I hop in all myghti God I shalbe, etc. 
 
 Now consserning this discouerie to the nofward. Yf it 
 stand with your wourshipps liking, in my judgment neuer 
 hath bin better menes to discouer. My ressons : First, this 
 Kingdoum of Jappan, with whom we hav frindship: the 
 emperador hath promyssed his assistance to you, his letter of 
 frindship to the countri of Yedzoo and Matesmaye, whear his 
 
LETTER IV. 
 
 71 
 
 subiects are ressident. Secondly, langwiges, that can speak 
 the Corea and Tartar langwage, for Japan langedge not to 
 be reckined. For shipping : yf your wourship send not, yet 
 you may liau bylded, or cass to be bylded, svch shipes or 
 pinnces necessary for svch discoueriwith lesse charges. Things 
 ar lieer good cheep, as tymber, plank, irroun, hemp, and 
 carpenteres : only tarre heer is none; rosen annouf, but 
 verry deer. Thees thinges I hau experienc of, becass I hau 
 byllt 2 shipes in this country for the emperor : the on of 
 them sold to the Spaynnard vppon occacion, and the other I 
 sayld in my selff vppon dyuers voyages uppon this cost. 
 Now, the on of them that wass sold to the Spaynnards, wass 
 vppon this occassion : that a great ship of 1000 tovnes, which 
 cam from ye Manilia, which was cast away vppon this cost, 
 whear in was the gouernor of Manilia, to whoum the emperor 
 lent hir to carry him to Akapulca, a place in Nova Spaynia; 
 which ship tlieay found so good as theay neuer returned 
 agayn, butt sent so mvch monny ass shee wass wourth, and 
 afterwards wass imployed in the vyages from Nova Spaynia 
 to the Phillipines. Sso that neuertheless by my profession 
 I am no shipwright, yet I hop to make svch shipping as 
 slialbe necessary for anny svch discouery. Now men to sayll 
 with only excepted, the peopell are not acquaynted with our 
 manner. Therfor, yf your wourshipps hau anny svch pvrposs, 
 send me good marriners [ navigators ] to sayll with; and yf 
 you send but 15 or 20, or leess, it is no matter, for the peo¬ 
 pell of this land are verri stoutt seea men, and in what way 
 I shall go in, I can hau so manny as I will. Now for 
 vytelling. Heir is in this land annouf and svch plenty, and 
 so good cheep, as is in Ingland, as thoss who haue bin heer 
 can satisfi your wourshipp therin. So that I say agayn, the 
 wantes be coordish [cordage], pouldaues [canvas], and tarr, 
 pich, or rossen, and coumpasses, rounning [hour] glasses, a 
 payr of gllobes for demonstracion, and soum cardes [charts] 
 or mapes, contayninge the wlioll world. Thees thinges yf 
 
72 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 your wourship do furnish me with, you shall find me not neg- 
 legent in svch an honorahell surues [service ]: by God's grace. 
 Thus mvch I hau thought good to wrytt to your wourshipp, 
 being soumwhat longe in making the particulars apparent of 
 this discource; which discource, I do trust in all myghti 
 God, should be on of the most famost that euer hath bin, 
 etc. 
 
 Now conserning the great kindnes which your wourshipps 
 hath shewed to me, in lending my wyf monny. I do still 
 crau your wourship coumpassion. What monny your wour¬ 
 ship shall lend, by God's grace I will mak svch sattisfaccion 
 as shalhe to your dessir. Thearfor, I do again intreat your 
 wourshipes to lend my wyf 301. or 40/., tell it be the will of 
 God I coum boom; and eyther heer to pay it, or els wher, 
 as you shall corhand me, etc. 
 
 I do embolden my self to coummend me vnto your wour¬ 
 shipes : praying God all myghty to bless your wourship with 
 continewance of his grace, in health and prosperitie; and in 
 the lyf to coum euerlasting feliciti. Amen. 
 
 By your vnwourth saruant and vnknown ffrind, yeat 
 faythfvll to coummand tell death 
 
 William Addames . 1 
 
 1 E. I. Mss. Japan Series. 
 
gppcntiiv to better fio. W. 
 
 THE 
 
 CONTRACT made with CART. WM. ADAMS , at Firando , in Jnpon, 
 
 Me 24M of November , 1613. 
 
 WHEREAS ye. R. honourable companye, ye. marchants of 
 London trading [i>z/o] ye. East Indyes, of there greate lone 
 and affection to you Capt. Addams, liaue appointed and set 
 out this shipp called ye. Cloue pr. Japan; bilding there 
 lioopes vppone ye. foundation of your long experyence in 
 these partes, for the settling of a benyficiall ffactorye. And 
 hailing since my arriuall not onlye obteyned ye. emperor's 
 grant with large priualiges for ye. same, but also procured 
 your freedome, which, till this present, could not be obteyned. 
 IT now resteth what course you will take; wlieatlier to retorne 
 for your countery, or remaine heare ye. companyes servant, in 
 what manner you hould your selfe best able to doe them 
 seruice : what sallory you will haue ; and in what manner to 
 be paid. Viz. to haue the 20/. pr. exchange imprested vnto 
 you, and to stand to ye. curtesie of ye. companye for further 
 guirdon, or to com to a sertaine agreement pr. such a some 
 as my selfe and ye. ffactors appointed to staye heare shall 
 thinke fitting, till advize out of England. And hearin 1 
 intreate you chearfullye to deliuere your resolution to each 
 pointe : for yt. the tyme of yeare inforseth my departure. 
 And I should be heartalye sorrye yf in what I may giue you 
 content, there should happen the leaste defect. 
 
 WHERVNTO he made answer, that his desyre is to goe 
 home for his native contrey of England, but not in this shipp : 
 only his stayinge is for a certen tyme to get somthing, 
 
74 
 
 THE KYNGD0ME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 hauing hetherto spent his tyme soe many yeares in vayne, 
 and wold not now goe home with an emptie purse. And 
 that he is willinge to do the companye the best service he 
 can in any thinge he may serue them in, eather pr. sea or 
 land, to the benyfit of the English ffactory in Japon, or else 
 wlieare, as shall be thought fyting by the Counsell of the 
 English ffactors their [there] resident, vntill the retorne of 
 the next shipp, or ships, after the certen news of the Cloues 
 arivall in England. Yet is not willinge to take the 20/. 
 empresse before mentioned, and to stand to the wourshipfull 
 companeyes courtsie for the rest; but rather to com to agree¬ 
 ment now, that he should hau to stand vpon a certentie. 
 And demanded twelue pownds str. per moneth : sayinge, the 
 Eflemynge did geue hym fyfteene pownd, when they first 
 emploid hym into these ptes; and herevpon went forth; 
 willing the Generali and rest, that they should bethinke 
 them selues : for yf they wolde not geue him soe much, theare 
 were others that wold; and therefore wished them not to be 
 his hindrance. And soon after retorninge, our Generali 
 offred hym ffowreskore pownd a yeare. But he answered, 
 that vnder one hvndred and twenty pownds per anno, he 
 wold not. Then he was offred to haue the 20/. lent to his 
 wife geven gratis, besids the 80/. per anno. But he stood 
 still to his formeir offer of 120/. per anno.; and soe departed, 
 wishing vs to bethink our selves better, till the morrow 
 morning. At which tyme the Cownsell afforsaid beinge 
 assembled againe, Capt. Adams, beinge present, was of his 
 owne good will, contented to be entertayned into the wour¬ 
 shipfull companyes service for the stipend, or sallery, of one 
 hvndred pownds str. pr. yeare, to be paid at the end of 
 two yeares, or, at such tyme as news shall com out of Eng¬ 
 land of the arivall of the Cloue pr. any one ship, or ships; 
 Only in the meane tyme his desire was, that yf he stood in 
 neede of twentie pownd str. to lay out in aparell, or any 
 other necessaries, that he might be furnished therewith. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 M3RW 
 OF THE 
 
 UNIYER8HV Of ILUNOIS 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
LETTER V. 
 
 75 
 
 AND SOE IN WITNESSE of the truth, he hath here- 
 vnto put his hand and seale, promesinge not to vse any trade 
 for his owne private benefytt per sea or land, to be preiudtiall 
 to the benefytt of the Company. Dated at Firando in Japan, 
 the 24 th day of November, 1613. 
 
 By me WM. ADD AM. [l. s.] 
 
 Sealed and dd. in the putes [?] of us 
 
 RICH. COCK. 
 
 TEMPEST PEACOCK. 
 
 RICIIARDE WICKHAM. 
 
 This agreement with Mr. Addams, was made with the 
 consent of vs, Richard Cock, Tempest Peacock, and Rich. 
 Wickham, whose names are aboue written for witnesses. 1 
 
 Setter W. 
 
 There is a second letter from William Adams, dated in 
 December 1613, but to whom addressed is not apparent. 
 It is a faithful epitome of the “ vearey larg” letter above 
 given : and there are only three portions that need be cited : 
 viz. i. As to the vessel first lent to, and eventually purchased 
 by, the Governor-General of the Phillipine Islands : ii. As to 
 Adams continuing in Japon : hi. The conclusion. 
 
 i. 
 
 I my seelf hau by It 2 sliipes in Jappan, the on [ e J, by 
 occassion sold to the Spaynnards, went for Nova Spania. 
 Which ship, on [e] viage vppon this cost I mad w ith her : 
 being of burden 170 tovnes. 
 
 1 E. I. Mss. Japon Series. 
 
76 
 
 THE IvYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 II. 
 
 Your wooursliip sliall vnclerstand I liad thought to a 
 coum hom in the Cloue, but by som discovrtissis offred me 
 by the general], changed my mind: which injuries to wryt 
 of them I leau ; leauing to others, God sending the ship hom, 
 to mak rellaciond 
 
 hi. 
 
 Sene the tym I saw your woursliip, I hau passed great 
 misseries and trowbells. God hau the prayss to whoum it 
 douth belonge, that hath delliuered me ovt of them all. To 
 writt of the particulars, it wear for me very longe, thearfor, 
 in short, I leau the rehear sail tell further tym. Thus, with 
 my most liarty and humbell sallutacions to you and to your 
 good wyf, I seeas [ cease] ; dessiring your woursliip to sallut 
 me to Sr. Thomass Smyth, and tell him on my behalf, he 
 shall find me in his servis, so trusti as euer faithfull Inglish 
 man, that euer hath serued the coumpany. And as conssern- 
 ing the aftares in Jappan, let him tak no cair [care]. His 
 factory is so saf; and so sver [sure] his goods, as in his own 
 houss. This I dare insver so long as I do lyue, And what- 
 soeuer the wourshipfull company shall hav need in Japan, it 
 shalbe accomplished. This I dare insver : for the emperour 
 and the kinge hath mad me such promis, which I do know 
 shalbe accovmplishcd. I pray you sallut me vnto my good 
 frind Mr. William Bourrall, shipwryt, who I heer is on of 
 the company : whous good kindnes hath bynn to my pour 
 wyf, in speking to lend her the forsayd 20/. [? of] which, I 
 thank God [? /], hau heer mad payment: and I pray him in my 
 
 1 “ Yf at your departure from Japon, the said William Adams shall 
 ymportune you to trausporte him into his natiue countrie, to visitt his 
 wife and children, we pray you then to accomodate him with as con¬ 
 venient a cabben as you may, and all other necessaries which your shipp 
 may afford him.” (Instructions to Captain Saris from, the Governor , etc. 
 of the Company, April 14, 1611. E. I. Mss) 
 
OBSERVATIONS. 
 
 77 
 
 belialf still to continew his Christian loue and pitty, which 
 without dowt God will reward. I pray remember my hum- 
 bell dvtty to my good Mr. Nicholass Diggens, and thank him 
 for his great former loue to me, etc. 
 
 Thuss hauing no tym, I cess, covmmending you with yours 
 to the protexion of God : who bless your wourship in this 
 lyf; and in the world to covm euerlasting lyfe. Amen. 
 
 By your unwourthy frind and seruant to covmmmand, 
 
 Wm. Addames. 
 
 Yf you send for Japan anny shipping : that present that 
 shalbe sent to the emperour in it, lette them send soom 
 Rousse [ Russian ] glass of the gretest sort: so mvcli as may 
 glasse him a rowm of 2 fadoom 4 squar, and what fine lames 
 [lambs ] skenes \skins], \? you will ], and 2 or 3 peces of fyne 
 holland, yf it be more I lean, it to your discression : with 3 or 
 4 payr of spaktakle glasses. And for marcliandis, he deessired 
 to liaue soum 1000 barres of steill 4 squar, in length sovm 
 8 or 9 foout; which goods the Hollanders haue brought and 
 sold to the emperour at 5/. starling the picoll, which is 
 Inglish waiglit 125 powndes. W. A. 1 
 
 (Pberrbntkms. 
 
 Probably under the impression that he had been overreached 
 by Adams, in regard to the terms of his engagement with 
 the Company, Captain Saris may have exhibited some discour¬ 
 tesies : since in the document, designated a “Remembrance ”, 
 which he left for the guidance of Captain Cock in the manage¬ 
 ment of the factory, the following disparaging remarks occur. 
 
 1 E. I. Mss. Japon Series. 
 
78 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 viz., “ And for Mr. Adams he is onlye fittinge to be mr. of 
 the junke, and to be vsed as linguist at corte, when you have 
 no imployment pr. hym at sea. It is necessarye you stirr 
 hym, his condition being well knowne vnto you as to my 
 selfe : otherwayes you shall hau littell seruice of hym, the 
 countrye offording great libertye, wheare vnto he is mvch 
 affected. The forsed agreement I haue made with hym as 
 you know could not be eschudd, ye. Flemmings and Spaniards 
 making false proffers of great intertaynement, and hym selfe 
 more affected to them then his owne natyon, we holye 
 
 destitute of language.You shall not need to sende for 
 
 anye farther order to ye. Emperour for the setting out of the 
 junke [intended to proceed to Siam ], it being an article 
 granted in the charter, as by the coppie thereof in English 
 left with you will appeare. Yet will Mr. Adams tell you 
 that he cannot departe without a licence, which will not be 
 granted except he go vp. Beleue him not; nether neglect 
 that busines : for his wish is but to haue the coumpanye bear 
 his charges to his wife [ meaning his native wife, who resided 
 on the property granted to him by the Emperor, on the way to 
 the court .] Yet rather then that he shall leaue you, and 
 bitake himself to the Spaniards, or Fflemmings, you must 
 make a vertue of necessitye, and let hym go.” 1 
 
 In all this. Captain Saris was wrong and unjust, i. 
 William Adams did not need stirring. After an experience 
 of twelve months, Captain Cock states: a I finde the man 
 very tractable, and willinge to do your w our ship the best 
 seruis he can, and hath taken great paine about repairing our 
 juncke, the Sea Adventure, otherwayes she would not haue 
 byn ready to haue made the Syam voyage this yeare.” 2 
 
 1 E. I. Mss. Jayon Series. 
 
 2 Captain Cock to the Gou r , etc., of the E. I. C°, 25 Nov 1 ', 1614. The 
 Cape Merchant, on a subsequent occasion, bears testimony to the tracta- 
 bility of William Adams in the following words : u Mr. Wickham, I 
 praye you haue a good care to geve Captain Adams content, which you 
 may easilye doe yf you vse hym with kynde speeches, and fall not into 
 
OBSERVATIONS. 
 
 79 
 
 II. It is not to be assumed that any offers made by the Flem¬ 
 mings and Spaniards to William A dams were not bond fide. 
 The Flemings liad had too much experience of the value of 
 his good offices, not to he solicitous to secure the continuance 
 of his services. 1 The Spaniards had had too much experience 
 of the effects of his opposition to their views, not to be 
 desirous of cultivating his good-will. 2 Both parties were 
 perfectly aware of his ready access to the presence, 3 and of 
 the influence he exercised over the Emperor : which was 
 fully demonstrated by the extensive privileges he obtained 
 for the English: “ such as the Portuguese, even at the time 
 of their highest interest with the Japonese, were unable to 
 procure on any terms whatever.” 4 in. Adams did not prove 
 
 termes with hym vpon any argvment. I am perswaded I could lyve with 
 hym 7 yeares before any extraordenary speeches should happen betwixt 
 vs.” {Cock to Wickham , proceeding to his station at Sorongo and Edo , 
 Jan. 16{^. E. I. Mss.). Some months afterwards, the Cape Merchant 
 recurs to the subject, and concludes his admonition to Mr. Wickham, 
 with the following sensible remark : “ Fayre words are as soon spoaken 
 as fowle, and cause a man to pass thorow the world as well amongst fowes 
 as frinds.” {From the same to the same , proceeding with Adams to Siam , 
 25 Nov. 1614. E. I. Mss.). From various passages in Captain Cock’s 
 Diary, Mr. Wickham appears to have been somewhat “humoursome”, and 
 apt to “ fall into termes” with his associates, especially when he had 
 “ pottle in pate”. 
 
 1 The good offices rendered by Adams to the Flemings, which were the 
 chief means of their becoming established in the Empire, are detailed at 
 length by Charlevoix (t. iv, p. 125, and pp. 258 and 264), who prefaces 
 his narrative with the following remark : “ Le Pilote Anglois , Guillaume 
 Adams , qui etoit homme de merite, s’introduisit a la cour de Surunga si 
 bien, qu’il y devint en quelque sort le favori du souverain.” 
 
 2 Charlevoix (t. iv, p. 292) observes : “ Ce Pilote disservit d’une ma- 
 niere eruelle les Espagnols, et tous le Chretiens”; i.e., in the phrase¬ 
 ology of Captain Cock, the “ Romish Christians” ; and cites instances. 
 This is also the case with Capt. Cock. 
 
 3 “ The truth is, the emperour esteemeth hym mvch, and he may goe 
 and speake with hym at all tymes, when kynges and princes are kept 
 ovt.” {Cock to the Gouernour, etc ., of the Company , 25 Feb. 16}ji. 
 E. I. Mss.) 
 
 4 Scheuchzer , Introduction to Kcempfers Hist, of Japan , page xlix. 
 Also Charlevoix , t. iv, p. 291. 
 
80 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 himself more affected to the Flemings and Spaniards than to his 
 own nation. There is not an instance to he found in Captain 
 Cock's Diary, of Adams having afforded any assistance to the 
 Flemings, except when their interests and those of his own 
 nation were identical. Of his disposition towards the Spaniards, 
 enough has been said. In fact, Adams nobly redeemed the 
 pledge he gave to Sir Thomas Smith, that he should find him 
 “ so trusti as ever faithful Inglisliman, that euer hath serued 
 the coumpany.” He was staunch to his countrymen, resisting 
 alike the overtures of the Flemings, the Spaniards, and the 
 Japonese. 1 iv. Adams did not pretend it was necessary to go 
 up to the Court to obtain a license for the junk to proceed to 
 Syam; and he did not go up to the court before the junk sailed, 
 either that the Company might bear the expenses of a visit 
 from him to his wife, or for any other purpose. As before 
 stated, he was usefully and zealously engaged in fitting up 
 the junk; and when the vessel was ready for sea, he sailed 
 in her forthwith. 
 
 The generall was also wrong in another particular : the 
 extent of the privileges conferred on the English by the 
 “ charter”. Captain Cock corrects the error into which he 
 
 1 “ Thus much Captain Adams tould me. Also that the emperour gaue 
 hym councell not to seale [sail] in Japan jonks on noe voyage, hut rather 
 stay in Japan ; that yf the stipend he had geuen hym were not svffitient, he 
 would geve him more. But he answered, his word was passed, and there¬ 
 fore yf he performed not his word, yt would be a dishonour vnto hym.” 
 Captain Cock tested the sincerity of Captain Adams’ professions. The 
 Cape Merchant proceeds to say : “ Yet, truly, at his retorne to Firando, 
 I offered to hau quit hym of his promis, and to hau sent hym to Edo, to 
 be neare the emperour vpon all occations. Yet would he not he per- 
 swaded therevnto.” (Cock to the Gouernour, etc., dated 25th of February, 
 16}|. E. I. Mss.) On another occasion it is reported : “And being at 
 court, the admerall of the sea was very ernest with Mr. Wm. Adams, to 
 haue hym pilot of a voyage they pretended to the northward, to haue 
 made conquest of certen islands (as they said) rich in gould ; but Cap¬ 
 tain Adams exkewsed hym selfe, in that he was in your worship’s seruice, 
 and so put hym ofe.” (Cock to the Gouernour , etc., of the Company , dated 
 1st of January, lb]£. E. I. Mss.) 
 
LETTER VI. 
 
 81 
 
 had fallen in the following terms : “ Neither can we set out 
 any junke, without procuring the yearely license of the 
 Emperour : otherwise no Japon mariner dare go out of 
 Japon vpon paine of death, only our owne sliippes from 
 England may come in, and goe out again when they will, and 
 no man gain-say it.” 1 
 
 letter flo. ©J. 
 
 To the hounarabell Sir Thomas Smyth, knight, gouernour of 
 
 the Est Indes Coumpani in Loundoun. Per Mr. [.], 
 
 whoum God presserue. 
 
 * 
 
 Written in Firando in the kingdoum of Japon , the 14 of 
 
 Jennevari [1616-17]. 
 
 Right wourshipfull Sir, finding my self altogether unwourthy 
 to writt vnto your wourship, yeet lest you should condemn 
 mee of ingratitude, I hau imboldened my self to writt theis 
 few lines to gev your wourship to vnderstand how for the 
 space of three yeeares I hau byn ymploied by your woorship 
 Cape Marchant, Mr. Richard Cock, 2 Gages for Siam, etc. 
 In the yeare of our Lord 1615, 2 dayes after my departure 
 from Firando a most grieuous storme took me, called a lior- 
 ricane, of violent wind, by wdiich I was in great danger to 
 looss both liues, ship and goods, for the space of 3 daies 
 baylling in 4 rooumes, 2 hauing with mee at that tyme of 
 officers, marriners, marchants and passingers [? some ] 40 
 sooules; the which being wearied with a long storm, could 
 
 1 Cock , to Saris in England. Purchas, vol. i, p. 407. 
 
 2 The Japonese, like the Chinese vessels, are built in compartments, 
 with water-tight bulk-heads. In this country, the divisioyis in a coal barge 
 are still called rooms. 
 
 M. 
 
82 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OE JAPONIC. 
 
 not longer enduer it; but the principall of them cam to mee 
 and held vp ther handes, praying mee to do my best to saue 
 tlier Hues. Now at this pressent I had 2 of your woorship 
 saruants, the one called Mr. Richard Wickham, who for the 
 pressent viage wass Cape Marchant, the other called Edmon 
 Sarris, his assistant: to which twoo I made the complaynt of 
 our men knowen, whoo allso seeinge the great extremiti wee 
 were in, dessired mee the like. The which thing greved me 
 not a littell (being not aboue 20 lleags from the cost of 
 China) to go for China, beinge most bitter ennemys to the 
 Japanners (thear wee could not trym our ship) : that I wass 
 fayne to take an other cours, and derectted my courss for 
 sartayne ilands called the Leqtjes, 1 which through the bless¬ 
 ing of God 3 dayes aftere arriued in salfetie, to all our great 
 reioycing: for which God be praysed for euer. Now in 
 theese ilands wee found maruelous great frindship : for both 
 generous \? people ofrank\ and ordenari peopell frindly. But 
 in conclusion, beefor wee could vnlade our ship, tak out our 
 mast, and trym her agayn, the monsson was past, that wee 
 could not prosseed of our voyage: but in the end returned for 
 Japan agayne. 
 
 Now in the yeere of our Lord 1617 [? 1616], hauing trymed 
 our ship, agayne prosseeded for Siam, and thorough the fauour 
 of God mad a prosperoose vyage; and at my returne to 
 Japan I found 2 ships arriued abought 15 dayes biff or mee, 
 the on called the Thomas, the other the Advice : of which I 
 wass most joyfull to see. 
 
 So pressently of my arriuall, the Cape Marchant was 
 reddie to go to the court, hauing wayted sartain dayes in 
 hoop of my couming. So within 5 daies of my arriuall, 
 according to wind and wether departed, and went with the 
 Cape Marchant beffor the Emperour, with which in 5 daies 
 delliuered his pressent. So hauing delliuerd his pressent, 2 
 dayes after sent mee to the country to procure those things 
 
 1 The Loo Choo groupe. 
 
LETTER VI. 
 
 83 
 
 which he required, which was the renewall of the old Empe- 
 rour's priuliges [privileges] with a gowshon [license] for his 
 juncke for Siam : which things were granted with all kindc 
 speeches, hut in conclusion were not performed; as after¬ 
 wards appeared. For hauing taken his leaue of the court, 
 and being bovnd to Meaco, by the way coummeth an express 
 with letters from Mr. Richard Wickham from Meaco, with 
 letters how that all strangers goods was forbiden to make 
 sale of any, and that covmmandment was geuen to all mar- 
 chants that were strangers, should go for Firando and Lan- 
 gasacki. Yppon which strange newes, the Cape Marchant, 
 Mr. Cock, thought it necessary to go to the court agayne, to 
 know the occasione, and to see yf he could remedy it. So 
 returned to the court agayne, and evsed me as his messenger 
 therein. And returning agayne, examined agayne his coum- 
 mission, or, priulleges; and indeed found an artikell altered : 
 which wass, that in the old Emperour, his priulleges, thorough 
 his whool domynions, our Inglish factori might trad [trade], by 
 [buy] or sell, wlier they thought good, in thease new priulleges 
 weare granted but in two pllaces, which weare nomynated, 
 that wass in Firando and Langasachi. So about this byssi- 
 ness Mr. Cock hath taken no small care to a reformed it. 
 So I beinge daylie ymploied in this byssiness, could not get 
 it refformed; but in fyne this generall awnsswer, that wass : 
 that this wass the first yeare of the EmperouFs raign, and as 
 his eddict wass gone all ouere Japan, it was not a thing 
 pressently to be called back agayne; that wee should be 
 content till next yeear, at which tyme request being mad by 
 thoes that shall coum vp to geue the pressent, doutted not 
 but it should be geuen. So with this absolut awnsser, the 
 Cape Marchant returned to Meaco. Ther dispaching svch 
 bissiness as he had to do, returned to the shipping in Fi¬ 
 rando, with svch factoris as weear aboue. 1 
 
 Now your woorship shall vnderstand the casse [cause] of 
 
 1 Note Z. The Modified Privileges. 
 
84 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 thees things as followeth. In the yeear of our Lord 1615 
 heer was great warres : for Quambaccodono [i. e ., Faxiba , or 
 Taico Sama] a two yeears before his deth had a ssoone, 
 
 which vntill this [.] beeing the 24 yeare of his age, 
 
 and hauing aboundance of riches, thought him selfe strong 
 
 with [.] diuers nobles to a rooss [?] with him, which 
 
 was great likly. Hee mad warres with the Emperour [. . . .], 
 allso by the Jessvits and Ffriers, which mad this man Eiddaya 
 Samma belleeue he should be fanord with mirrackles and 
 wounders; but in fyne it proued to the contrari. Eor the 
 
 old Emperour [.], against him presentlly, maketh his 
 
 forces reddy by sea and land, and compasseth his castell that 
 he was in; although with loss of multitudes on both' sides, 
 yet in the end rasseth the castell walles, setteth it on fyre, 
 and burnetii hym in it. 1 Thus ended the warres. Now the 
 Emperour heering of thees jessvets and friers being in the 
 kastell with his ennemis, and still from tym to tym agaynst 
 hym, coummandeth all romische sorte of men to depart ovt 
 of his countri, tliear churches pulld dooun, and burned. 
 This folowed in the old EmperouEs daies. Now this yeear, 
 1616, the old Emperour he did [died]. His son raigneth in 
 his place, and hee is more hot agaynste the romish relligion 
 then his ffather wass : for he hath forbidden thorough all his 
 domynions, on paine of deth, none of his subiects to be 
 romish christiane; which romish seckt to prevent eueri waves 
 that he maye, he hath forbidden that no stranger merchant 
 shall abid in any of the great citties. On svch pretence many 
 jessvets and ffriers might seket [? in secret] teach the romissh 
 relligion. Thees are the casses of our Inglish ffactori, and 
 all other strangers are not suffred abou in the countri. 2 
 
 Now consserning my owne part, your wourshipp shall vn- 
 derstand I am this yeear bound to Coche China : yf my God 
 
 1 Master Adams writes too peremptorily. The fate of Fidaya Sama 
 remains a mystery to the present day : though a general impression 
 exists, that he escaped, and received protection from the king of Arima. 
 
 2 Note A A. The Fate of the English Factory. 
 
LETTER VI. 
 
 85 
 
 will permitt me. Thees ressones hath mad mee tak it in 
 hand. 3 yeers past your Cape merchant, Mr. Richard Cock, 
 sent a ffactori thether, hut men nor goods returned not; as 
 the report on of them killed thear, and the other couming 
 from Japan cast awaye. Now my selfe being no waye abell 
 to mak that my hart dessireth, of anny sattisfacion for your 
 wourshipps great kindnes to my poor wyf in my absenc, and 
 allsso, heer in Japan, your woorship ffactor Mr. Richard 
 Cock, his lou and most frindly affactcion: I say hath mad 
 mee to tak this joorney in hand, to sse yf by my menes I can 
 get thooss priuelleges wherby your woorship may get a free 
 trad or ffactori agayne; and alsso to know by what menes 
 Mr. Pecock lost hys lyf. 1 Mr. Cock had thought to a sent 
 Mr. Wm. Nellson with mee, but hauing svch need of his 
 pressence, that indeed hee could not miss hym. Yppon 
 which occacion I go my selfe alloun, desiring the protexion 
 and favor of all mightie God heer in. 
 
 Thus being vnwoorthy, I hau imboldened my selfe to 
 wryt thees feaw lines to let your woorship to vnderstand of 
 the trowbelles of thees parts in brif: only knowing assvredly 
 Mr. Cock hath moost largly wrott your woorship of all mat¬ 
 ters. Therfor, this pressent my hvmbell devtye remembred, 
 I ceess : praying God for your woorship longe lyf and moost 
 happi daies; and in the lyf to covm euerlasting felliciti for 
 euer. Amen. 
 
 Your woorship vnwoorthy saruant to comand in all dutifull 
 
 sarvis that I cann, 
 
 Wm. Addams . 2 
 
 1 Great pains were taken to ascertain the circumstances under which 
 Mr. Peacock met with his death. It is uncertain whether he was slain 
 accidentally, or by treachery. His death, the non-appearance of his com¬ 
 panion, and the loss of all the property entrusted to their charge, are 
 alone certain. 
 
 2 E. I. Mss. Japon Series. 
 
86 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 Comtastmt* 
 
 The foregoing is the last communication from William Adams 
 that has been preserved,, if any other were sent. The two 
 following extracts have each an interest, but of a totally 
 dissimilar character. One represents Adams in his prosperity, 
 an object of honour and esteem : the other announces the 
 occurrence of “ the last scene of all”, the termination of the 
 singular career of this “ homme de merite ”, as justice forced 
 an antagonist to term him. 
 
 In 1616, Captain Cock went up to Edo about the “Pri¬ 
 vileges”. In his Diary, 1 under date the 26th of Sep¬ 
 tember, narrating the circumstances connected with his 
 return, he states: “We departed towards Orengava this 
 morning abt. 10 a clock, and arived at Phebe some 2 
 houres before night, where we staid all that night: for that 
 Captain Adames wife and his two children met vs theare. 
 This Phebe is a Lordsliipp geuen to Capt. Adames pr. the 
 ould Emperour, to hym and his for eaver, and confermed to 
 his sonne, called Joseph. There is above 100 farms, or hows- 
 holds, vppon it, besides others vnder them, all which are his 
 vassalls, and he hath power of lyfe and death ouer them : 
 they being his slaues f and he hauing as absolute authoretie 
 over them as any tono (or king) in Japon hath over his 
 vassales. Divers of his tenants brought me presents of frute : 
 as oringes, figges, peares, cliistnutts, and grapes, whereof 
 there is aboundance in that place.” Continuing his Diary, 
 the next day, the 27th of September, Captain Cock remarks : 
 “We gaue the tenants of Phebe a bar of coban to make a 
 banket after our departure from thence, with 500 gins to the 
 servants of bowses, the clieefe of the towne accompanying vs 
 
 1 E. I. Mss. Japon Series. 
 
 ' z Note B B. Slavery in Japon. 
 
CONCLUSION. 
 
 87 
 
 out of their precincts, and sent many servants to accompany 
 vs to Oringava (which is about 8 or 9 English miles) ; all 
 rvning before vs on foote as honeyer [? honour ] to Captain 
 Adames. After our arivall at Oringava, most of the neigh¬ 
 bours came to vizett mee, and brought frutes and fysh, and 
 reioiced (as it should seeme) of Captain Adames retorne.” 
 
 The next extract is from a letter addressed by Captain 
 Cock to the Governor and Committees of the East India 
 Company, dated the 13th of December 1620. It is to the 
 following effect: “Our good frend Captain Wm. Addames, 
 whoe was soe long before vs in Japon, departed out of this 
 world the vj of May last ; and made Mr. Wm. Eaton and my 
 selfe his overseers : geuing the one halfe of his estate to his 
 wife and cliilde in England; and the other halfe to a sonne 
 and dougliter he hath in Japon. The coppie of his will, with 
 an other of his inventory (or account of his estate) I send to 
 his wife and doughter, per Captain Martin Pring, their good 
 frend, well knowne to them long tyme past. And I haue 
 delivered one hvndred pounds starling to diuers of the James 
 Royall Company, entred into the pursers book to pay two 
 for one in England, is two hvndred pounds starling to Mrs. 
 Addames and her doughter, for it was not his mind his wife 
 should haue all, in regard she might marry an other hvsband, 
 and carry all from his childe; but rather that it should be 
 equally parted between them : of which I thought good to 
 ad viz your wourship. And the rest of his debts and estates 
 being gotten in, I will either bring, or send it per first occasion 
 offred, and that may be most for their profitt: according as 
 the deceased put his trust in me and his other frend Mr. 
 Eaton.” 1 
 
 It only remains to be observed, that the Will of Wil¬ 
 liam Adams, in Japonese, is preserved among the records of 
 the Honourable the East India Company; and that a trans- 
 
 1 E. I. Mss. Japon Series. 
 
88 
 
 THE KYNGDOHE OF JAPON De¬ 
 
 lation has not been traced. The Inventory is also extant. 
 The title runs thus : 
 
 “IN THE NAME OF GOD, AMEN. 
 
 1620, May the 22d day. 
 
 THE INVENTORY OF THE ESTATE OF THE DE¬ 
 CEASED, CAPT. JVM. ADAMES, taken at Firando, in 
 Japan, after his death, pr. me Richd. Cock, and Mr. Wm. 
 Eaton, factors, in the English Factory at Firando, in Japan, 
 left by testament his oversears, viz., of all the monies, debts, 
 mercliandiz, and moveabls, being as hereafter followeth.” 
 
 The succeeding extract shews that William Adams had 
 accumulated about £. stg. 500 at the period of his death, viz. 
 
 “ The totall is: 
 
 i 
 
 
 ta. 
 
 m. 
 
 CO. 
 
 In ready money 
 
 0365 
 
 0 
 
 9 
 
 In bills of debt 
 
 0890 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 In merchandiz, rated at 
 
 0638 
 
 7 
 
 0 
 
 In moveables, sould for 
 
 0078 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 
 1972 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 ta. ma. co. 
 
 1972 2 4 ” 
 
 s. d. 
 
 1 10 Condrins — 1 Mas = 06 
 10 Mas = 1 Taie =50 
 
 English. 
 
 V 
 
MEMORIALS OF JAPON. 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 N 
 

 ' 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 ■ 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
91 
 
 NOTE A. 
 
 Jftame, iDtscobcrp, J§>ttttat(on, SDtotston, Kcijcnttcd, Population, 
 
 CHraUc, anti Commerce. 
 
 Name. —By Marco Polo, the Empire is named Zipangu; 
 and by the Chinese, Gipuanque : or, “ The Empire proceeding 
 from the Sun”. Japon or Japan, appears to be a corrupt 
 form of the Chinese term, introduced probably by the Portu¬ 
 guese or Italians. By the inhabitants, the empire, after the 
 principal island, is designated Nipon, or euphoniously Nifon, 
 which has the same signification as the Chinese term. Tenka 
 is another name by which the empire is recognized : which 
 signifies, “ The sub-celestial realm”. From this designation, 
 the sovereign originally derived one of his titles : that of 
 Tenka Sama, i. e., “ The Lord of Tenka”, or of the sub-celes¬ 
 tial-empire. 
 
 Discovery .—The merit of this act is claimed by Fernando 
 Mendez Pinto, who, justly or unjustly, has obtained unen¬ 
 viable notoriety for want of veracity. Pinto alleges, that in 
 the year 1542, he was making a voyage with Samipoclieva, a 
 celebrated Chinese corsair of the period, and that the junk 
 on which they were embarked was stranded, during a storm, 
 on the coast of Bungo, in the island of Kiusiu, one of the 
 Japonese groupe. In addition, he relates many wonderful 
 adventures that befel him, during his alleged sojourn in the 
 country. In the same year, it is also said, three Portuguese 
 merchants, Antonio Mota, Francisco Zeimoto, and Antonio 
 Pexota, while proceeding from Macassar to China, were 
 driven by stress of weather on the shores of Cangosima, in 
 Satsuma , another of the Japonese islands; and to these 
 parties is attributed the opening of commercial intercourse 
 
92 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OP JAPONIA. 
 
 between the empire and the -western-nations. St. Francois 
 Xavier, the apostle of the Romish Christians in the east, is 
 the first European that may be considered to have located 
 himself in Japon. He commenced his missionary labours 
 a.d. 1549. 
 
 Situation. —The empire of Japon lies in the North Pacific 
 ocean, off the coasts of Tartary and Corea: excluding Yesso 
 on the north, and the Loo Choo groupe on the south: between 
 30° 14' and 41° 35' of latitude north; and between 128° 4' 
 and 142° 10' of longitude, east from Greenwich. The empire 
 consists of a vast number of islands : stated, by native 
 authorities, to be upwards of a thousand. The principal 
 island is Nipon, and the islands next in extent and importance 
 are Kiusiu, Sikokf, and Adivasi , which lie to the southward 
 of Nipon. 
 
 Divisions. —Primarily, the Empire consists of eight Tracts. 
 These are subdivided into sixty-eight Provinces: which are 
 re-divided into six hundred and thirty-nine Districts. The 
 first division was effected by the Dairi Suisuin, a.d. 590; 
 and the second by one of his successors, in 681. The number 
 of provinces was originally sixty-six, but during the sixteenth 
 century, Taico Sama added two : the islands of Iki and Tsuss 
 lying between Japon and Corea: of which he took possession 
 by force of arms. Five of the provinces are dependent on a 
 political arrangement. They are situated round Miaco, and 
 are designated, “ Gokinai goka kokf ”, i. e., “ The Imperial- 
 domains,^ or literally, “ The five provinces of the Imperial- 
 revenues.^ The collections of revenue made in them, are 
 appropriated solely to the service of the emperor. 
 
 Revenues. —Prom official sources, Kcempfer ascertained, 
 that, in 1690-91, the produce of the Gokinai amounted to 
 148 mans , 1200 kokfs of rice : equivalent to about £. stg. 
 1,851,500 ; and that the other provinces yielded 2180 mans 
 and 5000 kokfs of rice: equivalent to about £. stg. 27,256,250. 
 The expenditure of the emperor, M. Caron states, also on 
 
NOTES. 
 
 93 
 
 official authority, to have amounted in 1664, to “ 23,845,000 
 cockiens de 4 fleurins piece.” 
 
 The financial system of Japon is distinguished by the ab¬ 
 sence of an element that is disagreeably obtrusive in the 
 financial systems of most other countries. In the strict sense 
 of the term. Taxation does not exist. 
 
 The territory of which the empire consists is invested en¬ 
 tirely in the crown. The revenues are derived solely from the 
 rents of land; and the land is held either directly under the 
 crown, or under the princes or nobles who have been invested 
 by the crown with territorial rights; and who in return pay 
 rent, accompanied by the performance of certain feudal ser¬ 
 vices. Tenants holding direct from the crown, pay to the 
 emperor’s stewards, four parts out of ten of the produce of 
 the soil: whether of rice, corn, or pulse ; reserving the resi¬ 
 due for their own use. Such as hold under the prince, pay six 
 parts out of ten. 1 To adjust the respective rights of land- 
 owner and tenant, certain government officers, called Kemme } 
 are employed. They are represented to possess some skill 
 in mathematics, and are held in estimation, being allowed to 
 wear two swords : by which they are placed in the same rank 
 with the nobility and soldiery, the most distinguished classes in 
 the empire. Before the fields are sown, they are surveyed by 
 the kemme , and an estimate is formed of what they are cal¬ 
 culated to produce. When the crops are nearly ripe, the 
 fields are re-surveyed. In ordinary seasons simple inspection 
 is deemed sufficient; but the result is represented to be 
 surprisingly accurate. Should the crops, however, promise to 
 be extraordinarily large, a square piece of ground is selected, 
 and the produce being ascertained, the sample forms the 
 basis on which the entire contribution is calculated. 
 
 1 Four parts in ten, and six parts in ten, are the standard rates ; but 
 remissions are made on account of the qualities of the soil; which are 
 thus designated : 1, best ; 2, middling ; 3, poor ; with the subdivisions 
 of: 1, next to best ; 2, next to middling ; 3, next to bad. There are 
 also some trifling variations in the rates in the different provinces. 
 
94 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 With regard to untilled lands, considerable fairness is exhi¬ 
 bited. The party undertaking to bring them into culture, is 
 exempted during the first two or three years of occupancy, 
 from any payment on account of rent. On the other hand, 
 all occupiers of land are liable to ejectment if they neglect 
 the cultivation of their holding for the space of a year. 
 Kcempfer alludes to the first provision, as “ one among many 
 excellent laws which relate to agriculture.” What the other 
 laws are, he does not state. This omission is to be regretted, 
 as it is possible the .Taponese, altogether a singular race, may 
 entertain some curious, if not instructive notions on the 
 subject. 
 
 In the cities, towns, and villages, the rent is calculated at 
 so much “p. mat ” for frontage: without reference to the 
 depth of the premises, which is quite discretional. 
 
 The rent paid by the people is not altogether lost to them. 
 The amount of produce transferred to the sovereign appears 
 to be greater than his needs require; and the surplus above 
 his wants is carefully stored up. During periods of famine, 
 or of short crops, the imperial-garners, and also those of the 
 princes, are thrown open. Such as have the means to pur¬ 
 chase, are supplied at a moderate rate; and those who are 
 destitute of means are supplied gratuitously. The opportunity 
 of profiting by the misery of their fellows, is not afforded to 
 greedy speculators. Similar consideration seems also to be 
 shown on minor occasions. From a manuscript record, dated 
 in 1664, it appears, that a great fire occurred in Nan- 
 gasacki, by which “ ye whole towne was destroyed excepting 
 four streetes, killing 56 people, and half burning 34”; and 
 that “ the gouernour caused rice to be boyled continually at 
 the corner of euery streete to feede the people, and the Em- 
 perour sent 200 chests of siluer to the cittizens to build vp 
 their houses.” 1 
 
 1 A chest of silver, according to the Dutch calculation, is equal to 
 1000 taies, or thails, of 5s. each.— Kcempfer , vol. i, p. 362. Edn. 1727. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 95 
 
 Princes guilty of extortion, or even negligent in exercising 
 proper control over their officers, are deprived of tlieir reve¬ 
 nues, removed, disgraced, and otherwise punished. 
 
 Population .—The extent of the population is rather to be 
 imagined than defined : yet, although so little is known spe¬ 
 cifically on the subject, perhaps no country affords more 
 accurate materials for deciding a question of this nature: 
 since, for a long succession of ages, a yearly census has been 
 taken, and regularly preserved. While Keempfer was at 
 Miaco, in 1690, the annual aratame, as it is termed, was 
 taken, and the following is the result:— 
 
 Buildings : 
 
 Temples of the Buddhist creed . . . 3893 
 
 Temples of the Sinto creed, the native religion 2127 
 Palaces of the nobility . . . . . 137 
 
 Bridges ....... 87 
 
 Streets ........ 1858 
 
 Houses ........ 138,979 
 
 Persons : ecclesiastics, 
 
 Buddhist priests ..... 37093 
 Sinto priests ..... 9203 
 
 Jammabos • or mountain priests, fanatics 6073 
 
 52,169 
 
 Laymen , classed according to their respective 
 
 creeds. 477,557 
 
 529,726 
 
 The above amount is exclusive of temporary sojourners 
 and of the members of the Court of the Dairi, which forms a 
 distinct quarter of the city, including twelve or thirteen 
 streets, and which teem with people : though to what extent 
 is not known. 1 
 
 The entire population of the same city is stated by Don 
 1 Kcempfer , Hist, of Japan, vol. ii, p. 486. Edn. 1727. 
 
96 
 
 THE KYNGD0ME OE JAPONIA. 
 
 Rodrigo de Vivero y Velasco, to have been 1,500,000 in 
 1608-9: that of Jedo, 700,000; and that of Sorongo, 600,000. 
 The same authority states, that between Jedo and Sorongo, 
 a distance of one hundred leagues, a large city, town, or 
 village, occurred at every quarter of a league, with an average 
 number of inhabitants for each place of 100,000; and that 
 from Sorongo to Miaco, also about one hundred leagues, the 
 inhabited places were equally numerous and populous. 
 Abundance, he says, reigned every where, provisions so 
 cheap, that the poorest could purchase them. 1 
 
 Kcemgfer, about a century after, observes: “ The country 
 is populous beyond expression, and one would scarce think 
 it possible, that being no greater than it is, it should never¬ 
 theless maintain and support such a vast number of inha¬ 
 bitants. The highways are an almost continued row of vil¬ 
 lages and boroughs. You scarce come out of one, but you 
 enter another; and you may travel many miles, as it were, 
 in one street, without knowing it to be composed of many 
 villages, but by the differing names that were formerly given 
 them; and which they afterwards retain, though joined to 
 one another. It hath many towns, the chief whereof may 
 vie with the most considerable in the world for largeness, 
 magnificence, and the number of inhabitants. One of the 
 chief is called Kio, or Miaco, that is, the town, or metropolis, 
 by way of pre-eminence, being the seat of the ecclesiastical- 
 
 hereditary emperor. Jedo, properly the capital of the 
 
 whole empire, and the seat of the secular-monarch, is so 
 large, that I may venture to say it is the biggest town 
 known. Thus much I can affirm from my own certain know¬ 
 ledge, that we were one whole day riding a moderate pace 
 from Sinagawa, where the suburb begins, along the chief 
 street, which goes across, a little irregularly indeed, to the 
 end of the town.” 2 
 
 1 Summary of the Narrative of Velasco, in the Asiatic Journal , for 
 July 1830. 
 
 2 Appendix, pp. 55, 56. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 97 
 
 Trade and Commerce. — “ How mucli is carried on/’ Kcemp- 
 fer remarks , “ between the several provinces and parts of the 
 empire ! how busy and industrious the merchants are every¬ 
 where ! how full their ports of ships ! how many rich and 
 mercantile towns up and down the country! There are such 
 multitudes of people along the coasts, and near the sea¬ 
 ports, such a noise of oars and sails, and numbers of 
 ships and boats, both for use and pleasure, that one would 
 be apt to imagine the whole nation had settled there, and 
 all the inland parts of the country were left quite desart and 
 empty.” 
 
 To the great extent of the internal trade of Japon, testimony 
 is also borne by Captain Cock, in the diaries of his journeys 
 between Firando and Jedo: while allusions are constantly 
 made to the great wealth of many of the traders. In con¬ 
 nexion with the latter point, the following account is ex¬ 
 tracted from Doeff’s workf and refers to a late period, 1806. 
 The author, who was President of the Dutch Factory at 
 Desima, observes: “There is a silk-mercer here [at Jedo], 
 named Itsigoya, w r ho has shops in all the great towns through¬ 
 out the Empire. If you buy any thing of him here, take it 
 away to another town—say to Nagasaki—and no longer 
 like it, you may return it, if undamaged, to his shop there, 
 and receive back for it the whole sum paid at Jedo.” The 
 author adds : “ The wealth of this man is astonishing, as 
 appears by what follows. During my stay at Jedo, there 
 occurred a tremendous fire, that laid every thing, our resi¬ 
 dence included, in ashes, over an area of about three leagues 
 and a half. Itsigoya lost on this occasion his whole shop, 
 together with a warehouse, containing upwards of one hun¬ 
 dred thousand pounds weight of spun silk. . . Notwith¬ 
 standing this, he sent forty of his servants to our assistance 
 during the fire, who were of great use to us. The second 
 
 1 Quoted in “ Manners and Customs of the Japonese in the Nineteenth 
 Century .” 
 
 o 
 
98 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 day after the conflagration, he was already rebuilding his 
 premises, and paid every carpenter at the rate of ten shillings 
 (English) a day.” 
 
 NOTE B. 
 
 (V$z tnfttustriotts character of tfje Saponesr. 
 
 The charge made in the text against the Japonese, of 
 “ sloutlifulness and negligence” in agricultural matters, is not 
 sustained by the representation of other writers. Commencing 
 with Captain Cock in 1611, corroborated by Kcempfer in 
 1691-92, and supported by the testimony of Broughton, 
 Krusenstern, and of the Dutch authors of recent times, 
 the Japonese may he pronounced to be, in the cultivation 
 of the soil, “ uncommonly careful and industrious”; and 
 to exhibit a most commendable “ spirit of labour and in¬ 
 dustry”. 
 
 The fact is, the features of the country, in an agricultural 
 point of view, are not generally promising. Mountains, rocks, 
 morasses, and arid plains predominate. Yet over these dis¬ 
 advantages, the inhabitants, by the exertion of skill, energy, 
 and perseverance, have triumphed. By judicious drainage, 
 swamps have been reclaimed. By skilful irrigation, barren 
 sands have been rendered fertile. The sides of mountains, 
 impracticable for cattle, have been scaled by man: manure 
 has been carried up; and the most unpromising spots made to 
 yield abundant crops. All who have recently visited the 
 Empire, concur in representing it to be the richest in agri¬ 
 cultural produce of any country in the world. 
 
 note c. 
 
 Cempefituous Storms* 
 
 Numerous instances might be cited from the Diary and 
 Correspondence of the Members of the English Factory at 
 
NOTES. 
 
 99 
 
 Firando in Japon, of violent tempests. The following occurs 
 in a letter addressed by Richard Cock, the captain merchant, 
 “to the wourshippful Thomas Wilson, Esquire, at his house, 
 at Britaine Burse, at the Strand”, Deer, the 10th, 1614, viz. 
 “of late here is newes come from Edo, a cittie in Japon as 
 bigge as London, wherein the chief of the nobillitie in 
 Japon liaue beautifull houses, that by means of an exceeding 
 tuffoon, or tempest, all, or the most part of them, are defaced : 
 the whole cittie being ouer-flowen with water, and the people 
 forsed to die vp into the mountaines; . . and the Kings 
 pallace, being stately builded in a new fortresse, the tyles 
 being all gilded on the outside, were all carrid awaye with a 
 whirlewinde, so that noun of them are to be fownd.” [E. I. 
 Mss .] 
 
 NOTE D. 
 
 ©artljquakcc anti "Folcantc lg)&rnomena. 
 
 In the province of Omni , south-west from Miaco, there is 
 a lake called Oitz or Oumi, which, though comparatively 
 narrow, extends in length from N. to S., between 130 and 
 140 English miles. According to the national annals, this 
 piece of water appeared in one night, and was caused by the 
 sinking of the land, which occurred during an earthquake in 
 the year 285 b.c. 
 
 Earthquakes are frequently alluded to in the Diary and 
 correspondence of Captain Cock. An extract from the Diary 
 follows. 
 
 “ 1618 : Novembr. 7th [at Edo]. 
 
 This mornyng cold, calme wether, with a lior frost. Dry 
 wether all day; and night following. 
 
 About 10 a clock happened a greate earthquake, which 
 caused many people to rvn out of their houses ; and abowte 
 the lvke hower the night following happened an other. 
 
100 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OP JAPONIA. 
 
 Calme cold wether with a hor frost, a stiffe gale of winde 
 most parte of the day after, at S. W. erly. Yet dry both day 
 and night. [Novemb. 8 th.] 
 
 Nota. 
 
 This contrey is much subiect to earthquakes, and that 
 which is comonely marked the allwais happen at a hie-water 
 (or full sea). So it is thought it chanseth per reazon there 
 is much winde blownen into hollow caves under grownd at 
 loe water; and the sea flowinge in after and stopping the 
 passage out, causeth these earthquakes, to fynd passage, or 
 vent, for the wind shut vp.” (E. I. Mss.) 
 
 Volcanos form a remarkable feature in the topography of 
 Japon. There is one on a small island not far from Firando, 
 which in KsempfeUs time had been burning and trembling 
 for many centuries. There is another, also on a small island 
 opposite to Satzurna, to the southward of the Straits of Van 
 Dieman. At Aso, in the province of Figo, there is a moun¬ 
 tain perpetually burning, which shews a brilliant light by 
 night. Near Simabara is Unsen ( Kcempfer ) or Wunzendake, 
 (Siebold), a misformed, widely extended, but not very high 
 mountain. Ksempfer, describing it in 1690, says: u At all 
 times the top is bare, whitish from the colour of the sulphur, 
 and withal resembling a caput mortuum, or burnt out massa, 
 It smokes little; however, I could discern the smoke arising 
 from it at three miles distance. Its soil is burning hot in 
 several places, and besides so loose and spongious, that a few 
 spots of ground excepted, on which stand some trees, one 
 cannot walk over it without continual fear, for the creaking, 
 hollow noise perceived under foot. Its sulphurous smell is 
 so strong, that for many miles round there is not a bird to 
 be seen; when it rains the water bubbles up, and the whole 
 mountain seems as it were boiling.” 
 
 About the middle of March 1793, the entire summit of 
 this mountain fell in. Torrents of water gushed forth from 
 all parts, and a dense vapour resembling smoke, overspread 
 
NOTES. 
 
 101 
 
 the country. The phenomenon, which continued for a few 
 days only, was succeeded early in the following month, by 
 an eruption of Bivo-no-koubi, a mountain rising from the 
 eastern declivity of Unsen. The flame, sparkling and of a 
 reddish colour, varied with brown flashes, ascended to a 
 great height, and set on fire the trees in the immediate 
 vicinity. Spreading rapidly over hill and dale, covered with 
 the materials of combustion, and augmented in intensity by 
 streams of burning lava that rolled down the sides of the 
 mountain, the conflagration spread desolation over a wide 
 tract of country. May came, and brought with it additional 
 disasters. Early in the month, Simabara was violently con¬ 
 vulsed with an earthquake, that affected in various degrees 
 the entire island of Kiusiu. Stupified with apprehension, 
 and seemingly deprived of the powers of motion, a portion of 
 the population awaited with idiotic indifference the destruc¬ 
 tion by which they were threatened. Others excited to 
 phrenzy, carrying in their arms their sick or aged relatives, 
 or their tender babes, rushed to and fro, in vain seeking a 
 place of safety, uttering loud wails and lamentations, or fer¬ 
 vently imploring protection from the Kami, their gods. Time 
 passed away, and the danger proved less than had been 
 apprehended. Still the minds of all men were troubled: 
 kept in a state of continual perturbation. Convulsions fol¬ 
 lowed each other in rapid succession, though with mitigated 
 violence. It was not till the first day of the fourth month 
 (June) of the fifth year Konau-sei (our 1793), that the 
 apprehensions which had been entertained, were realized to 
 their full extent. As the people were at their noon-tide 
 repast on that day, a violent convulsion took place. During 
 an hour and a half, shock followed shock in rapid succession : 
 each shock exceeding its precursor in violence. Just in 
 front of the vortex of the convulsion stood a castle, built of 
 massive stone-work, covering a large and populous village. 
 The castle had been protected from the torrents of lava by a 
 
102 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 rampart of rocks; and it now withstood the fury of the 
 earthquake by its own extraordinary strength. But the 
 village, with all its inhabitants, was instantaneously en- 
 gulplied, amidst the piercing shrieks of human beings, and 
 the wild cries of animals. Upheaved from their beds, pon¬ 
 derous rocks tore down the mountain's side, overthrowing 
 or crushing to atoms every obstacle encountered in their 
 impetuous descent. Loud bellowings beneath the earth, 
 commingling with fierce roarings in the air, produced a 
 horrid din, that needed not other terrific accompaniments to 
 appal the hearts of the stoutest. A lull at length ensued. 
 It endured a short space. Then the commotion was re¬ 
 newed. Another mountain, named Miyiyama (Kcempfer), 
 or Myokenyama (, Siebold ), burst forth in eruption. The main 
 portion of the mountain was blown into the air, and falling 
 into the sea, caused so great a rise in the waters, that the 
 country all about, including a large city at the base of the 
 mountain, was at once submerged. As the sea rose it was 
 met by torrents of water that gushed from fissures rent in 
 the sides of the mountain, by which the fierceness of the 
 inundation was increased. Mighty and irresistible whirlpools 
 were created. Human beings, cattle, houses, and trees, 
 were involved in universal wreck and ruin. The graveyards 
 were torn up. The sepulchres were destroyed. Huge stones 
 used to close them were carried away by the torrent; and 
 the exhumed corses were ejected from their resting places 
 to become the sport of the tumultuous waves. In an in¬ 
 credibly short space of time, a fair and flourishing country 
 was reduced to the state of a desert. The province of Figo 
 opposite to Simabara did not escape. It suffered in an ex¬ 
 traordinary degree. Its form appeared to be totally changed : 
 scarcely to be recognized. A great number of vessels riding 
 at anchor in the vicinity went to the bottom. Such was the 
 incredible number of carcases of men and animals, and so 
 great the mass of wreck of different descriptions, that vessels 
 
NOTES. 
 
 103 
 
 could scarcely make way between them. Upwards of fifty- 
 three thousand persons perished, according to the official 
 records. 
 
 In 1783, the volcano Asamaga-daki, to the north-west 
 of Jedo, wrought direful effects in the province of Sinano. 
 The eruption commenced on the 1st of August, and ter¬ 
 minated on the 4th of the same month; but violent 
 shocks of earthquakes were incessant till the 8th, extend¬ 
 ing in one direction sixty miles, and in another ninety 
 miles, English. Twenty-seven out of thirty-one villages 
 were destroyed. The inhabitants strove to escape, but were 
 prevented by innumerable chasms which were opened in the 
 ground. Or, they escaped from being engulphed, only to be 
 consumed by flames that sprung up from the earth. The 
 waters of the rivers Yoko and Karow boiled. The course of 
 the Yone, one of the largest rivers in Japan, w r as obstructed, 
 and the boiling water inundated the adjacent country, caus¬ 
 ing awful devastation. Driven from their lairs in the moun¬ 
 tains, wild beasts descended into the plains, and preyed on 
 the hapless villagers. Such of the wretched people as were 
 not entirely devoured were horribly mangled. The land 
 was strewed, and the rivers were choked up with dead bodies : 
 but the exact amount of the loss of life has never been 
 ascertained. [ Kcempfer . Titsingh . Siebold.'] 
 
 NOTE E. 
 
 fHineral Productions. 
 
 Gold is found in various localities. That procured from 
 Sado has the reputation of being the finest; and it is stated, 
 the ore will yield from 1 to 2 oz. of fine metal, per 1^ lb. 
 The mines in Soronga are stated to be very rich, the copper ore 
 raised, also, being impregnated with gold. The ore from Sat- 
 zuma yields from 4 to 6 oz. per 1^ lb. These are the principal 
 
104 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OE JAPONIA. 
 
 mines. Gold-dust is also found in some of the streams. Tin 
 is found in Bungo in a remarkably fine state; but it is not 
 held in any estimation. Iron is confined to three provinces, 
 but there it is most abundant: it is but little used. Silver 
 is abundant. Copper is super-abundant, and preferred to 
 iron. Of Coal, of good quality, there is no scarcity either in 
 the northern or southern provinces : it is generally made 
 into Coke. Sulphur is very abundant; and Salt is manufac¬ 
 tured from sea-water. 
 
 Sowas is a compound metal, copper with a small proportion 
 of gold intermixed. It is represented to be very beautiful; 
 and is highly prized. [ Kcempfer. Charlevoix. Siebold.] 
 
 NOTE F. 
 
 Ptmcfualttp tn enfrrfatntna; Hdrancjers. 
 
 It may be considered that sufficient evidence in corrobora¬ 
 tion of this representation is distributed throughout the 
 volume; but there appears to be an interest in the following 
 narrative, which renders it worthy of being cited. It affords a 
 curious illustration of Japonese manners at the period it was 
 written, and exhibits the relations subsisting between a 
 Japonese Sovereign and his subjects in a most favourable 
 point of view. 
 
 The narrator is Captain Cock, in a letter to England, dated 
 December, 1613. He says : “The thirtieth day [ 0 / October], 
 the Captain Chines a (our landlord) came vnto mee, and told 
 mee of a generall collection which was made throughout 
 euery house in the Towne \Firando\, to send presents of 
 eatable commodities to the kings, for the more honour of a 
 great feast they have tomorrow, with a comoedie, or play. 
 And so by his councell (with aduice of others) I ordained two 
 bottles of Spanish wine, two roasted hennes, a roasted pigge, 
 a small quantitie ruske [biscuits], and three boxes banketting 
 stuff [sweet-meats], to send to their feast tomorrow. And 
 
NOTES. 
 
 105 
 
 before night the yong king sent one of his men vnto mee, 
 to furnish them with English apparell, for the better setting 
 out of their comoedie, namely a pair of Stamel-cloatli 
 breeches. I returned an s were, I had none such, neither did 
 know any other which had : notwithstanding, if any apparell 
 I had would pleasure his highnesse, I would willingly gene 
 it him. And within night both the kings sent to me, to 
 bring Master Foster , the master [of the Clove ], and be a 
 spectator of their comoedie tomorrow. The one and thir¬ 
 tieth before dinner, I sent our present aforesaid to the 
 kings by our jurebasso [interpreter], desiring their high¬ 
 nesses to pardon the master and my selfe, and that we 
 would come to them some other time, when there were 
 lesse people : but that would not serue the turne, for they 
 would needs haue our companie, and to bring Master Eaton 
 (afterwards one of the factors) along with vs : which wee 
 did, and had a place appointed for vs, where we sate and 
 sawe all at our pleasures. And the old king him selfe came 
 and brought vs a collation in sight of all the people; and 
 after, Semidone [chief lord of the council] did the like in 
 name of both the kings; and after, diuers noblemen of the 
 king’s folowers made vs a third collation. But the matter I 
 noted most of all was their comoedie (or play), the actors 
 being the kings themselves, with the greatest noblemen and 
 princes. The matter was of the valiant deeds of their ances¬ 
 tors, from the beginning of their kingdome, or common¬ 
 wealth, vntill this present, with much mirth mixed among, 
 to giu the common people content. The audience was great, 
 for no house in toune but brought a present, nor no village 
 nor place vnder their dominions but did the like, and were 
 spectators. And the kings them selues did see that euery 
 one, both great and small, did eate and drinke before they 
 departed.” 
 
 The promoter of this entertainment was Foyne Sama, the 
 king of Firando, the hospitable entertainer of the English on 
 
 p 
 
10G THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 the arrival in Japon. Regarding him. Captain Cock observes 
 in a letter, dated in 1620: “This king (or Tono) of Firando, 
 hath but six mangocas [of rice : equivalent to something 
 more than £. Stg. 56,000]; yet it is esteemed as much as 
 the greatest earldome in England, he being stinted at 4000 
 souldiers, or men at armes; 2000 to keepe his owne countrie, 
 and 2000 to seme the emperour at demand; but he is able 
 to set out many thousands if need require.” Laying aside 
 all state, however, he would oft times visit the English-house 
 at the supper-meal, carrying himself merrily, and partaking 
 with hearty good will of such cheer as he found provided. 
 His simplicity of manners was such, that he would solicit, 
 and receive with grateful acknowledgments, “a peece, or two, 
 of poudred beefe, or porcke, sod with turnips and onions”; 
 and a bottle of wine, sent to him when he was sick, was re¬ 
 ceived with hearty thanks. 
 
 Much to the credit, too, of this good old man, his good¬ 
 will was not confined to the chiefs of the mission. It was 
 extended to the subordinates. On one occasion, he noticed 
 a party of the people from the Clove labouring hard in land¬ 
 ing the great guns from the ship, and he proffered them 
 assistance. This being declined, he presented the party with 
 a barrel of wine and “certain fish”, to testify his approbation 
 of their exertions. [ Purchas .] 
 
 NOTE G. 
 
 33tti!2i» 
 
 Poultry is most abundant; but the cock-birds are seldom 
 killed, being held in great esteem, especially by the religious 
 orders, because they measure time, and are believed to prognos¬ 
 ticate changes in the weather. Tame and wild-ducks literally 
 swarm. One species, called kinmodsui, is remarkable for the 
 splendour of its plumage, and its singular form. Wild-geese 
 are no less common than wild-ducks. The crane is regarded 
 
NOTES. 
 
 107 
 
 as a bird of good omen, and is always addressed by the title 
 of “ O Isuri Sama”: i. e., “My great lord crane”. To receive 
 one of these birds as a present, is esteemed an honour. Of 
 herons, there are several varieties; they are used in fishing; 
 and one species rivals the crane in size. Hawks are abundant, 
 and are used in taking game. Pheasants are common : one 
 variety displaying a tail nearly equal to the height of a man, 
 with plumage not inferior to that of the peacock. Storks 
 remain in the country all the year round. Nightingales when 
 they sing well, sell as high as 20 cobangs of gold : equiva¬ 
 lent to about £. Stg. 26. Larks sing better than in Europe. 
 Pigeons are innumerable; but they are not harboured in 
 houses : experience having proved the dung to be liable to 
 spontaneous combustion. There are also woocl-cocks, falcons, 
 ravens, with most of the smaller birds common to Europe. 
 
 Birds peculiar to the country. —The foken, or fototenis, is 
 “a night bird”, of most delicious flavour; costly in price, 
 and only served at the tables of the nobility on extraordinary 
 occasions. The mis age, or bisage, is a voracious sea-bird, of 
 the hawk breed. This bird selects a hole in a rock for the 
 deposit of the fish it takes: which is found to keep as well 
 as pickled fish, and is much prized. Their store-houses are 
 eagerly sought by the people, and the discoverer, if he pro¬ 
 ceed with moderation, derives considerable profit from the 
 produce. [ Kcempfer. Charlevoix .] 
 
 NOTE H. 
 
 ©Uucatton. 
 
 Saint Francois Xavier, writing from Japon towards the 
 close of the sixteenth century, mentions the existence of four 
 “ academies” in the vicinity of Meaco, at each of which edu¬ 
 cation was afforded to between three and four thousand 
 pupils; adding, that considerable as these numbers were, 
 they were insignificant in comparison with the numbers in- 
 
108 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 structed at an institution near the city of Bandoue; and that 
 such institutions were universal throughout the Empire. 
 
 [ Charlevoix.'] 
 
 Meylan, writing at the commencement of the present cen¬ 
 tury, observes, that children of both sexes and of all ranks 
 are invariably sent to rudimentary schools, where they learn 
 to read and write, and to acquire some knowledge of the his¬ 
 tory of their country. To this extent it is considered neces¬ 
 sary the meanest peasant should be educated, if not more 
 highly. [ Manners and Customs of the Japonese in the Nine¬ 
 teenth Century.] 
 
 On the visit of H. M. ship Samar any, in 1845, it was ascer¬ 
 tained that a college existed at Nangasaki, in which, in 
 addition to the routine of native acquirements, foreign lan¬ 
 guages were taught. Among the visitors on board the ship, 
 many spoke Dutch. One young student understood Eng¬ 
 lish slightly, could pronounce a few English words, caught 
 readily at every expression, and recorded it in his note-book. 
 Some understood a little French. All appeared to be well 
 acquainted with geography; and many appeared to be con¬ 
 versant with guns and the science of gunnery. The desire 
 to acquire information, is represented to have been exces¬ 
 sive. \Narrative of the Voyage, vol. ii, pp. 14-15, etc.] 
 
 NOTE i. 
 
 JHarttal Character. 
 
 Kcempfer observes : “ The Japonese are not wanting some¬ 
 thing, which I don’t know whether I shall call it boldness, or 
 heroism.” This characteristic may be traced from the early 
 conflicts of this nation with the invading Tartars, in a.d. 1275, 
 through their incessantly occurring intestine wars, to the 
 heroic action near Simabara, a.d. 1638, in which the insurgent 
 Catholic converts of Arima distinguished themselves. Forty 
 thousand of these men threw themselves into a fortress, which 
 
NOTES. 
 
 109 
 
 art liad made strong, but which time had rendered scarcely 
 defensible. Although a formidable army w'as sent against them 
 by the Emperor, they could not be reduced without European 
 aid; and their reduction was only effected by almost total 
 annihilation. The Dutch lent an armed ship, from which, 
 and from batteries erected on shore, upwards of four hun¬ 
 dred balls were thrown against the fortress in less than a 
 fortnight. The crumbling walls were reduced to powder, 
 and the imperial troops swarming through the breaches, put 
 the wretched remains of the garrison mercilessly to the 
 sword. Upwards of thirty-seven thousand victims are stated 
 to have fallen during the entire conflict. 
 
 Sir Edward Michellborne records the fact of the “ Japons 
 not being suffered to land in any port in India with w r eapons, 
 being accounted a people so desperate and daring, that they 
 were feared in all places where they came”; and he graphi¬ 
 cally narrates the attempt made by a party of rovers to cap¬ 
 ture the ship in which he had embarked, and was proceeding 
 on a voyage towards the East Indies, in the year 1604. The 
 ship in question was named the Tiger, of two hundred and 
 forty tons burthen, and commanded by Captain John Davis. 
 She was accompanied by a pinnace, of forty tons, called the 
 Tiger’s Whelp. The rovers, wdien fallen in with, were in a 
 small junk in a very leaky condition: which they had stolen. 
 Their own vessel, with her armament and stores, had been 
 wrecked. The demeanour of the rovers was so quiet, that 
 suspicion was lulled, and they were invited on board the 
 English vessel, while a party of the English were despatched 
 to overhaul the junk. Upwards of twenty of the rovers 
 accepted the invitation; and they had not been long on 
 board, before, on a signal, apparently preconcerted, the crew r 
 left on the junk assailed the English sailors; of whom many 
 were killed, and the rest driven over-board. “ Those that 
 were aboord my ship,” the narrator says, “ sallied out of my 
 cabbin, where they w r ere, with such w eapons as they had, 
 
110 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OE JAPONIA. 
 
 finding certain targets in my cabbin, and other things, that 
 they vsed as weapons. My selfe beeing aloft on the decke, 
 knowing what was likely to follow, leapt into the waste, where 
 with boate swaines, carpenter, and some few more, wee kept 
 them vnder the halfe-decke. At their first coming forth of 
 the cabbin, they met Captaine Dauis coming out of the gun- 
 roome, whom they pulled into the cabbin, and giuing him 
 sixe or senen mortall wounds, they thrust him out of the 
 cabbin before them. His wounds were so mortall, that he 
 dyed as soone as he came into the waste. They pressed so 
 fiercely to come to vs, as we receiuing them on our pikes, 
 they would gather on our pikes with their hands to reach vs 
 with their swords. It was halfe an houre before we could 
 stone them back into the cabbin: in which time we had 
 killed three or foure of their leaders. After they were driuen 
 into the cabbin, they fought with vs at the least foure houres, 
 before wee could suppress them, often fyring the cabbin, 
 burning the bedding, and much other stuffe that was there. 
 And had wee not with two demy-culuerings, from vnder the 
 halfe-decke, beaten down the bulke-head and the pumpe of 
 the ship, wee could not have suppressed them from burning 
 the ship. This ordnance being charged with crosse-barres, 
 bullets, and case-shot, and bent close to the bulke-head, so 
 violently marred them with boords and splinters, that it left 
 but one of them standinge, of two and twentie. Their legs, 
 armes, and bodies, were so torne, as it was strange to see 
 how the shot had massacred them.” The narrative concludes 
 with these remarks : “ In all this conflict they neuer would 
 desire their liues, though they were hopelesse to escape : 
 svch was the desperatenesse of these Japonians .” [ Purchas .] 
 That patriotism was combined with valour in early times, 
 the following instance will demonstrate. In 1630, the Dutch 
 held the island of Formosa; and a Japonese vessel, belong¬ 
 ing to Satzuma, coming to trade, the governor, Peter Nuits , 
 treated the crew with great harshness and severity. This 
 
NOTES. 
 
 Ill 
 
 was considered by tlieir countrymen as a national affront, 
 and was taken up as such. Seven of the young men attached 
 to the Prince's guard volunteered to revenge the insult; and 
 having obtained permission, proceeded to carry their project 
 into execution. They set sail from Satzuma, and after a 
 happy voyage, arrived at Formosa. Being admitted to an 
 audience, they drew their cattans, seized on the person of the 
 governor, and carried him off prisoner to their vessel. This 
 audacious act was performed at mid-day, and in the midst of 
 his guards and domestics, who were deterred from attempt¬ 
 ing a rescue by the threats of the Japonians to stab their cap¬ 
 tive to the heart, should any opposition be offered. [ Kcempfer , 
 Appendix, vol. ii.] 
 
 The total cessation of internal broils, and the non-exist¬ 
 ence of external wars, were followed by the deterioration of 
 the military character. The pitch to which the demorali¬ 
 zation had risen was such when Yousi-Moune, the eighth 
 Cubo-Sama, succeeded to power, that the soldiery disgraced 
 themselves by painting their faces, staining their lips, and 
 dressing like women. The indignation of the new Cubo- 
 Sama was excited by this effeminate conduct on the part 
 of the troops; and he issued strict orders, that the training, 
 by which they were originally rendered robust and hardy, 
 should forthwith be resumed. The orders were rigidly en¬ 
 forced, and with excellent effect. The warriors soon became 
 so expert in shooting with bow and arrow, that, riding at 
 full speed, many would not fail to hit a mark a hundred 
 times in succession. So great also was the skill they acquired 
 in other exercises, that one man would defend himself suc¬ 
 cessfully with his pike against five or six antagonists; while 
 another would keep at bay, fencing with his cattan, a bevy 
 of assailants. Swimming had been neglected, because the 
 men feared that exposure to the sun on coming out of the 
 water would embrown their fair features. This exercise 
 Yousi-Moune revived. He instituted swimming matches. 
 
112 
 
 THE KYNGD0ME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 which took place periodically in his presence, and he gave 
 prizes to the most skilful. On one of these occasions, a 
 man named Yamamoto-Kintarou, crossed the river Asakousa, 
 eight hundred and forty feet broad, thirty-six times in suc¬ 
 cession ; and another, Awasou, kept his whole body above the 
 navel, out of water. In short, under the rule of this Cubo- 
 Sama, dexterity in gymnastic exercises was the only sure way 
 to military promotion. [Tit sing h .] 
 
 NOTE J. 
 
 Jfteat anti Tine Jrnbtte. 
 
 K&mpfer observes : “ They are very nice in keeping 
 
 themselves, their cloaths, and houses, clean and neat.” It 
 may be added, that, to every house of any pretension to 
 respectability, an apartment termed a “Fro” is attached: 
 which is fitted up with vapour, warm, and cold baths. One 
 or the other of these, the Japonese use every morning, and 
 also when their daily occupations are over. The nature 
 of the Japonese costume obviates any trouble in undressing. 
 It is only necessary to unfasten the girdle that encircles the 
 waist, and the ample habiliments of the w r earer drop at once 
 to the ground. A minute description of the fro, with the 
 process of heating, is given in K&mpfer, vol. ii. pp. 424-5. 
 To this practice of constant bathing, the German author 
 attributes the generally robust health, and longevity of the 
 people in the Empire. 
 
 NOTE K. 
 
 iFamtlp intercourse* 
 
 The love, obedience, and reverence, manifested by children 
 towards their parents are stated to be unbounded : while 
 the confidence placed by parents in their children is repre¬ 
 sented to be without limit. Parents select their children to 
 
NOTES. 
 
 113 
 
 be arbitrators in their disputes with others, and submit im¬ 
 plicitly to their decisions. It is also a constant practice with 
 parents to resign their state and property to a son when he 
 shall have attained a suitable age, remaining for the rest of 
 life dependent on him for support; and abuse of this trust 
 is said to be unknown. This practice exists even in the 
 Dairi, and is resorted to by the Mikado, that he may enjoy 
 the pleasure of contemplating his child in the enjoyment of 
 rank and honour. [ Keempfer . Charlevoix . Titsingh. “ Man¬ 
 ners and Customs of the Japonese , etc”} 
 
 NOTE L. 
 
 &&titttonaI traits of Character, iftaniters, anti Customs* 
 
 The Japonese have adopted white as the colour denoting 
 grief. They regard black teeth and black nails as beauties, 
 and stain them accordingly. The left side, being that on 
 which the sword is borne, is deemed the most honourable; 
 and respect is paid by placing persons on the left hand. On 
 entering a chamber, to pay a formal visit, a cloak of cere¬ 
 mony is put on, which is removed on retiring. On occasions 
 of state, their servants precede them; and when they retire 
 from the presence of a superior, they turn the backs on him. 
 Invalids are allowed to gratify their appetites in any manner 
 they please; on the principle, that the desire is dictated by 
 nature. In cases of cholic, acu-punctuation is adopted, to 
 disperse flatulency: to which the disorder is attributed. The 
 abdomen of the pregnant female is tightly compressed with 
 a bandage : in order to facilitate parturition. The chambers 
 of those sick with the small-pox, are hung with scarlet cloth; 
 and the attendants are also clothed in red. 
 
 The women of Japon are represented to be intelligent, and 
 agreeable in their manners : to make affectionate wives; and 
 to be examples of conjugal fidelity. They resent dishonour; 
 
 Q 
 
114 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OE JAPONIA. 
 
 and there is more than one instance recorded, of death having 
 been inflicted on her dishonourer, by the injured woman. As 
 an evidence of determination of character, the following anec¬ 
 dote is related. A man of rank went on a journey, and a 
 noble in authority made overtures to his wife. They were 
 rejected with scorn and indignation; but the libertine, by 
 force or fraud, accomplished his object. The husband re¬ 
 turned, and was received by his wife with affection, but with 
 a dignified reserve, that excited his surprise. He sought ex¬ 
 planations but could not obtain them at once. His wife prayed 
 him to restrain himself till the morrow, and then before her 
 relations and the chief people of the city, whom she had in¬ 
 vited to an entertainment, his desire should be satisfied. 
 The morrow came, and with it the guests, including the noble 
 who had done the wrong. The entertainment was given, in 
 a manner not unusual in the country, on the terraced roof 
 of the house. The repast was concluded, when the lady rose 
 and made known the outrage to which she had been sub¬ 
 jected, and passionately demanded that her husband should 
 slay her : as an unworthy object, unfit to live. The guests, 
 the husband foremost, besought her to be calm : they strove 
 to impress her with the idea that she had done no wrong : 
 that she was an innocent victim, though the author of the 
 outrage merited no less punishment than death. She thanked 
 them all kindly. She wept on her husband’s shoulder. She 
 kissed him affectionately. Then suddenly escaping from 
 his embraces, rushed precipitately to the edge of the terrace, 
 and cast herself over the parapet. In the confusion that 
 ensued, the author of the mischief, still unsuspected, for the 
 hapless creature had not indicated the offender, made his 
 way down the stairs. When the rest of the party arrived, 
 he was found weltering in his blood by the corse of his vic¬ 
 tim. He had expiated his crime by committing suicide in 
 the national manner: by slashing himself across the abdomen 
 with two slashes, in the form of a cross. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 115 
 
 The system of self-immolation, of which an example is 
 given above, constitutes a singular trait in the national cha¬ 
 racter. In some cases it is compulsory: in others voluntary. 
 All military men, with the immediate dependents of the Em¬ 
 peror, and all persons holding appointments under the govern¬ 
 ment who may be guilty of certain crimes, are under the ne¬ 
 cessity of ripping themselves up, on receiving an order to that 
 effect. In contemplation of such an event, all persons affected 
 by the ordinance, carry with them when they are travelling, in 
 addition to their ordinary habiliments, and the dress worn in 
 cases of fire, a suit appropriate to the occasion. It consists 
 of a white robe and a kerrimon (or cloak) of ceremony, made 
 of hempen cloth, and destitute of the armorial bearings that 
 are usually displayed. The outside of the house where the 
 ceremony takes place is also hung with white. The cere¬ 
 mony itself is thus regulated. On the order of the Sovereign 
 being communicated to the offender, he forthwith despatches 
 invitations to his friends for a specified day. The visitors are 
 regaled with Zaklii (a strong water distilled from rice), and 
 when a certain quantity has been drunk, the host takes leave 
 of his friends, preparatory to the second reading of the order 
 for his death. This being done, usually among the highest, 
 in the presence of the secretary and the government officer, 
 the condemned man makes a speech, or offers some compli¬ 
 mentary address to the company. Then inclining his head 
 forward, he unsheathes his cattan, and inflicts two gashes on 
 his abdomen, one horizontal, and the other perpendicular. 
 A confidential servant, who is stationed for the purpose in 
 the rear, immediately smites off the head of his master. 
 
 The deed, as before observed, is in some instances volun¬ 
 tary: in case of consciousness of guilt entailing death on the 
 offender: to avoid disgrace: or to gratify revenge. In regard 
 to the latter point, M. Caron relates a remarkable instance, 
 which occurred within his own knowledge. It appears that 
 two high officers of the court met on the palace-stairs and 
 
116 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 jostled each other. One was an irascible man, and imme¬ 
 diately demanded satisfaction. The other, of a placable dis¬ 
 position, represented that the circumstance was accidental, 
 and tendered an ample apology: representing that satisfac¬ 
 tion could not reasonably be demanded. The irascible man, 
 however, would not be appeased, and finding he could not 
 provoke the other to a conflict, suddenly drew up his robes, 
 unsheathed his cattan, and cut himself in the prescribed 
 mode. As a point of honour, his adversary was under the 
 necessity of following the example, and the irascible man, 
 before he breathed his last, had the gratification of seeing 
 the object of his passion dying beside him. 
 
 To perform this act with grace, dexterity, and precision, is 
 considered a high accomplishment; and the youth of Japan 
 bestow as much pains, under efficient tutors, to acquire the 
 art, as European youths take to become elegant dancers, or 
 skilful horsemen. 
 
 Music, dancing, and the drama, are favourite amusements. 
 Mummers and mountebanks parade the streets. Domestic 
 performances are also common. The mendicants exhibit 
 touches of humour : a troop apparently of “ halt, lame, and 
 blind”, will one moment solicit alms in doleful strains, and 
 the next, throwing off disguise, leap about and chant merrily, 
 in return for the guerdon that may have been bestowed on 
 them : or, calculating that they are more likely to gain their 
 object by mirth, than by persisting in the assumption of dis¬ 
 tress, the unreality of which can be easily detected. During 
 fine weather, junketting parties into the country are universal. 
 The more wealthy place themselves under the direction of a 
 professional master of the ceremonies. He amuses the com¬ 
 pany by retailing the tattle of the town, by his “ quips and 
 cranks”, and by a certain degree of buffoonery. Yet should 
 any of the party in the exuberance of their spirits encroach 
 on decorum, he immediately interposes his authority, and 
 is implicitly obeyed. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 117 
 
 Regarding the disposition of the people, the following pas¬ 
 sages that occur in the diary of Captain Cock , the chief of the 
 English factory at Firando, may be cited. Under the date 
 of the 27th of October 1615, the writer says : “We set the 
 maste of our junke, Sea Adventure , this day. At the doing 
 wlierof, were 3 or 400 men present. All the neighboures (or 
 rather all the towne) sending their seruants ; and came them 
 selues (them that were of accointance), and brought presents, 
 nifon cantange (after Japon maner) of wyne, and other eating 
 comodety, abord the juncke, wishing a prosperouse voyag : all 
 the officers hauingeache one a present of a little barsoof wyne.” 
 And on the 28tli of December of the same year, it is recorded : 
 “ The China capten buylte, or reard, a new howse this day, 
 and all the neighboures sent hym presents, nifon cantange; 
 so I sent hym a bottell morosack, 2 bottells Spanish wyne, a 
 dried salmon, and halfe a Hollands cheese. And after went 
 my selfe with the neighboures : where I saw the seremony was 
 vsed, the carpenter of the king [of Firando] doing it; and it 
 was as folioweth. First, they brought in all the presents sent, 
 and sett them in ranke before the middell post of the howse, 
 and out of eiche one took something of the best, and offred 
 it at the foot of the post; and powered wyne vpon eaclie se¬ 
 ver all par cell; doing it in great humilitie and silence, not 
 so much as a word spoaken all the while it was doing. But 
 beinge ended, they took the remeander of the presents, and 
 soe did eate and drinke with much mirth and jesting, drinking 
 them selues drunken, all, or the most parte. They tould mee, 
 they believed that a new howse being hallowed in this sort, 
 could not chuse but be liappie to hym which dwelled in it; 
 for soe their law taught them, ordayned by holy men in tymes 
 past.” In further evidence of the kindly disposition of 
 this people, their treatment of the Dutch from 1799 to 1817 
 cannot in justice be omitted. Shut out for this period from 
 nearly all intercourse with their native country, the factors 
 of Dezima were frequently destitute of the means of paying 
 
118 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 their daily expenses, and of procuring the necessary articles 
 of food. But it is written, “ This formidable calamity was 
 alleviated by the liberality of the native government, which 
 at once ordered the factory to be supported in their temporary 
 distress by the Nangasacke treasury; and the governor sent 
 regularly twice or thrice a week to inquire whether their pur¬ 
 veyors duly supplied them, or if they were in want of any¬ 
 thing.” Doeff, resident at the time in the factory, says : 
 “ They made every exertion to relieve, as far as possible, 
 the disagreeableness of our dismal situation. The spy, 
 [? purveyor ] Sege Dennoxen, among other things, took great 
 pains to distil us some gin. He succeeded tolerably; though 
 he could not get rid of the resinous taste of the juniper 
 berries; but he produced corn-brandy, that was really excel¬ 
 lent.” 
 
 To sum up the character of the Japonese. They carry notions 
 of honour to the verge of fanaticism; and they are haughty, 
 vindictive, and licentious. On the other hand, brawlers, 
 braggarts, and backbiters, are held in the most supreme con¬ 
 tempt. The slightest infraction of truth is punished with 
 severity; they are open-hearted, hospitable, and as friends, 
 faithful to death. It is represented, there is no peril a Ja¬ 
 ponese will not encounter to serve a friend: that no torture 
 will compel him to betray a trust; and that even the stranger 
 who seeks aid, will be protected to the last drop of 
 blood. The nation, with all their faults and vices, evinced 
 qualities that won the hearts, and commanded the esteem of 
 the missionary-fathers. Saint Franqois Xavier concludes one 
 of his letters by saying : “ I am loth to finish when I discourse 
 of Japons, who verily are the delight of my heart.” Father 
 Lewis Froes, too, after a residence of some years at the court, 
 eloquently defends the people against detractors: he emphati¬ 
 cally pronounces them to be “ as gifted a nation as any in 
 Europe”; and energetically declares, that no one will gainsay 
 him but those who have not had the means of forming a 
 
NOTES. 
 
 119 
 
 correct judgment. [ fuempfer. Charlevoix. Titsingh. “Man¬ 
 ners and Customs, etc .” Montanus. Ogilhy. E. I. it/ss.] 
 
 NOTE M. 
 
 These include bears: with hyenas according to Titsingh, 
 though Ksempfer does not mention them; wild dogs; deer in 
 abundance; monkeys, and foxes in considerable numbers. 
 The latter are held to be in league with the devil, but, it is 
 said, “ the fox -hunters are expert in conjuring and stripping 
 this animated devil, the hair and wool being much coveted 
 for writing and painting pencils.” \K(empfer.\ There are 
 also hares and rabbits. Rats and mice swarm. The former 
 are taught very diverting tricks by the jugglers. The cats 
 are very beautiful, of a whitish colour, with large yellow and 
 black spots, and a very short tail, as if it had been purposely 
 cropped. “ They donT care for mousing, but love mightily to 
 be carried about and caressed, chiefly by women.” \Kcemp- 
 fer.~\ Dogs abound. The horses are small, but of good qua¬ 
 lity, some breeds being equal to the Persian in form and 
 speed. Buffaloes are of a very large size, and used in the 
 cities as beasts of burden. Oxen are used entirely for agri¬ 
 cultural purposes, and for draft. The repugnance which is 
 stated to have been felt to killing these animals in early 
 times, still exists. Captain Sir Edward Belcher, on his visit 
 to Nangasaki (1845), requested to be supplied with some 
 bullocks, but could not obtain them. When he inquired the 
 reason, he received the following characteristic reply : “ The 
 Japanese do not eat cows; they do their duty, they bear 
 calves, they give milk; it is sinful to take it, they require it 
 to rear their calves, and because they do this, they are not 
 allowed to work. The bulls do their work; they labour at 
 the plough, they get thin, you cannot eat them, it is not just 
 to kill a beast that does its duty; but the hogs are indolent, 
 
120 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPON1A. 
 
 lazy, clo no work, they are proper for food.” The hogs sup¬ 
 plied to the Samarang “ were overwhelmed with their own 
 fat, and weighed about 150 lbs.” [Norr. of the Voyage .] 
 
 The animals peculiar to the country are the fanuki, some¬ 
 thing resembling the fox, and the itutz and tin, two small 
 animals of a red colour, that live under the roofs of the 
 houses, and are very tame. 
 
 NOTE N. 
 
 jFtsf) anti Marine Jpro&ucttonis. 
 
 The seas by which Japon is surrounded teem with animal 
 life : supplying a boundless store of food to the inhabitants; 
 and, through the fisheries, affording employment to vast num¬ 
 bers, both of males and females. The fisherwomen are a pecu¬ 
 liar race. Their homes are literally on the waters. Boats 
 are their only habitations. They swim like the natives of 
 the element, and in diving, the males are inferior to them in 
 skill. “ By diving,” it is said, “ they will catch fish which 
 by net and lines have been missed, and that in eight fathoms 
 depth.” They are no less hardy and daring than skilful. 
 Armed with a long keen knife, or a spear, they plunge boldly 
 into the waters, and fearlessly meet the whales, porpoises, and 
 other large fish, by which they are constantly encountered. 
 
 The seas of Japon yield seventy species of fish, with many 
 varieties of each species. Most descriptions common to 
 Europe are included. 
 
 Of whales , six varieties are enumerated. The flesh of most 
 varieties is esteemed good and wholesome: so much so, that 
 to the use of this kind of food, the fishermen and common 
 people attribute their healthiness, and the capability they 
 exhibit, in an extraordinary degree, of enduring exposure to 
 cold and foul weather. In other respects, the whale is most 
 valuable to the Japonese. Excepting the large shoulder 
 bone, every part of the fish is converted to some useful pur- 
 
NOTES. 
 
 121 
 
 pose. The flesh and the intestines (called, from their remark¬ 
 able length, fiakfiro, or hundred fathoms) are either roasted, 
 boiled, fried, or pickled, and used as an article of food : which 
 is the case even with the sediment of the blubber, when it 
 has been twice boiled for the oil. The cartilaginous bones 
 are also eaten, either boiled when fresh, or dried for future 
 use. The nervous and tendinous parts, both white and yel¬ 
 low, are worked into strings, cords, and ropes; some being 
 used for musical instruments, but most in the apparatus for the 
 manufacture of cotton goods. Several small things are made 
 of the jaw-bones, fins, and other bones, particularly the fine 
 steelyards used for weighing gold and silver. The Japonese 
 have a mode of whale-fishing peculiar to themselves, which 
 was introduced, in 1680, by a wealthy and ingenious fisher¬ 
 man of Omura , named Gilaijo, and which is not resorted to 
 generally, only on account of the expensiveness of the tackle 
 that is required. The apparatus is made of strong rope, 
 two inches thick, made into a net, in which, by dexterous 
 management, the fish is entangled by the head, and is 
 thus more easily captured than by means of the harpoon 
 alone. 
 
 The satisfoko is peculiar to Japon. It varies in size from 
 two to six fathoms, having two long teeth, or tusks, standing 
 out, upwards, from the mouth. They are much used to orna¬ 
 ment the tops of buildings. According to the account Kamp- 
 fer received from the fishermen: (C this fish is a cunning and 
 mortal enemy of whales, killing them by creeping into the 
 mouth, and devouring their tongues; as he hath a way, as 
 he creeps in, to put his head and teeth in such a way, that 
 they are no hindrance to him.” 
 
 Th q furube is another native fish, which possesses the power 
 of distending, or blowing itself out to the shape of a ball. 
 There are three varieties: two most delicate in flavour, but 
 dangerous to eat on account of their poisonous qualities, un¬ 
 less cleansed with scrupulous care. By imperial ordinance, 
 
 11 
 
122 
 
 TI1E KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 the soldiery are forbidden from using this fish as food; and 
 if any one in office should chance to die in consequence of 
 indulging in this luxury, his son is precluded from filling the 
 post vacated by his deceased parent, which he would other¬ 
 wise be entitled to occupy in the ordinary course of succes¬ 
 sion. The third variety is a mortal poison, and is eaten 
 solely as an agreeable means of committing suicide. 
 
 The sea-horse or sea-dog is a singular fish, thus described : 
 “ He is much about the length of a hoy ten years of age, with¬ 
 out any scales or fins, with a large head, mouth, and breast, 
 and a large thin belly, like a bag, which will hold a large 
 quantity of water. He hath thin sharp teeth in the chaps, 
 much like a snake. The inner parts are so minute, that 
 they are scarce visible. He hath two cartilaginous feet, not 
 unlike the hands of a child, under the belly, by which means 
 he creeps, in all likelihood, or walks, at the bottom of the 
 sea. All his parts are eaten, none excepted.” This fish, 
 Kcempfer represents to be abundant in the markets. 
 
 The tai is one of many varieties of a species of carp. It 
 is regarded as the emblem of happiness, and is dedicated to 
 Ibis , the Japonese Neptune. This fish has a most beautiful 
 appearance : possesses a most exquisite flavour; and is an 
 indispensable dish at the imperial feasts, and at other enter¬ 
 tainments of high order. At certain seasons this fish is very 
 scarce, and has been known to fetch as much as a thousand 
 kobans of gold, equal to about 1,300/. 
 
 In the estuaries, two varieties of salmon are found, exclu¬ 
 sive of other sorts in the fresh-water lakes. Of cod , there 
 are two varieties. Of eels } there are many sorts, including 
 the conger. The rays measure from two to three fathoms in 
 length, and there are many other descriptions of flat-fish of 
 an unusually large size. The bonito, sardine , and herring, are 
 kinds different from the European. The pilchard and smelt 
 are exceedingly plentiful. The flying-fish is esteemed a deli¬ 
 cacy, but is rarely caught. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 123 
 
 Shrimps, lobsters, and crabs abound. One variety of the 
 latter is of “ singular structure, with a long serrated prickle, 
 or sword, standing out from the head, and a roundish, smooth 
 back.” Another variety is exceedingly large. Kampfer bought 
 the hind claw of one in a cook-shop at Sorongo, which he 
 describes as being “ as long, and full as big, as a man's shin 
 bone.” 
 
 Of sepia , there are three kinds: one said to be of such 
 dimensions, that it can scarcely be lifted by two men. When 
 dried, they form a staple article of food. Turtles are abun¬ 
 dant, and, on the southern and eastern coasts, they are repre¬ 
 sented to be of sufficient size “ to cover a man from head to 
 toe.” 
 
 Oysters, cockles, and muscles, exist in profusion; so also 
 does the haliotus. This mollusc is pickled and exported to 
 China in large quantities. Krusenstern and his companions 
 “ thought them no bad food; and they may well form part of 
 a ship’s provision, as they will keep during several years.” 
 They are relished as an article of food in the British Channel- 
 islands, as well as in Japon and China. 
 
 Among other marine productions, alga are most abundant; 
 and the utmost attention is paid to the selection and curing 
 of proper sorts for food: probably as they prepare the deli¬ 
 cacy called “ laver” on the western coasts of England. One 
 variety is largely exported from Yesso to Nipon. \Kampfer. 
 Broughton. Krusenstern .] 
 
 note o. 
 
 Produce of t|)e iFteUls. 
 
 The principal produce of the fields is included in the gene¬ 
 ral term “ Gokokf,” or, (( The five f ruits of the field,” and con¬ 
 sist of, 1. Rome or rice, superior to that produced in any other 
 country, and which is kept for many years by being immersed 
 in muddy water, and the sediment allowed to dry on. 2. 
 
124 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 Oomuggi (great corn), or barley; the general food of cattle, 
 though occasionally used in the kitchen; and a variety of 
 which, with purple-coloured ears, presents a beautiful appear¬ 
 ance when waving under a bright sun. 3. Koomuggi (small 
 corn), or wheat; extremely cheap, and of no estimation. 4. 
 Daidsu, or Daid-beans; from which soeju, or soy, is made; and 
 which is also highly esteemed as an article of food. 5. Ad - 
 suki, or sodsu, or so-beans (similar to lentils) ; made into flour, 
 baked with sugar, and prepared in cakes. 
 
 Other productions are awa, or Indian corn; kibi and fije, 
 two varieties of millet; pease; turnips of extraordinary size, 
 as well as radishes. Meylan (Manners and Customs of the 
 Japonese in the Nineteenth Century) states, it is not uncom¬ 
 mon for a radish to attain the weight of 15 lbs., or sometimes 
 50 and 60 lbs. Horse-radish, carrots, gourds, melons, cucum¬ 
 bers, fennell, and some sorts of lettuce, which are cultivated 
 with care in European gardens, grow spontaneously in Japon. 
 Parsley, cummin, succory, and the common lettuce of Europe, 
 have been introduced, and thrive, Kcempfer says, “ extra¬ 
 ordinarily well.” The garden parsnip is unknown, but a wild 
 variety is abundant. Mushrooms are found everywhere. The 
 Japonese have the art of depriving poisonous plants of their 
 noxious qualities, and of rendering them edible. Amongst 
 plants of this description that they use for food, are the kon - 
 jakf, a species of dracunculus ; the warabi or fern; and ren, 
 or faba Egyptiaca. 
 
 Cotton and hemp are grown wherever the ground can be 
 spared. The hemp-nettle is abundant, and much used. Plants 
 from which oil are extracted for culinary purposes, abound. 
 Tobacco is good and plentiful. The plant was introduced 
 into Japon at the beginning of the seventeenth century. At 
 the time James the Eirst, of England, issued his “ Counter¬ 
 blast” it appears from Captain CoclCs Diary, (E. I. Mss.), 
 that Ogoslio Sama, Emperor of Japon, was issuing edicts 
 against, and subjecting to severe punishments the growers 
 
NOTES. 
 
 125 
 
 and consumers of, the “weed.” James and Ogosho Sama 
 are dead. The “ drinking of tobacco”, however, survives. 1 
 
 note p. 
 
 Cf)ta, or Cea* 
 
 This plant is called by the Japonese tsjaa , 2 and by the Chi¬ 
 nese the'h. It is cultivated only round the edges and borders 
 of fields, without any regard to the soil: or in places which 
 would otherwise be waste; and the produce of Japon is there¬ 
 fore generally inferior to the Chinese. The only plants cul¬ 
 tivated with anything like care, are those grown at Udsi. 
 This is an imperial property; and the produce is appropriated 
 solely to the use of the Emperor. Kcempfer computes all the 
 charges of cultivating, gathering, preparing, and sending this 
 description of tea up to the court, at not less than from thirty 
 to forty tales (from £. sty. 7:10 to £. sty. 10) per catti , of 
 about a pound and a quarter English. At the same time, he 
 says, the chief purveyor does not hesitate to charge at the 
 rate of one hundred tales (£. sty. 25) per catti; and in illus¬ 
 tration of the subject, observes : “In our audience at court, 
 it is customary to treat us with tea”; and adds, “ I remember 
 one gentleman, then in waiting, presented a dish to me, with 
 the following compliment: f Drink heartily , and with pleasure, 
 for one dish costs one Itzeho / or from twelve to thirteen shil¬ 
 lings sterling.” 
 
 The Japonese process of making tea, and the ceremony of 
 
 1 Captain Cock , in his Diary (E. I. Mss.), mentions the destruction of four 
 or five hundred houses in a town, occasioned by the carelessness of a smoker. 
 Conflagrations, when they occur in Japon, are awfully destructive ; and 
 the edict of Ogosho Sama against smoking, may have originated from a 
 desire to prevent the waste of property which might be occasioned by 
 perseverance in the habit. 
 
 2 In noticing this beverage, Captain Cock (E. I. Mss.) constantly makes 
 mention of “ Chaw-cups”, which may give some idea of the true pronun¬ 
 ciation of the word. The orthography of the word in Ogilby is “ Choa”. 
 
126 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OE JAPONIA. 
 
 drinking tea, present some features of novelty. Tea in 
 Japon is made in three different ways. The first is by simple 
 infusion, in the ordinary and well-known mode. The 
 second is by grinding the leaves (either the day before, or 
 the day on which they are to be used) in a hand-mill, made 
 of a peculiar stone ; and the powder thus produced is placed 
 in a box, which is added to the rest of the tea-table fur¬ 
 niture. At meal-time, the “ dishes” being filled with 
 hot water, the box is opened, and with a small neat spoon, 
 as much of the powder is taken out as will lie on the 
 point of a pretty large knife, and put into every dish. After 
 this, it is mixed and shaken with a “ curious denticulated 
 instrument till it foams, and is so presented to he sipped 
 while it is hot.” This tea is called koitsjaa, i. e., thick tea, 
 and is that which the great men and rich people in Japon 
 daily use. The third way is by perfect boiling. Before 
 daybreak, one of the domestics rises, hangs the kettle over 
 the fire, and puts in (either when the water is cold, or after 
 it is heated) two, three, or more handsfull of hantsjaa leaves, 1 
 according to the quantity required for the day. At the same 
 time he puts in a basket exactly fitting the inside of the 
 kettle. By this means, the leaves are kept down to the 
 bottom, so as to prevent any impediment being offered to 
 drawing off the fluid. A bag is sometimes substituted for 
 the basket, which answers the purpose equally well. The 
 kettle is kept boiling throughout the day. The contents are 
 at the service of the passers-by, as well as of the family ; and 
 a basin of cold water is placed near the kettle, so that per¬ 
 sons in haste may cool the drink, and be enabled to slake 
 their thirst at once, with a hearty draught. Many of the 
 peasantry also boil their rice in a decoction of tea, which is 
 considered to produce a dish no less nutritious than econo- 
 
 1 It is only the hantsjaa leaves that are boiled. Their virtues are more 
 fixed than in any other kinds ; and they contain a quantity of resinous 
 matter that cannot be well extracted by simple infusion. [Kcempfer.\ 
 
NOTES. 
 
 127 
 
 mical. One portion of rice thus cooked, it is said, will go as 
 far as’three portions dressed in the ordinary way. 
 
 When, through age, the leaves have lost their virtue for 
 use as a beverage, they are used to dye silk-stuffs, to which 
 they give a brown or chestnut colour. 
 
 With regard to the ceremony observed at tea-drinkings, 
 Kcempfer observes : “ It is a particular art to make tea, and 
 to serve it in company; which, however, consists more in 
 certain decent and agreeable manners, than in any difficulty 
 as to the boiling or preparation. This art is called sado and 
 tsianoi. “As there are people in Europe,” he continues, 
 “who teach to carve, to dance, to sing, and other things of 
 the like nature, so there are masters in Japon who teach 
 children of both sexes what they call tsianoi ; that is, to be¬ 
 have well when in company with tea-drinkers, and also to 
 make the tea, and to present it in company with a genteel, 
 becoming, and graceful manner.”— {App., vol. ii, pp. 3-16, 
 ed. 1727.) 
 
 NOTE Q. 
 
 Crees. 
 
 Arbores vel ad amoenitatem, vel ad fructum serunt hand 
 
 absimiles nostris.Plurima vero variis locis exsurgit 
 
 cedrus, tantse proceritatis et crassitudinis, vt inde fabri basi- 
 licarum columnas, et cuiuslibet quamuis capacis onerarice 
 malos efficiant. (Ortelius, sub voc. Japonia, Theatrum Or bis 
 Tenarum, Antv. 1595.) The missionary Almeyda, in 1565, 
 visited the temple of Cosanga , in the vicinity of the city of 
 Nara. The approach was through an avenue of pines and 
 cedars intermixed, “ qui faisoient une fort belle symetree, 
 et dont les tetes se joignoient tellement, que le soleil n'y 
 pouvoit percer.” Some of the cedars, the trunks of which 
 were quite symmetrical, measured “cinq brasses” 1 incircum- 
 
 1 Brasse, f. Afadome. Cotgrave, Dictionary, 1611. 
 
128 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 ference. The roof of the temple was supported by ninety 
 columns of cedar, of prodigious height, perfectly round, and 
 measuring eighteen feet and a half in girth. This temple 
 was built, about seventy years before, on the ruins of a more 
 magnificent edifice, that had been destroyed by fire. The 
 bases of some of the original columns remained, and indi¬ 
 cated larger dimensions than those of the growing trees 
 already noticed. ( Charlevoix , t. ii, pp. 248-9, edit. 1754.) 
 Captain Sir Edward Belcher , of H.M.S. Samarang , was sup¬ 
 plied gratuitously, in 1845, at Nangasaki, with a quantity of 
 spars. “ The small spars (for studding sail-booms, etc.) were 
 of cedar, measuring about ninety-six feet in length, by four¬ 
 teen inches at the butt.” ( Voyage , Lond. 1848, vol. ii, p. 13.) 
 Kcempfer, in 1691, saw a camphor-tree on the island of Kiu- 
 siu, celebrated for its size and great age; but he could not 
 ascertain the exact dimensions. One hundred and thirty-five 
 years afterwards, in 1826, Siebold visited the tree, and found 
 it still healthy and rich in foliage. “ He and his pupils mea¬ 
 sured it, and he gives 16*884 metres (about fifty feet) as its 
 circumference, adding, in confirmation of this enormous size, 
 that fifteen men can stand inside,” the trunk being com¬ 
 pletely hollowed out. ( Manners , etc., of the Japonese in the 
 Nineteenth Century , Lond. 1841, p. 95.) A drawing of this 
 tree is given by Siebold, in his pictorial illustrations. 
 
 The following are other trees that grow in Japan.—The 
 mulberry presents three varieties. Of two, the black and the 
 white, the fruit is insipid, and not eaten. These trees are 
 cultivated solely with the view of feeding silk-worms. They 
 are abundant, especially in the northern provinces, and afford 
 the means of support to large numbers of industrious manu¬ 
 facturers. The third variety is called kadsa. From it are 
 manufactured paper, ropes, cloth, and various other useful 
 articles. The urusi is a noble and most valuable tree : from 
 it is procured the varnish which has given celebrity to the 
 Japon-ware. An inferior quality of varnish is obtained from 
 
NOTES. 
 
 129 
 
 the forasi. The bay-tree is described as a spurious kind of 
 cinnamon-tree, degenerated owing to the quality of the soil. 
 The tsianoki, or tea-plant, is abundant. Sansio is a spinous, 
 moderately sized tree : the bark and husks of the fruit being 
 used as substitutes for pepper and ginger; and the leaf, which 
 has a pleasant aromatic flavour, being also eaten. Of the 
 kaki, or fig, there are two native varieties, differing from the 
 European; but the latter, which was introduced by the Por¬ 
 tuguese, has improved both in size and flavour. Chestnut-trees 
 are plentiful: the fruit superior to that produced in Europe. 
 Th q pears resemble winter pears, growing to a large size: sel¬ 
 dom weighing less than a pound, and invariably cooked before 
 they are used as food. Walnut-trees grow in the northern pro¬ 
 vinces. The same parts produce the kaja, a tall description of 
 taxus: from the nut of which, not unlike the areca, an oil much 
 used in medicine is expressed, much resembling oil of sweet- 
 almonds; and when burned, the smoke produces a soot, from 
 which the best and most expensive kind of ink is prepared. Of 
 oaks, there are three varieties; two differing from the Euro¬ 
 pean; and the acorns of the largest description are boiled and 
 eaten by the peasantry. Pome-citrons “are grown in the gar¬ 
 dens of the curious.” Oranges and lemons are abundant. The 
 best kind of the latter is called mican: in size and shape re¬ 
 sembling a peach, and having a fine aromatic flavour, though 
 rather sour. Another sort, called kinkan, is not much larger 
 than a nutmeg, which it also resembles in form; very sour, 
 and much used in cookery. There are vines, but the grapes 
 do not ripen. Peaches, apricots, and plums, are abundant. 
 Of the latter, there are two kinds, differing from the Euro¬ 
 pean : both granulated like mulberries. The cherry is only 
 grown for its blossoms, which is also the case sometimes with 
 apricot and plum-trees. Keempfer saw cherry-blossoms as 
 large as roses. Meylan saw plum-blossoms four times as 
 large as cabbage-roses. The Japonese take great delight, 
 and are exceedingly skilful, both in enlarging and dwarfing 
 
130 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OE JAPONIA. 
 
 plants. The branches of some trees, springing at the height 
 of seven or eight feet from the trunk, are led out occasion¬ 
 ally across ponds, and supported on props, so as to afford a 
 shade of three hundred feet in diameter. A box has been 
 seen, four inches long, one and a half wide, and six high, in 
 which were growing and thriving a bamboo, a fir, and a 
 plum-tree, the latter in full blossom. The price of this 
 curiosity was 1,200 Dutch gulden, or about £100. stg. The 
 cypresses and cedars are planted by the sides of the roads, 
 over the ridges of hills and mountains, and in sandy and 
 barren places, so economical are the Japonese of their good 
 ground. These trees can only be cut down with the permis¬ 
 sion of the magistrates; and to prevent waste, a young tree 
 must be planted for every one that is felled. The jusnoki is 
 a kind of iron-wood, extensively used in building. The 
 bamboo is most plentiful; and, as everywhere else in Asia, is 
 made to serve a great variety of purposes. One of the 
 species is called fatsiku. The roots are converted into the 
 walking-sticks known in Europe by the name of rattans , a 
 corruption of rottung. When dug out of the ground, the 
 whole art of preparing and fitting them for use, is cutting off 
 the surplus parts at the upper and lower ends, and removing 
 the young roots and fibres that surround the joints, which is 
 effected by knives, peculiarly tempered for the purpose. By 
 this operation, the small circular holes that produce the sin¬ 
 gular appearance of the stick are produced. [ Kcempfer . Thun - 
 berg. Siebold. “ Manners and Customs , etc.”\ 
 
 NOTE R. 
 
 Change of J&amea* 
 
 This practice is frequently alluded to by Captain Cock , in 
 his Diary; and he mentions, on several occasions, the cir¬ 
 cumstances of his re-naming native children at the request of 
 their parents. To girls the name of Elizabeth was usually 
 
NOTES. 
 
 131 
 
 given. The Dutch writers , up to a late date, also notice that 
 the “honour,” as it is esteemed, is frequently solicited of 
 their countrymen. The custom being adopted by the Sove¬ 
 reigns of Japon, some confusion in reading Japonese history 
 is occasioned. 
 
 note s. 
 
 Cjje iatud anti ^Umtiuctfratton of ^fusttce. 
 
 The Laws of Japon are exceedingly simple in their con¬ 
 struction, and they possess the additional merit of being in¬ 
 telligible. They consist of edicts issued in the name of the 
 Emperor, which announce, concisely, that the commission of 
 a specified act will constitute an offence, and that the com¬ 
 mission of the inhibited act will be followed by punishment. 
 The laws are also fairly promulgated. On the issue of every 
 new edict, the Magistrates, in the first instance, assemble the 
 residents within their respective jurisdictions, and proclaim, 
 viva voce, the will of the Emperor. Next: the document is 
 extensively circulated in a printed form ; and, what is mate¬ 
 rial, the state of education is such in the Empire, that the 
 population can read and comprehend the matter published 
 for their guidance. Finally : the edict is exposed for a per¬ 
 manency, in a public place appropriated to the purpose, in 
 every city, town, and village, throughout the land. 1 
 
 1 “I have often admired, in my journeys through this country, the 
 shortness and laconism of these tables, which are hung up on the roads, 
 in places particularly appointed for this purpose, to notify to the public 
 the emperor’s pleasure, and to make known the laws of the country ; for 
 it is barely mentioned, and in as few words as possible, what the emperor 
 commands to be done or omitted by his subjects. There is no reason 
 given how it came about that such and such a law was made; no mention 
 of the law-giver’s view and intention ; nor is there any certain deter¬ 
 mined penalty put upon transgression thereof. Such conciseness is 
 thought becoming the majesty of so powerful a monarch.” [Kcempfer, 
 Appendix , vol. ii, p. 68.] “The Japonese do affect breuite,” is also the 
 remark made by Captain Saris, about a century before. 
 
132 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 The Proceedings under the Laws are as simple as the laws 
 themselves. The Japonese system does not admit any tech¬ 
 nical and complicated forms; and, consequently, there is no 
 professional class required to elucidate, or, the case may be, 
 further to perplex what is already obscure. In the Empire, 
 a party feeling himself aggrieved appeals direct to the Magi¬ 
 strate. The case is stated in the presence of the accused, and 
 he is heard in reply. Witnesses are examined. Sentence is 
 then passed, and generally carried into execution instanter. 
 In trivial cases, the parties are usually ordered to retire and 
 settle the difference, either between themselves, or with the 
 assistance of mutual friends; and the matter may be con¬ 
 sidered to be adjusted. It is perfectly well understood, that 
 persisting in the dispute would lead to unpleasant conse¬ 
 quences. Should both parties appear to be blameable, the 
 Judge makes his award accordingly, and neither escapes with¬ 
 out censure. When false accusations are preferred, the false 
 accuser is punished; and should malice be apparent, the pun¬ 
 ishment is augmented in proportion. In cases of great intri¬ 
 cacy and importance, the Magistrate has the option of refer¬ 
 ring the matter to the Chief Justice at Miaco, or to the 
 Emperor in council; but when a decision is once given, there 
 is no appeal. 1 Towards the conclusion of the seventeenth 
 century, Kcempfer makes the following remarks on the Ja¬ 
 ponese system of administering justice. He says : “ Some 
 will observe, that the Japonese are wanting a competent 
 
 knowledge of the law.But I would not have the reader 
 
 imagine that the Japonese live entirely without laws. Far 
 from it. Their laws and constitutions are excellent, and 
 strictly observed.” Coming down to the present century, 
 
 1 “ No superior court hath it in his power to mitigate the sentence 
 pronounced in another, though inferior. ... Although it cannot be denied, 
 but this short way of proceeding is liable to some errors and mistakes in 
 particular cases ; yet I dare affirm, that in the main, it would be found 
 abundantly less detrimental to the parties concerned, than the tedious 
 and expensive law-suits in Europe.” \Kcempfer, Appendix, vol. ii, p. G4.] 
 
NOTES. 
 
 133 
 
 competent authorities concur in bearing testimony to the 
 purity with which justice is administered in the Empire : to 
 the great solemnity and strict decorum with which the pro¬ 
 ceedings are conducted before the Tribunals : to the ardent 
 desire manifested by the Magistrates to elicit the truth; and 
 to the remarkable acumen they display in detecting false¬ 
 hood.” ] If the representations on the subject he not over¬ 
 charged, the Judicial Institutions of the Empire appear to 
 realize, in a great degree, the maxim propounded by one of 
 our most profound thinkers, that “ Truth is but Justice in our 
 knowledge, and Justice but Truth in our practice 1 2 3 
 
 In the theory of Punishments, it is not considered “ qu’un 
 homme pendu est un homme perdu.” 3 As a principle, death 
 is the punishment for all offences. It does not, however, 
 appear to have been adopted either from caprice, or through 
 wanton disregard of human life; but may be traced rather 
 to an erroneous conception of the means of doing equal jus¬ 
 tice. It is maintained, that justice would be violated, unless 
 all persons, whatever their ranks, guilty of similar offences, 
 were punished in an equal manner; and it is conceived that 
 death is the only penalty that affects alike Prince and 
 Peasant. “ Justice,” says William Adams, “is very severe, 
 having no respect to persons.” Accordingly, the only favour 
 exhibited in regard to the man of rank, is that of his being 
 permitted to anticipate the act of the executioner by the 
 commission of suicide. But though sanguinary in principle, 
 the laws are greatly modified in practice. The power of in¬ 
 flicting death appears to be permissive, not compulsory, on 
 the magistrate; and, accordingly, a very wide discretion is 
 exercised. From this discretion murder alone is excepted, 
 including homicide of any kind, even in its least aggravated 
 
 1 Boeff , Fischer , Siebold, etc.: quoted in “ Manners and Customs of the 
 Japonese in the Nineteenth Century.” 
 
 2 Milton , “ Answer to Eikon Basilike.” 
 
 3 Voltaire , “ LTIomme aux Quarante Ecus.” 
 
134 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 form. This appears to have arisen from the disposition of 
 the population, represented to have been originally, but pro¬ 
 bably now tempered by altered circumstances, “ no less fiery 
 and changeable than the neighbouring sea is stormy and tem¬ 
 pestuous.^ On the principle of equal justice, pecuniary fines 
 are not tolerated . 1 Recourse is had to imprisonment as a 
 punishment, which is rendered more or less severe according 
 to the place in which incarceration takes place. One descrip¬ 
 tion of prison is called roya, or cage. Here due provision is 
 made for cleanliness and ventilation, and a fair proportion of 
 wholesome food is provided. The other description of prison 
 is denominated gokuya, or hell. It is a dungeon, generally 
 within the walls of the governor's house, into which from fif- 
 
 1 u It is thought pernicious and unjust in the highest degree (and cer¬ 
 tainly not without reason), that the laws should he made only for the 
 poor ; and that the rich, by being enabled to buy off the punishment, 
 should have it in their power to commit what crimes they please.” 
 [ Kcempfer , Appendix , vol. ii, p. 68.] In Aulus Gellius (Noc. Att. 1. 20, 
 c, 1. Disceptatio ... de legibus Duodecim Tabularum ), there is an anec¬ 
 dote of a truculent fellow, who availed himself of the provision, “ si. in- 
 IVRIAM . FAXIT . ALTERI . VIGINTI . QVINQVE . AERIS . POENAE . SVNTO.”, to 
 
 gratify his splenetic humour. He perambulated the streets, accompanied 
 by a slave, bearing a well filled purse ; and having taken an opportunity 
 of committing an assault, ordered the stipulated penalty to be paid to the 
 injured party. The question put by one of the interlocutors, “ Quis enim 
 erit tarn inops, quern ab injuriae faciendse lubidine viginti quinque asses 
 deterreant ?” is not quite pertinent. Two pence to a man who is worth 
 a groat only, is a heavy penalty, the liability to which may deter him 
 from indulging in a mischievous, or worse propensity; but such will not 
 be the case with the man of abundant means. By inflicting the same 
 penalty on the man of one groat as on the man with many groats, the 
 provisions of the law are enforced, without any reference to an act of 
 justice. In the case of a man “ not worth a groat”, the case may be 
 worse. When incarceration is consequent on inability to pay the pecu¬ 
 niary fine, an increase of punishment is inflicted. It must be considered, 
 that the difference between the money penalty awarded for the offence, 
 —that is to say, two pence,—and the extra punishment, must be assigned 
 not to the wrong done, but to the inopsial condition of the wrong doer; 
 which, however consistent it may be with law, cannot be regarded as con¬ 
 current with justice. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 135 
 
 teen to twenty persons are usually thrust, or at least more, 
 ordinarily, than the place can conveniently accommodate. 
 The door is never opened but for the admission or release of 
 a prisoner. A hole in the wall serves as the means of eject¬ 
 ing the filth, and of receiving food. Except from a small 
 grated window at the top, there is neither light nor ventila¬ 
 tion. Books, pipes, all kinds of recreation, are prohibited. 
 No beds are allowed, and, as a mark of disgrace which is 
 acutely felt, the prisoners are deprived of their silk or linen 
 waist girdles, for which bands of straw are substituted. A 
 singular regulation is connected with these hells. The diet 
 is limited in quantity, and execrable in quality; but, on a 
 certain condition, prisoners who have the means, or who have 
 friends willing to assist them, are allowed to be provided 
 with good and sufficient food. The condition on which this 
 indulgence is granted, is, that it shall be shared equally by all 
 the inmates of the dungeon. It is utterly repugnant to the 
 Japonese notions of justice, that a criminal of wealth, or in¬ 
 fluence, should fare better than those who may be destitute. 
 Banishment seems not to extend beyond the persons of the 
 nobles attached to the imperial court, with some political 
 offenders of high rank. These parties are deported to cer¬ 
 tain barren islands, from whence escape is impracticable. 
 Food is provided for them, but they must work for their liv¬ 
 ing. Their usual employment is the manufacture of silk 
 goods, which are represented to be of an exceedingly fine 
 description, and to be highly prized. Corporal punishment is 
 inflicted frequently, and with great severity. Torture is re¬ 
 sorted to but rarely, principally in cases of religious apo¬ 
 stasy or political delinquency. 
 
 The substance of the following proceeding, derived by 
 Titsingh from a native source, is given in his Illustrations of 
 Japan (London, 1822), and will afford an idea of the manner 
 in which the discretionary power vested in the magistrate 
 may be exercised. 
 
136 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OP JAPONIA. 
 
 A man was charged by his master, a trader in Osacca, with 
 haying robbed him of five hundred kobans, equivalent in 
 sterling value to about j£ 700. The charge was made before 
 the Governor. The accused solemnly protested his inno¬ 
 cence ; and the accuser, supported by the testimony of other 
 servants, as solemnly maintained the truth of the charge. 
 Circumstances were against the prisoner; but the evidence 
 was of that doubtful nature, that the Magistrate did not feel 
 himself warranted in convicting or discharging the man. He, 
 therefore, to use a familiar phrase, remanded him. At the 
 end of some days, the Magistrate called the parties before 
 him again; and he remonstrated with the accuser, but inef¬ 
 fectually. At length, he required the charge, and the demand 
 of the accuser, to be submitted to him in writing. This was 
 done in the following terms : “ Tchoudjet, servant to Tomoya, 
 has robbed his master of five hundred kobans. This we attest 
 by this writing, and we demand, that, by way of example, 
 he be punished with death. We, the servants and relatives 
 of Tomoya-kiougero, have confirmed this writing, by affixing 
 our signatures and our seals. The second month of the first 
 year Gen-boun (1736).” The Governor, Kavatche-no-kami 
 by name, read the paper attentively, and then said to To¬ 
 moya : “ Good. Nor am I absolved from responsibility. 
 Depart. Be assured, justice shall be done.” So Tomoya and 
 his party went away rejoicing. A short time afterwards, a 
 convicted felon confessed himself guilty of the robbery with 
 which Tchoudjets had been charged; and Tomoya, with all 
 his people, were straightway summoned into the presence of 
 the Governor. “ What is this thing ye have done ? ” said the 
 Governor, addressing the party, sternly; “ Know ye not, that 
 your false accusation hath tended to cause the death of an 
 innocent man ? Know ye not the law, that ye have put your 
 own lives in jeopardy? that thou, thyself, Tomoya, thy wife, 
 and thy people, may be delivered over to the executioner? 
 And behold me, should I not die the death, because I have 
 
NOTES. 
 
 137 
 
 not looked with greater care into this matter? Prepare 
 for doom.” Thunderstruck, the terrified wretches threw 
 themselves on their knees, and implored for mercy. The 
 Magistrate beheld their abject state for some time in silence. 
 He kept them in agonising suspense, willing to give them a 
 lesson they should not speedily forget. At length he ex¬ 
 claimed: “ Be of good cheer. The man is not dead. I 
 doubted his guilt, and I have kept him in concealment, hop¬ 
 ing that, in process of time, his innocence might be brought 
 to light. Most sincerely do I rejoice that my precaution 
 hath proved of avail. Let Tchoudjet be brought in.” The 
 order was obeyed, and the Governor, resuming his address, 
 said: “ Tomoya, behold an innocent man, who might have 
 fallen a victim to thy unjust accusation. A grievous injury 
 hast thou inflicted on him. Thy life I spare, because his has 
 not been taken; but for what he has suffered through thy 
 injustice, thou owest him reparation. Pay unto him, then, 
 the sum of five hundred kobans, and henceforth cherish him 
 as a faithful servant. Go thy ways. Justice is now done.” 
 In due course, this proceeding was reported to the Emperor. 
 What had been done by Kavatche was approved, and he 
 was in a short space of time appointed to the lucrative and 
 high posts of Inspector of the Chamber of Accounts, and 
 Governor at Nangasacki, where his good qualities endeared 
 him to the people, his memory being held in reverence in 
 the time of the European narrator of the transaction. 
 
 NOTE T. 
 
 from 3fapon to Borne* 
 
 De Missione Leyatorum Japonensium ad Romanam Curiam , 
 rebusque in Europa ac toto Itinere animadversis , Dialoyus, ex 
 Ephemeride ipsorum Leyatorum collectus , et in Linyuam Lati- 
 nam versus ah Evardo de Sande , Societatis Jesu, cum facultate 
 ordinarii et superiorum , anno 1590. (Quarto .)—“ This rare 
 
 T 
 
138 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 and curious Treatise, which was printed at Macao, in China, 
 both in Latin and Japonese, lays open at once the state of 
 Europe and the Indies, as it was at that time. The Jesuits, 
 proud of the success of this embassy, which was entirely 
 a work of theirs, intended that the Japonese should be 
 informed, as it were, by the ambassadors themselves, of the 
 favourable reception they had met with in Europe, and the 
 remarkable things they had seen on their voyage and return. 
 And certainly it contains as complete an account, as it was 
 then possible to give, of the state of Europe, its largeness 
 and division, its government, monarchial, aristocratical, or 
 democratical; of the pomp and magnificence of the European 
 princes, the splendour of their court, their riches and power; 
 of the manners, customs, and way of life, of the nobles and 
 inferior sort of people; of the flourishing condition of trade 
 and commerce; of the way of carrying on war in Europe, 
 both by sea and land; of the principal towns in Europe, par¬ 
 ticularly of Lisbon, Evora, Villaviziosa, Madrid, Pisa, Flo¬ 
 rence, Rome, Naples, Padua, Verona, Mantua, Cremona, 
 Milan, Genoa, being the places which the ambassadors them¬ 
 selves had passed through, and where they had been shown, 
 in the most ample manner, what was curious and remark¬ 
 able ; of the power and authority of the pope at Rome, the 
 magnificence of his court, the ceremonies observed upon his 
 demise and burial, as also upon the election of a new pope, 
 the splendour of his coronation, the pomp of his going to 
 take possession of S. John de Lateran; of the power and 
 grandeur of Philip II, then king of Spain, and the largeness 
 of his dominions in Europe and both the Indies; of the 
 republics of Venice, the nature of its government, the situa¬ 
 tion, riches, and antiquities, of that town and commonwealth; 
 of the numerous conquests and discoveries of the Portuguese 
 in the Indies; of several countries in the Indies, particularly 
 the Empire of China; and a variety of other things, too many 
 to be here mentioned. It was wrote by way of Dialogues, 
 
NOTES. 
 
 139 
 
 wherein the ambassadors Mancius and Michael, their two 
 companions Martinus and Julian, Leo, a brother of the Prince 
 of Arima, and Linus, a brother of the Prince of Omura, are 
 introduced as interlocutors. The author hath not omitted, 
 in proper places, to give some account of the Empire of Japon 
 itself, and particularly to compare the manners and customs 
 of that country with those of Europe. In short, were the 
 whole work now reprinted, I do not doubt but that it would 
 yet meet with a favourable reception.” [ Scheuchzer, (< Intro¬ 
 duction to Kcempfer’s History of Japon, 1727.”] 
 
 Charlevoix, in his list of authors that have written on 
 Japan, mentions another work on this subject, entitled: Re¬ 
 latione della Venuta de gli Amhasciatori Giapponesi a Roma 
 fino alia partita di Lisbona, con le accoglienze fatte loro da 
 tutti i Principi, per dove sono passati: racolte da Guido Gual- 
 tiere: Roma, 1585, 8vo. [ Grenville Coll., B. M.~] 
 
 There is also a work in Latin on the subject, edited by 
 Hen. Cuyckius; Anv. 1593. 8vo. Some further particulars 
 will also be found in a volume by Scip. Amati; Roma, 1615. 
 4to .; entitled Historia del Regno di Voxu de Giapone, etc. 
 etc. [ Grenville Coll., B. M.~\ 
 
 NOTE U. 
 
 Harrises of tf)e Datrt, or ;flttkn&a. 
 
 Sin Mu Ten Oo, i. e., “ The Supreme of all men, or the 
 Divine conqueror”, is the first Dafri, 5 or Mikado, named in 
 the chronicles of the Japonese Empire. The origin of this 
 
 1 “ Dai-hi .signifie le grand interieur, c’est a dire, le palais impe¬ 
 
 rial. C’est le terme ordinaire dont on se sert pour designer l’empereur, 
 parce qu’il est defendu de prononcer son nom, qui d’ailleurs est ignore de 
 son vivant par la multitude.” ( TitsingJis Translation of “ Nip on o Dai 
 itsi Ran, ou Annates des Empereurs du Japon” ; note, p. 442, by Klaproth. 
 Paris and London, 4to., 1834). The signification of the word Dairi, as 
 given by Klaproth, may be correct. The rest of what is stated is not 
 supported by any authority, and its correctness is open to doubt. 
 
140 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 personage is involved in obscurity. According to the tradi¬ 
 tion of the country, he was descended from the gods. He is 
 also represented to have been a Chinese conqueror; and a 
 chieftain, born in one of the inferior islands of the Empire, 
 by whom Nipon was subdued. Kcempfer propounds the 
 theory: that for many ages, the Japonese led a nomade life, 
 “ erring from place to place with their families and cattle”: 
 that from “ following a course of life not unlike that of the 
 patriarchs, where the several families lived under the com¬ 
 mand and authority of their fathers, or else obeyed the most 
 prudent among themselves”, they gradually became civilized, 
 the process being advanced by constant intercourse with the 
 Chinese, till at length they were prepared to submit to the 
 individual authority of some man of “ happy genius”. 
 
 Whatever may have been the origin of Sin Mu, it is cer¬ 
 tain he was a man of “happy genius”. To him is attributed 
 the civilization of Japon : the introduction of a chronological 
 system : the division of time into years, months, and days : 
 the institution of laws; and the establishment of a regular 
 form of government. It is indisputable that his posterity 
 exercised supreme sway in Japan for a long succession of 
 ages; and that now his descendants, in a direct and un¬ 
 broken line, though deprived of their political rights, are 
 regarded by the nation as objects of affection, esteem, and 
 veneration. 
 
 Yoritomo , in the twelfth century after Christ, first infringed 
 on the rights of the Mikado. He was a warrior of repute, 
 and allied by blood to the imperial family. In the first 
 instance, he distinguished himself by his loyalty. He crushed 
 a wide-spread rebellion which threatened to hurl the Emperor 
 from the seat of power. He afterwards signalized himself in 
 a different way. In reward for his exertions, he was invested 
 by his Sovereign with extraordinary powers, and he gained 
 extraordinary influence in the state. Availing himself of the 
 opportunities his condition afforded him, and yielding to the 
 
NOTES. 
 
 141 
 
 aspirations of ambition, lie appropriated to liimself the most 
 valuable prerogatives of tlie Mikado, and without openly 
 pretending to tlie dignity, exercised the rights of an inde¬ 
 pendent Sovereign. Faxiba, or Taico Sama, in the sixteenth 
 century, completed the design which Yoritomo had com¬ 
 menced, and reduced the Mikado to the state of a splendid 
 pageant. 
 
 The character that formerly marched at the head of mighty 
 armies, sharing in their peril and participating in their glory, 
 is now esteemed so sacred, that, lest his person should suffer 
 pollution, he may not stir beyond the precincts of his palace, 
 except on the shoulders of men; and within his palace, lie 
 may walk only on the most exquisitely wrought mats, lest 
 his foot should come in contact with lowly earth. Neither 
 may the air breathe on him, nor may the rays of the sun fall 
 on him. To every part of his person is such holiness ascribed, 
 that it would be deemed a foul offence were he to cut his 
 hair, trim his beard, or pare his nails. But to prevent his 
 being inconvenienced by this ordinance, recourse is had to a 
 pious fraud. When he sleeps, or affects to sleep, his attend¬ 
 ants steal, as it is termed, the exuberances of nature; and 
 on the presumption of his being insensible, the object of this 
 care is absolved from the consequences of an act, which, if 
 performed by himself, would be deemed little less than sacri¬ 
 lege. At one period, the Mikado was under the necessity 
 of sitting on the throne in imperial state for many hours 
 daily; and during this period he was required to assume the 
 rigidity of a statue, not being permitted to move either his 
 hands, arms, legs, eyes, or indeed any part of his person. 
 This irksome duty, probably the result of some politic ma¬ 
 noeuvre, was imposed on him as the means of securing the 
 peace and tranquillity of the realm : “ for if unfortunately he 
 turned himself on one side or the other, or if he looked a 
 good while towards any part of his dominions, it was appre¬ 
 hended that war, famine, fire, or some great misfortune, was 
 
142 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 near at hand to desolate the country.” [K&mpferJ] In 
 modern times, however, a convenient discovery has been 
 made, that the crown is the palladium, which by its immo¬ 
 bility secures the safety of the Empire; and no doubt greatly 
 to the relief of his sacred Majesty, this peculiar task has been 
 transferred from him to his head-gear. 
 
 The prescribed aliment of the Mikado is rice. Every grain 
 prepared for his use, is scrupulously selected by an officer 
 specially appointed for the purpose; and whose duty it also 
 is, to take care that the diurnal allowance is strictly uniform 
 in quantity, neither diminished nor increased in the slightest 
 degree. On every occasion, the food of the Mikado is 
 dressed in a new vessel, and every meal is served on new 
 ware. Such of both kinds, as have been once used, are 
 destroyed. Formerly, the Mikado was served on common 
 clay, but porcelain appears to have been substituted in recent 
 times. 
 
 The vestments of the Mikado and his wives differ from the 
 costume adopted by the rest of the nation. They differ in 
 colour, materials, and form; and so extravagantly ample are 
 they in dimension, that locomotion is rendered inconvenient. 
 No dress is worn a second time; and all the cast-off habili¬ 
 ments, after being preserved a specified period, are burned. 
 They are deemed too sacred for others to use. 
 
 To provide against the failure of issue, the Mikado is 
 allowed twelve consorts, exclusive of a number of females in 
 the capacity of attendants, that make up the mystic number 
 of eighty-one, or nine times nine. If, on the decease of a 
 Mikado, there should chance to be no issue, the nearest of 
 kin, without distinction of sex, succeeds. Before the Seo- 
 gouns assumed the imperial power, the succession of the 
 Mikado not unfrequently produced serious convulsions in the 
 state; but now, “ a Mikado may die, or resign, and another 
 be put in his place, without anybody but the court knowing 
 of it, till the affair is over.” [KtempferJ] 
 
NOTES. 
 
 143 
 
 A court still exists, consisting entirely of the descendants 
 of Sm Mu Ten Oo, the family being designated Ten Sio Dai 
 Sin. On account of their reputed celestial descent, the mem¬ 
 bers of the court claim and receive a greater degree of 
 homage than any portion of the community: even the highest 
 princes in the land being considered inferior to them in sta¬ 
 tion. The degrees of rank among this class of nobility are 
 accurately defined : carefully preserved; and distinctly indi¬ 
 cated, by characteristic dresses. 
 
 To the court there is attached a council of high officers ; 
 even ministers for political and military affairs being re¬ 
 tained. There are also professors well skilled in the Chinese 
 language, whose duty it is to acquire a knowledge of all 
 that is new, and to give circulation to whatever may tend to 
 benefit the country. There are astrologers and astronomers, 
 who study and comprehend the works of La Lande and La 
 Place, whose works have been translated for their edification. 
 There is a sub-council, that regulates education throughout 
 the Empire; and there is also a special minister, whose duty 
 it is to receive and examine the reports, which are periodic¬ 
 ally submitted, in relation to the numbers and condition of 
 the population : including information connected with agri¬ 
 culture, manufactures, roads, bridges, water-ways, and forests. 
 History, poetry, and music, generally, are studied by the 
 members of the court, both male and female; and, it is said, 
 with no mean success. The former are, also, represented to 
 be proficient in athletic exercises. What the religion pro¬ 
 fessed by the Mikado is, it is difficult to define. He is un¬ 
 derstood, while living, to be attached to the Sinto doctrine, 
 the original faith of the country; but when he dies, his 
 exequies are performed by the Bhoodist sect, in conformity 
 with their rites. 
 
 The revenue of the Mikado is derived from three sources, 
 viz.: the income of the city of Meaco, “ and all its appurte¬ 
 nances”: an allowance from the Seogoun; and the emolu- 
 
144 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 ments derived from tlie sale of patents of nobility, the only 
 substance of prerogative he retains. Whether the revenue 
 is insufficient for the purpose, or whether the Mikado appro¬ 
 priates an undue share to his own purposes, is not apparent; 
 but great distress is represented to exist among the members 
 of the court, estimated to include several thousand indi¬ 
 viduals. “ The great ones run themselves into debt, and 
 the inferior officers and servants must work for their living. 
 Accordingly, they make and sell baskets of straw, tables, 
 straw shoes for men and horses, and other mean things of 
 this nature.” [Keempfer .] 
 
 note v. 
 
 (Jjoijcrmncnt anti JPoItrp of 3fapon. 
 
 The Empire of Japon presents the anomaly of two co-exist¬ 
 ing Sovereigns, each maintaining a state independent of the 
 other : both the objects of homage on the part of the people; 
 and neither indicating any dissatisfaction at the degree of 
 allegiance that is tendered to him. One of the Sovereigns, 
 the Da'iri , or Mikado, rules, it has been seen, by “ right 
 divine”, by virtue of attributed descent from the gods. 
 The other Sovereign, the Seogoun, or Cubo-Sama, rules by 
 the “ right of might”, by virtue of his ability to maintain 
 power wrested by his predecessors from the Mikado. Sove¬ 
 reign de jure, the Mikado is supreme in rank, yet insignifi¬ 
 cant in political importance. The Cubo-Sama, Sovereign de 
 facto, is inferior in station, but uncontrolled in political 
 authority. 
 
 The government of Japon is essentially feudal in its con¬ 
 stitution. It is also despotic: not, however, according to 
 the European acceptation of the term. “We must especially 
 abstract,” it has been observed, 1 “ from that idea one of its 
 
 1 “Manners and Customs of the Japonese in the Nineteenth Century .” 
 
NOTES. 
 
 145 
 
 greatest evils, namely, its arbitrariness. Liberty is, indeed, 
 unknown in Japon; it exists not in the common intercourse 
 of man with man; and the very idea of freedom, as distin¬ 
 guished from rude licence, could, perhaps, hardly be made 
 intelligible to a native of that extraordinary empire. But, 
 on the other hand, no individual in the whole nation, high 
 or low, is above the law; both sovereigns seeming to be as 
 completely enthralled by despotism as their meanest subjects, 
 if not more so. Law and established custom, unvarying, 
 known to all, and pressing on all alike, are the despots of 
 Japon. Scarcely an action of life is exempt from their rigid, 
 inflexible, and irksome control; but he who complies with 
 their dictates, has no arbitrary power, no capricious tyranny 
 to apprehend.” In this representation there is much truth. 
 
 note w. 
 
 Career of jFajdfia, or Catco H>ama* 
 
 Taico Sama, 1 the most celebrated character in the annals 
 of Japon, is represented to have been ill-favoured, if not 
 absolutely repulsive, in person. He was below the average 
 height, and corpulent to excess; but, withal, endowed with 
 immense strength, extraordinary activity, and a spirit of daring 
 beyond conception. On one hand he had six fingers : his eyes 
 were so prominent, that they seemed ready to start from their 
 sockets: his chin was destitute of the manly appendage of a 
 beard; and his features, altogether, were of so singular a 
 
 1 Taico Sama was known by various names, viz.: 1 , Toyotomo; 2, 
 Toquixiro ; 3, Cicuquidono ; 4, Faxiba ; u dont la signification,” Char¬ 
 levoix observes, “ faisoit allusion aux armes ou quelque device du Roi 
 de bTauguto”: who had been in rebellion, and was reduced to sub¬ 
 mission by Faxiba, on whom the Seogoun, Nobounanga, conferred the 
 title. 5, Quabancondono, which by some writers is said to mean “ The 
 Lord of the Treasure ”. Captain Cock states (E. I. Mss.), it is equivalent 
 to the “ Ccesar ” of the Romans. 6, Taico Sama signifies “ The most high 
 and sovereign Lord,” 
 
 U 
 
146 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OE JATONIA. 
 
 mould, that lie obtained the unenviable cognomen of “ The 
 Ape”? Yet these disadvantages were overcome by the tran- 
 scendant qualities of his mind. 
 
 Taico Sama commenced his career as a hewer and 
 carrier of wood. From this menial occupation be was 
 taken into the service of an officer attached to tbe court 
 of Nobounanga, the Seogoun. What his occupation was 
 is not known, but he found means of displaying supe¬ 
 rior intelligence, and was transferred by his master to the 
 military service. In the capacity of a private soldier he 
 attracted the attention of the Seogoun, who had the reputa¬ 
 tion of being a shrewd interpreter of character, and in this 
 instance gave a striking proof of his discernment. The rich 
 vein of talent concealed under an unpromising surface, did 
 not escape his penetration, and the humble soldier was unhe¬ 
 sitatingly promoted. “ O’ervaulting ambition” does not 
 appear to have been a defect to which Taico was subject. 
 His advancement was rapid, though gradual: step by step, 
 as his merits developed themselves in succession. At length 
 he obtained a separate command, and in an incredibly short 
 space of time, was recognized as one of the most skilful gene¬ 
 rals in the Empire. His patron, the Seogoun, now reaped 
 the fruits of his discernment; and Taico zealously strove to 
 repay his Sovereign the favours he had received from him. It 
 was owing to his skill and valour, that the cause of Nobounanga 
 was maintained against a host of powerful opponents, whose 
 exertions were devoted to thrust him from power. But though 
 powerful against hosts, Taico was unable to restrain indivi¬ 
 dual malice. Nobounanga fell beneath the blade of an 
 assassin : leaving, as his successor, a grandson, a youth pos¬ 
 sessed of little influence and less talent. 
 
 Presently, on the death of Nobounanga, the most disaf¬ 
 fected, turbulent, and ambitious, constituting the largest pro- 
 
 1 According to Charlevoix, Titsingh sajs “ Saroutsoma ", or “ Monkey 
 Face". 
 
NOTES. 
 
 147 
 
 portion of the Princes and Nobles of the land, flew to arms: 
 contending among themselves for the seat of power. For a 
 time, anarchy reigned triumphant; hut at length Taico, who 
 had been fighting the battles of his late Sovereign in a distant 
 part of the land, arrived, by a succession of rapid marches, 
 at the scene of action; and, falling suddenly on the con¬ 
 tending parties, put their forces to the rout, and their dreams 
 of ambition to flight. The leader of a numerous and well- 
 disciplined army, which under his generalship had proved 
 invincible : supported by devoted followers unwilling to sub¬ 
 mit to any authority but his: Taico felt his power, and in¬ 
 stalled himself the successor of Nobounanga. 
 
 The superiority of the Mikado was at first acknowledged 
 by the new Segoun, but the subjection w as a trammel to which 
 he did not long submit. After a few months had elapsed, he 
 declared himself independent and absolute. Irresistible in 
 might and skill, he crushed every attempt at opposition; and 
 ruling the Princes and Nobles with a rod of iron, he reduced 
 them to a state of abject submission. Adding policy to force, 
 he declared war against Corea, which in the lapse of ages 
 had regained its independence; and despatched a force of 
 200,000 men for the reconquest of that country. 1 In this 
 army, the most dangerous characters in the Empire were 
 absorbed. Few of the leaders returned to their native land, 
 
 1 The first conquest of Corea was effected during the reign of Dsiu 
 Guuck Woo Gu Oo, who at the age of thirty years was left a widow, and 
 succeeded her deceased husband as Dairi, a.d. 201. Assuming the com¬ 
 mand of the army, this martial lady passed over the straits, and despite 
 of a vigorous resistance, succeeded in effecting a landing in Corea; where 
 she fought many battles with signal success, and laid the foundation for 
 the conquest of the country; although being required to retire prema¬ 
 turely to Japan on account of her pregnancy, she was prevented from 
 witnessing the final success of her arms. Living to the age of one hun¬ 
 dred years, the reign of this heroine was unusually protracted; and, accord¬ 
 ing to the annals of the country, it was no less glorious. At her death, 
 she was “ related” among the camis, or gods, with the honorary title of 
 Kassi no Dai Mio Sin. 
 
148 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OE JAPONIA. 
 
 and the few who did return were not in a condition to excite 
 any apprehension, on the part of the Sovereign, for the peace 
 of the Empire. So far successful, he proceeded to devise 
 means by which the turbulent spirits in the realm might be 
 kept in subjection for the future. The measures he adopted 
 remain part of the policy of Japon to the present day, and 
 have proved most efficient. As a legislator, as well as war¬ 
 rior and politician, Taico also distinguished himself. He 
 introduced laws which bear the impress of great severity, but 
 they were necessary to meet the exigencies of the times, and 
 were adapted to the temper of the people: which at that 
 period, whatever it may be now, is represented to have been 
 “ no less fiery and changeable, than the neighbouring sea is 
 stormy and tempestuous.” [ Kcempfer .] When introduced, 
 these laws produced the most beneficial results, and, being 
 judiciously administered, are not less efficacious in the pre¬ 
 sent day. 
 
 Magnificence and profusion were two of the leading cha¬ 
 racteristics of this Seogoun; but as he taxed the aristocracy, 
 and left the people unburthened with imposts, the plebeian 
 part of his subjects were well content that he should indulge 
 in expensive wars, which contributed, in their estimation, 
 to the glory of the nation; and also in the exhibition of 
 gorgeous spectacles, which were no less gratifying to them, 
 than agreeable to their Sovereign. 
 
 The renown of Taico was not confined within the limits of 
 the Empire. It extended to China, and was acknowledged 
 in Europe. His alliance was courted both by the Emperor 
 of the former region, and by the King of Spain. In reply 
 to the overtures of an Ambassador despatched by the Viceroy 
 of the Spanish Indies, by command of the King of the 
 mother-country, the Segoun gave the following brief account 
 of his career : “ The kingdom of Japon”, he says, “ contain- 
 eth above sixty states, or jurisdictions, which from long time 
 had been sorely afflicted with internal broils and civil w T ars; 
 
NOTES. 
 
 149 
 
 by reason, that wicked men, traitors to their country, did 
 conspire to deny obedience to their sovereign lord. Even in 
 my youth did this matter grieve my spirit, and from early 
 days I took counsel with myself how this people might best 
 be made subject to order, and how peace might be restored 
 to the kingdom. That so mighty a work might be brought 
 about, I especially essayed to practise these three virtues which 
 follow. Therefore I strove to render mvself affable to all men, 
 thereby to gain their good-will: I spared no pains to judge 
 all things with prudence, and to comport myself with dis¬ 
 cretion : nothing did I omit to do that might make men 
 esteem me for valour of heart and fortitude of mind. Now, 
 by these means, have I gained the end I sought. All the 
 kingdom is become as one, and is subject to my sole rule. 
 I govern with mildness, that yields only to my energy as a con¬ 
 queror. Most especially do I view with favour the tillers of the 
 ground; they it is by whom my kingdom is filled w ith abun¬ 
 dance. Severe I may be deemed; but my severity is visited, 
 alone, on those who stray into the paths of wickedness. Thus 
 hath it come to pass, that at this present, peace universal 
 reigns in the Empire; and in this tranquillity consisteth the 
 strength of the realm. Like to a rock, which may not be 
 shaken by any power of the adversary, is the condition of 
 this vast monarchy under my rule.” 
 
 Taico Sama is not to be charged with over-estimating his 
 own merits. In his representation, he is corroborated by 
 Kcempfer. That staunch Protestant observes : “ The ambi¬ 
 tion and insolence of the princes of the empire was succes¬ 
 sively grown to such a height, that at last it became almost 
 impossible for the ecclesiastical emperors to restrain and 
 control them. In vain did they for four ages together send 
 the crown generals against them, at the head of numerous 
 armies. And yet this great ivork was brought about by Taico 
 in about ten years’ time , not so much indeed by force of arms , 
 as by his prudent conduct and good management Testimony, 
 
150 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 not less conclusive, to the merits of Taico Sama, is also borne 
 by Charlevoix; and he derived his information entirely from 
 Catholic sources. In a style of admirable candour, the 
 learned Jesuit gives the following review of this Seogoun’s 
 reign. “ Never”, he says, a was Japon better ruled than 
 under Taico; and the condition of the country at that period 
 affords a proof, that the Japonese, as well as most other 
 nations, only require to be subject to a man who knows how 
 to govern, to conduct themselves peaceably and obediently. 
 Vice was punished : virtue was rewarded: merit was acknow*- 
 ledged ; and occupation was found for the restless, or they 
 were coerced into quietness. Excepting the persecution of the 
 Christians, in which, however, the Emperor exhibited a degree 
 of moderation hardly to be expected from a man of his cha¬ 
 racter, no just complaint can be urged against his govern¬ 
 ment. It is true, he was not an object of affection; but he 
 was feared and admired.” 1 Moreover, the traditions of the 
 
 1 In another place, Charlevoix observes : “ It cannot be denied, that 
 with Taico commenced that terrible persecution which even now makes 
 the Christian world recoil with horror. But of upwards of 200 mis¬ 
 sionaries, and 1,800,000 converts in Japan, during his reign, he put to 
 death not more than twenty-six or twenty-seven ; and he did not, in 
 these cases, have recourse to any of those extraordinary cruelties, by 
 which his successors were signalized. If his motives for condemning 
 these parties to death be scrutinized, it will be evident they were not of 
 a sanguinary nature. I cannot then perceive how he can justly be repre¬ 
 sented as one of those cruel tyrants that delight in shedding blood, or as 
 a ferocious and untameable beast. Such expressions might perhaps be 
 excused in a letter from some zealous missionary, written in the bitter¬ 
 ness of disappointment, at witnessing the destruction, for ever, of his 
 hopes of raising the Kingdom of God on the ruins of Idolatry. But an 
 historian, who is accountable to the public for the truth of his narration, 
 should cast aside passion, as well as prejudice.” [Hist, du Japon , tom. 3, 
 pp. 245-46. Paris, 1754.] The latter portion of these remarks appear to 
 be directed against M. Caron, at one time attached to the Dutch factory, 
 who represents Taico to have been a second Tiberius. M. Caron had 
 been foiled by the Emperor in some commercial speculations, which, 
 could he have carried out, would have benefited the Dutch, though at 
 the expense of the Japonese. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 151 
 
 country seldom fail to do justice to the memory of a sove¬ 
 reign, whether meriting applause or reprobation. To the 
 present day, the name of Taico Sama is revered throughout 
 Japon; and his actions continue to be the theme of admira¬ 
 tion. [ Kcempfer. Charlevoix. “ Nipon o Dai , by Titsingh and 
 Klaproth .”] 
 
 NOTE X. 
 
 (Lie IPrtoj) Council anU Udate ©Sucre;* 
 
 The following List of the High Officers of State in the 
 Empire of Japon, appears in an “ Inuentorye of the presents 
 given by the English and Hollanders, in comp a to the 
 Emperor of J apon, and others his Lords and Gentry, at his 
 courte in Eado, the 14 of Oct. 1620.” 
 
 LORDS OF THE COUNSELL. 
 
 i. Doyono Couoi Dono \fTono } or Lord\ Chancelor of his 
 
 Ma ties kingedome. 
 
 ii. Fondo Corbeque Dono. Ex-chancelor; but nowe im- 
 
 ployed by his Emperours Ma tie in all waightie matters 
 tuchinge the State. 
 
 hi. Sacay Ota Dona. One of his Ma ties Counsell, and next 
 in place to the forenamed Couoidono, although in a 
 lower ranke. 
 
 iv. Ando Truxima Dono. One of his Ma tie Counsell, and 
 in place and authoritie cquall vnto Sacay Otadono. 
 
 v. Itami Quinosnque Dono. Bcinge as Counsell and rent- 
 master to the Emperour’s Ma tie ; also the charge of 
 all the Emperour’s goods and such like, 
 
 vi. Matiudoro demon Dono. One of the sixe Lords of his 
 Ma ties Counsell. 
 
 The chancellor and ex-chancellor entertained each two 
 
152 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 secretaries : tlie other members of the Counsell each one 
 secretary. 
 
 OFFICERS AND INFLUENTIAL PERSONAGES. 
 
 Chayano Xirosiro Dono. One very familliar with the Em¬ 
 peror; and hath the charge for hringeinge of all strangers 
 before the Emperour, and taketh care for their present [quick] 
 dispatch. 
 
 Itaque Suuo Dono. High Judge and Euler of the Cittie 
 of Meaco. 
 
 Ytagura Yga Dono. Late high Judg of Meaco, and father 
 to him that is no we. 
 
 Caruye Dono. One that keepeth the Emperour^s chapes 
 [chops, ordinances , or orders]. 
 
 Miruno Quennoecu Dono. He which sealeth all the chapes 
 before the Emperour. 
 
 Muqai Xoguen Dono. The Lord Admirall of Japon. 
 
 The latest information on this subject is the following: 
 “ The numbers of the council of state are differently given 
 by different writers ; but the best authority ( Siehold ) makes 
 them thirteen—to wit, five councillors of the first class, uni¬ 
 formly selected from the princes of the empire, and eight of 
 the second class, similarly selected from the nobility: if their 
 offices cannot be termed actually hereditary, as there occa¬ 
 sionally seems reason to think them. Other ministers are 
 mentioned, who do not appear to be comprehended in the 
 Council: there are the temple lords, who seem to be laymen, 
 though the actual regulators of all religious matters; and 
 the two ministers, called by some writers, commissioners for 
 foreign affairs, by others, lieutenants of police, or heads of 
 the spies.” 1 
 
 1 “ Manners and Customs of the Japonese in the Nineteenth Century ,” 
 (pp. 202-3). London, 1841. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 153 
 
 NOTE Y. 
 
 &bc ©dermal PrtotlccrcG;. 
 
 The following document is printed from the official copy, 1 
 of which a facsimile is introduced in the text, p. 67. There 
 is a version printed in “ Purchas his Pilgrims ”, vol. i, lib. iv, 
 p. 376. London, 1624. There is another version printed in 
 the “ Minutes of Evidence”, appended to the “ Report of the 
 Select Committee of the House of Commons on Commercial 
 Relations with China , 1847”; but it is not to be com¬ 
 mended for its fidelity. Alluding to these “ Privileges”, 
 a witness on the 18th of May 1847, stated to the Committee : 
 “ I have discovered in the British Museum a copy of that 
 treaty JTn the native character], a translation of which I beg 
 to give in.” In answer to the question, “ How has the 
 treaty been translated?” the same witness replied: “The 
 translation is along with the original in the British Museum .” 
 The witness should have explained, that the only f original 3 
 in the library of the British Museum, is a typographical fac¬ 
 simile, introduced by Purchas, in the Narrative given by 
 Captain Saris of his proceedings in Japon [ Pilgrims , vol. i, 
 p. 375]; and which is to be found in other book-collections 
 
 besides the National Librarv. 
 
 «/ 
 
 'STljc ^Translation of tlje Emperor of Japan’s 
 
 I COOS: granted in the name of the right honoured 
 knight, Sir Thomas Smith, Governor of the 
 East India Company. 
 
 Imprimis. —We give free license to the king of England's 
 subjects, Sir Thomas Smith, Governor, and Company of the 
 East India Merchants, for ever: safely to come into any our 
 
 1 E. I. Mss. Japon Series. 
 
 X 
 
154 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OE JAPON1A. 
 
 ports, or Empire of Japan, with their ships and merchandize, 
 without hindrance to them, or their goods; and to abide, 
 buy, sell, and barter, according to their one [? own ] manner 
 with all nations; and to tarry so long as they will, and 
 depart at their pleasure. 
 
 3Itcnt.—We grant unto them free cust [oms] of all such 
 merchandize as they have, or hereafter shall bring into our 
 kingdom, or shall transport to any foreign part; and do by 
 these presents authorize the hereafter ships to make present 
 [immediate] sale of their commodities, without further com¬ 
 ing, or sending to our court. 
 
 Item.—If their ships shall be in danger to be lost and 
 perish, we will that ye, our subjects, not only assist them, 
 but [? if] aught shall be saved, to return it to the captain, 
 merchant, or their assigns; and that ye permit them to build 
 in any part of our Empire where they think fittest; and at 
 departure to make free sale of their house, or houses, at their 
 pleasure. 
 
 Item.—If any of them shall die in these our dominions, 
 the goods of the deceased shall be at the disposal of the 
 Captain Merchant; and all offences committed by them, 
 shall be at the said merchants discretion to punish; and our 
 laws to take no hold, either of their persons, or goods. 
 
 $tcm.—We will, that ye our subjects, trading with them 
 for any of their commodities, pay them according to agree¬ 
 ment without delay, or return of their wares. 
 
 ktem.—All such their merchandize which at present, or 
 hereafter shall be brought meet for our service, we will, that 
 no arrest be made thereof; but that present [ immediate] 
 payment be made, and at such prices as the Captain Mer¬ 
 chant can at present [at that time ] sell them for. 
 
 litem.—We will, that [? if] in discovery of any other 
 places of trade, or return of their ships, they should have 
 need of men or victuals, that ye, our subjects, furnish them 
 for their money as their need shall require; and that with 
 
NOTES. 
 
 155 
 
 out any further pass, they should set out and go in dis¬ 
 covery for Yeadzo \Yessd], or any other part in or about our 
 Empire. 
 
 Jprom our CDnStk fit ^oorongo, this first day of the 9th 
 month, and in the 18th year of our Dary \_Da'irf \, 
 according to our computation. 
 
 Senlch with our broad seal , 
 MINNA MOTTONO YE1 YE YEAS. 1 
 
 NOTE Z. 
 
 1616. 
 
 COPY OF TEE ARTICLES (OR PRIVILEGES) GRANTED 
 TO TILE ENGLISH NATION , BY SHONGO 
 SAMME: EMPEROR OF JAPON. 
 
 1. Be it known unto all men, that the English nation 
 throughout all Japon, in what part thereof soever they arrive 
 with their shipping, shall with all convenient speed (they 
 can) retire to the town (and port) of Firando, there to make 
 sale of their merchandize, defending all other places and 
 parts whatsoever in Japon, not to receive any of their goods 
 nor merchandize ashore, but at Firando only. 
 
 2. But if it fortune through contrary winds (or bad 
 weather), their shipping arrive in any other port in Japon, 
 that they shall be friendly used, in paying for what they take 
 (or buy), without exacting any anchorage, custom, or other 
 extraordinary matters whatsoever. 
 
 3. That if the Emperour needeth any thing their shipping 
 
 i MINN AMO TTO-NO- YE YE- YASO U, i.e. 
 
 Minnamotto: a distinctive appellation, similar to a Christian name. 
 
 No: copulative, or introduced for the sake of euphony. 
 
 Yeye-Yasou [also written Jejas ] : the family name. 
 
 Titsingh, “ Illustrations of Japon”. 
 
158 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 bringeth, that it shall he reserved for him in paying the 
 wor \th there~\ of. 
 
 4. That no man force (or constrain) the English to buy 
 nor sell with them, neither the English the like with the 
 Japons, but that both parties deal the one with the other in 
 friendly sort. 
 
 5. That if any of the English nation chance to die in any 
 part of Japon, that the goods, monies, and merchandize, or 
 whatsoever else is found to be in his custody at the hour of 
 his death, shall be held to be [?], or belong to him (or them), 
 unto whom the Captain, or Captain Merchant of the Eng¬ 
 lish nation, sayeth it belongetli unto. 
 
 6. That if there be any difference (or controversy)—be it 
 of life and death, or otherwise—amongst the English a board 
 their ships, or a land, it shall be at the disposing of the Cap¬ 
 tain, or Captain Merchant, to make an end thereof, without 
 that any other justice in Japon shall touch them, or meddle 
 in the matter. 
 
 7. The conclusion is, to command all tonos (or kings), 
 governors, and other officers in Japon whatsoever, to see the 
 premises aforesaid accomplished. [E. I. Mss .] 
 
 The good faith maintained by the government of Japon in 
 regard to the disposal of the effects of deceased Englishmen, 
 will have been rendered apparent by the arrangement con¬ 
 nected with the property of William Adams, already noticed. 
 Similar good faith in connexion with the provision contained 
 in the sixth article of the “ Privileges”, will also appear in 
 the following extracts; which also exhibit some interesting 
 and curious traits of English character in that age. 
 
 EXTRACT I. 
 
 1621. July 7th. 
 
 The Admerall, Captain Robert Adams , with the rest of 
 
NOTES. 
 
 157 
 
 the Commanders, came ashore to the English liowse at 
 aratnmext of Firando, and satt in Councill about the 
 
 JNO. ROAN, FOR 
 
 m\ rtiier. murthering of a Hollander, called John 
 
 Peterson, by an Englishman, viz.: 
 
 Robt. Adames. . 
 
 Charts Clevenger. 
 
 Edmund Lennis. \ SEA MEN. 
 Jno. Monden. 
 
 Arnold Browne. 
 
 Joseph Cokram.\ 
 Wm. Eaton. 
 Edmund Sayer. >■ 
 Jno. Osterwick. 
 Ric. Cock. 
 
 ENG. 
 
 MERCH. 
 
 With M. Vauoc , a Hollander, whoe spoke English, to be 
 interpreter, or heare what 4 Duclimen aledged against 
 John Roan, the mvrtherer of Jno. Peterson: whoe all 4, 
 with viva voce, accused the said Roan to doe the acte in 
 their sight, and stabed hym into the leafte brest and soe 
 to the hart (with a knife), that he never spoke word, but 
 fell downe dead; the wounde, after being seen and serched 
 by M. Owen and M. Eaton, chirugions, whoe saw the 
 corps taken out of growne \pround\ 3 daies after it was 
 buried. 
 
 The Jurie empaneled were named as follow, viz.: 
 
 Robert Tubervill, Foreman. \ 
 
 William Morgon. 
 
 John Goulding. 
 
 Ric. Watts. 
 
 John Humphrey. 
 
 Ed. Bates. 
 
 Tho. Harod. 
 
 Bartholomew Ale. 
 
 Galliard Gvner. 
 
 Phillip Obrebank. 
 
 Roger Burdock. 
 
 Wm. Legg. 
 
 And the names of men witnessing against Roan, viz.: 
 
 John Ave, an Englishman. 
 
 ELIZABETH . 
 
 I PALSGRA UE. 
 
 MOONE. 
 
 BULL. 
 
158 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 Derick Harmonson, a Duchman. 
 
 Evert Lubbertson, Duchman. 
 
 Jno. Johnson, Duchman. 
 
 Jno, Henrickson, Duchman. 
 
 Yozemon Dono, a Japon, in whose howse it was 
 done, at Cochie. 
 
 1621. July 9th. 
 
 This day, John Roan, of Bristoll, marrenar, was con¬ 
 demned by the xij. men before nomenated, for A MAN 
 killing John Peterson, a Duchman; and hanged HANGED - 
 at the yard arme ahord the shipp Elizabeth. He confessed 
 before his death, that he kild the said man, being in drink, 
 and not knowing what he did, wishing all the shipp’s com¬ 
 pany to take example by hym, and to beware of woamen 
 and wyne, which had brought hym to that vntymely 
 death. He died very resolutely, and received the sacra¬ 
 ment by M. Arthur Hatch [Preacher ], before he went to 
 execution. 
 
 Capt. RobU Adams was forsed to put the roape about 
 his neck with his owne hands, for non of the shipp’s com¬ 
 pany would doe it, yf he should hange them; and soe 
 tould hym to his face. 1 
 
 EXTRACT II. 
 
 1621. September 27th. 
 
 We are geven to vnderstand, Richd. Short and other 
 Englishmen are rvn away to the enemy \the Portuguese ], 
 at Nangasaq. 
 
 ,, October 1st. 
 
 Aluaro Munos came to Firando and tells me Richard 
 Short was staied at Nangasaq, at his first arivall, for a 
 Padre; but after released when they knew whoe he was. 
 
 ,, October 3rd. 
 
 A bark of Japons being sent after the rvnawaies with 
 
 1 Diary of Capt. Richard Cock. E. I. Mss. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 159 
 
 speed, overtook them, and kept them from proceeding for¬ 
 ward, till M. Sayers came after. Soe they brought back 
 vj. men rvnawaies. viz.: 
 
 Edward Harris , boteswaine. 
 
 Thomas Gilbert. 
 Christopher Butbee. 
 Alexander Hix. 
 John Vnderwick. 
 Wm. Harris. 
 
 -of Pep cor ns men. 
 
 - of the Bulls men. 
 
 And the master of the bark which caried them away is 
 taken prisoner, with an other Japon of Nangasaq, that 
 entised them to rvn away, and the King of Firando will 
 put them both to death, as is reported. 
 
 1621. October 8tli. 
 
 This day were arrayned vj. English rvnawais, most of 
 them being duble rvnawais and som fellons, and therefore 
 by generall consent, according to marshall [ martial '] law, 
 condemned all to be hanged : 3 of them being of the 
 Bulks men, and the other 3 of the Peperconks men, as 
 doth apere the 3 day of this month of October, when they 
 were retorned. And one James Martyn, accused by som 
 to be the author of this misclieefe, he being a Scotsman, 
 and fownd to be a cheefe bellows blower and sterrer vp of 
 all mvtanies heretofore, soe the Admerall Robt. Adams 
 sent a comition out to aprehend hym, and bring hym 
 ashore, and soe put hym in prison to answer for hym 
 selfe. 
 
 „ October 9t,h. 
 
 The Admerall Captn. Adams , with all the comanders 
 and merchants, saving my selfe and M. Osterwick , went 
 to Cocliie to see the execution of the condemed men ; and 
 4 of them were executed. 1 
 
 1 Diary of Captain Richard Cock. E. I. Mss- 
 
160 
 
 THE KYNGHOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 Here followeth the ARRAYNEMENT of the OFFENDERS, 
 
 and the JUDGMENT of the COUNCELL. 
 
 ®tf)ercas, vppon the 5th of this present month of October, 
 we vnderstood of six mareners belonging to the sliipp Pep- 
 percorne and Bull; namely, Edward Harris, Boateswaine, 
 Thomas Guilbart, Alexander Hix, Christopher Badbe, Wm. 
 Harris, and Luke Vnderwick; had hired a Japon bote of 
 Cochie, and were runn away towards Nangasaque, vnto the 
 Portingals, who are our mortall ennimies in all they can pre- 
 vaile against vs. 
 
 therefore made all dillegence possible, and sent after 
 them, and tooke them before they came to there apoynted 
 place, and brought them back to Pfirando prisoners. 
 
 OTficrcforr, this present 8th of October, yt plesed the 
 Wor 11 Robart Adams to assemble his priuate Councell at the 
 English ffactory, in Ffirando, together with the merchants of 
 the said ffactory, and other honnest men whome he plesed to 
 admit of from the shipps: who beinge all met together, the 
 Wor 11 Robart Adams caused the prisoners to be sent for, and 
 examened them one after another : what was there intent 
 and meninge when they run away, and who perswaded them 
 there vnto, and what was there greuances: whether they 
 wanted other meat, or drinke, or any other necessaries, or 
 were abused by there comanders. Vnto which they answered 
 in generall, as per there particuler examenation, that they 
 wanted nether meat nor drinke, nether had beene any waies 
 abused by there comanders, but that the cheefe occation of 
 there rnninge to the Portingals was, they were enticed there 
 vnto by a Portingall servant of Nangasaque, who went from 
 Coche with them in the bote, and is lykewise taken with 
 them, and remanith as yet our prisoner. 
 
 Hauinge taken eury of there examinations aparte, they 
 were returnd againe to the preson liowse : and by comande of 
 
NOTES. 
 
 101 
 
 the Wor u Capt. Adams, there [their | examinations was red oner 
 againe vnto his Councell and the rest there present: desiring 
 them all to weigh and conseder reightly of the fackt which 
 they had comitted; and what danger might liaue befallen vs 
 yf they had not beene prevented of there wicked designes. 
 For first, we cannot liould them to be better then trators to 
 our most gratius kinge and cuntre, by runnynge vnto the 
 ennimy to betray his ma ties shipps and subieckts into there 
 hands, and raisors of mutany in the highest degre, seekinge 
 by all possible meanes the ouertlirowe of our voyage by 
 there runninge away and seducinge others there vnto: espe- 
 tiolly beinge here in a cuntry far remote from England, and 
 all redy [already] in want of men : and none of this cuntry 
 people admitted to seme in our shippinge, by procuration of 
 our enymie to the contrarie. All which beinge duly considered 
 together, with the power of my comission granted under our 
 moste gratius kinges brode scale of England, deliuered vnto 
 me in force by our honourable imployers for executinge of 
 justice, and martiall law, vppon deseruinge offenders, which 
 at present inviteth me to put in execution, the better to line 
 in pece and good gouernment with the rest; therefore, nowe 
 for the better executinge of justice vppon these aforesaid 
 offenders, I, Robart Adams, requiar the assistance of you all 
 here present, freely and truly, as God Almighty shall guide 
 your harts, to consedar seriously of the fackt comitted, and 
 accordingly to deliuer in your wardickt: whether you shall 
 find them guilty of detli for the fackt comited or not, which 
 in my oppinion can noe waies be guiltlesse, but liaue 
 deserued punishment in the highest degree. 
 
 'CHje aforcsaii) prcmmcscs hauinge beene duly considered, 
 and discussed vppon by vs all in generall here present, we 
 find that the foresaid offenders, Edward Hands, Thomas 
 Guilbart, Christopher Badbe, Wm. Harris, Alexander Hix, and 
 Luke Vnderwick, for there [their] foresaid wicked and vngodly 
 fackt comitted, liaue, according to the lawes of God and our 
 
 Y 
 
162 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 cuntry, deserued, and are by vs found guiltie of deth, to be 
 inflicted vppon them; and for better execution thereof, we, 
 whose names are herevnto subscribed, doe freely giue our 
 consents to the wor 11 our Comander, Captaine Robart Adams, 
 to pronounce the sentance of deth vppon the foresaid offend¬ 
 ers ; and that they receue accordingly present execution. 
 
 Wherevppon, the Wor 11 Robart Adams pronounced the 
 SCtttcUUt Of dctf) vppon the foresaid Edward Harris, Thomas 
 Guilbart, Christopher Badbe, Wm. Harris, Alexander Hix, and 
 Luke Vnderwick, to be hanged vntil they should be ded at 
 the maine yeard arme of the shipp they belonged vnto. 
 
 (Mjjtrfb accordingly, this present day of the date hereof, 
 IS CXCClltcd vppon fower of the principall offenders; namely, 
 Edward Harris, Thomas Guilbart, Wm. Harris, and Alexan¬ 
 der Hix; and for the other two, by name Christopher Badbe, 
 and Luke Vnderwick, yt hath pleased Captaine Robart Adams, 
 with the free consent of his priuate Councell, to repriue, and 
 for present giue them their lines, hopinge the example of 
 justice executed vppon the other fower will breede a terror 
 and feare in the harts of all others to comitt the lyke offence, 
 which God of His mercie grant. 
 
 Actum the 9th of October, in the English howse at 
 Firando, in Japon. 
 
 bi 
 
 Richard Cock. 
 Wm. Eaton. 
 John Osterwick. 
 
 Wm. Morgan. 
 Rich. Watts. 
 Robt. Tuberuile. 
 Wm. Gordon. 
 
 
 1. Robart Adams. 
 
 2. Charles Cleuenger. 
 
 3. Edmonde Lennis. 
 
 5. Joseph Cockram. 
 
 6. Mathew Morton. 
 
 4. John Munden. 
 
 7. Arnold Browne. 
 
 \ 8. Christopher Bogan? 
 
 a. Members of the Factory. 
 
 b. Probably some of the “ honest men . . . from the shipps.” 
 
 c. Captains of vessels : 1. Moon; 2. Palsgrave; 3. Elizabeth; 4. Evil; 
 5 to 8. Cape Merchants of the above ships. 
 
 1 E. I. Mss. Japon Series. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 163 
 
 It is to be remarked, that as far as Japon was concerned, 
 the maritime sendee at this period was in a state of fearful 
 disorganization: the English, however, better by some de¬ 
 grees than the Dutch. Drunkenness and debauchery were 
 rampant. Insubordination a-land and mutiny a-float pre¬ 
 vailed. Robbery, rape, and murder, occurred incessantly. 
 In his Diary, Captain Cock records numerous instances of 
 the above offences, and complains repeatedly and bitterly, not 
 only of the disgraceful proceedings on the part of the crews, 
 but of the dissolute conduct of the officers, together with the 
 want of judgment shewn in selecting them. So early as the 
 17th January, 16]®, after detailing one or two heinous cases, 
 he observes: (t There are others in these shipps of the best 
 sort (next to the masters), that are extreme drunkards, and, 
 to say the truth, give occation to other yongsters to do worse. 
 I will not name them: they will shew thewselves to the 
 world. And it were better to geue duble wages to well 
 quallified men, then to set such a work for nothing. And it 
 is to be supposed that they are well knowne to be such 
 before they came out of England, and that their frends being 
 glad to be rid of them, send them out, hoping these long 
 voyages may make an end of them. I might say as much of 
 some yongsters of good parentage; but I loue not to be a 
 blab of my tong, lest I should haue no thank for my labor: 
 as it may be, I shall haue but littell for this which now 
 I doe.” 
 
 The following account of a Dutch execution affords a 
 strong contrast to that of the Englishman, described, in the 
 first of the preceding extracts. On the 6th of August, 1621, 
 Captain Cock observes: “ This day before nowne, the Hol¬ 
 landers did behead Jno. Johnson von Homberg , for killing 
 M. Avery [Purser’s mate of the Elizabeth], five or six 
 Englishmen standing by at the doing thereof (they having 
 first made the man so drunk, that he could scarce stand 
 
164 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OE JAPONIA. 
 
 vpon his leggs), and cut affc his head within their own 
 howse.” 1 
 
 NOTE A A. 
 
 jFatc of tlje ©rndtsf) iFactorp at Jirantio. 
 
 As some interest may he felt in the matter, the result of 
 the English adventure to Japon will he given, preceded by a 
 brief review of the state of commerce at the time of the 
 arrival of the Clove. 
 
 As far as can be ascertained, the Spaniards imported 
 broad-cloths from Nova Spania , and spices from other parts. 
 The Portuguese from some places imported spices, and from 
 Macao, china goods. The Butch, from Holland, imported 
 broad-cloths, purchased in England, lead, steel, looking- 
 glasses, Dantzic flask-glasses, amber, diapers, and Holland 
 cloth; from Patania, damasks, taffeties, velvets, satins, a red 
 wood used for dyeing, resembling Brazil wood, deer skins, 
 and spices. 
 
 The demand for various articles, and the prices they 
 brought in the market, were, as far as they can be gleaned, 
 as follow", viz.: 
 
 1°. Broadcloth. With this commodity the market proved 
 to be over-stocked. A quality which had cost <£16 the 
 cloth, about thirty-two yards English, was selling for £8 the 
 matt, a native measure equal to about 2J yards. This was 
 deemed a low price; and to prevent further depreciation, in 
 consequence of the additional supply brought into the mar- 
 
 1 Abhorson. Look you, the warrant's come. 
 
 Barnadine. You rogue, I have been drinking all night, and I am 
 
 not fitted for’t. 
 
 Duke. A creature unprepar’d, unmeet for death ; 
 
 And to transport him in the mind he is, 
 
 Were damnable. 
 
 Measure for Measure. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 165 
 
 kct by the English, Captain Saris endeavoured to effect an 
 arrangement with the Dutch factor, calculated to propor¬ 
 tion the sale to the demand. The Dutchman, however, 
 excused himself, on the ground of his not being autho¬ 
 rized by his superiors to enter into an arrangement of the 
 description proposed; and, the next morning, in order to 
 forestall the English, that functionary shipped off a great 
 quantity of cloth to the adjoining islands, to be disposed of 
 at what are termed “ base rates”, viz.: at <£4, £3:12, and 
 <£3:4, the matt. The price of broad-cloth, however, was 
 low, through other causes than the quantity in the market. 
 The demand was limited, because the Japonese “as yet were 
 so addicted to silks, that they did not enter into the consi- 
 deration of the benefit of wearing cloth.” 1 This distaste of 
 the natives of Japon for cloth, is corroborated by Captain 
 Saris, but he attributes the circumstance to a different 
 cause. He observes, the Japonese were backward in pur¬ 
 chasing that commodity, on account of the little use made 
 of it by the English. When pressed to buy, he represents 
 them to have argued thus : “You commend your cloth vnto 
 vs, but you yourselues weare least thereof, the better sort of 
 you wearing silken garments; the meaner, fustians, etc.” 
 And little contemplating the change which, in process of 
 time, would be effected in the material of our national cos¬ 
 tume, he adds : “ Wherefore, hoping that good counsell 
 (though late) come to some good purpose, I will that our 
 nation would be more forward to vse and spend this naturall 
 commodity of our owne countrey. Soe shall we better in¬ 
 courage and allure others to the intertainment and expenses 
 thereof.” 2 
 
 2°. Steel was in little request, and averaged from £3 :15, 
 
 1 Richard Cock to the Gouernour of the Company , dated 30 November, 
 
 1613. E. I. Mss. 
 
 2 All the broad-clotli purchased by the Japonese, appears to have been 
 expended in horse coverings, and in cases for arms. 
 
160 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 to twenty crowns the pecul, equivalent to one hundred and 
 twenty-five pounds English. 
 
 3°. Ordnance was barely saleable at 30s. the pecul. 
 
 4°. Calicos, and fine Cambaia goods, in little demand, on 
 account of the quantity of cotton produced in Japon, and its 
 cheapness, viz.: ten mas (5s.) the pecul. 
 
 5°. Pepper and cloves, likewise, were not used extensively, 
 and the market was, moreover, over-stocked. The former 
 was selling at 5d. per lb., sometimes for less, but never ex¬ 
 ceeding 6d. per lb. The latter entailed loss. 
 
 The list of exportable commodities is exceedingly meagre. 
 In the year 1612, it appears the Dutch vessels sailed from 
 Japon “ deeplie laden with fishe, biskit, monicions [? muni¬ 
 tions of war], marreners, sojores [soldiers], and the like.” 
 But circumstances must be peculiar to render an investment 
 of this description advantageous to the exporters, and such 
 was the case at the period in question. The Dutch were 
 engaged in active warfare with the Spaniards in the Molluc- 
 cas, and the exports above specified were of essential impor¬ 
 tance to them in a political and a military point of view, 
 though, perhaps, not commercially beneficial. 
 
 To the above-named articles, Captain Saris specifies some 
 others of little importance; but his expectations were either 
 hastily formed, or founded on imperfect information, and 
 proved in effect fallacious. Certain it is, that although the 
 Clove remained at Japon a period sufficient to have taken in 
 a full cargo, the vessel sailed “ unladen”. * 
 
 The interchange of commodities was not, however, the 
 principal inducement to the adventure. The fact was noto¬ 
 rious, that the Spaniards and Portuguese had obtained enor¬ 
 mous quantities of the precious metals in return for mer¬ 
 chandize. 1 The resources of Japon, in respect to gold and 
 
 1 The exact amount of treasure conveyed out of Japon by the Euro¬ 
 pean traders, will perhaps never be ascertained ; but some idea may be 
 formed from the following items culled from Kcempfer; and it must be 
 
NOTES. 
 
 167 
 
 silver, were believed to be nearly inexhaustible; and strong 
 hopes seem to have been entertained, that from the Empire, 
 ample supplies of specie might be drawn in aid of the newly 
 established trade with the East Indies, by which England, 
 from whence the supplies in question had hitherto been 
 drawn, would be relieved from an inconvenient drain. 
 
 Unfortunately, however, neither that nor any other anti¬ 
 cipation was realized. The Japonese proved exceedingly 
 fickle in their tastes, rejecting at one time what they had on 
 a previous occasion eagerly sought after; so that no little 
 difficulty was experienced in the selection of articles suitable 
 for importation. Experience shewed, moreover, that they 
 esteemed most highly goods which the English were not in 
 a position to supply to any extent: while their indisposition 
 to purchase what the English could supply plentifully, con¬ 
 tinued without abatement. Sales of the English staples 
 
 borne in mind, these transactions have reference to a period when the 
 export of specie had been restricted by the Government, and when the 
 trade of the Portuguese and Dutch was on the decline. 
 
 Portuguese. —In one year, date not ascertained, there £. Stg. 
 were exported 100 Tuns of Gold - - - 875,000 
 
 1636: Exported 2350 Chests of Silver - 587,500 
 
 1637: - .- 535,591 
 
 1638: --------- 314,756 
 
 2,312,847 
 
 Dutch. —One year, date not ascertained, 80 Tuns of 
 Gold = £. Stg. 700,000 ; and 1400 Chests of 
 
 Silver = £. Stg. 450,000 ----- 1,150,000 
 
 From 1611 to 1641, or thirty years, average rate of 
 export per annum, 60 Tuns of Gold — £. Stg. 
 
 500,000 .- - - 15,000,000 
 
 Also, 1400 Chests of Silver — £. Stg. 450,000 - 13,500,000 
 
 And 6000 Chests of Copper, value not given - - . 
 
 29,650,000 
 
 Total, £. Stg. 31 , 962 , 847 . 
 
168 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAP ON I A. 
 
 were consequently limited, and the profit on tlie portion 
 actually sold, was reduced to a minimum , by tlie system of 
 underselling, originally resorted to by the Dutch on the 
 arrival of the English, and persisted in by them to the last. 
 Officers of influence in the state also proved venal. The 
 Dutch lavishly disbursed the ample means at their command 
 in bribes, greatly to their own benefit and to the propor¬ 
 tionate disadvantage of the English, whose limited means 
 prevented them from competing with their rivals in expen¬ 
 diture. But the Dutch found a method of indemnifying 
 themselves for the loss entailed on them by underselling, and 
 by the heavy sums they disbursed in bribes. They had recourse 
 to a system by which the English were further depressed. 
 They unscrupulously attacked and plundered both English 
 and Chinese vessels, whenever opportunities occurred; and the 
 produce of their piratical proceedings they unblushingly 
 brought into market, and sold as openly as if it had been 
 obtained by legitimate purchase, at exceedingly low, but 
 very profitable rates. Further, the great distance of Japon 
 from England : the want of a commanding intermediate 
 station : the imperfect state of navigation ; and the reckless 
 interference with the trade by a competitor, not less an 
 enemy because wearing the mask of friendship, rendered 
 intercourse with the factory uncertain. Ships were delayed, 
 wrecked, captured, and plundered. Supplies were, conse¬ 
 quently, irregular: sometimes superabundant : sometimes, 
 when most needed, looked for in vain. Then unsuitable 
 consignments would arrive: or suitable consignments were 
 received in so bad a condition as to be unsaleable. As if 
 these obstacles to success were not sufficient, the Privileges 
 originally granted to the Company by Qgoslio Sama, were 
 curtailed by Shongo Sama, his successor, to a serious extent. 
 Moreover, being apprehensive of evil on account of the 
 quantity of specie drawn from Japon, the new Emperor took 
 measures to prevent the unlimited exportation of the pre- 
 
109 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 cious metals from the country. And, finally, the native 
 traders becoming jealous of the favour shewn to the foreign 
 merchants, sought and obtained immunities for themselves : 
 by which they were empowered to buy whatever they chose, 
 at such times, and at such prices, as suited their conve¬ 
 nience. 
 
 Under this accumulation of adverse circumstances, it can¬ 
 not be considered extraordinary that the Adventure to Japon 
 proved a total failure. Such was the case, after upwards of 
 <£40,000 had been uselessly expended. But though com¬ 
 mercially unsuccessful, the English preserved their character 
 in the Empire without impeachment. Worthy Captain Cock, 
 with his associates, retired from Japon in 1623, honoured by 
 the esteem of the higher classes: blessed and regretted by 
 the humble in condition. 
 
 NOTE B B. 
 
 JHaberp tit 2fapon* 
 
 Slavery in the Empire of Japon is different from that pre¬ 
 vailing in the Western-hemisphere. The person of a party, 
 male or female, may be sold under certain circumstances, or 
 a party may sell his, or her, service for a stipulated period, 
 for a sum of money which may be agreed on, and which 
 must be paid down at once in the gross. On the expiration 
 of the stipulated period, the party is free to dispose of his, or 
 her, person again. Masters have power over the lives of 
 their slaves, if they commit offences which by the law are 
 punishable with death; but if a man should kill his slave 
 for any cause that the law does not deem worthy of death, 
 the offender is adjudged guilty of murder, and subjected to 
 the penalty of the crime. 
 
 z 
 
MEMORIALS OF JAPON. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 SUMMARY OF A NARRATIVE BY HIS EXCELLENCY DON RODRIGO DE 
 VIVERO Y VELASCO, GOVERNOR GENERAL OF THE PHILIPPINE 
 ISLANDS, OF HIS RESIDENCE IN THE EMPIRE : 
 
 a.d. 1608 - 1610 . 
 
SUMMARY, ETC. 1 
 
 In the year 1608, Don Rodrigo de Vivero y Velasco/ the 
 Governor General of the Philippines, was shipwrecked on 
 his return to Spain, and cast upon the coast of Japan^ 
 
 Don Rodrigo's vessel struck upon a reef off the coast of 
 Niphon, in about latitude 35J°: the crew, with himself, 
 reached the shore on parts of the wreck totally destitute, 
 and not knowing where they were cast, whether on a conti¬ 
 nent or an island. They soon found the country to he 
 Japan; and as Don Rodrigo had shown much kindness to 
 two hundred natives of that country, in confinement in the 
 Philippine islands when he became governor, whom he libe¬ 
 rated and conveyed home, he concluded that, as the event 
 proved, the emperor would avail himself of the opportunity 
 to requite the obligation. 
 
 Amongst the crew of the Spanish vessel was a Japanese 
 Christian, who soon discovered that they were near a small vil¬ 
 lage called Yu Banda, whither they proceeded. It contained 
 about 1,500 inhabitants, and was dependent upon one of the 
 inferior nobles, who, nevertheless, had many vassals, several 
 towns and villages, and lived in a strong fortress. The 
 people of the village, when they learned the disaster of the 
 
 1 This summary is reprinted, with permission, from the Asiatic Journal 
 of July 1830 ; the endeavours made to trace the original work referred 
 to, having proved fruitless. The interest of many of the details will pro¬ 
 bably be accepted as an apology for the form in which they are commu¬ 
 nicated.—J[. 
 
 2 This personage was a favourite of Anne, the wife of Philip II. lie 
 filled several important posts, in which he distinguished himself; and on 
 the death of Don Pedro d’Acuna, he obtained the place of governor and 
 captain-general of the Philippines.— Ed. A. J. 
 
174 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OE .TAPONIA. 
 
 party, evinced much compassion, and the females shed tears. 
 They gave them clothing and food (consisting of rice, pulse, 
 and a little fish), and sent word to the tono , or lord, who 
 desired that the party might be well treated, but not suffered 
 to remove. 
 
 In the course of a few days, the tono paid a visit to Don 
 Rodrigo, in great pomp, preceded by three hundred men, 
 bearing banners, most of them armed with lances, harque- 
 busses, and halberds. The ceremony of visiting was con¬ 
 ducted with great form; an officer, announcing the tono's 
 arrival at the village, and another his nearer approach, etc. 
 The tono saluted Don Rodrigo with great politeness, by a 
 motion of his head and hand, much in our own manner, and 
 placed him on his left, the sword-side, and therefore the post 
 of honour and confidence. He made Don Rodrigo a variety 
 of presents, took upon himself the expense of the subsistence 
 of the whole party, and allowed two Spanish officers to pro¬ 
 ceed to court, to communicate to the emperor and the prince 
 royal the details of the case. 
 
 Jeddo [Edo], where the prince royal resided, was forty 
 leagues from the village; and Zuuunga [Sorongo ], the residence 
 of the emperor, was about forty leagues further. The envoys 
 returned in twenty-four days with an agent of the prince, who 
 brought compliments of condolence from the emperor, and 
 permission for Don Rodrigo to visit the courts of his majesty 
 and the prince. All the property that could be saved from 
 the wreck belonged to the crown, but it was given up to the 
 Spaniards. 
 
 The first place on their route to Jeddo was a town named 
 Hondak, containing from 10,000 to 12,000 souls. Don 
 Rodrigo entered an inn, bnt the tono insisted upon his 
 residing with him. He dwelt in a fortress situated on a 
 height, and surrounded by a ditch fifty feet deep, passed by 
 a draw-bridge. The gates were of iron, the walls of solid 
 masonry, eighteen feet high, and the same in thickness. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 170 
 
 Near the first gate, one hundred musketeers stood under 
 arms, and between that and the second gate, which opened 
 through a second wall, were houses, gardens, orchards, and 
 rice-fields, for the subsistence of the garrison. The dwelling- 
 rooms of the castle were of wood (owing to the number of 
 earthquakes), exquisitely finished, and elegantly adorned with 
 a profusion of gold, silver, varnish, etc. At dinner, the tono 
 carried to his guest the first dish, agreeably to Japanese 
 etiquette towards a person whom it is desired to honour : 
 the repast consisted of flesh, fish, and various kinds of excel¬ 
 lent fruit. 
 
 Nothing worthy of notice was observed during the rest of 
 the journey, except the immensity of the population, which 
 kept the strangers in perpetual wonder. They were every¬ 
 where well received, lodged, and treated. 
 
 Previous to entering Jeddo, several gentlemen of the city 
 met Don Rodrigo, requesting him to accept their hospitality; 
 but he had been advertised that the prince had prepared a 
 house for his reception. He entered the city amidst a crowd 
 so dense, that the officers of police were obliged to force a 
 way for the Spaniards : notwithstanding, Don Rodrigo re¬ 
 marks, the prodigious width of the streets in comparison 
 with ours. The report of their arrival attracted such multi¬ 
 tudes, that for the eight days of his first residence at Jeddo 
 the party had no rest. A guard was at length placed in the 
 house, and a placard, posted by the magistrate, prohibited 
 the populace from molesting the travellers. He thus de¬ 
 scribes the city: 
 
 “ Jeddo contains 700,000 inhabitants, and is traversed by 
 a considerable river, which is navigable by vessels of mode¬ 
 rate size. By this river, which is divided in the interior into 
 several branches, the inhabitants are supplied with provi¬ 
 sions and necessaries, which are so cheap, that a man may 
 live comfortably for three-pence a day. The Japanese do 
 not make much wheaten bread, though what they do make 
 
176 
 
 THE KYNGD0ME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 is excellent. The streets and open places of Jeddo are very 
 handsome, and so clean and well kept, that it might he ima¬ 
 gined no person walked in them. The houses are of wood, 
 and mostly of two stories. The exterior of them is less im¬ 
 posing than of ours, but they are infinitely handsomer and 
 more comfortable within. All the streets have covered gal¬ 
 leries, and are occupied each by persons of the same trade ; 
 thus, the carpenters have one street, the tailors another, the 
 jewellers another, etc., including many trades not known in 
 Europe. The merchants are classed together in the same 
 way. Provisions are also sold in places appropriated for 
 each sort. I remarked the market where game is sold: 
 there was a vast quantity of rabbits, hares, wild boars, deer, 
 goats, and other animals, which I never saw before. The 
 Japanese rarely eat any flesh but that of game, which they 
 hunt. The fish-market is immense, and extremely neat and 
 clean. I observed more than a thousand different kinds of 
 fish, sea and river, fresh and salt. Large tubs contained 
 besides a vast quantity of live fish. The inns are in the 
 same streets, adjoining those where they let and sell horses, 
 which are in such number, that the traveller who changes 
 horses, according to the custom of the country, every league, 
 is only embarrassed where to choose. The nobles and great 
 men inhabit a distinct part of the city. This quarter is dis¬ 
 tinguished by the armorial ornaments, sculptured, painted, 
 or gilt, placed over the doors of the houses. The Japanese 
 nobles attach much value to this privilege. The political 
 authority is vested in a governor, who is chief of the magis¬ 
 tracy, civil and military. In each street resides a magistrate, 
 who takes cognizance, in the first instance, of all cases, civil 
 and criminal, and submits the most difficult to the governor. 
 The streets are closed at each end by a gate, which is shut 
 at nightfall. At each gate is placed a guard of soldiers, with 
 sentinels at intervals; so that if a crime is committed, notice 
 is conveyed instantly to each end of the street, the gates are 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 177 
 
 closed, and it rarely happens that the offender escapes. 
 This description is very applicable to all the other cities in 
 the kingdom.” 
 
 Two days after arrival of Don Rodrigo, the prince sent his 
 secretary, whose name (or rather title) was Conseconduno, to 
 invite Governor General to visit him. He accordinglv pro¬ 
 ceeded to the prince's residence, which he represents as an 
 astonishing place. He says: “1 should think myself fortunate 
 if I could succeed in affording an exact idea of all the wonders 
 I saw there, as well in respect to the material of the edifices 
 at this royal residence, as to the pomp and splendour of the 
 court. I think I may affirm, that from the entrance to the 
 prince's apartment, there were more than 20,000 persons, 
 not assembled for the occasion, hut constantly employed and 
 paid for the daily service of the court.” 
 
 The principal wall which encloses the palace, he says, is 
 composed of immense blocks of free-stone, put together 
 without cement, with embrasures, at equal distances, for 
 artillery, of which there is no small quantity. At the foot 
 of this wall is a very deep wet ditch; the entrance is by a 
 drawbridge of a peculiar and extremely ingenious construc¬ 
 tion. The gates were very strong. Don Rodrigo passed 
 through two ranks of musketeers, about one thousand strong, 
 to the second gate in the second wall, about three hundred 
 paces from the other. Here was stationed a body of four 
 hundred lancers and pikemen. A third wall, about twelve 
 feet high, was guarded by about three hundred halberdiers. 
 At a short distance from this wall was the palace, with the 
 royal stables, containing three hundred saddle horses, on 
 one side, and the arsenal, filled with armour and arms for 
 100,000 men, on the other. 
 
 The first apartment of the palace was entirely covered with 
 rich ornaments, carpets, stuffs, velvet, and gold. The walls 
 were hung with pictures representing hunting subjects. 
 Each apartment excelled the preceding in splendour, till he 
 
 A A 
 
178 
 
 THE KYNGD0ME OE JAPONIA. 
 
 readied that in which the prince was seated on a superb 
 carpet of crimson velvet, embroidered with gold, placed upon 
 a kind of alcove, raised two steps, in the centre of the apart¬ 
 ment. He wore a green and yellow snrtont over two of the 
 vests called quimones, and a girdle, in which were stuck his 
 dagger and sword. His hair was tied up with ribbons of dif¬ 
 ferent colours, without any other ornament on his head. He 
 was about thirty-five years of age, of a brown complexion, a 
 pleasing figure, and good height. Don Rodrigo was con¬ 
 ducted to a seat on the left hand of the prince, who desired 
 him to be covered, and conversed with him upon indifferent 
 subjects. 
 
 Four days after, our traveller set off to Zurunga, on a 
 visit to the emperor. The population was immense; several 
 towns below the rank of cities, contain upwards of 100,000 
 inhabitants, and in the one hundred leagues from Meaco to 
 Zurunga, a village occurs every quarter of a league. “ On 
 whichever side the traveller turns his eye, he perceives a 
 concourse of people passing to and fro, as in the most popu¬ 
 lous cities of Europe; the roads are lined on both sides with 
 superb pine-trees, which keep off the sun; the distances are 
 marked by little eminences planted with two trees.” Our 
 traveller declares he was so pleased with Japan, that “if 
 he could have prevailed upon himself to renounce his God 
 and his king, he should have preferred that country to his 
 own.” 
 
 Zurunga contains from 500,000 to 600,000 inhabitants. 
 The climate is more agreeable than that of Jeddo, but the 
 city is not so handsome. A residence, with every conveni¬ 
 ence, was provided for Don Rodrigo here as at Jeddo, and 
 the mob was equally troublesome. The emperor sent a 
 secretary to compliment him on his arrival, with a present of 
 rich dresses, which he desired him to wear. In about a 
 week, our traveller was presented to the emperor. The inti¬ 
 mation came from his majesty, for Don Rodrigo had been 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 179 
 
 advised not to express any wish, to this effect. He was con¬ 
 veyed in an elegant litter to the palace, which was in a for¬ 
 tress like that at Jeddo. He was conducted in a similar 
 manner through the various apartments, his eyes being daz¬ 
 zled with the splendour of the furniture; hut in some par¬ 
 ticulars there seemed rather more pomp at the prince's 
 court. There was more power at the residence of the em¬ 
 peror, but, at the same time, more indications of fear. In 
 the ante-chamber of the emperor’s apartment, a crowd of 
 ministers attended our traveller, among whom was a conse- 
 conduno , who felicitated him upon his being permitted to 
 look upon the august face of the sovereign, adding, however, 
 that although a rich noble would regard it as an eminent 
 favour to regard the emperor at one hundred paces’ distance, 
 prone on the earth, without a word being addressed to him 
 by his Majesty, yet he (Don Rodrigo) might, according to 
 his own notions, fancy that his reception was cold and formal. 
 Don Rodrigo perceived the drift of this speech, and replied 
 with much address, that his own monarch. King Philip, was 
 the greatest and most potent sovereign in the universe; that 
 though kings were not expected to relax their dignity before 
 their own subjects, there was good state reason why they 
 should be affable towards those of other princes; that, as 
 the servant of a powerful sovereign, what was conceded or 
 withheld would be to his king, not to himself; that, as a 
 private individual, he had already much to be grateful for to 
 the emperor, but as the representative of King Philip, no dis¬ 
 tinction conferred upon him-could be too great. 
 
 This took Conseconduno by surprise. He slapped his 
 forehead with the palm of his hand, and begged the traveller 
 would remain till he had communicated with the emperor. 
 In half an hour he returned, and stated that his highness 
 intended to honour him in a manner hitherto unparalleled, 
 and which would excite universal astonishment throughout 
 the empire. 
 
180 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPOX1A. 
 
 “ I followed the minister, who conducted me into the pre¬ 
 sence of the sovereign, whom I saluted. He was in a kind 
 of square box, not very large, hut astonishingly rich. It was 
 placed two steps above the floor, and surrounded, at four 
 paces’ distance, by a gold lattice-work, six feet high, in which 
 were small doors by which the emperor’s attendants went in 
 and out, as they were called from the crowd, on their hands 
 and knees around the golden lattice. The monarch was en¬ 
 circled by nearly twenty grandees, ministers, or principal 
 courtiers, in long silk mantles, and trowsers of the same 
 material, so long that they entirely concealed the feet. The 
 emperor was seated upon a kind of stool, of blue satin, worked 
 with stars and half-moons of silver. In his girdle he wore a 
 sword, and had his hair tied up with ribbons of different 
 colours, hut had no other head-dress. His age appeared to 
 he about sixty; he was of the middle stature, and of a very 
 full person. His countenance was venerable and gracious; 
 his complexion not near so brown as that of the prince.” 
 
 The emperor, after receiving the traveller’s salutation, 
 inclined his head a little, and desired him to he seated and 
 covered. After some conversation, in the course of which 
 the prince said he intended to bestow upon Don Rodrigo 
 more favour than he could expect from his own sovereign, 
 our traveller prepared to retire; but the emperor desired him 
 to retain his seat, telling him he could not permit his visit 
 to be so short, and that he should he present at the presen¬ 
 tation of some nobles to whom he was about to deign to be 
 visible. Accordingly a tono of high rank, who brought pre¬ 
 sents in gold, silver, and silk, worth more than 20,000 ducats, 
 was introduced; at a hundred paces from the throne, he 
 prostrated himself with his face to the ground, and remained 
 in this posture for several minutes in perfect silence, neither 
 the emperor nor either of the ministers vouchsafing a word : 
 he then retired with his suite, amounting to 3,000 persons. 
 Other introductions took place, and Don Rodrigo was per- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 181 
 
 mitted to retire on a promise that he would make any requests 
 he chose to the emperor, two ministers attending him to the 
 third apartment, where other great officers escorted him with 
 great ceremony out of the palace. 
 
 At a visit he paid to the conseconduno, or prime minister, 
 where he was treated with a magnificent collation and exqui¬ 
 site wine (the host drinking his health by placing the glass 
 upon his head), Don Rodrigo gave him a note, translated into 
 Japanese, of his requests. They were three in number; first, 
 that the royal protection might he granted to the Christian 
 priests of different orders who then resided in the empire, 
 that they might have the free disposal of their houses and 
 churches, and not be molested; secondly, that amity might 
 continue between the Emperor and the King of Spain; and 
 lastly, that, as an evidence of that friendship, the emperor 
 would not permit the Dutch (who had, about this time, in¬ 
 troduced themselves here) to reside in his territories, hut 
 would drive them out: adding that, besides their being ene¬ 
 mies to Spain, their malpractices on the sea, and piracy, ought 
 to be sufficient to induce the emperor to refuse them a retreat 
 and shelter in the Japanese dominions. The minister com¬ 
 municated the note to the emperor, and on the following day 
 reported his answer, after the usual ceremonies, and a colla¬ 
 tion, which always precedes business in Japan. The minister 
 stated that his majesty was highly pleased with the note, 
 desiring his courtiers to remark that Don Rodrigo had asked 
 nothing for himself, but, though destitute, had limited his 
 requests to the service of religion and his king. He granted 
 them all except the expulsion of the Hollanders. “That,” 
 said his majesty, “will be difficult this year, as they have 
 my royal word for permission to sojourn in Japan; but I 
 thank him for letting me know what characters they are! ” 
 His majesty offered the Spaniard a vessel furnished with all 
 necessaries for his return; and begged him to request King 
 Philip to send to Japan fifty miners, men he understood 
 
182 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIA. 
 
 were very skilful in extracting silver in New Spain, because, 
 those in Japan did not procure half the silver the mines were 
 capable of yielding. 
 
 Don Rodrigo soon after set out, on his return, to take ship 
 in the province of Bungo. From Zurunga to Meaco, nearly 
 100 leagues, the country was mostly level, and very fertile. 
 Several considerable rivers were crossed in ferry-boats, which 
 were capable of containing a great number of men and horses, 
 and which cross by means of a strong cable stretched from 
 from one bank to the other. The cities and towns were nu¬ 
 merous, large, well built, and prodigiously populous. Abund¬ 
 ance reigned everywhere, and provisions were so cheap, that 
 the poorest could purchase them. In the whole of the journey, 
 he says, he “ never passed a town or village of less population 
 than 150,000 souls.” That of Meaco he fixes, from various 
 data, at 1,500,000 : he considers it the largest city in the 
 world. 
 
 Meaco is situated upon a plain highly cultivated. Its walls 
 are ten leagues in circuit, which our traveller certifies from 
 actual observation, having rode round them on horseback; 
 he set out at seven in the morning, and did not reach the 
 point of departure till night. At this city resides the Dai’ri. 
 
 Meaco is governed by a viceroy appointed by the emperor; 
 his jurisdiction does not extend beyond the canals which sur¬ 
 round the city ; he has no authority in the cities of Faxima, 
 Sacay, and Osaka, which are very considerable, and situated 
 at a short distance from Meaco. The court of the governor 
 of Meaco is almost as sumptuous as that of the emperor; he has 
 six vice-governors under his orders. His excellency was very 
 communicative to Don Rodrigo, and told him that the city 
 contained 5,000 temples, and more than 50,000 public women. 
 He showed him the tomb of Taicosama, in a magnificent 
 temple, the daibu [ Daibod ], an idol of bronze, and a superb 
 building which contains the statues of all the gods of Japan. 
 These sights consumed three days, owing to the distance of 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 183 
 
 the different objects from each other. The da'ibu, he says, 
 is worthy of being classed among the wonders of the world. 
 Its dimensions rendered him mute with astonishment. “ I 
 ordered”, he says, “ one of my people to measure the thumb 
 of the right hand of the idol, and I perceived that, although 
 he was a man of large size, he could not embrace it with his 
 two arms by two palms. But the size of this statue is not 
 its only merit: the feet, hands, mouth, eyes, forehead, and 
 other features, are as perfect and as expressive as the most 
 accomplished painter could make a portrait. 1 When I visited 
 this temple it was unfinished; more than 100,000 workmen 
 were daily employed upon it. The devil could not suggest 
 to the emperor a surer expedient to get rid of his immense 
 wealth.” The tomb of Taicosama is magnificent. The author, 
 like a good Catholic, deplores the dedication of such an edi¬ 
 fice to the remains of one “ whose soul is in hell for all eter¬ 
 nity.” The entrance is by an avenue paved with jasper, 400 
 feet by 300. On each side, at equal distances, were posts of 
 jasper, on which are placed lamps, lighted at night. At the 
 end of the passage is the peristyle of the temple, ascended by 
 several steps. On the right hand is a monastery of priests. 
 The principal gate is encrusted with jasper, and overlaid with 
 gold and silver ornaments skilfully wrought. The nave of 
 the temple is supported by lofty columns and pilasters. 
 There is a choir, as in our cathedrals, with seats and a grating 
 all round. Male and female choristers chant the prayers, 
 much in the same manner as in our churches; and the cos¬ 
 tume of the former put our traveller in mind of that of the 
 prebends of Toledo, except that the train of their robe was 
 excessively long, and their caps were much wider at top than 
 at bottom. Four of these priests accosted him, and gave him 
 
 1 This representation is confirmed by the details given in the Diary of 
 Captain Cock ; and by the statements made by Keempfer. Tiie dimen¬ 
 sions will also be found in the “ Nipon o Dai,” translated by Titsingh, 
 edited by Klaproth; and published by the Asiatic Society of London, 
 1834.—5T-. K 
 
184 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OE JAPONIA. 
 
 much uneasiness, apparently, by conducting him to the altar 
 of their “ infamous reliques”, surrounded with an infinite 
 number of lamps. The number of persons, their silence and 
 devotion, surprised him. After raising five or six curtains, 
 covering as many gratings of iron or silver, and the last of 
 gold, a kind of chest was exposed, in which were contained 
 the ashes of Taicosama: within this sacred enclosure none 
 but the chief priest could enter. All the Japanese present 
 prostrated themselves; but our traveller quitted this “ ac¬ 
 cursed spot”, and proceeded, accompanied by the priests, to 
 see their gardens, which were more tastefully laid out, he 
 says, than those of Aranjuez. “The Japanese”, he continues, 
 “ use, like us, holy or rather unholy water, and chaplets 
 consecrated to their false gods, Jaca and Nido, which, more¬ 
 over, are not the only ones they worship; for there are no 
 less than thirty-five different sects or religions in Japan. 
 Some deny the immortality of the soul, others acknowledge 
 divers gods, and others adore the elements. All are tolerated. 
 The bonzes of all the sects having concurred in a request to 
 the emperor that he would expel our monks from Japan, the 
 prince, troubled with their importunities, inquired how many 
 different religions there were in Japan? ‘Thirty-five*, was 
 the reply. ‘ Well/ said he, f where thirty-five sects can be 
 tolerated, we can easily bear with thirty-six: leave the stran- 
 gers in peace.* ” 
 
 The pantheon was the largest building he had yet seen in 
 Japan ; it contained 2,600 gilt bronze statues of gold, each 
 in his own tabernacle decorated with emblems. The revenues 
 of this temple are immense, and the expenditure for the 
 priests proportionate. 
 
 From Meaco our traveller proceeded to Faxima [Fushima\ 
 at a very short distance, where the sovereigns of Japan 
 resided prior to the reigning monarch, who removed to Zu- 
 runga. The streets of Faxima are narrower than those of 
 other cities in Japan, but this ancient capital is equal to any 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 185 
 
 in magnificence. Here lie embarked for Osaka, ten leagues 
 lower down the river, which is as large as the Guadalquivir 
 at Seville, and was full of vessels. Osaka contains near a 
 million of inhabitants; the houses are commonly of two 
 stories. It is built close to the sea, which washes it walls. 
 
 At Osaka he embarked on a junk for Bungo, the route to 
 Nangasaki, where there was then a Portuguese establish¬ 
 ment. 
 
 Finding the vessel he had intended to take a passage in 
 not in proper repair, Don Rodrigo accepted an invitation 
 from the emperor to return to Zurunga, where he renewed 
 his endeavours to persuade the prince to expel the Dutch; 
 but without effect. After procuring sundry concessions from 
 the emperor, and receiving presents and dispatches for the 
 King of Spain, he set sail (from what port is not mentioned) 
 on the 1st August, 1610, after a stay of nearly two years in 
 Japan. 
 
 Don Rodrigo has appended to his narrative some remarks 
 upon the character and customs of the Japanese. He says 
 the men are addicted to drunkenness and incontinence; the 
 number of public women is very great. Japanese wives, he 
 says, are exemplary; scarcely an instance is known of their 
 infidelity. They live rigorously secluded even from their 
 fathers, brothers, and sons; and when they go out to pay 
 visits, or to the temples, they are carried by servants in a 
 sort of cage. 1 
 
 The Japanese are very industrious, ingenious, and expert: 
 they are clever at invention and imitation. 
 
 The municipal government is excellent. The internal po¬ 
 lice is admirably regulated : the chiefs and the subalterns are 
 animated with the same zeal and intelligence. The streets 
 
 1 The women, as well as the men, are conveyed frequently in cangos , 
 or norrimons , a species of palanken. The seclusion of the women is not 
 only not corroborated, but is contradicted, by the statements of other 
 writers.—UT. K. 
 
 B B 
 
186 
 
 THE KYNGDOME OF JAPONIC. 
 
 are kept very neat; it is tlie same with the interior of every 
 house, even of the meanest artizan. 
 
 Rice is the ordinary food of the people; but wheat grows 
 well in the country. Cotton is cultivated abundantly in the 
 province of Bogu; they manufacture it into fabrics for the 
 dress of the people. The grandees are clothed in stuffs of 
 silk, which is obtained entirely from China, it being of better 
 quality than their own. Their weapons are of extraordinary 
 strength and temper, and they are much prized among them. 
 A Japanese could cleave a man in two with one of their 
 swords. They ridicule the extraordinary value we attach to 
 diamonds and rubies, considering the worth of a thing to 
 consist in its utility. 
 
 The nobles of Japan are fond of pomp and a retinue; they 
 never go out unattended by a vast suite, and exact from 
 their inferiors the same respect they themselves pay to the 
 emperor. 
 
 Pride, arrogance, and a resolution which is almost carried 
 to ferocity, are the distinctive traits of the Japanese of all 
 classes. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 RICHARDS, PRINTER, 100, ST. MARTINS LANK. 
 
DIRECTIONS FOR THE BINDER. 
 
 The Map, to face Title-page 
 
 The Autograph of Captain John Saris 
 
 
 
 PAGE 
 
 - 46 
 
 The Autograph of William Adams 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 57 
 
 The Original Privileges granted a.d. 1613 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 67 
 
 The Autograph of Richard Cock, etc. 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 75 
 
 The Modified Privileges granted a.d. 1616 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 83 
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 Page 177, line 4 from top of page, between after and arrival, 
 insert the . 
 
 -line 6 from top of page, between invite and Governor , 
 
 insert the. 
 
EE POET FOE 1849. 
 
 It is with pleasure that the Council of the pjaklllgt 
 is enabled this year to lay before its Members a more satis¬ 
 factory report of the Society’s condition and prospects than 
 it has hitherto been in a position to do. During the two 
 first years of the Society’s existence, it could only afford to 
 print two volumes in each year : a small return, in respect 
 of quantity, for the guinea subscription of each member. 
 The Council are happy in being able this year to announce 
 that they are prepared (as will he shown by the statement 
 of the Society’s accounts hereafter to be mentioned) to give 
 the Subscribers of 1849 three volumes instead of two. The 
 causes of this improvement may be briefly stated as follows : 
 
 1. The Society has become, in course of time, better known; 
 and its Members have increased since the last report from 
 246 to 276. This increase would have shown much greater 
 but for the retirement of several Members, who were not 
 content to foster the infancy of the Society. It should 
 however be stated, that, in quoting the above numbers, the 
 East-India Company, only counted as one, take twenty 
 copies, and the Admiralty two. Many of the new Members also, 
 being desirous of possessing the entire series of the Society’s 
 publications, have paid up their subscriptions for the previous 
 years. 
 
 2. At the death of the late much-respected Mr. Rodd, 
 who had been the Society’s agent from the commencement 
 of its existence, it was found that the pressure of his business 
 had induced him to entrust the affairs of the Society to others 
 in his establishment, by whom they have been seriously 
 neglected, and the interests of the Society as a natural 
 consequence proportionably injured. The agency was there¬ 
 fore transferred in May 1849 to the hands of Me. Richards, 
 who, being the printer of the Society, has an interest in its 
 welfare, and who, having the management of one or two 
 
2 
 
 Other similar societies, is accustomed to the duties of such 
 agency, and attends to them with diligence. 
 
 It may be well likewise to mention, that the expense of 
 hiring a room for the meetings of the Society, although a 
 trifle, is now saved to the Society by the voluntary offer by 
 Mr. Richards of the use of a room in his house for such 
 purpose, by which arrangement also the whole management 
 of the Society’s affairs is brought under one roof. 
 
 The Council have at the same time the happiness to believe 
 that whatever were the causes of the slow progress of the 
 Society during the years 1847 and 1848, inferiority in the 
 works produced, either with respect to the subjects selected, 
 or the manner in which thev have been edited, is not to be 
 reckoned among them. All the criticisms, public or private, 
 which have come under the notice of the Council, have been 
 of a most satisfactory and encouraging character. 
 
 During the last year, a most interesting collection of 
 papers, entitled, “ Narratives of early Voyages towards the 
 North-West, in search of a passage to Catliaia and India, 
 from 1446 to 1631, was delivered to Subscribers in 1849. 
 This important volume, edited by Mr. Rundall, has excited 
 great attention, and has doubtless contributed largely towards 
 the reputation and success of the society during the past year. 
 
 This work was followed by the publication of a previously 
 unpublished manuscript in the British Museum, written by 
 William Strachey, the first Secretary of our colony in 
 Virginia, in which a large addition is made to our knowledge 
 of that colony, its natives, and its resources. The volume 
 also contains a detailed account, never before given to the 
 world, of the founding of the colony at Saghadelioc : the 
 first attempt at the colonization of New England. 
 
 Another work is in the course of preparation, as has been 
 already stated, for the Subscribers of 1849. This is Hakluyt’s 
 u Divers Voyages, touching the Discovery of America, and 
 the Islands adjacent to the same.” This volume, originally 
 printed in 1582, was the first of Hakluyt’s publications, and 
 is of extreme rarity. It is a work deserving the most careful 
 editing, and this task has been undertaken by J. Winter 
 Jones, Esq., of the British Museum. The amount of care 
 
3 
 
 which this volume requires, will be received, it is hoped, as 
 a satisfactory reason why it has not yet appeared; and, in 
 justice to Mr. Jones it must be said that the Council was not 
 in a position to place it in his hands till the close of the year 
 1849. The following works also are in course of preparation, 
 and will be published as early as the Society’s funds shall 
 afford the means of producing them. 
 
 1. A Collection of early documents on Japan, with a 
 Commentary, by Thomas Rundall, Esq. 
 
 The East India Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton in 1604-5. 
 From the rare edition of 1606. To be edited by Bolton 
 Corney, Esq. 
 
 Relation of such things as were observed to happen in the 
 Journey of Charles, Earl of Nottingham, Ambassadour to 
 the King of Spaine, 1605. With additions. To be edited 
 by W. B. Rye, Esq., of the British Museum. 
 
 A Collection of early Documents, to form a Supplement 
 to the Narrative of Voyages towards the North-West, by 
 T. Rundall, Esq. 
 
 Vartliema.—The Travels of Ludovico de Varthema, in 
 Egypt, Syria, Arabia, Persia, India, and Ethiopia, in 1503-8. 
 To be translated from the Italian text of 1510, by W. 
 Desborough Cooley, Esq. 
 
 Rerum Muscoviticarum Commentarii. The earliest Ac¬ 
 count of Russia, by Sigismund von Ilerberstein, to be 
 translated from the rare editions of 1549 and 1556, by R. H. 
 Major, Esq. 
 
 From this statement, it will be manifest that no impedi¬ 
 ment exists on the score of work or able workmen. The 
 only desideratum is increased zeal among the Subscribers 
 generally to exert themselves on behalf of a Society, whose 
 intention and productions have invariably met with encou¬ 
 ragement from those whose attention has been drawn to 
 them; and if such exertion be only used, it must result in 
 enabling the Council to make the Members a highly satis¬ 
 factory return, not merely in quality, but in quantity also. 
 
 The following six Members retire from the Council: 
 
 The Rev. W. Whewell, D.D. 
 
 Major-Gen. J. Briggs 
 
4 
 
 The Rev. H. H. Milman 
 R. Monckton Milnes, Esq., M.P. 
 
 The Marquess of Northampton 
 Andrew Smith, Esq., M.D. 
 
 And in their stead the following are recommended for elec¬ 
 tion, viz. 
 
 The Earl of Ellesmere 
 
 The Lord Alfred Spencer Churchill 
 
 The Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of St. David’s 
 
 The Rt. Hon. the Lord Advocate of Scotland 
 
 The Hon. Henry E. J. Stanley 
 
 Thomas Hodgkin, Esq., M.D, 
 
 Statement of the Accounts of the Society for the year 1849. 
 
 £. 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 
 £. 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 Balance in Bankers' hands, 
 
 
 
 London Library for Rent .... 
 
 5 
 
 0 
 
 0 
 
 May 5, 1849 . 100 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 Messrs. R. and J. Taylor for 
 
 
 
 
 Received since . 278 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 Printing.. 
 
 44 
 
 16 
 
 2 
 
 Received in petty cash from 
 
 
 
 Mr. Richards for Printing .. 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 0 
 
 Mr. Cooley... 0 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 Transcriptions ... 
 
 12 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 M aps . 
 
 26 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 Spalding and Hodge for Paper 
 
 21 
 
 10 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 
 Advertisements . 
 
 10 
 
 , 5 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 Copperplates, and Drawing 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Proofs of Illustrations .... 
 
 1 
 
 9 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 
 Refunded to late Secretary as 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 overpaid . 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 
 Iron Box, Stationery, Postage 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Stamps, and Sundries .... 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 Cash in hand. 
 
 2 
 
 15 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 Balance in Bankers' hands . 
 
 236 
 
 12 
 
 4 
 
 £379 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 £379 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 Examined and certified by us, 23rd February, 1850. 
 
 T. CROFTON CROKER. 
 JOHN BARROW. 
 
 Against this balance in favour of the Society is to be set 
 £177 :15 : 8 due to Mr. Richards for printing, and £6 : 9 due 
 to Messrs. Spalding and Hodge for paper. These bills, when 
 paid, Mould, as will be seen, nearly exhaust the funds now in 
 the bankers’ hands. There remains, however, uncollected 
 from Subscribers variously for the years 1847-8-9 about j£ 100, 
 and these sums will be applied for when the requisite appli¬ 
 cation is made by the collector for the subscriptions of 1850. 
 
THE 
 
 HAKLUYT SOCIETY. 
 
 33 resident. 
 
 SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, G.C.St.S., F.R.S., 
 Corr. Mem. Inst. Fr., Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St. Petersburg, &c., &c. 
 
 'Fice^restlients. 
 
 Vice-Admiral SIR CHARLES MALCOLM, Kt. 
 The EARL OF ELLESMERE. 
 
 Council 
 
 Rear-Adml. Sir F. BEAUFORT, K.C.B. 
 CHARLES T. BEKE, Esq., Phil. D.,F.S.A. 
 Capt. C. R. D. BETHUNE, R.N., C.B. 
 
 The Lord ALFRED S. CHURCHILL. 
 
 W. D. COOLEY, Esq. 
 
 BOLTON CORNEY, Esq., M.R.S.L. 
 
 The Right Rev. Lord Bishop of ST. 
 DAVIDS. 
 
 Sir HENRY ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S. 
 
 JOHN FORSTER, Esq. 
 
 R. W. GREY, Esq., M.P. 
 
 THOMAS HODGKIN, Esq., M.D. 
 
 JOHN HOLMES, Esq. 
 
 JOHN WINTER JONES, Esq. 
 
 P. LEVESQUE, Esq. 
 
 The Vert Rev. the Dean of ST. PAUL’S. 
 THOMAS RUNDALL, Esq. 
 
 The Rt. Hon. the Lord Advocate of 
 SCOTLAND. 
 
 The Hon. HENRY E. J. STANLEY. 
 
 ■ccretarg. 
 
 i^onorarg 
 
 R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.R.G.S. 
 
 $3anUers. 
 
 Messrs. BOUVERIE and Co., 11, Hatmarket. 
 
 THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY, which is established for the purpose 
 of printing rare or unpublished Voyages and Travels, aims at opening 
 by this means an easier access to the. sources of a branch of know¬ 
 ledge, which yields to none in importance, and is superior to most in 
 agreeable variety. The narratives of travellers and navigators make us 
 acquainted with the earth, its inhabitants and productions; they exhibit 
 the growth of intercourse among mankind, with its effects on civilization, 
 and, while instructing, they at the same time awaken attention, by 
 recounting the toils and adventures of those who first explored unknown 
 and distant regions. 
 
 The advantage of an Association of this kind, consists not merely in its 
 system of literary co-operation, but also in its economy. The acquire¬ 
 ments, taste, and discrimination of a number of individuals, who feel an 
 interest in the same pursuit, are thus brought to act in voluntary com¬ 
 bination, and the ordinary charges of publication are also avoided, so that 
 the volumes produced, are distributed among the Members (who can alone 
 obtain them) at little more than the cost of printing and paper. The 
 Society expends nearly the whole of its funds in printing works for the 
 Members ; and since the cost of each copy varies inversely as the whole 
 number of copies printed, it is obvious that the Members are gainers 
 
 4,7,50 
 
2 
 
 individually by the prosperity of the Society, and the consequent vigour 
 
 of its operations. . 
 
 The Members are requested to bear in mind that the power of the 
 Council to make advantageous arrangements, will depend, in a great 
 measure, on the prompt payment of the subscriptions, which are payable 
 in advance on the 1st January, and are received by the Secretary, It. II. 
 Major, Esq., 4, Albion Place, Canonbury Square, Islington; and by Mr. 
 Richards, 100, St. Martin’s Lane, who is the Society’s agent for the 
 delivery of its volumes. 
 
 It is especially requested, that all subscribers who shall not have received 
 their volumes within a reasonable period after the payment of their sub¬ 
 scription, will notify the same to the Secretary. 
 
 :Publtd)ttb 
 
 THE OBSERVATIONS OF SIR RICHARD HAWKINS, Knt. 
 
 In his Voyage into the South Sea in 1593. Reprinted from the edition of 
 1622, and edited by Capt. C. R. Drinkwater Bethune, R.N., C.B. 
 
 SELECT LETTERS OF COLUMBUS, 
 
 With Original Documents relating to the Discovery of the New World. 
 Translated and Edited by R. H. Major, Esq. 
 
 THE DISCOVERIE OF THE EMPIRE OF GUIANA, 
 
 By Sir Walter Ralegh, Knt. Edited, with Copious Explanatory Notes, 
 and a Biographical Memoir, by Sir Robert H. Schomburgk, Phil. D., <fec. 
 
 SIR FRANCIS DRAKE HIS VOYAGE, 1595, 
 
 By Thomas Maynarde, together with the Spanish Account of Drake’s 
 Attack on Puerto Rico, edited from the Original MSS. 
 by W. D. Cooley, Esq. 
 
 NARRATIVES OF EARLY VOYAGES 
 
 Undertaken for the Discovery of a Passage to Cathaia and India, by 
 the NorthAvest, with Selections from the Records of the worshipful 
 Fellowship of the Merchants of London, trading into the East Indies ; 
 and from MSS. in the Library of the British Museum, now first published, 
 
 by Thomas Rundall, Esq. 
 
 THE HISTORIE OF TRAVAILE INTO VIRGINIA BRITANNIA, 
 
 Expressing the Cosmographie and Comodities of the Country, together 
 with the Manners and Customs of the people, gathered and observed as 
 well by those who went first thither as collected by William Strachey, 
 Gent., the first Secretary of the Colony ; now first Edited from the original 
 manuscript in the British Museum, by R. H. Major, of the 
 
 British Museum. 
 
 A COLLECTION OF EARLY DOCUMENTS ON JAPAN, 
 With a Commentary, by Thomas Rundall, Esq. 
 
3 
 
 THIRD PUBLICATION FOR 1849. 
 
 HAKLUYT.—Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of America and 
 the Islands adjacent to the same. From the rare edition of 1582. 
 Edited by J. Winter Jones, Esq., of the British Museum. 
 
 OTHER WORKS IN PROGRESS. 
 
 An unpublished Narrative of a Voyage made by order of the 
 Dutch E. I. Company, by Mathys Quast and Janson Abel 
 Tasman to the East of Japan, in 1639. To be translated from 
 the original Dutch MS., with Notes and Illustrations by the 
 distinguished traveller Colonel Von Siebold. To be edited by 
 the Hon. Henry E. J. Stanley. 
 
 The East-India Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton in 1604-5. From 
 the rare Edition of 1606. Edited by Bolton Corney, Esq. 
 
 Relation of such things as were observed to happen in the 
 Journey of Charles, Earl of Nottingham, Ambassadour to 
 the King of Spaine, 1605. With additions. To be edited by 
 W. B. Rye, Esq. j 
 
 A Collection of Early Documents, to form a Supplement to the Nar¬ 
 rative of Voyages towards the North West, by T. Rundall, Esq. 
 
 Varthema. —The Travels of Ludovico deVarthema, in Egypt, Syria, Arabia, 
 Persia, India, and Ethiopia, in 1503-8. To be translated from the 
 Italian text of 1510, by W. Desborough Cooley, Esq. 
 
 Rerum Moscoviticarum Commentarii. The earliest Account of Russia, 
 by Sigismund von Ilerberstein, to be translated from the rare’ 
 editions of 1549 and 1556, by R. H. Major, Esq. 
 
 JeuggcfltcU to tfjr (Tounrtl for IpuBIiration. 
 
 Tradescant the .Elder in Russia, 1618.—A Review of the early 
 Voyages in the North, and of the origin of the Commercial 
 Intercourse beUveen England and Russia, by Dr. J. Hamel, 1847, 
 to be translated from the German. 
 
 Frescobaldi. —The Travels of Frescobaldi in Egypt and Syria, in 1384. 
 Translated from the Italian text as edited by Manzi. 
 
 Bethencourt.— A History of the Discovery and Concpiest of the Canary 
 Islands, made by Jean de Bethencourt, in 1402-25. From the 
 French Narrative of his Chaplains, Pierre Bontier and Jean le 
 V errier. 
 
 Ca da Mosto. —The Voyages of Ca da Mosto along the Western Coast of 
 Africa, in 1454. Translated from the Italian text of 1507. 
 
 Drake.— The world encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, 1577-80. Written 
 by Francis Fletcher, preacher, Ac. Collated with a MS. 
 
 Virginia. —Virginia in the years 1584-1600; comprising the Narratives 
 of Arthur Barlowe, Ralf Lane, Thomas Harriot, Ac. 
 
 Russia. —Of the Russe Commonwealth. By Giles Fletcher. D.C.L. From 
 the suppressed edition of 1591. 
 
 Cadiz.—A Brief and True Report of the Honourable Voyage to Cadiz, 
 1596. From the suppressed edition of 1598, with additions. 
 
 Sofalah. —The History of Eastern Ethiopia, by J. dos Santos, 1607. 
 Translated, with Notes. 
 
 Colonization. —Pamphlets on Colonization. By Sir William Alexander 
 (afterwards Earl of Sterline), and James Hagthorpe. 
 
I 
 
 of tfje flafclugt Jlodeti). 
 
 I. The object of this Society shall be to print, for distribution among its 
 members, rare and valuable Voyages, Travels, Naval Expeditions, and other geo¬ 
 graphical records, from an early period to the beginning of the eighteenth century. 
 
 II. The Annual Subscription shall be One Guinea, payable in advance on 
 the 1st January. 
 
 III. Each member of the Society, having paid his subscription, shall be 
 entitled to a copy of every work produced by the Society, and to vote at the 
 general meetings within the period subscribed for; and if he do not signify, 
 before the close of a year, his wish to resign, he shall be considered as a member 
 for the succeeding year. 
 
 IV. The management of the Society’s affairs shall be vested in a Council 
 consisting of twenty-one members, namely, a President, two Vice-Presidents, a 
 Secretary, and seventeen ordinary members, to be elected annually; but vacan¬ 
 cies occurring between the general meetings shall be filled up by the Council. 
 
 V. A General Meeting of the Subscribers shall be held annually, on the 
 first Thursday in March, when two gentlemen shall be appointed to audit the 
 Society’s accounts. The Secretary’s Report on the condition and proceedings 
 of the Society shall be then read, and, along with the Auditor’s Report, be sub¬ 
 mitted for approval; and finally, the Meeting shall proceed to elect the Council 
 for the ensuing year. 
 
 VI. At each Annual Election six of the old Council shall retire; and a 
 list of the proposed new Council shall be printed for the subscribers previous to 
 the general meeting. 
 
 VII. The Council shall meet ordinarily on the 3rd Tuesday in every 
 month, excepting August, September and October, for the despatch of business, 
 three forming a quorum, and the Chairman having a casting vote. 
 
 VIII. Gentlemen preparing and editing works for the Society shall receive 
 twenty-five copies of such works respectively. 
 
 IX. The number of copies printed of the Society’s productions shall not 
 exceed the estimated number of Subscribers; so that after the second year, when 
 the Society may be supposed to have reached its full growth, there shall be no 
 extra copies. 
 
 X. The Society shall appoint Local Secretaries throughout the kingdom, 
 empowered to enrol members, transmit subscriptions, and otherwise forward the 
 Society’s interests; and it shall make such arrangements with its correspondents 
 in the chief provincial towns as will insure to Subscribers residing in the country 
 the regular delivery of their volumes at moderate charges. 
 
 Iftitkss for tlje of Hodetp’g TMunuS. 
 
 I. The Society’s productions will be delivered without any charge, within 
 three miles of the General Post Office. 
 
 II. They will be forwarded to any place beyond that limit, the Society 
 paying the cost of booking, but not of carriage; nor will it be answerable in this 
 case for any loss or damage. 
 
 III. They will be delivered by the Society’s agent, Mr. Thomas 
 Richards, 100, St. Martin's-lane, to persons having the written authority of 
 subscribers to receive them. 
 
 IV. They will be sent to the Society’s correspondents or agents in the 
 principal towns throughout the kingdom; and care shall be taken that the 
 charge for carriage be as moderate as possible. 
 
2.1'st of JWfniberss 
 
 OF 
 
 THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. 
 
 Adam, Admiral Sir C., K.C.B., Greenwich 
 Hospital 
 
 Admiralty (The), 2 copies 
 Ainslie, Philip Barrington, Esq., Chertsey 
 Allport, Franklin, Esq., 156, Leadenhall- 
 street 
 
 Army and Navy Club, 13, St. James’s-sq. 
 Arrowsmith, John, Esq., 10, Soho-square 
 Asher, Mr. A., Berlin 
 Ashton, J. Y., Esq., Liverpool 
 Atkinson, F. R., Esq., Manchester 
 
 Baillie, David, Esq., 14, Belgrave-square 
 Baker, William, Esq., Jun., 3, Crosby-sq. 
 Banks, W., Esq., 12, Melina-pl., Grove-rd. 
 Barrow, J., Esq., F.R.S., 7, New-st., Spring- 
 gardens 
 
 Beatty, James, Esq., C.E., Southampton 
 Beaufort, Rear-Admiral Sir Francis, 
 K.C.B., F.K.S., Admiralty 
 Beck, Dr., NewYork State Library, Albany 
 Beke, C. T., Esq., Phil. D., 34, Cumming- 
 street, Pentonville 
 
 Belcher, Captain Sir Edward, C.B., R.N., 
 22, Thurloe-square, Brompton 
 Bell, Reverend Thomas, Berbice 
 Bell, Robert, Esq., Norris Castle, East 
 Cowes, I.W. 
 
 Bell, Robert, Esq., Soho-square 
 Bell, W., Esq., Church-place, Clapham 
 Berlin, The Royal Library of 
 Betencourt, Alonzo, Esq., Philadelphia 
 Bethune, Captain C. R. Drinkwater, C.B., 
 R.N., Admiralty 
 Bethune, J. E. D., Esq. 
 
 Biden, Captain 
 
 Blackwood, Captain Fr. P., R.N., United 
 Service Club 
 
 Blain, Delabere Robertson, Esq., 24, Beau- 
 foy-terrace, Maida Vale 
 Blandford, Marquis of, 3, Wilton-terrace 
 Blunt, J., Esq., Mortlake 
 Blyth, James, Esq., 24, Hyde-park-gardens 
 Bombay Geographical Society 
 
 Bone, Mr. F. G.,E.I.N. 
 
 Booth, B. W., Esq., Manchester 
 Boston Athenaeum, The 
 Botfield, Beriah, Esq., Norton Hall, North¬ 
 amptonshire 
 
 Briggs, Major General J.,64a, Gloucester- 
 terrace, Ivensington-gardens 
 Brodhcad, J. R., Esq. 
 
 Brown, —, Esq., 41, Rochester-row 
 Brown, Isaac B., Esq., 27, Oxford-square 
 Brown, J., Esq., Newcastle-pl., Clerkenwell 
 Brown, W. II., Esq., Chester 
 Brown, John Carter, Esq., Providence, 
 Rhode Island 
 
 Bruce, John, Esq.,F.S.A., 5, Upper Glou- 
 cester-street, Dorset-square 
 Brussels, Royal Library of 
 Bullock, Capt. Frederick, R.N., Woolwich 
 Bunney, William, Esq., Hull 
 
 Campbell, R. II. S., Esq., 5, Argyle-place, 
 Regent’s-street 
 
 Cannon, Charles, Esq., British Museum 
 Carmichael, Sir J., Bart., Sussex-gardens 
 Carpenter, Charles, Esq., 45, Brunswick - 
 square, Brighton 
 
 Chabot, Philip J., Esq., M.A., F.R.A.S., 
 Spital fields 
 
 Chapman, Captain, R. A., Athenaeum 
 Chapman, William, Esq., Richmond 
 Chichester, J. R. Esq., 49, Wimpole-st. 
 Christie, Jonathan Henry, Esq. 
 
 Churchill, Lord A.,F.R.G.S.,3,Wilton-ter. 
 Churchill, Joseph, Esq. 
 
 Clarke, Thomas, Esq., Ordnance 
 Clive, Robert, Esq., 53, Grosvenor-street 
 Coghill, Rear-Ami. Sir Josiah Coghill, Bt. 
 Colborne,theLord,19,Hill-st,Berkeley-sq. 
 Colledge, Dr. Lauriston House,Cheltenham 
 Collier, John Payne, Esq., F.S.A. 
 
 Colonial Office, 2 copies 
 Congress, Library of the, United States 
 Cooley, W. D., Esq., 33, King-street, 
 Bloomsbury 
 
6 
 
 Corney, Bolton, Esq., M.R.S.L.,Barnes-ter. 
 Cotton, R. A., Esq., Barnstaple 
 Cox, E. Wm., Esq., 3, Crown Office Row, 
 Temple 
 
 Cracroft, Capt., R.N. 
 
 Cranstoun, G., Esq., Corehouse, Lanark 
 Cree, David, Esq., 23, Bush-lane 
 Croker, T. Crofton, Esq., 3, Gloucester- 
 road, Old Brompton 
 A. Crowninschield, Esq. 
 
 Cunningham, Captain 
 Cunningham, Petei’, Esq., 2, Madeley 
 Villas, Kensington 
 
 Daniel, G., Esq., E.L.S., St. John’s Wood 
 De la Beche, Sir Henry, K.H., 28, Jer- 
 myn-street 
 De Lasaux, Miss 
 
 Dennett, W. H., Esq., Boston, U. S. 
 Dickens, Charles, Esq., I, Devonshire- 
 terrace, Marylebone 
 
 Dilke, Charles Wentworth, Esq., 9, Lower 
 Gros ven or-place 
 
 Dilke, C. W., Esq., Jun,, 76, Sloane-street 
 
 East India Company, The Hon. the Court 
 of Directors of the, 20 copies 
 Eastnor, the Viscount, 45, Grosvenor-pl. 
 Ecky, John H., Esq., Philadelphia, U.S. 
 Ellesmere, the Earl of, 18, Belgrave-square 
 Ellice, Rt. Hon. Edward, M.P. 18, Arling- 
 ton-street 
 
 Elliot, J. B., Esq., Patna 
 Ellis, Sir Henry, K.H., E.R.S., &c., British 
 Museum 
 
 Elphinstone, John E., Esq., 23, York-ter., 
 Regent’s-park 
 
 Elphinstone, Lieut., 3,Chesham-place, Bel- 
 grave-square 
 
 Enderby, Charles, Esq., East Greenwich 
 Ethersey, Commander, H.E.I.C.S. 
 
 Evans, Captain George, R.N. 
 
 Fayrer, Joseph, Esq., M.D., Royal West- 
 minst. Ophthalmic Hospital, Charing-cr. 
 Pennell, James Hamilton, Esq., 4, Deve- 
 reux-court, Temple 
 
 Eorce, Colonel Peter, Washington, U. S. 
 Foreign Office 
 
 Forster, J., Esq., 58, Lincoln’s Inn Fields 
 Fox, General C,, Addison-road 
 Franklin, Lady 
 
 Gawlor, Colonel 
 Gibraltar Garrison Library 
 Giraud, R. Herve, Esq. 
 
 Gladdish, William, Esq., Gravesend 
 Glenny, —, Esq., 152, Strand 
 Gordon, J. T., Esq., Sheriff of Mid Lothian, 
 18, Herriot-street, Edinburgh 
 Graham, Robert, Esq, 
 
 Gray, John Edward, Esq., British Museum 
 Greenwich Hospital, the Officers’ Library 
 Greenwich Society for the Diffusion of 
 Useful Knowledge 
 
 Grey, R. J. Moring, Esq., Trinity House 
 Grey, R. W., Esq., M.P., 16 Carlton-terr. 
 Guild, G. F., Esq., Boston, U.S. 
 
 Guise, W. V., Esq.,Elmore-ct., Gloucester 
 
 Halliday, William, Esq., 14, Donegall-ph, 
 Belfast 
 
 Hamilton, Robert, Esq., Charing Cross 
 Hospital 
 
 Hammill, Miss Ellen, Liverpool 
 Hanrott, P. A., Esq., Queen’s-square, 
 Bloomsbury 
 
 Harrison, Thomas, Esq., 36, Alpha-road, 
 Regent’s Park 
 
 Harvey, W. Brotherton, Esq., Salford, 
 Manchester 
 
 Hawes, Benjamin, Esq., M.P., 9, Queen- 
 square, Westminster 
 
 Hawkins, Edward, Esq., British Museum 
 Heath, Edward, Esq., Liverpool 
 Henderson, Dr., 6, Curzon-st., Mayfair 
 Henslow, Lieutenant Frederick, Windsor 
 Heywood, J., Esq., Aci’esfield, Manchester 
 Hertford Litera^and Scientific Institution 
 Hobhouse, Rt. Hon. Sir John Cam, Bart., 
 M.P., 42, Bei keley-square 
 Hobhouse, Edward, Esq., Twickenham 
 Hodgkin, Thomas, Esq., M.D., 35, Bed- 
 ford-square 
 
 Holl, G., Esq., Liverpool 
 
 Hollond, R., Esq., M.P., Portland-place 
 
 Holman, Lieutenant, R.N. 
 
 Holmes, James, Esq., 4, New Ormond- 
 street, Foundling, 2 copies 
 Holmes, John, Esq., British Museum 
 Hull Subscription Library 
 
 Ibbs, Mr. J. C., H.E.I.C.3. 
 
 Irvine, James, Esq., Liverpool 
 
 Jackson, H.,Esq,, St. James’s-rw., Sheffield 
 Johnston, Alexander Keith, Edinburgh 
 Jones, J. Winter, Esq., British Museum 
 Jones, Robert, Esq., Liverpool 
 Jones, Miss Susan, Liverpool 
 J ukes, J. B., Esq., 5, Craig’s-ct., Charing-cr. 
 Junior United Service Club, Pall Mall 
 
 Keith, Thomas Hilton, Esq., East India 
 House 
 
 Kenyon, J., Esq., 40, York-ter., Regent’s 
 Park 
 
 Kerslake, Mr. T., Bristol 
 Keys, Mr. J. A., H.E.I.C.S. 
 
 Laird, John, Esq., Birkenhead 
 
7 
 
 \ 
 
 Laire, Fr. J., Esq., H.M. Dockyard, 
 Chatham 
 
 Lardner, Leopold James, Esq., British 
 Museum 
 
 Lane, H. Bowyer, Esq., 26, Suffolk-street, 
 Pall Mall 
 
 Latham, R. G., Esq., M.D., 20, Upper 
 Southwick-street, Hyde Park-square 
 Laurence, Abbott, Esq., 138, Piccadilly 
 Le Mesurier, R. Arthur, Esq., Corpus 
 Christi College, Oxford 
 Lemon, Sir C., Bart., M.P., 46, Charles- 
 street, Berkeley-square 
 Lenox, James, Esq., New York 
 Levesque, Peter, Esq., 29, Guildford-st. 
 Little and Brown, Messrs., Boston, U.S. 
 Loftus, William Kennett, Esq., Newcastle- 
 upon-Tyne 
 Logan, J. R., Esq. 
 
 London Institution, Finsbury Circus 
 London Library, 12, St. James’s-square 
 Ludlow, J. M., Esq., 69, Chancery-lane 
 
 M‘Grigor, Sir James, Bart., M.D-, 3, 
 / Harley-street 
 
 Mackenzie, Gen. Sir Alex. Bart., G.C.IL, 
 4, Circus, Bath 
 
 Mackenzie, John W., Esq., Edinburgh 
 Mackenzie, C. A., Esq., Hyde Park-place 
 M‘Leod, Miss, 4, Foley-place 
 Macready, W. C., Esq., 5, Clarence-ter., 
 Regent’s-park 
 Madras Literary Society 
 Maidstone, the Viscount 
 Major, R. H., Esq., British Museum 
 Malcolm,Vice-Admiral Sir C., 72, Baker-st. 
 Malcolm, W. Elphinstone, Esq., Burnfoot 
 Manchester Athenaeum, The 
 Mar sham, Robert, Esq., Stratton Strawless, 
 Norwich 
 
 Martin, the Rev. J., Keston, Kent 
 Massie, Captain T. L., R.N, Chester 
 Meek, James, Esq., 14, Somerset-place 
 Milnes, R. Monckton, Esq., M.P., 26, 
 Pall Mall 
 Mitford, Admiral 
 Montriou, Commander, H.E.I.C.S. 
 Montriou, W., Esq., Bombay 
 Morrall, Edward, Esq. 
 
 Murchison, Sir Roderick Impey, F.R.S., 
 &c., 16, Belgrave-square 
 Murphy, H., Esq., Brooklyn, New York 
 Murray, the Lord, Great Stuart-street, 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Murray, John, Esq., Albemarle-street 
 Murray, William, Esq., 2, John-street, 
 Berkeley- square 
 
 Mur ton, George, Esq., Manchester 
 
 Nebyam, J. Moore, M.D., 16, Leeson- 
 street, Dublin 
 
 Nelson, Thomas Wright, Esq., 23, Glou- 
 cester-place, New-road 
 Newcastle-upon-Tyne Literary and Sci¬ 
 entific Institute 
 
 Newton, Charles, Esq., M. A.,Brit. Museum 
 New York Mercantile Library 
 Nimmo, Thomas, Esq., Demerara 
 Norris, Edwin, Esq., Sec. Asiatic Society, 
 95, New Burlington-street 
 Northampton, the Marquis of, President of 
 the Royal Society, Piccadilly 
 
 Oriental Club 
 
 Oswald, Joseph, Esq., 29, Mitre-terrace, 
 Downham-road, Kingsland 
 Ouvry, F., Esq., F.S. A., 49, Oxford-terrace, 
 Ilyde-park 
 
 Parker, J. W., Esq., West Strand 
 Pasley, Major General Sir C. W., K.C.B., 
 12, Norfolk Crescent, Hyde Park 
 Pemberton, Mrs. 
 
 Pennington, John, Esq., Philadelphia 
 Pennsylvania, Historical Society of 
 Penton, Henry, Esq., 8, Park-street, Gros- 
 venor-square 
 
 Petit, Rev. J. Louis, the Uplands, Shiffnal 
 Petit, Lieut.-Colonel C. B., 9, New Square, 
 Lincoln’s Inn 
 
 Pollington, Viscount, 2, Bolton-row 
 Porter, G. W., Esq., British Museum 
 Porter, Thomas, Esq., Manchester 
 Porteus, John, Esq., Manchester 
 Portsmouth, the Royal Naval College 
 Pourtales, Count Aibert, Berlin 
 Powis, The Earl 
 
 Pratt, G. Clayton, Esq., Philadelphia 
 Prescott, Rear-Admiral H., C.B., Ports¬ 
 mouth Dockyard 
 
 Pringle, William, Esq., 3, King’s-road 
 Proby, John Joshua, Esq., 19, Eaton-sq. 
 Putnam, G. R., Esq. 
 
 Rawdon, Christopher, Esq., Everton, 
 Liverpool 
 Rawdon, Mrs. 
 
 Rawdon, Mrs. James 
 Raymond, George, Esq., 18, Pall Mall East 
 Read, William, Esq., Rathmines, Dublin 
 Reed, F. J., Esq., Friday-st., Cheapside 
 Rendell, J., Esq., 8, Great George-street 
 Renouard, Rev. G. Cecil, Swanscombe, 
 Dartford 
 
 Rhodes, R., Esq., 9, Circus, Greenwich 
 Rhys, Thomas, Esq., Royal Ordnance, 
 Woolwich 
 
 Richards, Mr., 100, St. Martin’s-lane 
 Richardson,-Sir John, M.D.,F.R.S„ Ilaslar, 
 Gosport 
 
 Richardson, Ralph, Esq. 
 
 Riggs, G. W., Washington, U.S. 
 
8 
 
 Ritter, Professor Karl, Berlin 
 Robinson, Lieut. Walter F.,R.N.,F.R.G.S., 
 Junior United Service Club 
 Rundall, Thomas, Esq., East India House 
 Rutherford, Andrew, Esq.,M.P., Lord Ad¬ 
 vocate of Scotland, St. Colm-st., Edinb. 
 Rye, Arthur B., Esq., Banbury 
 Rye, W. B., Esq., British Museum 
 Sanders, Captain, I.N. 
 
 Saunders, Trelawney, Esq., Charing-cross 
 Schomburgk, Sir Robert, St. Domingo 
 Sedgwick, the Rev. Adam, Woodwardian 
 Professor, Cambridge 
 Shadwell, the Rt. Hon. Sir Lancelot, Vice- 
 Chancellor of England, Barnes Elms 
 Simmonds, the Rev. J. D., M.A., Chil- 
 combe, Winchester 
 
 Simpkinson, Sir Francis, Knt., 21, Bedford- 
 place 
 
 Simpson, Lieutenant 
 Singapore Library 
 
 Smith, Andrew, Esq., M.D., 7, Pelham 
 Crescent, Brompton 
 Smith, Edmund, Esq., Hull 
 Smith, G., Esq., 29, Finsbury-sq., 2 copies 
 Smith, G., Esq., Hague-ter., Kingstown, 
 Dublin 
 
 Smith, J., Esq., Alscot-place, Grange- 
 road, Bermondsey 
 Smith, J., Esq., Bombay 
 Smith, J. P. G., Esq., Everton, Liverpool 
 Sotheby, S. Leigh, Esq., Forest Hill, 
 Sydenham 
 
 Stanley of Alderley, Lord 
 Stanley, Hon. Henry E. J. 2, Grosvenor- 
 crescent 
 
 Staunton, Sir G. T., Bart., F.R.S., M.P., 
 16, Devonshire-street, Portland-place 
 St. David’s, the Bishop of, Abergwili, 
 Carmarthenshire 
 St. Paul’s, the Dean of 
 Stevens, H., Esq., Boston, United States 
 Sunderland Literary and Philosophical 
 Society 
 
 Swan, the Rev. R. C., Hothfield, Kent 
 
 Talbot, The Earl 
 
 Taylor, R., Esq., Red Lion-court, Fleet- 
 Street 
 
 Taylor, T., Esq., F.T.C.C., 6, Michael’s 
 Grove, Brompton 
 
 Ternaux Compans, Mons. II., Paris 
 Thomas, Rev. V., High-street, Oxford ^ 
 Thomas, W. A., Esq., 50, Threadneedle-st. 
 Thompson, J., Esq., 19, Lincoln’s Inn 
 Fields 
 
 Thompson, Thos., Esq., Town Clerk, Hull 
 Todd, R.B., Esq., M.D., F.R.S., 3, New- 
 street, Spring Gardens 
 Tonna, L. H. J., Esq., F.S.A., United 
 Service Institution, Scotland Yard 
 Trade, Board of 
 
 Vidal, Captain, R.N. 
 
 Vienna Imperial Library 
 Von Bach, Johann Friedrich, Esq., British 
 Museum 
 
 Von Siebold, Colonel Ph. Fr., Leyden 
 
 Waite, Henry, Esq., Church-street, Stoke 
 Newington 
 
 Walcot, Thomas, Esq. 
 
 Walker, John, Esq., 47, Bernard-street, 
 Russell-square 
 
 Walker, Joshua, Esq., Jun., 2 Park-place, 
 Harrow-road 
 
 Washington, Captain J., R.N., Wood- 
 street, Woolwich 
 
 Watts, Thomas, Esq., British Museum 
 Weir, William, Esq., 30, Great Coram-st. 
 Whateley, William, Esq., Q.C., 6, Park- 
 street, Westminster 
 
 Whewell, the Rev. W., D.D., Master of 
 Trinity College, Cambridge 
 White, the Rev. James, Bonchurch, Isle 
 of Wight 
 
 Whiteman, J. C., Esq., East India House 
 Wilkinson, John, Esq., 3, Wellington-st., 
 Strand 
 
 Williams, R., Esq., 13, Elm Tree Road 
 Willson, the Rev. J., 1, Raymond’s-build- 
 ings, Gray’s Inn 
 Wilson, Edward S., Esq., Hull 
 Winstanley, E. N., Esq., 7, Poultry 
 Woodd, Basil T., Esq., 108, NewBond-st. 
 Wood, Lieutenant John, E. I. Navy, 137, 
 Leadenhall-street 
 Wright, H., Esq., Cheltenham 
 Wyld, James, Esq., M.P., Strand 
 
 RICHARDS, PRINTER, 100, ST. MARTIN’S LANE.