TRACT FOR AMERICANS. 32 In 1848, Mr. Fillmore was nominated and ilected Vice-President on the same ticket with Gen.. Taylor. The suggestion that he night receive this nomination, was a matter )f consideration and discussion for some time pore it was made, by Mr. Fillmore and his Wends. As a question of personal interest, tfr. Fillmore hesitated and wavered in decid- ng whether to solicit this nomination, or to •eserve himself as a candidate for the United states Senatorship. On one point, his mind vas made up from first to last. He would lot accept the Vice-Presidential nomination, 7 if Mr. Olay was designated for the Presidency. He had early adopted the opinion that Mr. Clay was unpopular and unavailable. So thinking, he got up and managed a caucus of the New York members of Congress in 1839, at which a letter was agreed upon and signed, Mr. Mitchell only dissenting, advising the New York delegation in the Harrisburg Con- vention, to bring out Gen. Harrison, and not Mr. Clay, for the campaign of 1840. He re- tained the same opinion of Mr. Olay’s unavail- ability in 1848, which was increased by his apprehensions that Mr. Clay’s declarations in the meantime in reference to the slavery ques- tion, would make him fatally obnoxious to the free sentiment of the North. Mr. Fillmore doubted whether it would be possible to sup- port even Gen. Taylor at the North, in conse- quence of the prevalence and warmth of these sentiments. His final conclusion, communi- cated at the last moment to his friends leaving for the Philadelphia Convention, was, abso- lutely to refuse the use of his name if Mr. Clay was nominated for the Presidency, and that he did not desire his name to be used, if the nomination fell upon Gen. Taylor. In fact, he was nominated upon the ticket with General Taylor, and it is only necessary to observe that this was so done, for the sole pur- pose of conciliating anti-slavery support to the ticket. Mr. Fillmore was known through- out the country, as a decided anti-slavery man, and it was hoped and believed that his name would reconcile Northern voters to the support of General Taylor, and so the event proved. The original draft of Mr. Fillmore’s letter, accepting the nomination for the Vice-Presi- dency, was submitted to his friends, and un- der them advice, was not published, until cer- tain extreme anti-slavery sentiments were stricken out, wftich, in their judgment, would have been fatal to the Whig party at the South. After his elevation to the Vice-Presidency, Mr. Fillmore took a new departure in poli- tics, and I propose to point out some of the cir- cumstances which preceded and attended it. In the year 1839, Mr. Seward being Gov- ernor of New York, a bill was passed by the Legislature of that State, creating the office of Vice-chancellor for Western New York. This office was given by Gov. Seward to Frederick Whittelsey of Rochester, the bill creating it having passed the Legislature with the general understanding that that appoint- ment would be made under it. Before tne final completion of these proceedings, Mr. Fillmore, then at Washington, wrote a letter to a distinguished gentleman at Albany, ex- pressing his own wish for this appointment, if it could be given to him consistently with the arrangements of the Whig party. In re- ply, Mr. Weed apprised him of the circum- 4 stances attending the creation of the office. Mr. Fillmore, however, never forgave Gov. Seward for his failure to gratify him in this matter. In reference to some of the appointments made by General Taylor for the State of New York, opposing recommendations were made by Gov. Seward and Mr. Fillmore. The lat- ter gentleman complained, although really without cause, that he did not have that weight with General Taylor to which he was entitled. In the end, a coolness grew up be- tween Gen. Taylor and Mr. Fillmore, which carried Mr. Fillmore by insensible degrees into the camp of their common enemies. Be- coming more and more estranged from General Taylor, he joined himself to the opposition raised by the South and by the democratic party to General Taylor’s territorial policy, and at length became a prominent and con- spicuous member of the coterie of Union sa- vers. Nor did he fail to take an early advan- tage of his new political connections, to grati- fy the views in respect to the distribution of office, disappointment in which was the sole cause of his opposition to the soldier and pa- triot then administering the government. In a speech delivered in California in the fall of 1854, Mr. Foote of Mississippi lets us into some of these secret movements. After recapitulating the points of one of his speeches in the United States Senate, in which he had denounced the free-soil movements and nomi- nations to office of General Taylor, Mr. Foote says : — ^ w . “ I had not long taken my seat before Mr. Badger of North Carolina, one of the purest and most patriotic men that ever occupied a place in the national council, came to me and stated that Vice-President Fillmore, the then presid- ing officer of the Senate, had requested him to make known to me that he perfectly con- curred in the views which I had just express- ed, and that he would be pleased to have an interview with me on the subject in the official rooms of the Capitol, at the hour of nine o’clock on the next morning. I promised to attend upon him at the time and place speci- fied. I did so. “ Without going into particulars at present, it is sufficient for me to say that I obtained by the direction of Mr. Fillmore from the hands . of an accredited friend of his, a list of the nominees subject to the objection of being agitators on the question of slavery. This whole catalogue of worthies was disposed of in the Senate , in other words they were sacrificed to the peace of the country ; save one or two, whose nominations remained to be acted upon on the last night of the session of Congress. They were disposed of by Mr. Fillmore him- self on the same night; for just before the clock struck twelve, this gentleman, bein then President, sent in a special messag withdrawing all the offensive nomination and substituting others in their stead.” From this period, Mr. Fillmore was again J his old friends and his old principles. Aj P resident he acted with the South and wit the Democrats. Whig members of Congred had no access to him, and no influence wit him. It was at the end of his administrate that honest John Davis of Massachusetts, wit bowed head and desponding heart, made till memorable declaration that “ slavery ruU everything .” A distinguished member of th: House from Maine, Mr. Washburn, has ir formed the public that Mr. Davis said to hin- that he felt himself as much a stranger in thj White House after the accession of Mr. Fil more, as he did during the administration o: Mr. Polk. What was true of Mr. Davis, th tried and trusted leader of the Whigs of Mas sachusetts, was true of all the Whigs of thi North who held fast to old principles. Mi Fillmore received his reward in the unani mous support of the South in the Whig cob vention of 1852. But between himself an the true Whigs of the North, he had, witj his own hands, erected an impassable wall separation. ! No personal disappointments could justif Mr. Fillmore in forming his new alliance against Gen. Taylor, but in truth, nothing ha occurred of which he had the least right t complain. Gen. Taylor was a just, upright an< sagacious man. Instead of finding Mr. Fil more an impartial counsellor, taking a broa view of things, he found him intent at a times on advancing his peculiar, personal in terests. At the first interview between thei in Washington, Mr. Fillmore demanded tha his partner, Mr. Hall, should be appointe Governor of Minnesota, and that Mr. Foot( the editor of his paper, the Buffalo Commei cial Advertiser, should be appointed Ministe at Constantinople. Gen. Taylor could not bu see, and he did see, that Mr. Fillmore was mere office broker, for his particular friends instead of being a reliable adviser for the ge neral good of a common party. Again, a Erie, when Gen. Taylor was lying there sick and so sick, that, to use his own expression, h “ could not tell night from dayf Mr. Fillmor! came up from Buffalo, not to minister to him not to comfort him, but to extort a premia from him, the performance of which he after wards exacted, that his friend, Mr. StuarJ should be appointed Architect of public builcfl ings. Gen. Taylor noted these and similaj things, and often, before his death, spoke ol them with grief and indignation. I know that there are many Whigs a; till North, who still hold in good faith to the ol« 5 rinoiples of the Whig party of the North, rho incline to support Mr. Fillmore. Let le warn such men, that the rancor of a rene- ade always surpasses the hostility of an ori- inal enemy, and that we have more to hope, [ speak now as an original Whig,) from Mr. luchanan, than from Mr. Fillmore, who hates is old associates and his old principles, from the consciousness, which he cannot escape, hat he has been false to both. Implacable nmity to all the true men of the North, , and Ihorough devotion to the politicians of. the nuth; these make up the personal, relations, .ever again to be changed, of Mr. Fillmore. The American Party Platform. The present platform of the American party, i.dopted in February last, and upon which ‘ Jr. Fillmore now . stands, is precisely the i ame as the Cincinnati platform, so far as the Xansas-Nebraska policy is concerned. This >s clear from its language, and equally so from ts history. The first platform of the American party, i idopted in June, 1855, contained the celebrated ‘ Twelfth section ,” now expunged, and which vas as follows : “XII. The American party having arisen lpon the ruins, and in spite of the opposition, )f the Whig and Democratic parties, cannot be in any manner responsible for the obnoxious nets or violated pledges of either. And the systematic agitation of the slavery, question i by those parties having elevated sectional hos- tility into a positive element of political pow- er, and brought our institutions into peril, it : has, therefore, become the imperative duty of the American party to interpose for the pur- pose of giving peace to the country and per- petuity to the Union. And, as experience has shown it impossible to reconcile opinions so extreme as those which separate the. dispu- tants, and as there can be no dishonor in sub- mitting to the laws, the National Council has deemed it the best guarantee of common jus- tice and of future peace, to abide by and maintain the existing laws upon the subject of slavery as a final and conclusive settlement of that subject, in spirit and in substance. “And regarding it the highest duty to avow i their opinions upon a subject so important in distinct and unequivocal terms, it is hereby declared, as the sense of this National Coun- cil, that Congress possesses no power under the Constitution to legislate upon the subject of slavery in the States where it does or may exist, or to exclude any State from admission into the Union because its Constitution does or does not recognize the institution of slavery as a part of its social system ; and expressly pretermitting any expression of opinion upon the power of Congress to establish or prohi- bit slavery in any Territory, it is the sense of the National Council that Congress ought not to legislate upon the subject of slavery within the Territories of the United States, and that any interference by Congress with slavery as it exists in the District of Columbia would be a violation of the spirit and intention of the compact by which the State of Maryland ceded the District to the United States, and a breach of the national faith.” Here was no approval of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. On the contrary, the reference to “obnoxious acts” and “violated pledges,” was intended, either to condemn it, or to. carry the appearance of condemning, it. But in respect to all present and future action, which is its only practical aspect, this section sustains the Nebraska act as a thing settled and not to be disturbed. This twelfth section offended the great body of the northern Americans, and at a separate convention holden at Cincinnati in the fall of 1855, in which this northern wing was largely represented, the following resolution was adopted : “That the repeal of the Missouri Compro- mise was an infraction of the plighted faith of the nation, and that it should be restored; and if efforts to that end should fail, Congress should refuse to admit into the Union any State tolerating slavery, which shall be formed out of any portion of the Territory from which that institution was excluded by that compromise.” This was the most moderate form to which the demands of the northern Americans could then be reduced. In February last, the party met again in national convention, and having set aside the platform of June, 1855, adopted a new one, of which the two following are the only clauses which relate to the Nebraska contro- versy : “ Seventh. The recognition of the right of the native-born and naturalized citizens of the United States permanently residing in any Territory thereof, to frame their consti- tution and laws, and to regulate their domes- tic and social affairs in their own mode, sub- ject only to the provisions of the Federal Constitution, with the right of admission into the Union whenever they have the requisite population for one Representative in Con- gress.” “ Thirteenth. Opposition to the reckless and unwise policy of the present Administration, in the general management of our national affairs, and more especially as shown in 6 ‘removing Americans’ (by designation) and conservatives in principle from office, and placing foreigners and ultraists in their places ; as shown in a truckling subserviency to the stronger, and an insolent and cowardly bra- vado towards the weaker powers; as shown in reopening sectional agitation, by the repeal of the Missouri compromise,” &e. As to the past, this new platform differs from the old platform, inasmuch as it ex- pressly condemns the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, whereas the old one does so only by inference and construction, if it does so at all. As to the present and future, the two plat- forms are identical, both upholding the Ne- braska policy of Judge Douglass, and both repudiating Congressional control over the Territories, under pretence of giving to the citizens thereof the right to govern them- selves. Practically, it is of no moment, what indi- viduals, or parties, think of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. The important ques- tion is, what shall now be done ? Shall the Douglass swindle be acquiesced in, or shall the Compromise be restored, in letter or sub- stance ? But while this is the only practical question, I must take occasion to say that I find it easier to respect those who sustain the Douglass policy, as right in principle, than those who condemn it, and at the same time sustain it. The Northern members of the February Convention, saw at once that this new plat- form was as complete a repudiation of their views as the old one. A resolution was offered by one of them that “ we will nominate no candidate for Pre- sident or Vice President , who is not in favor of interdicting the introduction of slavery north of 36° 30 '.” A motion was made to lay this resolution on the table, and it was carried — yeas 141, nays 59. The resolution to proceed to a ballot having passed, the Convention was about to do so, when Mr. Perkins of Connecticut, announced the secession from the Convention of the del- egates of that State, which was followed by Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Ohio, and por- tions of the delegates of Illinois, Iowa, and Pennsylvania. These seceding members put forth an ad- dress to the public, of which the following is the material portion : “ The undersigned, delegates to the Nomi- nating Convention now in session at Philadel- phia, find themselves compelled to dissent from the principles avowed by that body ; and holding the opinion, as they do, that the resto- ration of the Missouri Compromise, demanded by a majority of the whole people, is a re- dress of an undeniable wrong, and the resto- ration of it, in spirit at least, indispensable to the repose of the country, they have regarded the refusal of that Convention to recognize the well defined opinion of the country, and of the Americans of the free States, upon this question, as a denial of their rights, and a re- buke to their sentiments. Many Northern members having left the Convention upon these grounds, Mr. Fillmore obtained the nomination, receiving the South- ern votes, with the exception of a few given to Garret Davis, of Ky., and General Houston. 14 of the 15 delegates from Virginia voted for Mr. Fillmore, and so did unanimously the del- egations from Maryland, Delaware, North Ca- rolina, Missouri, Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, and Mississippi. And thus the South obtain- ed the platform it wanted, and the man of its choice. This thing was and is understood by th« Southern members of that Convention, precise- ly as it was by the Northern members. The South came off the substantial winner, al- though, for theatrical effect, it was thought best to shed a few tears over the departed “ twelfth section .” Mr. Zollicoffer, a member of this House, from Tennessee, was a member of that Con- vention, and he has told us here, exactly what the true scope of the new platform is. I will quote from his reported speech. In the House on the 3rd of April, 1856, [Appendix to Cong. Globe, 1st session, 34th Cong, page 355,] Mr. Zollicoffer said : “ My colleague makes the point against me, that the thirteenth section embraces a specifi- cation against the Administration, for ‘re- opening sectional agitation by a repeal of the Missouri Compromise.’ I will inform my col- league that I proposed to strike out that spe- cification, and every specification in the thir- teenth section ; but there being much disorder at the time, I failed to succeed. * * * The question was subsequently about being put in the American council, — shall the new platform be adopted in lieu of the old? when some member proposed a division of the question, which was agreed to, and the vote was first taken upon striking out the old platform, I voted against striking out, but the proposition was carried. Then the question recurred upon adoption of the new platform. I voted for its adoption. I did it just as I voted for the Kan- sas-Nebraska bill in 1854, with some minor objections, which I stated at the time. * * * But to make the most of that specification in the platform, it is but an expression of opin- ion as to a bygone ism, while the seventh sec- tion of the platform lays down a vital prin- 7 oiple of action for the present and the future, •covering the whole ground, and REASSERT- ING THE LEADING PRINCIPLE EMBOD- IED BOTH IN THE OLD TWELFTH SEC- TION AND IN THE NEBRASKA ACT.” Thus it is clear, that the American platform, for all substantial purposes, is identical with the Cincinnati platform. To the same effect, another Fillmore mem- ber of this House, Hon. Charles Ready of Ten- nessee, in a recent letter to his constituents, says : “ It is true, Mr. Fillmore was opposed to the repeal of the Missouri restriction ; and some, it may be many, of his supporters, were also opposed to it. Therein, there was a dif- ference of opinion between us. “But all those things are past. We must now look to the future. Will there, in the future, be an issue between us ? Is Mr. Fill- more now, and will he hereafter be, in favor of restoring the Missouri restriction ? He is known to be opposed to all agitation on the ■subject of slavery, and to stand by the exist- ing laws. Then, there is no practical issue between us upon this point, nor is there be- tween him and Mr. Buchanan. He also holds to the right of the Territory to admission into the Union, with a constitution prohibiting or -establishing Slavery, as the people may there- in provide. In this, we also agree with each other, and with Mr. Buchanan. Surely, then, I can support him without any inconsistency or change of political opinion.” Mr. Fillmore's Position. Mr. Fillmore talks , just as his platform reads. Following that lead, he condemns the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and he says that he was opposed to it when it was done. I believe this to be an after thought. Not one word, not one line, was given to the public by Mr. Fillmore in 1854, against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. He . was then making a tour through the South, deliver- ing speeches, and whining about the “Union,” just as he is now. Not a lisp did he utter against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, until the cue was given him in this platform. Following the same cue, he avoids saying any thing about restoring the Compromise. Not only does Mr. Fillmore thus adopt a platform, in no respect better than the one which is sinking Mr. Buchanan, beyond the reach of the plummet, but he himself super- adds to it, nullification, disunion and treason. This is strong language, but it is borne out by the truth. Mr. Fillmore does not merely pre- dict disunion, but he incites and approves it. Ho does not merely say that the South will dissolve the Union if Col. Fremont is elected, but that they ought to dissolve it, and would be doing no more than the North would do under similar circumstances. At Albany, June the 26th, Mr. Fillmore said : — “We see a political party presenting candi- dates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency, selected for the first time from the tree States alone, with the avowed purpose of electing these candidates by suffrages of one part of the Union only, to rule over the whole United States. Can it be possible that those who are engaged in such a measure can have seriously reflected upon the consequences which must inevitably follow, in case of success ? [Cheers.] Can they have the madness or the folly to be- lieve that our southern brethren would sub- mit to be governed by such a Chief Magis- trate? [Cheers.] Suppose that the South having a majority of the electoral votes, should declare that they would only have slave-holders for President and Vice President ; and should elect such by their exclusive suf- frages to rule over us at the North ; do you think we would submit to it? No, not for a moment. [Applause.] And do you believe that your southern brethren are less sensitive on this subject than you are, or less jealous of their rights ?” Certainly, Mr. Fillmore advances rapidly. In 1848, an abolitionist; in 1850, a Union man; in 1856, a Nullifier. What next? Who will support and control Mr. Fillmore ? By no possibility can Mr Fillmore get a northern vote in the electoral colleges. In all probability, he can get none anywhere. If, however, the election is accidentally thrown into this House, not a solitary northern State is in his favor, as represented here. In any wise, his whole strength is at the South. His party is there. The control of it lies there. The northern Americans are mere bobs to a south- ern kite, just as the northern Democrats are. The only question between the Buchanan and Fillmore parties is, which of two parties, both intensely and exclusively southern, shall vault into power. Now, I assert here, that the thirty Fillmore members of this House from the South, are even more rapidly and furiously pro-slavery than the Democrats from the South are. They united in the attempt to make Governor Aiken, with his fifteen hundred slaves, Speaker. They resisted, to a man, the investigation into the Kansas outrages, and to a man, they resist every measure of redress. To a man, they voted against the restoration of the Missouri compromise, as provided in Mr. Dunn’s bill. 8 To a man, they voted to keep General Whit- field, the bogus Delegate from Kansas, in his seat. On everything, hearing directly or in- directly upon slavery, they vote to a man. They did so on the contested seat- between Messrs. Allen and Archer, of Illinois. They threaten disunion if the Missouri re- striction is restored. On the 20th of last December, (Appendix to Congressional Globe, page 30,) Mr. Cox, of Kentucky, said : — “ When you tell me that you intend to put a restriction on the Territories, I say to you, that upon that subject the South is a unit, and will not submit to any such thing.” On the 19th of last December, (Appendix to Congressional Globe, page 56,) Mr. Camp- bell, of Kentucky said : — “ It is an interference with our institutions when our citizens are denied the same rights in the new territories with the citizens from the North, for that territory belongs to us as much as it does to you. * * * * “ Whenever this Government makes a dis- tinction between a southern and northern con- stituency or citizenship, then we shall no longer consider ourselves bound to support the Confederacy, but will resort to the right of revolution, which is recognized by all.” The, following is one of the resolutions of the last American State convention in Ala- bama: — “ Resoloed , That in view of the increased dangers that threaten the institutions of the South, this convention deems it necessary to, and does hereby, reindorse and adopt the fol- lowing resolution, known as the Georgia platform, to wit : That the State of Alabama, in the judgment of this convention, will and ought to resist, (as a last resort,) to a disrup- tion of every tie which binds her to the Union, any action of Congress upon the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia, or in places subject to the jurisdiction of Congress, incompatible with the safety, the domestic tranquillity, the rights and honor of the slave- holding States; or any act suppressing the slave trade between the slaveholding States ; or any refusal to admit as a State any terri- tory applying, because of the existence of sla- very therein; or any act prohibiting the intro- duction of slaves into the territories ; or any act repealing, or materially modifying, the laws now in force for the recovery of fugitive slaves.” It is useless to multiply quotations further. The whole thing is stated with exactness and truth in a letter addressed, on the 2d inst., to citizens of New Jersey, by a member of this House, [Mr. Watkins, of Tennessee,] himself elected as an American to his seat here : — “ Taking the record of this Congress in the various tests that have been applied and the relative position and votes of the three par- ties, I am forced to the conclusion, by every principle of reason, policy, and philosophy, that the South Americans must and will, ultimately unite with the Democratic party, and those who claim to be Americans North with the republican party.” And again, in the same letter, Mr. Watkins says : — “The interests, sympathies, and legitimate and proper identity of the South Americans are with the national democratic party of the country.” Undoubtedly this is so, and to sincere men, holding sincere opinions upon the great ques- tion of slavery extension, it must be apparent, that as affecting the result, the election of Mr. Fillmore will be precisely the same as the election of Mr. Buchanan. They are both southern candidates, having their strength at the South, and certain to be controlled by the South, if elected. I am aware, as I have said once before, that many persons at the North, honestly opposed to the extension of slavery, are still inclined to Mr. Fillmore, from a misapprehension of his true position. To such men I have particularly designed to address myself. Can they believe, upon a fair review of the whole case, that freedom has anything to hope from the success of Mr. Fillmore ? We are upon the eve, sir, of important political movements, and I intend to speak plainly. It is fast becoming apparent that Mr. Fillmore has no effective strength and can carry no single State. His friends still cling to Maryland as a forlorn hope, but they must soon abandon even that State. If Mr. Fillmore is not formally withdrawn, he will be substantially dropped. The bulk of his present supporters at the North will, in that event, rally under the broad banner of Fre- mont and Freedom. Not so, I fear, with Mr. Fillmore himself and his immediate advisers. It is my most deliberate judgment that they prefer Mr. Buchanan to Col. Fremont, and that they will keep Mr. Fillmore in the field, or withdraw him, just as may be thought best for the interests of the democratic party. In my opinion, there is not in all the Northern States a man more completely and irretrieva- bly wedded to the South, by his sympathies on the one hand and his hatreds on the other, than Mr. Fillmore. Since 1850, he has been with the South and with the democratic party, and he will never return to the friends whom 9 , has betrayed. They expect nothing from m but implacable hostility to the last. But to the great body of his present sup- irters at the North, I appeal with conhdtooe )me over to your natural allies. Unite the orth and thereby tranquilize the Union. In e presence of an united and irresistible orth, the madness of Southern nullification ould be arrested. Men of all parties of e South are rushing to the support of Mr. achanan, as the pledged representative of mthern sectional interests. Has freedom ss power than slavery, to produce concert, id arouse sympathies? , , a ,, The support of Mr. Fillmore at the South, i this moment, is a mere sham to keep alive Fillmore party at the North, so as to defeat ie election of Ool. Fremont Will the mtel- gent people of the North be longer deceived? Mr' Fillmore has delivered many speeches nee * his return from Europe, but m not one f them has he expressed either sympathy tor he down-trodden people of Kansas, or mdig- ation against those who have oppressed them. Te has proposed no measure of redress tor heir wrongs, and he has offered co-operation cl no such measure. For the cause of liberty, o fearfully imperiled by the wants m Kansas, ie has uttered no word of cheer, or counsel, >r hope He has been as silent and as cold as he grave upon a theme which has stirred the feemen of this country, as they have not been r stirred since the days of the Revolution He -as eyes and ears for nothing but the Presi- 3 ncy, and that to be reached by the support l the South. He has no voice, and no heart, >r the North which he has abandoned. And for what cause, and on what pretence, i the North to be persuaded to divide its length at this crisis? For an issue and a uestion, which, in all its political aspects, as been abandoned by his friends upon the nor of this House. A session of Congress f nearly nine months is near its termination, nd no friend of Mr. Fillmore here has moved ny change in the Naturalization laws, a change n which is the only substantial object pro- >osed by the American organization, I he ihirty Southern friends of Mr. Fillmore have jeen active enough and zealous enough, when- ever or wherever the interests of slavery have been concerned. Not one thought, or one mo- ment, have they given to this pretended issue ot Americanism, with which they hope to divide the North and secure to themselves the con- trol of this continent forever. Is it possible that the intelligence of the free States wdl be deceived by pretences so flimsy ? _ Who has forgotten the declaration made »n this floor, during the contest for the Speaker- ship, by Hon. Humphrey Marshall, of Ken- tucky, the bold and frank leader of Mr. Fill- more’s thirty Southern members of this House? “ I will first take care of the niggers , and then take care of the Irish and Dutch!” This was the out-spoken declaration of Mr. Marshall. Slavery first, and Americanism afterwards; this is the motto and the practice of the South, Slavery swallows up everything else, and con- trols everything else. And who is running for the Vice-Presidency on the same ticket with Mr. Fillmore ! Mr, Donelson, of Tennessee, who, on the day of his nomination, boasted of his one hundred negroes, as the proof and guarantee of his fidelity to the u institutions ” of the South! The ticket presented to us is not Fillmore alone, bad as that would be, but Fillmore amd Donelson, “niggers” and all. . The Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle, urging the claims of Mr. Fillmore upon the South, makes the following statement as to the sentiments which he expressed during the Southern tour of 1854: « Having made the tour of the Southwestern Slave States, he announced on the steps of the State House door in Montgomery, that the anti- Slavery prejudices of his early education had been obliterated by what he had seen in the South of the happy condition of the slave.” Of the fact that Mr. Filling’s original opinions or u aaiti- Slavery prefaces” have been thoroughly “ obliterated ” there can be no question, but the date and cause of the oblite- ration are not correctly given in this extract. It was not the Southern tour of 1854, but the Washington intrigues of 1850, which did the work. It was not what Mr. Fillmore saw of “ the happy condition of the slaves ” at the South, but what he had seen of “ the happy condition ” of politicians at this seat of power, attaining fortune and prosperity by subservien- cy to the interests of slavery. It was this spectacle of what has been, but may not al- U 15 A XT AT V 7 ", ways continue, which “ obliterated every single free principle of Mr. Fillmore’ and manhood. youth 10 LETTER FROM GEORGE LAV New York, July 3, 1856. Dear Sir : I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 26th ult. I have carefully re- flected upon its contents. In reply, I beg to state to you that I deeply regret no more perfect union has been effected by those whose duty it was to have accomplished that object — to unite the whole elements of opposition to the present corrupt ad- ministration, wielded as it is by the extreme slave oligarchy of the South. For the last three years, this same oligarchy has used the entire power and patronage of the General Government to crush out all independent action and honest representa- tion on the part of the North, to purchase up Northern men who were willing to misrepresent their constituents from personal motives, and for promises of favor from the present corrupt admin- istration. All good men who have the love of their coun- try at heart, both in the North and in the South, should unite cordially in a common effort to de- stroy the viper that has coiled around the free- dom and independence of the American people. Freedom of speech is prohibited in the halls of Congress : bowie-knives and revolvers are worn as daily appendages at the Capitol as a means of assault and defence. The Senate declares itself not only powerless for punishment, but even pal- sied for protection. Its members look quietly on and see a member stricken down in open day ip the Senate chamber, without even the common effort of humanity that would be exercised in a bar-room to save a man prostrated, without an opportunity of defending himself. Thus you see that those who represent their constituents honestly, and by unanswerable arguments, and who cannot be purchased by Executive favor, must be awed into silence by bowie-knives, blud- geons, and revolvers. Such is the scheme of Government inaugurated under the Pierce dynasty, and fostered by the Southern sectional power that supports it. Upon this basis, and into the arms of this power, the nominee of the Cincinnati Con- vention surrenders himself before the country, without the slightest reservation or individual in- dependence of his own. What has the country to expect if Mr. Buchanan succeeds ? Nothing bet- ter than what it has experienced under Mr. Pierce, and perhaps something worse. One is an old man without independence of mind, or energy of cha- racter, which the country is forewarned of by his declaration, that he is no longer James Buchanan, and has no views or opinions of his own, and is therefore the pliant instrument of the Slave power that nominated him at Cincinnati, and must reflect their views only. It will be well for the American people to remember this when they cast their vote for chief magistrate in November next. The other came into office, a man in the prime of life, without any such submission or pledges, backed up by almost the unanimous voice of the country in his election, and yet he was not three weeks in office before he surrendered himself to ON THE POLITICAL CRISIS. the same oligarchy that has wielded his powe during his administration, as absolutely as if h had no will or mind of his own, and had no ro sponsibility to any section of the Union except t the 350,000 slaveholders of the South, who no 1 ! control the Executive, the Judiciary, and th' Senate. The only voice the Free States have ij the F ederal Government is in the House of Bepre sentatives. Is it not fair to expect that if Mr. Buchanai should be elected, the evils that the country ha experienced for the last three years will go on in creasing during his administration until the North ern mind will submit no longer to be cheated bullied, defied, and deprived of its just rights anc fair representations in the Federal Govern] ment. As one of the leading features of the coming! administration, slavery is to be forced into Kan- ( sas. The rivers, the great highway of the nation* through Missouri, a Slave State, are to be closed] as they are at present, to the freemen of the! North who desire to emigrate to that territory.; Those great thoroughfares which have heretofore been looked upon as the pride of the nation, and that steam has rendered so valuable for the tran- sportation of persons or property, must be closed to the freemen of the North, or they must be sub- jected to examination, insult, loss of property, and turned back, unless they proclaim themselves in favor of the institution of slavery in this terri- tory. Such means as these are made use of to force slavery into Kansas. When free emigrants arrive there, after all these difficulties and delays have been surmounted, they must undergo an- other examination, and swear allegiance to the government of the slave power organized in Kan- sas by the Missouri mob, or be deprived of the right of franchise and of holding office. This is the operation of squatter sovereignty, which de- prives a man of his citizenship, unless he swears fidelity to slavery ; and all this is to be carried out and put in execution by an armed force, fur- nished from Missouri — the adjoining Slave State ; and the Federal Government, with Federal troops in the Territory, will look on calmly without in- terfering, so long as the Missouri mob succeeds to enforce slavery upon Kansas-; but if the men from -the Free States, who believe in free speech, free territory, free labor, free press, and free men, should be too numerous for the slave labor, then | the Federal troops organized for this special pur- pose, under the command of a Southern favorite of a Southern secessionist Secretary of War, are to interfere and decide the contest in favor of Slavery in Kansas. So much for the chances of Northern principles and Northern men in Kansas, and all that vast territory North of 36° 30', se- ! cured to freedom by solemn compact, in which the great minds of the country united to build up and preserve to freedom, and which the pigmies j and traitors, aided by this corrupt administration, have attempted to pull down and destroy. Here is where Gen. Pierce stands, and here is where 11 t mes Buchanan stands, while asking for the sup- ,rt of the freemen of the North. A few words about Mr. Fillmore. Let us ex- nine with what consistency we, as Americans, • Northern freemen, can support him. What •e his antecedents? When President of the nited States, was he not entirely subservient to ie Slave Power ? Did he resist the overtures of ie Slave Obligarchy of the South, or did he be- jme a willing instrument in their hands ? I ask au to look at his acts while President, and let iem be the answers to these questions. I will )fer you to the Fugitive Slave Law, that makes ie freemen of the North slave catchers— that re- ises to them the right of trial by jury— that entres the right of freedom of the man in one id^e and pays him a double fee if he declares im a slave, and only half the fee if he finds him freeman. This is the power that the slave oli- •archy of the South exercise at the North, where re have prohibited property in men to our own itizens ; and this act bears the signature of Mil- ard Fillmore as President of the United States. I isk you how he can expect the vote of the free ^orth. Can you give him your vote ? Can I give fim mine ? Are these the views you and I enter- ;ain in relation to the rights and the duty of the people of the North or mankind ? Now, sir, upon this question alone, without going into all his ather acts of subserviency to the South and the 3 lave power, let him stand for the suffrages of the freemen of the North. As to the Americanism of Mr. Fillmore, you and I have some knowledge of how much he has done to sustain that party. Has he ever been identified with it either in principle or in feeling ? If so where are his acts— on what occasion here- tofore has he proclaimed it ? What assistance has he ever rendered us in all our contests ? What were his antecedents to Americanism when Presi- dent of the United States ? Did he then protect American interests or American men? I well recollect that he did not, and the country will recollect it too. „ , . . When the Captain-General of Cuba issued Ins decree prohibiting the steamship Crescent City from touching at Havana so long as Mr. Smith, an American citizen, was aboard of her as Purser, ^because, as they alleged, the Herald and other papers in New York had published some informa- tion from Havana that was distasteful to the Cuban Government, and which they charged to have been furnished by Purser Smith, and, therefore, neither the Crescent City nor any other American ship should be allowed to touch at Havana having Mr. Smith on board, or any other person who would dare to furnish to the American press in- formation disagreeable to the Captain-General of Cuba— Mr. Fillmore was apprised of this order by the owners of the Crescent City, and he was desired to take some action in relation to it for Iprotection of American property and American citizens ; he miserably skulked the responsibility of his position, and used his interest with the owners to have Mr. Smith dismissed as purser, and to be replaced by some one who was satisfac tory to the Captain-General of Cuba. This the owners refused to do, and sent M \ I Smith back in the ship. Mr. Fillmore ordered the United States mails to be taken from the vessel and notified the owners that if the ship was fired upon by the Cuban authorities, and damaged or destroyed, that they would have no claim upon this Government for remuneration. The com- mander of the Crescent City was removed by his order, he being an officer of the United States Navy’ and under the President’s control. Another commander was appointed by the owners. He, too was removed by Mr. Fillmore s orders. I he ship was fined $4,000 for not carrying the United States mails, when the United States Government or Mr. Fillmore withheld them. _ The insurance - offices in New-York were either frightened by the course of Mr. Fillmore, or influenced by him to withhold their insurance from property shipped by the steamer that Purser Smith was on board of. The owners of the Crescent City had to insure the property of the shippers. The passengers on board of her were not allowed to be landed im Cuba. The owners persevered in what they con- sidered their proper rights, and the rights of an American citizen, and refused to dismiss Purser Saiith, until the Captain-General of Cuba was obliged to rescind the mandate against Purser Smith. This is the mode in which the rights of ^an American citizen had to be vindicated while Mr. Fillmore was President. This is the same Mr. Fillmore that you recommend me to support as an American. Now, sir, can you support him as an American ? Can the American Party support him as an American? Is he the proper representative of the American people ? These are facts for the American people to look at before they vote. For my part, Mr. Fillmore would be the last man I would support in the whole country as the stan- dard bearer of the great American Party. What has Mr. Fillmore ever done for this coun- try or the American Party ? Where are his acts that are to be remembered or treasured up in the hearts of the people ? What great interests has he ever advanced ? Or has he been a mere office- holder, without merit, except the merit of doing lining : , . , , You are aware of the manner in which he was forced upon the American party by the Slave Oli- garchy at Philadelphia, when he apparently re- ceived the nomination of the Convention. In the letter to me you appear to lay great stress upon the course that the Republican party has seen fit to pursue, and that it has not met the American party half way in the great work of unit- ing the whole North against the corrupt policy of the present Administration and the power that controls the Cincinnati nominee. We will suppose that all this is true in relation to the Republican party I myself do not think the Republican Con- vention acted as wisely as it might have done, when the object was harmony of action to accom- plish a great good for the whole country; but is this any reason why I should be diverted from the o-reat purpose I have at heart, which is to unite all parties that think as I do in relation to the i cor- rupt policy of the present Administration, and the continuation of that policy if Mr. BuchanaB should be elected ? No man, or set of men, what ever their conduct may be, shall divert me for one 12 moment from the course I have marked out in the •oming Presidential campaign. I intend to go for the man who most nearly re- presents the American sentiment , and the senti- ment in relation to Slavery of the freemen of the North, which declares that Slavery is sectional and that Freedom is national. At the same time I desire to have the best representative of the pro- gress of the age in which we live. I want a man who has done something for the great material in- terests of the country. I want to see his foot- prints, not promised, but already made in the di- rection that has led to the development of the resources of our country — who has enlarged the field upon which the labor and intelligence of our country is to be applied — one who has done some- thing for American interests and American rights one who has done something forthe area of freedom —something for material progress and benefit to his fellow men. I want no old politician, with his host of dependents as seedy as himself. Let us have a man in the prime of life, full of en- ergy, and yet sufficiently familiar with the vicissi- tudes of life to judge of men correctly — to appre- ciate the wants of the whole country — to avoid th«r intrigues and traps of politicians— to devote him- self honestly and fearlessly to the interests of the country — to apply the resources of the Govern- ment to the accomplishment of such improvements as are national in their character, and that will result in the greatest benefit to the whole country — one who has no old political friends to reward, and no old political enemies to punish — one who will feel that he is elevated by the people and not by intrigue. Now, Sir, of the candidates who are before the people for the exalted position of Chief Magistrate, I prefer John C. Fremont. I prefer him because he is not an old hackneyed poli- tician. ana all sold out. He is in the prime of life— 43 years old. He has been brought into notice by the energy and exertion that he has evinced as a great explorer of the route to the Pacific Ocean. He first opened up the pathway through the wilderness that others followed to the golden fields of California, and gave the most ac- curate and extended view to the American people, of all that vast region of country between the bor- ders of civilization on the Atlantic slope and the Pacific Ocean. He took an active part and was foremost in raising and sustaining the American flag in California, He commenced first and went all through the campaign with signal success, that ended in the acquisition of all that vast territory and wealth — that opened up to American enter- prise and American energy such a field as has no parallel in history — which has advanced the coun- try at least 25 years at a single bound. It gave us the facilities of increasing our commerce. It enabled us to extend largely our railways and other internal improvements, and thus has greatly increased our manufacturing and agri- cultural interests by enlarging the field of pro duce and consumption. It has added hundredf of millions to the capital of the nation. By his explorations he has opened up the most centra] and convenient railroad route to California He aided in the organization of California as a ►State, and devoted her institutions to freedom and she acknowledged her indebtedness to Fremont, by sending him as her first Senator to Congress. He protected American interests in California. He protected and advocated American interests in the Senate of the United States. His antece-! dents are American. He rose by his own energy his own industry, and his own merit. These are antecedents that will be appreciated by the Ame- rican people. They are not the promises of to- day of American principles under the expectation! of the suffrages of the American party, but they are a history of his life from his youth upward, when actuated by no other motives than a true , American heart, thoroughly devoted to the inte- i rests of his country. With this view of the subject, who are we to support? I have fairly canvassed the different! candidates. So far as Americanism is concerned, we may as well support Mr. Buchanan as Mr. Fill- ! more. He has a fairer American record than Mr. Fillmore ; and, as for the promises of old politi- ; cians, we all know what they are worth on the eve of an election. I do not mean to be cheated by them, nor do I wish to see the American people, by pretensions that have no value, but that are entirely worthless. In relation to the subject of the extension of Slavery, we may as well support Mr. Buchanan as Mr. Fillmore. Mr. Buchanan promises that he I will be governed by the Southern slaveholders, : and Mr. Fillmore we know has already been go- verned by them. As to advancing the interests of the country, we may as well support Mr. Buchanan, as Mr. Fillmore. Neither of them has ever advanced, by any act of his own, the great industrial interests of the country. They have both been drones, living on office. The only difference that I see is, that Mx\ Fillmore is about five years younger than Mr. Buchanan, and has that many chances less to die. You would laugh and ridicule the idea if I were to ask you to vote for Mr. Buchanan as a proper representative of the American party ; it seems to me equally ridiculous that you should ask me to vote for Mr. Fillmore as the American Can- didate. I shall give my support to John C. Fremont, as the best representative, in my estimation, of the American people and the American party. I am, with much respect, yours truly, GEORGE LAW. To Gk A. Scroggs, Esq., Buffalo, N. Y. 1 13 OHAUNCEY SHAFFER, ESQ., RENOUNCING FILLMORE. Saratoga Springs, August 14, 1856. DC fhaTrj^i , rec?ive’d; S by' way of New-York “ Coming Back.— Chauncey Shaffer, who was one of the most prominent bolters from the Phi - delphia American Convention, ^ ^o has been ■tumning the river counties in this State at tne *9 meetings, has returned to the hearty suDDort of Fillmore and Donelson. Mr. Shatter is an eloquent speaker, and was in New York city. He belongs to the Methodist church and his recent conviction that Mr. Fre- mont is a Roman Catholic, is the reason why he withdraws his support from the Republicans. He has candidly examined all the evidences for and against, which have appeared, and he looked closely into thi statements of Fulmer and the oppos.t.on tension of human slavery by the action of the General Government) while Mr. Fillmore, to jus- tifv the claims of the South, in effect says, Eleot me, or the South, that loves me so well, shall not remain in the Union.” .. As an American, I am not bound by the action of that Convention ; rather let me say, I cannot submit to be bound by its action, any more than can my brethren of Massachusetts or Connecticut, and of 7 every New England State. The American party of Massachusetts, in solemn council assem- bled, has declared for Mr. Fremont, and nominat- ed electors favorable to his election : and so has the State of Connecticut, and so will all New England do (for New England has : a history) and so will the American party of this State act, ex- cepting always a portion of the Silver Po- tion of that party. The latter portion will stand by Mr. Fillmore, notwithstanding he has adopted the leading principles of that platform, seventh section of which commits the American into xne 7 f ge ventn section oi wmcu — . „ against them, and declares that the evide real ty to Slavery extension under the guise of vSr of his being a Papist is conclusive, for which SOTere duty ; because this ‘ portion of. reason he cannot support him. You assure me that the above is producing an impression in your region, and desire me to inform you whether it is true or not. 1 T'luafnl fur- a sheer fabrication— a “ Roorback. _ That no iur ther mischief may occur from the circ^ation of that article, I will set the matter of my prefer ence of candidates right at once. . In the first place, I was not a prominent or other “ bolter from the Philadelphia American Convention.” I was not a delegate to that .Con- vention. There were reasons why 1 should not be a delegate. I had too much to do with undo- ing the work of a previous Council ^ Philadeiphia assembled: too much to do against the slave pio pagandists at Binghamton last August, and was too little inclined to see Americanism sold out to be considered a safe man to go to Philadel- ^Tstaid at home against my will, I admit. More- over, that Convention was not an American Convention.” , .. „ As far as the North was concerned it was a Silver Grey Whig Convention ; as far as the boutn was concerned, it was a Convention for the pro- pagation of human slavery, and the result was the nomination of two men, one of whom gl°nes m bein" the owner of a hundred slaves and the othe? (Mr. Fillmore), in being a most subservient instrument of the slave power, as is manifestly proved by his course while acting as Piesident of the United States; also, by his speeches . writ during his southern tour, in pursuit of a re-nomin- Rtion°as well as bv his nullification speeches at Albany andelsewhere, on his return from his visit t0 Hence°the leading Silver Grey newspapers of the North (including the New York Express), claim Mr. Fillmore as the regular Whig nominee for the Presidency, while the South daim hirn a the champion of Southern rights (meaning the ex- Inuatter sovereignty ; because this “ portion of & pS” S c°a V me e i S nto y the order with i the of retrieving the fallen fortunes of Mr. Fdlmore a» is proved by the attempted ostracism of the lib- end-minded men of the order, and ^receding and accompanying the Philadelpma invention, that in the event of George Law . receiving the nomination for the Presidency, with the^ Whig party proper, would nominate an out-and-out American Whig (meaning Mr. Fill- more, I presume), and also by le f ters n0 ^ m ^' istence, and which, I hope, will yet be pub- ^Ihave not “ returned to the hearty support of FiUmore and Donelson,” nor will I do any act or thing tending to sanction the outrages of pro- slaverv, nullification border ruffians, who, in ad- dition' to their outrages in Missouri and Kansas, of themselves sufficient to turn the cheek of dark- ness pale, have from 1852 until now wrested the high powers of the nation from their legitimate purpose, to the strengthening of the slave oh- Sa The y re are other objections to my supporting Mr. Fillmore, founded upon the fact stated by the Citizen, that I belong to the Methodist Church. The church owes slavery no particular good will • for slavery has rent that church in twain ; has imprisoned women for teaching slaves to read the Bible, and has sought in every way to destroy that church, as being the opponent of slavery most to be feared. Let facts speak Last winter a minister of the Methodist Church, in Missouri, was arrested while in the pulpit by a gang of men (who, if they live, will probably vote for Mr. Fill- more), who wantonly and falsely charged him with horse-stealing, and without allowing him time to put on his overcoat, mounted him on a horse, drove him some seventeen miles, (the weather being intensely cold,) threw him into a cheerless room, without fire, and there left him to die, and there he died. 14 My mfonmnt is a bishop of the Methodist Lhurch, and spoke of his own knowledge. Another instance : The Rev. Mr. Wiley and about 30 other ministers of the Methodist Church, nave been assaulted in their churches, and driven trom place to place like wild beasts of prey, their lives being every day in imminent peril. Another instance : In Kansas, a Methodist min- ister was whipped, tarred, and feathered, tied to a log, and set afloat on the Missouri river. Another instance : Very recently, a Methodist minister in Missouri, while preaching was dragged from his pulpit and tarred and feathered ; while an old Methodist layman for the crime of expostulation against such conduct, was shot ; and it is a notor- ious fact, and one which will not admit of contro- versy, that a minister of my church cannot preach the gospel in the State of Missouri, or the Terri- tory of Kansas, but at the peril of his life! And 7 . no re P r °of of these outrages either in the Philadelphia platform, or in any of the speeches of Mr. Fillmore. . ^- s to my having examined “ all the evidenoe ” m relation to Mr. Fremont’s religious creed, I have to say that I have examined all the evidence including Alderman Fulmer’s statement, and ha*£ exhausted the means of information within my reach, and have arrived at the following conclii- »ons : ° 1st. That Mr. Fremont’s father was a French Huguenot, and his mother an American Protest- ant lady. 2d. That Col. Fremont was born a Protestant, and baptized a Protestant, married a Protestant lady, has had his children baptized by a Protest- ant clergyman, eduoates them in the Protestant faith, while he is a Protestant in practice in all the relations of life. I admit that he was married by a Catholic clergyman, under circumstances peculiar to him- self- and with which the public is already acquainted. 3d. I conclude that Alderman Fulmer’s state- ment is altogether untrue. Col. Fremont was not in Washington at the time Fulmer says he aonveraed with him, nor within several months of that time. He was on the Pacific Ocean, or the Isthmus of Darien, or on the steamer George Law from Aspinwall to New York city, at the time fixed by Fulmer. I should add that upon Col. Fremont’s arrival in New- York city, he sailed to Europe without visit- ing Washington at all, and that he remained in Earope more than a year. • I j h ,w d . f ? J rth6r ad