973.7L63 B7PS7p PRESIDENT LINCOLN CHICAGO MEMORIAL EMANCIPATION. Sfunb ^Publication, QHo. 2T. PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND THE CHICAGO MEMORIAL ON EMANCIPATION, A Paper read before the Maryland Historical Society, December IStli, 1887, BY REV. W. W. PATTON, D. D., LL. D., PRESIDENT OF HOWARD UNIVERSITY. , 1888. PEABODY PUBLICATION FUND. COMMITTEE ON PUBLICATION. 1887-88. HENRY STOCK BRIDGE, JOHN W. M. LEE, BRADLEY T. JOHNSON. PRINTED BY JOHN MUBPUT & Co. PRINTERS TO THE MARYLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. BALTIMORE, 1S88. PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND THE Chicago Memorial on Emancipation. FIlHE great civil war which, for four years, threatened the destruction of the American 1 Union, was preceded by a movement more radical and important than the political struggle between the Northern and Southern States, over the question, whether Freedom should be national and Slavery sectional, or Slavery national and Freedom sectional. The debates upon the com- promises of the Constitution and upon the com- parative profit of free and slave labor were secondary to the discussion of the moral issue, as to the rightfulness of slave-holding. That discussion commenced shortly after the war of the Revolution. It was entered into largely by L0 the Congregational ministers of New England, : and the Presbyterian ministers in the other r6 States, and culminated in the emphatic anti- slavery action, unanimously taken, in 1818, by the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, pronouncing slavery " a gross violation of the most precious and sacred rights of human nature, utterly inconsistent with the law of God, which requires us to love our neighbor as ourselves, and totally irreconcilable with the spirit and principles of the gospel of Christ, which enjoin that all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them." But this contemplated gradual emancipation. A new agitation began, about ten years later, under the lead of William Lloyd Garrison, based on the doctrine of immediate emancipation, as the duty of the master and the right of the slave. Soon passing beyond the control of this leader, to his manifest regret and unceasing complaint as to ideas and methods, it largely affected the sentiment of all the Protestant denominations at the North, with the comparative exception of the Episcopal Church ; in some cases resulting in ecclesiastical divisions, and diffusing a widespread interest in the problem of American Slavery. The Southern States and the mere politicians of the North never understood the breadth and depth of this religious conviction, which brought up the subject persistently in ecclesiastical bodies, made it the theme of pulpit discourses, discussed it in the religious newspapers, and gave it a continual place in public and private prayer. But this conviction explains why it was that, in the course of years, the great mass of the Protestant church-members at the North were gathered into the ranks of the Republican party. We are prepared, by this glance at the moral and Christian aspect of the conflict, to understand what must have been the feelings and expecta- tions of a large part of the religious community at the North, when, in the interest of slavery, the South madly seceded from the Federal Union, and essayed to destroy the work of the Revolu- tionary Fathers. They could not but believe that the hour of destiny had struck; that the thunder of the rebel guns against Sumter was the death - knell of slavery ; that" the answer to their fervent prayers had at last come ; not, indeed, as they had hoped, through the peaceful agency of reli- gion and politics, but, as they had feared, through the retributive agency of bloody war. They saw that, by invoking war in defence of their cherished institution, the slave-holders had also bared its breast to the sword ; that national emancipation, impossible under the Constitution, in time of peace, as an act of legislation, might become feasible, under the war power, as an act of military necessity. It was with intense inter- est, therefore, that they watched the progress of the conflict, during the first year of its history, 8 to see what relation it would bear to slavery; and it was with disappointment and sorrow that they saw, on the part of the civil and of the military authorities, a manifest disposition to evade responsibility, and to ignore the whole question of emancipation. There was, for some time, an unwillingness even to receive and pro- tect the fugitives from slavery, fleeing from rebel masters, who came within our lines ; and it required the legal ingenuity of General Benjamin F. Butler, to improvise an addition to the laws of war, and to apply the word " contraband " to their case, before a common sense policy could be agreed upon. And when tens of thousands of such " contrabands " had accumulated on our hands, the authorities still refused to arm, drill and use them as soldiers! As to a proclamation of general emancipation, political conservatism hardly knew words strong enough for its con- demnation. General Fremont had indeed, on August 31st, 1861, declared free the slaves of rebel slave-holders in the State of Missouri ; but this was at once overruled by President Lincoln, as exceeding the power of a departmental com- mander ; as later he overruled the similar proc- lamation of General J. W. Phelps, in Louisiana, dated December 4, 1861, and that of General David Hunter, at Hilton Head, S. C., dated May 9, 1862. 9 The summer of 1862 had passed, with no indication, after seventeen months of war, that the power of the rebellion was likely to be broken. Occasional successes led to small per- manent gain, and were always succeeded by fail- ures and reverses, while the probability of a European recognition of the Confederate Govern- ment became daily greater. In these circumstances, the writer of this arti- cle, then a resident of the city of Chicago, 111., determined to bring to bear on the President of the United States a heavy pressure from the Christian sentiment of his own state of Illinois. He had just returned from a visit of several weeks at the East, where he had found among the religious supporters of the war the deepest anxiety on this subject; and as no one else seemed to move, to give public expression to this feeling, he essayed the task. He drew up a call for a public meeting of Christian people in Chicago, to adopt a memorial to President Lin- coln in favor of a proclamation of emancipa- tion ; and Rev. Joseph Roy, D. D., agreed to circulate it for signature among a limited number of prominent Christian citizens, clergymen and laymen. It received the signatures of leading laymen of the various denominations, and of all the Congregational, and nearly all the Baptist and Methodist clergymen of the city, but, because 10 of prudential considerations, of no Presbyterian clergyman. The Presbyterian clergymen consid- ered the matter in their weekly ministers' meet- ing, and voted not to sign the call ; such was the strength of conservatism in that circle. But many of their influential laymen readily affixed their names. While the call was circulating, the writer of this narrative, at the request of those who were principally interested, prepared a form of memorial for adoption. This was considered in a preliminary meeting, and by a subsequent committee, which slightly abridged it, and added for presentation to the final meeting, a series of resolutions, drawn up by Rev. William Everts, D. D., of the Baptist denomination. Everything being in readiness, an immense assembly gath- ered in Bryan Hall, the largest auditorium in the city, on the evening of Sunday, September 7th, 1862, multitudes being unable to gain admis- sion. The Memorial was read, and was adopted by an enthusiastic, unanimous, rising vote. Ad- dresses were made by Rev. Drs. Eddy (Metho- dist) and Everts (Baptist), and by Judges Wilson, and Otis, and other laymen, and the appended resolutions were also unanimously passed. A committee of three was appointed to present the Memorial to the President, consisting of the writer, as Chairman, the Rev. John Dempster, D. D., and Hon. Charles Walker. The latter was, however, unable to act. The two other 11 members of the delegation reached Washington, D. C., on Thursday morning, September llth, 1862, but were unable to arrange for an inter- view with President Lincoln until Saturday fore- noon, the 13th instant, when they were introduced by Hon. Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy, who was in full accord with their object. The President received them in a calm, but affable manner, and motioned them to seats near the end of his writing desk, behind which was the armchair which he occupied during the interview. The chairman of the delegation read aloud the Memorial, to which Mr. Lincoln gave fixed atten- tion, and presented also a memorial of similar import, drawn up in German and in English, which had been entrusted to them by some of the German citizens of Chicago. The Memorial was as follows : MEMORIAL OF THE PUBLIC MEETING OF THE CHRISTIAN MEN OF CHICAGO. To His Excellency, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States: Your memorialists of all Christian denominations in the city of Chicago, assembled in solemn meeting to consider the moral aspects of the war now waging, would utter their deepest convic- 12 tions as to the present relation of our country and its rulers to the government and providence of Almighty God ; and would respectfully ask a hearing for the principles and facts deemed fundamental to a right judgment of this appalling crisis. And to this we are encouraged by the frequency with which, on various public occasions, you have officially recognized the dependence of the country and its chief magistrate upon the Divine favor. We claim, then, that the war is a Divine retribution upon our land for its manifold sins, and especially for the crime of oppres- sion, against which the denunciations of God's Word are so numerous and pointed. The American nation, in this its judgment-hour, must acknowl- edge that the cry of the slave, unheeded by man, has been heard by God and answered in this terrible visitation. The time has at length come of which Jefferson solemnly warned his countrymen, as he declared that the slaves of America were enduring " a bond- age, one hour of which is fraught with more misery than ages of that which occasioned the war of the Revolution," and added, " When the measure of their tears shall be full, when their tears shall have involved heaven itself in darkness, doubtless a God of justice will awaken to their distress, by diffusing a light and liberality among their oppressors, or at length by his extermi- nating thunder, manifest his attention to things of this world, and that they are not left to blind fatality." The slave oligarchy has organized the most unnatural, perfidious, and formidable rebellion known to history. It has professedly established an independent government on the avowed basis of slavery, admitting that the Federal Union was constituted to conserve and promote liberty. All but /four of the slave states have seceded from the Union, and those four (with the exception of Delaware, in which slavery but nominally exists) have been kept in subjection only by overwhelming military force. Can we doubt that this is a Divine retribution for national sin, in which our crime has justly shaped our punishment? 13 Proceeding upon this belief, which recent events have made it almost atheism to deny, your memorialists avow their solemn conviction, deepening every hour, that there can be no deliver- ance from Divine judgments till slavery ceases in the land. We cannot expect God to save a nation that clings to its sin. This is too fearful an hour to insult God, or to deceive ourselves. National existence is in peril : our sons and brothers are falling by tens of thousands on the battle-field : the war becomes daily more determined and destructive. While we speak, the enemy thunders at the gates of the capital. Our acknowledged superi- ority of resources has thus far availed little or nothing in the conflict. As Christian patriots we dare not conceal the truth, that these judgments mean what the divine judgments meant in Egypt. They are God's stern command "LET MY PEOPLE GO ! " This work of national repentance has been inaugurated by the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and its prohibi- tion in the territories, as also by encouragement to emancipation in the border slave states, offered by Congress at the suggestion of the President. But these measures do not meet the crisis as regards either the danger of the country or the national guilt. We urge you, there- fore, as the head of this Christian nation, from considerations of moral principle, and, as the only means of preserving the Union, to proclaim, without delay, NATIONAL EMANCIPATION. However void of authority in this respect you might have been in time of peace, you are well aware, as a statesman, that the exigencies of war are the only limits of its powers, especially in a war to preserve the very life of the nation. And these exigencies are not to be restricted to what may avail at the last gasp prior to national death, but are to be interpreted to include all measures that may most readily and thoroughly subdue the enemy. The rebels have brought slavery under your control by their desperate attack upon the life of the republic. They have created a moral, political, and military necessity, which warrants the deed, and now 3 14 God and a waiting world demand that the opportunity be used. And surely the fact that they have placed in our power a system which, while it exposes them, is itself the grossest wickedness, adds infinitely to the obligation to strike the blow. In this view of a change of power involving an equal change in duty, we will not conceal the fact that gloom has filled our hearts at every indication that the war was regarded as simply an issue between the federal authorities and the rebel states ; . and that therefore slavery was to be touched only to the extent that the pressure of rebel success might absolutely necessitate. Have we not reason to expect rebel success on that policy? Are we to omit from our calculations the necessary conditions of Divine favor? Has the fact no moral force, that the war has suddenly placed within the power of the President, the system that has provoked God's wrath ? Is there not danger that while we are waiting till the last terrible exigency shall force us to liberate the slave, God may decide the contest against us, and the measure that we should adopt on principle, prove too late for our salva- tion ? We claim that justice, here as everywhere, is the highest expediency. At the time of the national peril of the Jews, under Ahasuerus, Mordecai spoke in their name to Queen Esther, who hesitated to take the step necessary to their preservation, in these solemn words : " Think not with thyself that thou shalt escape in the king's house, more than all the Jews. For if thou altogether boldest thy peace at this time, then shall there enlargement and deliverance arise to the Jews from another place; but thou and thy father's house shall be destroyed ; and who knoweth whether thou art come to the kingdom for such a time as this ? " And your memorialists believe that in Divine Providence you have been called to the Presidency to speak the word of justice and authority which shall free the bondman and save the nation. Our prayer to God is, that by such an act the name of ABRAHAM LINCOLN may go down to posterity with that of GEORGE WASH- INGTON, as the second SAVIOR OF OUR COUNTRY. 15 RESOLUTIONS. Resolved, That universal emancipation seems pointed out by Providence as the most effectual, if not the only means of saving our country. That in the appalling loss of blood and treasure, and repeated reverses to our arms, pressing the nation to the verge of destruc- tion should be heard the voice that sounded above the wail of desolated Egypt " Let my people go." That universal emancipation as a mere act of political justice would be' without a parallel in the annals of the world. That it would be the abandonment of a wrong long perpetuated against the oppressed race, to the contravention of impartial liberty, the reproach of free institutions, and the dishonor of our country. That it would be a consummation of the expectations of the founders of the republic, who, deploring while tolerating slavery ? anticipated its early disappearance from the continent. That it would accord with the world's convictions of justice, and the higher teachings of Christianity. That we should not expect national deliverance till we rise at least to the moral judgment of Jefferson who, in view of slavery, exclaimed : "I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just; that his justice cannot sleep forever ; that considering num- bers, nature, and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation, is among possible events, that it may become probable by supernatural interference! The Almighty has no attribute which can take side with us in such a contest." That all assumed right to slavery under the Constitution is forfeited by open and persistent rebellion ; and therefore, emanci- pation, to preserve the republic, would only vindicate the honor of the Constitution. 16 That as slavery is a principal reliance of the rebellion, conserv- ing its property, tilling its plantations, feeding and clothing its armies, freeing the slaves would take away its support, recall its armies from the field, demoralize its conspiracy, and organize in its midst a power for its overthrow. That putting down this rebellion is as obvious a Christian duty as prayer, preaching, charity to the poor, or missions to the heathen. That the postponement of emancipation jeopards countless treasure, the best blood and the existence of the nation. That no evils apprehended from emancipation are comparable to those that would arise from the overthrow of the republic, and they would fall upon those madly provoking the catastrophe. That as the perpetuation and extension of slavery was a primary aim of this rebellion, its overthrow would seem a fitting and signal retribution upon its authors like hanging Hainan upon the gallows he erected for Mordecai. That it were better for this generation to perish than that the American Union should be dissolved : and it is a delusion that those disloyal and belligerent under the Constitution and tradi- tions of their fathers, would become peaceable citizens, observant of treaties and oaths in rival states. (Signed) L. B. OTIS, Chairman. E. W. BLATCHFORD, Secretary. After reading the Memorial, the Chairman added a few words, to express the deep interest which had been felt in the President by Chris- tian people from the day of his election to that hour, as manifested in their continual prayer in his behalf; and to explain the pressure of con- viction and feeling which had led to the prepa- 17 ration and presentation of this document. He disclaimed all purpose in the delegation, or in those whom they represented, to dictate to the chief magistrate, who had his own responsibility to God, to the nation, and to the world: they wished to aid and encourage him, rather, in the performance of his difficult duties. He alluded to the rebel invasion of Maryland and the approaching battle (fought a few days after, at Antietam) and said, that the time of presenting the Memorial might seem inauspicious, in view of recent disasters, which had brought the national authority within narrower limits in the slave States. But it was difficult, for those who believed in a just Providence, to avoid the fear, that our reverses might be made needful by neglect to learn the moral lessons of the war, and to manifest a due repentance for the national sin of oppression. The President must see that, if military success was thought to render eman- cipation unnecessary, and defeat to make it un- availing, duty would become an idle word, and God's providence unmeaning. After a moment's silence, the President made grave and careful answer, which is given accu- rately, and often in his exact words, as they fell upon ears eagerly attent, and were soon after reduced to writing. He spoke quite deliberately, with well chosen language, in an earnest and 18 solemn manner, as one impressed with the weight of the theme, yet often uttering a characteristi- cally shrewd remark, and letting fall a half- humorous observation. The conversation ran thus : MR. LINCOLN. "The subject presented in the Memorial is not a new one. It has been upon my mind for many weeks, I may even say, for many months. But those who offer me sugges- tions do not agree among themselves ; not even the religious men. I am approached with the most opposite opinions and advice, by those who seem equally certain that they represent the divine will. One or the other class must be mistaken in that belief, and perhaps, in some respects, they both are mistaken." THE DELEGATION. " We admit, with sadness, the difference of view at the North, on this subject, as on many others connected with the war. It is owing to a difference of education and past associations, of conservative or radical temperament and ideas, and of the study of different parts of the complicated problem before us. And yet there is a right view of the subject. The truth is somewhere, and it is duty to ascer- tain it. The Memorial does not merely offset the bare opinion of those who adopted it against the opinion of others. It presents tangible facts in the history of the nation and of the war, and 19 intelligent arguments in favor of the course which it proposes. It starts with the idea, plainly taught by the world's history as well as by the Bible, that God governs the nations of the earth, and that he hates and punishes oppression. In this respect our country has been exceedingly guilty, the North and the South being both involved, and the retribution has consequently come in a civil war, and in a slave-holders' rebellion. Secession and slave-holding are twins. Where the virus of slavery is, there and there only is the virus of rebellion. If this be so, and if the war has brought slavery within our power, then we can hardly believe that God will send us deliverance except in connection with emancipa- tion. We appeal to our President's faith in Providence." MR. LINCOLN. " I believe in a divine Provi- dence. Unless I am deceived in myself more than I often am, I wish to know God's will in this matter ; and if I can learn it, I will do it. But I hope it will not be irreverent in me to say, that if it is probable that God would reveal to others his will concerning my duty, it is quite as probable that he would reveal it directly to me. These are not, however, the days of mira- cles, and I suppose it will be granted, that I am not to expect a direct revelation. I must study the plain facts of the case, ascertain what 20 is possible, and decide what appears to be wise and right." THE DELEGATION. " We agree in the view which you present, in the main; but would make one or two qualifying suggestions. It is true, that the problem involves very directly the duty of the President, yet only as he officially repre- sents the interests of the people and the defence of the national Union. Hence all are compelled to study the question, and to reach a conclusion as to what needs to be done, and we cannot well avoid expressing our solemn judgment. More- over, since Grod, as you have well said, is not likely to make any miraculous revelation to you of your duty, He may be supposed to use human agency, and to bring before you the suggestions and arguments of other minds. Perhaps even such humble instrumentalities as ourselves, rep- resenting as we do the Christian sentiment of our section, and largely of other sections also, may be providentially put to use, to make the way of duty more plain than it might otherwise be." MR. LINCOLN." Yes, that may be; but the fact still remains, that the subject is difficult, and good men do not agree upon it. Why, it was only the other day, that four gentlemen of standing and intelligence, from New York, called as a delegation on business connected with the 21 war. After this had been attended to, two of them earnestly beset me to proclaim a general emancipation; upon which the other two at once attacked them, and argued in opposition to the idea. You know, also, that at the last session of Congress, there was a decided majority of anti- slavery men, and yet they could not unite on this policy. Nor are the religious people of one mind about it. It is very curious about the religious ideas of the war. They are not confined to our side. Why, the rebel soldiers are praying with a great deal more earnestness, I fear, than are our own troops, and are expecting God to favor their side. One of our soldiers, who had been taken prisoner, told Senator Wilson, a few days since, that he met with nothing so discour- aging as the evident sincerity of those he was among, in their prayers." THE DELEGATION. "Quite likely. History has always been witnessing the differing judgments, and hence the differing prayers, of good men. It was so in the war of our Revolution, and in the religious wars of Europe. Nevertheless there was a right side, in each case. And we must pray, and must act, according to our own con- victions of righteousness." MR. LINCOLN. " Of course. Let us then talk over the merits of the case. W"hat good would a. proclamation of emancipation from me do ; 4 22 especially as we are now situated, with the enemy at our very doors? I do not want to issue a document that the whole world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's bull against the comet! How would my mere word free the slaves, when I cannot even enforce the Constitution, in the rebel states? Is there a single court, or magistrate, or individual there, that would be influenced by it? And what reason is there, to think that it would have any greater effect even upon the slaves, than the late law of Congress, which I approved, and which offers protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters who come within our lines? And yet I cannot learn that, of the thousands of fugitives who have come to us, a single one was influenced by that law." THE DELEGATION. "We are glad to discuss the difficulties of the case ; for discussion here and elsewhere will bring a more united judg- ment, and it is quite likely that, though Con- gress could not agree, at the last session, they may have, in view of the subsequent events, more unanimity when they next assemble. The members have met their constituents and learned of many marvelous conversions to the policy of emancipation ; especially since the late reverses have awakened thought as to the extreme peril .of the nation, and have made bad men as well as good men realize, that in this matter we have to deal with God. Men of the most opposite views, previously, are now uniting in calling for this measure. It is true, Mr. President, that you cannot, at this moment, enforce either the Constitution, or a decree of emancipation, in the South ; but we see no reason in that for not proclaiming emancipation. They do not appeal to the same classes, at home ^or abroad, and the latter is needful to the enforcement of the former, by making the slaves, the North, and the onlook- ing world see, that a war for the Union means liberty and not merely power. The two can be made operative together, as fast as the national armies advance, fighting their way Southward ; and we have yet to hear that you propose to abandon the Constitution, because of the present difficulty of enforcing it. The slaves will gradu- ally hear of such a proclamation, from those near the borders and from the conversation of the whites, and it will fill them with hope, increase the earnestness of their prayers in our behalf, and give them encouragement to escape to us when they can." MR. LINCOLN. " But should they come "in any great numbers, what could we do with them ? How can we feed and care for such a multitude ? General Butler, who is in New Orleans, wrote to me, a few days since, that he was issuing more 24 rations to the slaves who have rushed to him, than to all the troops under his command. They eat, and that is all ! True, General Butler is feeding the whites, also, by the thousand ; for it nearly amounts to a famine there. If now the pressure of the war should call off our forces from New Orleans, to defend some other point, what is to prevent the masters from reducing the blacks to slavery again ? For I am told, that whenever the rebels take any black prisoners, they immediately auction them off. They did so with those they took from a boat, that was aground in the Tennessee River, a few days ago. And then I am very ungenerously attacked for such occur- rences! For instance, after the late battles, at and near Bull Run, when an expedition went out from Washington, under a flag of truce, to bury the dead and bring in the wounded, and the rebels seized the blacks who went along to help, and sent them into slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper, that the Government would probably do nothing about it. What could I do? THE DELEGATION. "Allow us to suggest, that whatever the Government could do, in the case of whites, when a flag of truce is violated, could and should be done, in the case of blacks ; for a flag of truce covers equally all over whom it waves. As for the difficulty experienced by General Butler, it arises from the evil which always accompanies 25 timid, half-way measures. These give you the full trouble of thoroughgoing measures, without the corresponding benefit. It is folly merely to receive and feed the slaves. Paul's sound doctrine was, that those who eat must work. The slaves must be received and welcomed, must be freed and fed ; but they must be required to work, and they must also be enlisted and drilled, to fight for their own liberty and for the Union which is to protect it. The neglect and timidity on this latter point has been disastrous. Take the opposite policy, and the blacks will be no encumbrance, and their rations no waste. We should follow the ancient maxim, and learn from the enemy. What the rebels most fear, we should be most prompt to do ; and what they most fear is evident from the hot haste with which, on the very first day of the present session of the Rebel Congress, bills were introduced threatening terrible vengeance, if we used the blacks in the war." MR. LINCOLN. "Well, proceed and tell me further, what possible result of good would follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire. Understand ; I raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds ; for, as com- mander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time of war, I suppose I have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the enemy. Nor do I urge objections of a moral nature, in 26 view of possible consequences of insurrection and massacre at the South. I view the matter as a practical war measure, to be decided upon according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion." THE DELEGATION. "As regards the slaves, we should not expect any immediate or general effect. The news will gradually spread, and as our armies advance, it will cause an influx of blacks to us, which will deprive the rebels of numerous labor- ers, whom they are continually putting to valuable use, and will give us both laborers and soldiers ; for we cannot believe that the present policy of not enlisting black troops will long be continued. As regards the North, we think it would deepen the convictions and increase the zeal of the loyal citizens, who now are tempted, at times, to despair of success, when they see such an apparent unwill- ingness to strike at the root of the evil. It would give them a double principle for which to fight and to suffer loss, in all needful ways ; to wit, national union and universal liberty. It would, above all, assure them, that the work of putting down the rebellion was to be so thoroughly done, as to leave our country forever free from disgrace and danger in this quarter. Slavery and secession are one and the same thing, practically. Not the least of the benefits to be secured, however, would come from its effect abroad. We all trem- 27 ble, lest England and France shall find a sufficient excuse for recognizing the Southern Confederacy. The upper classes in those countries are known to favor such a course. We must omit nothing which can deprive them of argument and oppor- tunity. At present, the sympathizers with seces- sion in Great Britain (which country heretofore has professed great anti-slavery zeal), allege that this bloody war is on our part for national ambition, pride of territory, coveted power of the Great Republic, and not. at all for liberty. It has no claim, therefore, upon the sympathy of philan- thropists in Europe. We are thus weak, where we ought to be and need to be strong. Proclaim emancipation, and a tide of sympathy for us will set in, which no European power would dare to resist." MR. LINCOLN. " There is force in some of your points. I admit that slavery is the root of the rebellion, or was, at least, its sine qua non. The ambition- of politicians may have instigated them to act ; but they would have been impotent without slavery as their instrument. I will also concede, that emancipation would help us in Europe, and convince them that we are incited by something more than ambition. I grant further, that it would help somewhat at the North ; though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent imagine. Still, some addi- 28 tional strength would be added, in that way, to the war. And then, unquestionably, it would weaken the rebels, by drawing off their laborers, which is of great importance. But I am not so sure, that we could do much with the blacks. If we were to arm them, as soldiers, I fear that, in a few weeks, the arms would be in the hands of the rebels ! And, indeed, thus far we have not had arms enough to equip our white troops. I will mention another thing, though it may meet only your scorn and contempt. There are fifty thousand bayonets in the Union armies from the Border slave States. It would be a serious matter, if, in consequence of a proclamation such as you desire, they should go over to the rebels. I do not think that they all would ; not so many, indeed, as a year ago ; not so many as six months ago ; not so many to-day as yesterday. Every day increases their Union feeling. They are also getting their pride enlisted, and they want to beat the rebels. Let me say one thing more : you must admit, that we already have an impor- tant principle, with which to rally and unite the people, in the fact that constitutional government is at stake. Here is a rebellion against the orderly result of a regular election according to law, in which they themselves took part. Fail- ing to elect their candidate, they rebel ! This is the destruction of constitutional government. We are fighting for a liberty of law against faction .and anarchy. This is a fundamental idea, and goes down about as deep as anything ! " THE DELEGATION. "As to the blacks, we have only to say, that good sense must be used in arming and drilling them as well as white troops ; that discipline, in this as in other cases, could work wonders with the raw material, in the course of time, so that it would be well to begin in season ; and that, if there be a scarcity of arms, it might be wise to place a part of the supply in the hands of those nearest to the seat of the rebellion, having most at stake, and able to strike the heaviest blow. We have little fear of the desertion of the Border State troops. The danger is much diminished, as you have just admitted, and anything lost in that quarter would be regained twofold at the North. But, at all events, the struggle has now gone too far to be settled by partial measures. This country must be all slave or all free territory. Let the line be drawn, at the same time, between loyalty and treason, and between freedom and slavery. The sooner we know who are our enemies, the better. But the people of the Border States, as a whole, are neither traitors nor fools. Wholesale desertion, on their part, would make their States the seat of war, a vast battlefield, a scene of blood and desolation. Perhaps our hopefulness arises 5 30 from our being fresh from the people, warm with their aspirations, and having personal knowledge of the self-denials and prayers of the Christian patriots. We do not undervalue the principle of constitutional government, which is at stake. It is indeed a grand idea for which to contend, even at this expense of treasure and blood. But, Mr. President, the people know, and you have admitted, that nothing else has put constitutional government in danger, in this land, but slavery ; that the toleration of that aristocratic and despotic element among our free institutions has been the inconsistency that has nearly wrought our ruin, and caused free government to appear a failure before the world. Therefore, to preserve and perpetuate constitutional government, the people demand emancipation. Let us fight the battle once for all ! Our idea will thus be found to go deeper than yours, and to be armed with corresponding power." MR. LINCOLN (suddenly). "Yes; that is the true ground of our difficulties." THE DELEGATION. "Oh, Mr. President, we are very earnest in this matter. A proclamation of emancipation, giving ' Union and Liberty ' as the national watchword, would be a new inspira- tion for the war, appealing to conscience, senti- ment and hope. You must not judge from the depression seen under recent disasters. If the 31 Leader will but utter a trumpet call, the nation will respond with patriotic ardor. No one can tell the power of the right word from the right man, to develop the latent fire and enthusiasm of the masses." MR. LINCOLN (with earnestness). " I know it!" During the interview, thus far, the -President sat in a roomy armchair, and at first in a straight and dignified posture, as one officially receiving a delegation. But as the conversation proceeded, he forgot all about himself, became deeply interested in the discussion, and evidently warmed up towards us personally, as if we were true friends. Gradually he unbent in his man- ners, and, feeling perfectly at ease, began to be humorous or pathetic, as the mood took him. He turned his face more and more towards us, until, as he grew quite earnest and yet informal, he carelessly threw one leg over the left arm of the huge chair, and soon after the other, gesticu- lating freely, and looking us intently in the face. It was amusing to see, and would have shocked European ideas of official propriety ; but to us it only indicated the simplicity, frankness and sturdy honesty of his nature, and the unreserve with which he dealt with those who had his confidence. The close of the interview was as follows : THE DELEGATION. "We must not trespass 32 longer on your patience or your valuable time. Many others are waiting to see you, and we thank you for according us this personal inter- view. Pardon us, if, in the warmth of discussion, anything has dropped from our lips that seemed wanting in due respect for our honored chief magistrate. We have only aimed to be true to our convictions and faithful to our mission, and we take our leave, commending you to the gracious guidance of the All- Wise God." MR. LINCOLN (rising and cordially extending his hand, in a parting salute). "I have been much gratified with this interview. You have done your duty; I will try to do mine. In addition to what I have already said, there is a question of expediency as to time, should such a proclamation be issued. Matters look dark just now. I fear that a proclamation, on the heels of defeat, would be interpreted as a cry of despair. It would come better, if at all, immediately after a victory. I wish I could say something to you more entirely satisfactory; yet do not misunder- stand me, because I have mentioned these various objections. They indicate the difficulties, which, thus far have prevented my -action in some such way as you desire. I have not decided against a proclamation of liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under advisement; and I can assure you, that the subject is on my mind, by day and 33 night, more than any other. Whatever shall appear to be God's will, I will do. In parting I would only add, that I trust that, in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views, I have not in any respect injured your feelings." As we left the Executive Mansion, Dr. Demp- ster and the writer naturally compared impressions made by the interview, and we found ourselves in entire agreement. Our minds were full of hope. The subject had evidently been under thoughtful consideration by the President, and the seemingly strong objections, which he urged to our request, struck us, after all, as in a measure old and outworn ; as if they had lost to his mind most of the force which they might once have had. We thought it probable that, if the approaching battle at Antietam should prove favorable to the Union cause, it would be followed by a proclamation of emancipation. This account of what actually was said, at the interview, will show the unhistoric character of the statement made by Hon. George S. Boutwell, in his Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln, that, " at his interview with the Chicago clergy, he stated his reasons against emancipation, and stated them so forcibly, that the clergy were not prepared to answer them." As to this the reader will judge. 34 We reached Chicago, on Tuesday, September 16th, and on Friday, the 19th, made our written report to another immense gathering of the citizens, in Bryan Hall. Meanwhile the battle of Antietam had been fought, on the 17th. The report gave so fully and forcibly the objections mentioned by the President, that the Democratic newspapers of the next morning declared them to be a complete answer to the Memorial, thought the case settled adversely, appreciated highly the joke about the Pope's bull against the comet, and ridiculed the hopes expressed by the Delegation. But when the report appeared in print, in the daily papers of Tuesday, the 23d, by its side appeared President Lincoln's preliminary pro- clamation of emancipation, dated September 22d, 1862, announcing his purpose, on January 1st, 1863, to declare free the slaves in all the States or parts of States, which should then be in rebellion. It is now known, that previous to this interview, President Lincoln had not only, as he intimated to us, solemnly considered the subject, but had even made a tentative draft of a proclamation, and discussed it in his Cabinet, leaving the fact and time of its publication quite undetermined. But that our humble mission was not destitute of some final influence, in resolving doubts and putting an end to delay, is more than probable. 35 Mr. F. B. Carpenter, in his "Six Months at the White House," testifies, that Mr. Lincoln told him that his second draft of the Preliminary Proclamation was written at the Soldiers' Home, after the news had arrived of the favorable result of the battle of Antietam (September 17th), which prevented General Lee's contemplated invasion of Pennsylvania. On the 20th he laid it before the Cabinet, telling the members (as Secretary S. P. Chase informed Mr. Carpenter), with much solemnity of manner, that just before the battle of Antietam, he solemnly promised his God, that if the battle went favorably to the Union cause, he would proclaim freedom to the slaves. As our interview with him was four days before the battle, the appeal which the delegation made to his conscience and to his faith in Providence, may well have aided in bringing him to make such a vow. A leading editor of Chicago (Mr. Medill), returning, a few months after, from a visit to Washington, said : " Secretary Stan ton told me to say to those Chicago clergymen, who waited on the President about the Proclamation of Eman- cipation, that their interview finished the business. After thatj there was no manifestation of doubt, or talk of delay. Mr. Lincoln's mind was firmly made up." Two years later, in July, 1864, the writer had a brief interview with Mr. Lincoln, 36 at Washington, in which he expressed entire satisfaction with the step thus taken, although the immediate advantages had not been as great as some had expected. We can all now see how vast and beneficent were the ultimate results, and every one may well rejoice, who was per- mitted in any degree to aid in securing them.